Full text of "Annals"
HANDBOUND
AT THE
rwi
THE ANNALS
AMERICAN ACADEMY
OF
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
ISSUED BI-MONTHLY
VOL. XXXIV
JULY-DECEMBER, 1909
Editor: EMORY R. JOHNSON
Assistant Editor CHESTER LLOYD JONES
Associate Editors: G. G. HUEBNER, CARL KELSEY, L. S. ROWE
WALTER S. TOWER. FRANK D. WATSOX, JAMES T. YOUNG
>^
PHILADELPHIA
AMERiCA>f Academy of Political and Social Science
1909
Copyright, 1909, by the American Academy of rolltical and Social Science
All rights reserved
4
V34-
COXTEXTS
rRixciiwr, I'Ai'iiiRs
PAGD.
Andrews, Ciiamte S. The Iinportanco of the Enforecment
of Law 85
Austin, O. P. The Return of Prosperity 563
Barrett, John. South America — Our INTanufacturcrs' Great-
est Opportunity 520
Bennet, William S. Immii^^rants and Crime 117
Braun, Marcus. IIow Can We Enforce Our Exclusion Laws? 360
Burnett, Albert G. Misunderstanding of Eastern and West-
ern States Regarding Oriental Immigration 257
Carter, C. B. Plosiery Manufacture in the United States.... 539
Coolidge, Mary Roberts. Chinese Labor Competition on tlie
Pacific Coast 340
CoRYN, Sidney G. P. The Japanese Problem in California. . . 262
Dana, Charles L. Alcoholism as a Cause of Insanity 81
Davenport, Charles B. Influence of Heredity on Human
Society 16
Donaldson, C. S. (iovcrnment Assistance to Export Trade. . . 555
Eldershaw, Philip S., and P. P. Olden. The Exclusion of
Asiatic Immigrants in Australia 410
Eliot, Thomas L. Moral and Social Interests Involved m
Restricting Oriental Immigration 300
Findlev, a. I. The American Iron Trade of I90() and the
Outlook 406
Fouse, L. G. Recent Developments in the Life Insurance lUisi-
ness S7^
Fox, Hugh F. The Pros]')erity of the Brewing Indu>try 485
Geddes, Patrick. City Deterioration and the Xccd of City
Survey 54
Gibson, Thomas. The Securities Market as an Index i^f Busi-
ness Conditions 439
GowEX, Herbert IT. The Problem of Oriental Immigration in
the State of Washington 329
(iii)
iv Contents
PAGB.
GuLicK, Luther H. Popular Recreation and Public Morality, ;^^
Hale, Arthur. The Present Supply of Freight Cars 592
Hastings, x\rthur C. Difficulties and Needs of the Paper and
Pulp Industry 467
Heckel, G. B. The Outlook for Paint ^^lanufacture 507
Hutchinson, Woods. Evidences of Race Degeneration in the
United States 43
Irish, John P. Reasons for Encouraging Japanese Immigra-
tion 294
Johnson, Alba B. The ^Market for Locomotives 547
Johnson, Alexander. Race Improvement by Control of
Defectives (Negative Eugenics) 22
Johnson, C. D. The Yellow Pine Situation 532
Jones, Chester Lloyd. The Legislative History of Exclusion
Legislation 351
Kaneko, Kentaro. The Effect of American Residence on
Japanese 338
Kellev, Mrs. Florence. The Invasion of Family Life by
Industry 90
Kelsey, Carl. Influence of Heredity and Environment upon
Race Improvement 3
KoHLER, Max J. L^n-American Character of Race Legislation 275
Lewis, William Draper. Treaty Powers : Protection of
Treaty Rights by Federal Government 313
Lichtenberger, J. P. The Instability of the Family 97
Macarthur, Walter. Opposition to Oriental Immigration. . 239
Macfarlane, John J. Present Condition of International
Trade 445
Millard, Thomas F. Japanese Immigration into Korea 403
Mitchell, John. Immigration and the American Laboring
Classes 125
Moody, John. The Recovery from the Depression 584
Myers, William J. Conditions in Stove Manufacturing 457
Neame, L. E. Oriental Labor in South Africa 395
Newlands, Francis G. A Western View of the Race Ques-
tion 269
Olden, P. P., and Philip S. Eldershaw. The Exclusion of
Asiatic Immigrants in Australia 410
Contents v
FAGB.
Parry, David M. Automobile Sales and the Panic 552
Parsons, Iii:Riii:RT. Establishment of a National Children's
Bureau 48
REVNor.DS. Jami-:s Huonsox. I*!nforcemcnt of the Chinese
Exclusion Law 363
Ripley, W'iij.iam Z. Race Progress and Immigration 130
RossiTER, W. S. The Si,y;nificance of the Decreasing- Propor-
tion of Chiklren 71
RovvELL, Chester II. Chinese and Jajianese Immigrants — A
Comparison 22^
Ryax, Michael. Prospects of the Meat Packing Industry. . . . 471
Sargent, Dtdlkv Allkx. The Significance of a Sound
Physique 9
Story, Russell McCulloch. Oriental Immigration into the
Philippines 388
A^\N Cleave. James \V. The Stove Trade 463
Warfield, Ethelhert Dudley. The Moral Influence of
Women in American Society .- 106
Westheimer. Morris F. Present American Ijusiness Coufli-
tions in the Distilling Industry 569
WiiiTMAX, William. Revival of the Trade in Woolens 477
WiLLi.\MS, Jxo. E. Trade Revival in the Lumber Industry. ... 512
Witmer, Ligiitner. Psychological Clinic with Presentation of
Cases 141
Yoell, a. E. Oriental vs. American Labor 247
Yoshida, Yosaduro. Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigra-
tion T,77
Young, F. G. Why Oregon Has Not Had an Oriental Problem 306
Young, John P. The Support of the Anti-Oriental Movement 231
VI
Contents
BOOK DEPARTMENT
Conducted by Frank D. Watson
BEVIEWS.
PAGE.
Allex, W. H. Civics and Health.— C. Kclscy 195
Angier, a. C. The Far East Revisited. — C. L. Jones 195
Baddeley, J. F. The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus. — S. N. Harper. 197
Beauliec, p. L. Collectivism. — H. R. Mussey 198
BiRDSEYE, C. F. The Reorganization of Our Colleges.— C. Kelsey 614
Bruckner, A. A Literary History of Russia. Translated by H. Have-
lock.— 5". A". Harper . . ., I99
Chancellor, W. E. Our City Schools, Their Direction and Manage-
ment.—/. S. Hiatt 200
Cleveland, F. A., and Powell, F. W. Railroad Promotion and Capital-
ization in the United States. — G. G. Hucbncr 615
Conyngton, T. a Manual of Corporate Management. 3d ed. — /. /. Sul-
livan 201
CooLEY, C. H. Social Organization. — C. Kelsey 432
Coolidge, Mary R. Chinese Immigration. — C. L. Jones 617
Crichfield, G. W. American Supremacy. 2 vols. — C. L. Jones 202
Crozier, J. B. My Inner Life. 2 vols. — Lurena IV. Tozver 203
Davidson, J., and G. A. The Scottish Staple at Veere : A Study in the
Economic History of Scotland. — H. M. Stephens 617
Dawson, W. H. The Evolution of Modern Germany. — C. L. Jones 434
Devine, E. T. Misery and its Causes. — F. D. Watson 435
Devine, E. T. Report on the Desirability of Establishing an Employment
Bureau in the City of New York. — G. B. Mangold 618
DuTTON, S. T., and Snedden, D. The Administration of Public Education
in the United States. — /. L. Barnard 203
Ferrero, G. The Greatness and Decline of Rome. Translated by A. E.
Zimmern. 4 vols. — A. C. Hozvland 205
Hasbach, W. a History of the English Agricultural Labourer. — H. C.
Taylor 436
Henderson, C. R. Industrial Insurance in the United State. — G. B. Man-
gold 207
Holdsworth, W. S. History of English Law. 3 vols. — C. L. Jones .... 619
Jones, H. Idealism as a Practical Creed. — Mary Lloyd 620
Key, Ellen. The Century of the Child. — Nellie M. S. N earing 208
Kuropatkin, a. N. The Russian Army and the Japanese War. Trans-
lated by A. B. Lindsay. 2 vols. — C. L. Jones 209
Lecky, W. E. H. Historical and Political Essays. — W. E. Lingelbach . . . 436
Lownhaupt, F. Investment Bonds. — T. IV. Mitchell 210
Macfarland, C. S. (Ed.). The Christian Ministry and the Social Order.
—S. E. Rupp 621
Contents vii
I'A'iK.
McDouGALL, \V. An Introduction to Social Psycholog>'. — li. A. Ross . . . 438
McPherson, L. G. Railroad Freight Rates in Relation to the Industry
and Commerce of the United States. — G. G. Huebni-r 622
Millard, T. F. America and the Far I-'astern Questi(jn. — C. L. Junes . . 195
Moody, J. Moody's Analyses of Railroad Investments. — E. R. Johnson.. 210
MuNSTERBERG, 11. Psychotherapy. — J. 11. .Stoops 623
NoYES, A. D. Forty Years of American Finance. — R. I'. PhcUin 623
Peyton, J. H. The American Transportation Problem. — G. G. Hucbner. 624
Pickett, W. P. The Negro Problem. — C. Kelscy 625
Powell. F. W., and Cleveland, F. A. Railroad Promotion and Capital-
ization in the United States. — G. G. Hucbner 615
Rasmussen, K. The People of the Polar North. — W. S. Toi\.'cr 211
Ray, p. O. The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. — C. L. Jones .... 212
ScHURZ, Carl. The ^Reminiscences of. 3 vols. — C. L. Jov.cs 213
Seligman, E. R. a. Progressive Taxation in Theory and F'ractice. — C . L.
Seller 214
Shaw, C. S. The Precinct of Religion in the Culture of Humanity. —
Mary Lloyd 215
Snedden, D., and Dltton, S. T. The Administration of Public F.duca-
tion in the United States. — /. L. Barnard 203
Social Application ok Religion, The. — H. R. Mussey 215
Steiner, E. a. Tolstoy — The Man and His Message. — 5". Xearing .... 216
Taylor, H. The Science of Jurisprudence. — C. L. Jones 216
Van Rensselaer, Mrs. S. History of the City of New York in the Sev-
enteenth Century. 2 vols. — F. I. Hcrriott 626
Vernon, Mrs. H. M. Italy from 1494 to 1790. — R. B. Merriman 627
Wallas, G. Human Nature in Politics. — W. E. Hotchkiss 218
War in the Far East. — C. L. Jones 627
Westermarck, E. The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas.
Vol. II.— C. Kelsey 219
Williams, C. D. A Valid Christianity for To-day. — i". E. Riipp 438
NOTES
Andujar, M. Spain of To-day from Within 173
Allen, H. N. Things Korean 173
Anson, W. R. The Law and Custom of the Constitution. Vol. II 173
Ayres, L. P. Laggards in Our Schools 601
Bainbridge, W. S. Life's Day 174
Barnett, Canon, and Mrs. S. A. Towards Social Reform 174
Beard, C. A. Readings in American Government and Politics 610
Becu, C. a. La Neutralidad 175
Bellom, M. Les Techniciens dc la Compatabilite 425
Bellot, II. H. L., and Jones. L. A. The Law of Children and Yo uig
Persons in Relation to Penal Offenses 1R4
Benoist, C. Pour la Rcforme electorale 601
viii • Contents
PAGE.
Blandin, Mrs. I. ^M. History of Higher Education of Women in the
South Prior to i860 I75
Browne, J. C. Parcimony in Nutrition 602
Bruce, H. A. The Romance of American Expansion 175
Burns, J. A. The CathoHc School System in the United States 176
BuRSTALL, Sara A. Impressions of American Education in 1908 176
Calvert, A. F. Madrid i77
Chamberlain, A. H. Standards in Education 177
Chapin, R. C. The Standard of Living Among Workingmen's Families
in New York City 177
Chomley, C. H. Protecton in Canada and AustraHa 607
Clavery, E. La Situation Financiere du Japon 425
Crawford, W. H. The Church and the Slum 178
Davis, M. M. Psychological Interpretations of Society 426
Dawson, W. H. The German Workman 178
Dawson, W. H. Protection in Germany 607
Denison, G. T. The Struggle for Imperial Unity 179
Denison, T. S. Primitive Aryans of America 602
DoDD, W. F. Modern Constitutions. 2 vols. . ■. 180
Evans, L. B. Writings of George Washington 180
EwiNG, E. W. Legal and Historical Status of the Dred Scott Decision.. 426
Finley, J. H., and Sanderson, J. F. The American Executive and
Executive Methods 426
FoLTZ, E. B. K. The Federal Civil Service as a Career 181
Forman, S. E. Advanced Civics 602
Fuller, H. B. The Speakers of the House 603
Grant, P. S. Observations in Asia 604
Graves, F. P. A History of Education Before the Middle Ages 181
Haines, C. G. The Conflict over Judicial Powers 604
Hall, B. The Garden Yard 605
Hall, B. A Little Land and a Living 605
Hardie, J. K. India 605
Hart, A. B. Actual Government as Applied Under American Condi-
tions. 3d ed 182
Hepburn, A. B. Artificial Waterways and Commercial Development... 182
HiGGiNSON, Ella. Alaska : The Great Country 182
Hillquit, M. Socialism in Theory and Practice 183
Holland, T. E. The Laws of War on Land 183
International Tax Association : Addresses and Proceedings of. State
and Local Taxation 184
Jensen, C. O. Essentials of Milk Hygiene 606
Jones, L. A., and Bellot, H. H. L. The Law of Children and Young
Persons in Relation to Penal Offenses 184
Jordan, D. S. The Fate of Iciodorum 185
Kennedy, J. B. Beneficiary Features of American Trade Unions 185
Kirkman, S. D. The Philosophy of Self-Help 427
Contents ix
r.voE.
DE Las Cases, P. Le Chomage 185
Latifi, a. Effects of War on Property 427
Lazakd, M. Le Chomage et La Profession 4^8
Lewis, V. W. State Insurance: A Social and Industrial Need 606
Low, A. M. Protection in the Lhiitcd States 607
MacDonald, D. B. The Religious Attitude and Life in Islam 185
Maitland, F. W. The Constitutional History of England 186
Hasten, V. M. The Crime Problem 607
Mathews, J. M. Legislative and Judicial History of the Fifteenth
Amendment 607
Maurtua, a. Arbitrajc Internacional entre ICl Peru y I".l Brazil 428
Maybon, a. La Politique Chinoise 6c8
VON Mayr, G. Statistik und Gcsellschaft 428
McCoNNELL, G. M. Presidential Campaigns from W'ashingtou t(j Roose-
velt 186
Meredith, H. O. Outlines of the Economic History of England 429
Meredith, H. O. Protection in France 607
Montgomery, H. B. The Empire of the East 429
Mi'MFORD, E. The Origins of Leadership 608
Munro, \V. B. The Government of European Cities 609
Myers, W. S. The Self-Reconstruction of iMaryland. 1864-1867 430
Otis, W. B. American Verse. 1625-1807, A History 187
Peck, Mrs. E. M. H. Travels in the Far East 430
Pratt, J. B. What is Pragmatism ? 610
Punnett, R. C. Mendelism 610
Reeder, R. p. Rate Regulation 187
Reinsch, p. S. Readings on American Federal Government 6io
Rivarola, R. Del Regimen Federativo al L^iitorio 188
Ruhl, a. The Other Americans 188
Sanderson, J. F., and Finlev, J. II. Tlie American Executive and Ex-
ecutive Methods 426
Schloss, D. F. Insurance Against I'nemployment 611
ScHOULER. J. Ideals of the Republic 189
Scott, C. A. Social Education 189
Scott, W. D. The Psychology of Advertising 612
Seager, H. R. Economics 190
Sheldon, H. C. Sacerdotalism in the Nineteenth Century 190
Sinclair, \].. and Williams, M. Good Health and How to Regain It.. 612
Smith, C. H. The Mennonites of America 612
Smith, E. B. Essays and' Addresses 430
St. M.\ur. Kate V. The Earth's Bounty 613
Thompson, C. B. The Churches and the Wage Earners 431
TowLER, W. G. Socialism in Local Government 191
ToYNBEE, A. Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth
Century in England 432
Van Dyne, F. Our Foreign Service 613
X Contents
PAGE.
Webb, S. ana Beatrice (Eds.). The Minority Report of the Poor Law-
Commissions. Parts I and II 192
WelleRj C. F. Neglected Neighbors 192
Wells, H. G. P'irst and Last Things 193
William, M., and Sinclair, U. Good Health and How to Regain It . . 612
Williams, W. M. J. The King's Revenne 194
Wright, C. D. Outline of Practical Sociology 194
Zahn, F. Die Finanzen der Grossmachte 614
Report of (Thirteenth) Annual Meeting Committee 163
SUPPLEMENT.
The Consumer's Control of Production : The Work of the National Con-
sumers' League. July, 1909. Pp. 83.
Sl'PPI.F.NJENT TO
THE ANNALS OF IMK AMERICAN ACADl.MV <)K POIJ IK AL
AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
JiLV, 1909
The Consumer's Control of Production:
The Work of the
National Consumers' League
PHILADELPHIA
The American Academy of Political and Social Science
1909
Copyright, 1909, by the American Academy of Political and .'^ocial Science
NATIONAL CONSUMERS' LEAGUE
Tenth Report, tor Two Years ending March 2, 1909.
OFFICERS
President Mr. John Graham Brooks
8 Francis Ave., Cambridge, Mass.
Vice-President Mrs. Frederick Nathan
162 West 86th St., New York City
Vice-President Mrs. H. M. Wilmarth
Auditorium .\nnex, Chicago, 111.
Vice-President Mrs. Frederick C. Howe
Cleveland, Ohio
Vice-President Mrs. B. C. Gudden
25 Mt. Vernon St., Oshkosh, Wis.
Vice-President Miss Jean Gordon
1800 Prytania St., New Orleans, La.
Vice-President Mrs. B. H. Trumbull
305 Jefferson St., Portland, Ore.
Vice-President Mrs. R. P. Halleck
1 154 Third St., Louisville, Ky.
Treasurer Mr. G. Hermann Kinnicutt
105 East 22d St., New York City
Recording Secretary Mrs. G. W. B. Gushing
50 Munn Ave., East Orange, N. J.
General Secretary Mrs. Florence Kelley
105 East 22d St., New York City
FINANCE COMMITTEE.
Mr. Robert Shaw Minturn 116 East 22d St., New York City
Miss Helen Phelps Stokes 230 Madison Ave., New York City
Mr. A. S. Frissell 530 Fifth Ave., New York City
Miss Mary R. Sanford, Secretary. 152 East 35th St., New York City
Mr. G. Hermann Kinnicutt.
LABEL COMMITTEE.
Mrs. Frederick Nathan.
Mrs. G. W. B. Gushing.
Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch 26 Jones St., New York City
2 The Annals of the American Academy
INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE.
Mr. Francis McLean, Cliairman. .105 East 22d St., New York City
Mrs. Frederick Nathan.
COMMITTEE ON LEGISLATION AND LEGAL DEFENCE OF
LABOR LAWS.
Dr. Henry R. Mussey Columbia University, New York City
Mr. Owen R. Lovejoy 105 East 22d St., New York City
Miss Josephine C. Goldmark, Secretary,
105 East 22d St., New York City
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS.
Miss Josephine Goldmark.
Dr. Samuel McCune Lindsay... Columbia University, New York City
Mr. Arthur P. Kellogg 105 East 22d St., New York City
COMMITTEE ON LECTURES.
Rev. James T. Bixby 150 Woodworth Ave., Yonkers, N. Y.
HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS.
President Arthur T. Hadley Yale University
Professor F. W. Taussig Harvard University
Professor W. J. Ashley Birmingham, England
Professor E. R. A. Seligman Columbia University
Professor J. W. Jenks Cornell University
Professor H. C. Adams University of Michigan
Professor C. R. Henderson University of Chicago
Professor S. McCune Lindsay Columbia University
Professor Richard T. Ely University of Wisconsin
President Caroline Hazard Wellesley College
President Mary E. Woolley Mt. Holyoke College
President J. M. Taylor Vassar College
EXECUTIVE BOARD— FOOD COMMITTEE
Miss Alice Lakey, Chairman Cranford, N. J.
John Martin, Secretary 105 East 22d St., New York City
Champe S. Andrews, Counsel New York City
Mrs. Robert McVickar Louis L. Seaman, M.D.
James B. Reynolds H. Holbrook Curtis, M.D.
E. E. Slosson, Ph.D.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Constitution 5
Annual Meeting, 1908 1 1
Annual Meeting, 1909 16
Report of the Secretary 20
Working Hours of Adult Women 21
Work at Night by Girls and Boys under 21 years 22
The Eight Hours Day for Working Children 23
Labor Inspectors 26
White Lists 27
Congressional Bills 28
Investigations 31
(a) The standard of living of working girls and women away
from home 31
(b) Children illegally at work 31
International Conference of Consumers' Leagues, September, 1908. ... 32
Reference List of Minimum Wages Boards ,u
Meetings addressed by the Secretary 34
Report of the Label Committee 38
Report of the Publication Committee 41
Text of the Decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Oregon
case 46
Report of the Lectures Committee 51
Report of the Food Committee 53
The Consumers' Health Bill 61
Report of the Treasurer, year ending December 31, 1907 63
Report of the Treasurer, year ending December 31, 1908 65
Directory of Consumers' Leagues 67
(3)
CONSTITUTION
Article I
NAME.
The name of the Society shall be the National Consumers'
League.
Article II
OBJECT,
It shall be the special object of the National Consumers' League
to secure adequate investigation of the conditions under which goods
are made, in order to enable purchasers to distinguish in favor of
goods made in the well-ordered factory. The majority of employers
are virtually helpless to maintain a high standard as to hours, wages
and working conditions under the stress of competition, unless sus-
tained by the co-operation of consumers ; therefore, the National
Consumers' League also proposes to educate public opinion and to
endeavor so to direct its force as to promote better conditions among
the workers, while securing to the consumer exemption from the
dangers attending unwholesome conditions. It further proposes to
promote legislation, either state or federal, whenever it may appear
expedient. The National Consumers' League further recognizes
and declares the following:
That the interests of the community demand that all workers
shall receive fair living wages, and that goods shall be produced
under sanitary conditions.
That the responsibility for some of the worst evils from which
producers suffer rests with the consumers who seek the cheapest
markets, regardless how cheapness is brought about.
That it is, therefore, the duty of consumers to find out under
what conditions the articles they purchase are produced and dis-
tributed, and insist that these conditions shall be wholesome and
consistent with a respectable existence on the part of the workers.
Article III
MEMBERSHIP.
Section i. Eligibility — There shall be five classes of members:
State League, Individual, Associate, Sustaining and Life. Any
(5)
6 The Annals of the American Academy
State Consumers' League may become a member of the National
League by accepting the Constitution and By-Laws, and by paying
its quota to the general treasury. In any state in which there is
no State Consumers' League the President shall appoint a State
Organizer, who shall carry on the work of the organization and
who shall become ex-officio member of the State League for the re-
mainder of the year in which such new League may be formed.
Persons residing in localities in which there is no State or Local
League may become Individual Members of the National Con-
sumers' League by paying a yearly due. They will receive reports,
but will not have the privilege of voting.
Sec. 2. Dues — Each State Consumers' League shall pay to the
Treasurer of the National Consumers' League, before the first of
each January, for the ensuing year, the sum of ten cents per capita
for each and every member of each and every Consumers' League
aflfiliated with it. Each new State Consumers' League shall pay to
the National Consumers' League a minimum sum of ten dollars.
Each State Organizer shall pay to the Treasurer of the National
Consumers' League the sum of one dollar each year. Individual
members of the National Consumers' League shall pay a yearly due
of not less than one dollar. Any person may become an Associate
Member by paying five dollars annually, or a Sustaining Member
by paying twenty-five dollars annually. The payment of one hun-
dred dollars at one time constitutes Life Membership.
Article IV
OFFICERS AND COUNCIL.
Section i. The officers of the League shall be President, three
or more Vice-Presidents, Recording Secretary, General Secretary,
and Treasurer.
Sec. 2. The control and management of the afTairs and funds
of the National Consumers' League shall be vested in a central
governing body, which shall be known as the Council. The mem-
bership of the Council shall consist of the officers of the National
Consumers' League and representatives from the State Consumers'
Leagues. The officers of the National Consumers' League shall
be elected by ballot at the annual meeting. A Nominating Com-
mittee, appointed at the previous meeting, shall prepare a list of
National Consn»icrs' Lcaa^ite 7
nominees to each office, and the ballot shall be sent to each State
Secretary in the January preceding-. Any State League may pro-
pose names that shall be printed on the list. The officers and tzvo
representatives of each State Consumers' League shall constitute
the Executive Committee of the Council.
Sec 3. Election — At the annual meeting of the Council the
officers of the National Consumers' League shall be elected to serve
for the ensuing year.
Sec. 4. Vacancies — A vacancy in any office may be filled by
the President, with the consent of a majority of the officers.
Article V
MEETINGS,
Section i. The annual meeting of the Council shall be held
on the first Tuesday in March, or on the following day, when the
first Tuesday is a legal holiday.
Sec. 2. The Executive Committee shall meet annually before
the annual meeting of the Council, and shall prepare a report of
the condition of the National Consumers' League to submit to the
annual meeting of the Council. It shall also meet at such other
times as shall seem necessary, to appropriate money and transact
routine business. It shall further make such recommendations and
suggestions as may from time to time seem desirable.
Sec. 3. Special meetings may be called at any time by the
President or by a two-thirds vote of the Executive Commiittee.
Article VI
AMENDMENTS.
This Constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote at any
annual meeting of the Council, notice of such amendment having
been submitted to the Secretary of the various State Consumers'
Leagues at least two months before the annual meeting, or by a
unanimous vote at the annual meeting of the Council.
8 The Annals of the American Academy
BY-LAWS
Article I
DUTIES OF OFFICERS.
Section i. President — The President shall be ex-officio a mem-
ber of all committees ; shall sign all written obligations of the
League, and shall perform all such duties as usually pertain to
that office. In the absence of the President his duties may be per-
formed by the Vice-Presidents in their order ; or, in the absence of
the Vice-Presidents, a chairman may be elected for the occasion.
Sec. 2. Recording Secretary — The Recording Secretary shall
attend all meetings of the Council and of the Executive Committee,
and shall keep the minutes of the League and the Executive Com-
mittee.
Sec. 3. General Secretary — The General Secretary shall give
notice of the time and place of meetings, inform new members of
their election, keep a list of all State Leagues belonging to the Na-
tional League, and of all Individual Members, and conduct the
correspondence of the League. She shall have custody of all books,
papers and pamphlets of the League, and take charge of such dis-
tribution of them as the Executive Committee may decide, and shall
perform all duties usually appertaining to the office.
Sec. 4. Treasurer — The Treasurer shall hold all funds of the
League, and shall deposit the same, in the name of the League, in
such bank or trust company as the Executive Board shall direct.
He shall pay out money only by check and as directed by the Ex-
ecutive Committee. He shall keep a correct account of all money
received and expended, render reports of the condition of the treas-
ury at the meetings of the Executive Board, and make a full audited
report of the financial condition of the League at the annual meet-
ing. The Treasurer shall be ex-officio a member of the Finance
Committee.
Article II
STANDING COMMITTEES.
The Chairmen of all Standing Committees shall be appointed
by the President, their term of office to continue until such time as
a successor can be appointed, each Chairman to form his own com-
mittee, subject to the approval of the President. The Standing
Committees of the League to be as follows:
Natio)jal Consumers' League 9
I — Covunittcc oil Finance. TIic Conmiittcc on Finance shall
have charge of the finances of the Lea,c:uc, shall secure donations,
make suggestions as to the possible ways of obtaining funds, and
do all in its power to add to the financial support of the League.
The Chairman shall prepare a budget U^v the year, in conference
with the General Secretary and Trea*^iu-er, which shall be presented
at the annual meeting.
2 — Committee on Label. 'J'he Cf^mmiltcc on Label shall investi-
gate all applications for the National Consumers' League label,
and report to the Executive Committee how far each applicant
complies with the standards maintained by the League.
3 — Committee on International Relations. The Committee on
International Relations shall keep informed of all work along the
lines of the Consumers' League done in other countries ; shall cor-
respond with the officials or those interested in the work in other
countries, to gain an interchange of ideas and methods of work ;
also to bring about, so far as possible, co-operation between organi-
zations in all countries of the world interested in the objects of the
Consumers' League. It shall study international aspects of the
work, and endeavor to bring into closer touch the various Euro-
pean and American Leagues.
4 — Committee on Legislation and Legal Defence of Labor Lazes.
The Committee on Legislation shall keep informed and report to the
Executive Committee all legislation concerning the objects in w'hich
the National Consumers' League is interested ; also all bills in any
way affecting industrial conditions which are liable to come before
the legislatures. They shall further be empow^ered (subject to the
approval of the Executive Committee") to draft bills or seek legisla-
tion in any way helpful to the work of the National Consumers'
League, and shall assist in the defense of the laws by supplying
additional legal counsel or other assistance.
5 — Committee on Publication. The Committee on Publication
shall have charge of the printing of all reports of the National
Consumers' League and all other leaflets or literature which the
Executive Committee decide to have published. It shall have pub-
lished in magazines and newspapers, whenever practicable, articles
relating to the work of the League.
6 — Committee on Lectures. The Committee on Lectures shall
arrange meetings to be held in the interest of the T^eague ; shall
lo The Annals of the American Academy
secure speakers, who will go about from place to place and explain
the principles, objects and aims of the National Consumers' League ;
also, as far as possible, interest people in the formation of new
Leagues.
Article III
BRANCHES.
Branches of the National Consumers' League may be formed
in any State or Territory of the United States. Each Branch shall
be called a State or Territorial League, and shall control its own
funds, elect its own officers, fix its own fees and dues, and manage
its own afifairs. Each State or Territorial Branch is allowed to
have two representatives on the Executive Committee. Each State
or Territorial Branch shall be represented at the annual meeting of
the Council by the President and one delegate at large or by their
alternates, and by delegates from each Individual League in pro-
portion to its membership — one delegate for Leagues numbering one
hundred or less, and an additional delegate for every additional
one hundred members.
Article IV
ANNUAL MEETING.
The Annual Meeting, as described in Section i, Article IV, of
the Constitution, shall be held, as far as possible, in the East, South
and West in alternation.
Article V
AMENDMENTS.
These By-Laws may be amended at any regular or special meet-
ing of the League by a majority vote of the members present, pro-
vided that the intended amendment shall have been previously
approved by the Executive Committee and that notice of the pro-
posed amendment shall have been appended to the call for the
meeting at which such amendment is to be acted upon.
THE NINTH ANNUAL SESSION OF THE COUNCIL
The ninth annual session of the Council of the National Con-
sumers' Leae:ue was held in Wilminc^ton, Delaware, on March 3,
1908. at 3 o'clock. In the absence of the president, the first vice-
president, Mrs. Frederick Nathan, in the chair. There were present
representatives from seven states:
Connecticut — Miss R. D. Beach.
Delaware— Miss E. P. Bissell, Mrs. L. C. Vandergrift, Mrs. E. G.
Robinson, Miss M. H. Shearman.
Maryland— Mrs. B. W. Corkran, Mrs. B. H. Smith.
New York— ]\Irs. F. Nathan. Miss H. P. Stokes, Miss M. R. San-
ford, Miss Russell, Mrs. Phillips, Miss Goldmark, Miss Ainslie.
New Jersey — Mrs. G. W. B. Gushing.
Oregon — Miss M. IMontgomery.
Pennsylvania— Mrs. W. J. Askin, :Mrs. S. B. Weston, Miss A. C.
Watmough, Miss W. E. Grubb.
The treasurer's report was read and accepted.
The general secretary reported two very important things done
this year: winning the Oregon case, Curt Muller vs. State of Ore-
gon, and carrying out the resolution of last year regarding investi-
gation of conditions of working women and children.
In this investigation co-operation by State Leagues had not
proved helpful. Successful comprehensive investigation carried out
on a basis of voluntary co-operation seemed impossible. The in-
vestigation so far as it had gone had been carried on by one of the
office staflf of the National League.
Miss Stokes moved "That the secretary's report be accepted."
Carried.
Miss Watmough moved "That the investigation by Miss Ainslie
into the living conditions of working women and girls be continued
during the present year." Carried.
Miss Bissell moved "That the Cotmcil recommend that the
various leagues carry on investigations during the coming year on
the basis of the schedule prepared by the National League." Car-
ried.
In the absence of Miss Lakey, Mrs. Kelley gave the report of
(II)
12 The Annals of the American Academy
the Food Committee. Miss Watmough moved "That this report be
received." Carried.
Miss Stokes moved "That the resohitions embodied in the Food
Committee's report be discussed one by one." Carried.
Whereas, It is of the utmost importance for the proper enforcement
of the Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, and of the several state food
acts, that there shall be uniform food standards whereby the manufacturer,
seller, buyer and control official, national or state, may have identical bases
of judgment; and
Whereas, The work so ably accomplished in the past by the Joint Com-
mittee on Standards of the Association of State and National Food and
Dairy Departments, and the Association of Agricultural Chemists, in deter-
mining w'hat these bases of judgment should be, is of great scientific value
and should be continued by said joint committee until all foods are standard-
ized; and
Whereas, The Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, imposes upon the
Secretary of Agriculture the duty of determining what can be properly
regarded as pure, imadulterated, properly branded foods ; be it
Resolved, That the Secretary of Agriculture be urgently requested to
use all reasonable efforts to secure the enforcement of the food standards
already adopted or that may be adopted by the joint committees on standards
of the Association of State and National Food and Dairy Departments and
the Association of Official Agricultural Chemists.
Miss Stokes moved "That the preamble and first resohition be
adopted." Carried.
Resolution 2
Resolved, That the United States Government be requested to call an
International Pure Food Congress to consider uniform means for dealing
with food and drug adulteration and misbranding.
Mrs. PhilHps moved "The adoption of the second resolution."
Miss Stokes amended, by omitting the word "uniform." Carried
as amended.
Resolution s
Resolved, That the National Consumers' League respectfully point out
to the governors and to the state legislatures of the various states the urgent
need for legislation and for appropriations to provide for the inspection of
slaughter houses and the inspection of all animals before and after slaughter.
Miss Sanford moved "To recommend resolution 3 to State
Leagues." Carried.
National Consumers' League 13
Resolution 4
Resolved, That attention be also directed to the need of inspection to
prevent the sale of milk from diseased animals and to eradicate tuberculosis
and other diseases from dairy animals and to quarantine the states against
the bringing in of any cattle infected with tuberculosis.
Mrs. Weston moved "To recommend resolution 4 to State
Leagues." Carried.
Resolution 5
Resolved, That the National Consumers' League endorses the work of
Commissioner E. F. Ladd, of North Dakota, to have bleached flours labeled
so that the consumers may know when low grades of flour have been
bleached to resemble the better grades.
Mrs. Weston moved "That resolution 5 be laid on the table."
Carried.
Mrs. Weston moved "That the Xational Consumers' League
protest against the misuse which the United States Department of
Agriculture permits of the guarantee clause in the national pure
food law." Carried. The League respectfully points out that this
guarantee clause was intended solely as a rule of evidence to enable
dealers to prove when they have handled foods in good faith believ-
ing such foods to be pure. Lender a ruling, not provided or intended
in the act, all kinds of food and drug adulteration now appear on
the market "Guaranteed under the Food and Drugs Act of June 30,
1906, Serial No. . . ," making it seem that such articles are guar-
anteed by the government.
Report of Finance Committee read and accepted.
Label Committee, International Committee and Lecture Com-
mittee reported progress.
Mrs. .Askin moved "That Section 4. Article IT of the By-Laws
be amended, by adding to the title of the Committee on Legislation
the w^ords 'and on Legal Defense of Labor Laws,' and that the
words 'and shall assist in the defense of the laws by supplying
additional legal counsel or other assistance,' be added to this section."
Carried.
Mrs. Xathan moved "That some of the Women's Colleges be
represented among our Honorary Vice-Presidents." Carried.
Mrs. Askin, Chairman of Nominating Committee, reported the
following nominations :
14 The Annals of the American Academy
-President, Mr. John Graham Brooks.
First Vice-President, Mrs. Frederick Nathan.
Second Vice-President, Mrs. Mary H. Wihnarth.
Third Vice-President, Mrs. M. R. Trumbull.
Treasurer, Mr. G. Herman Kinnicutt.
Recording Secretary, Mrs. G. W. B. Gushing.
General Secretary, Mrs. Florence Kelley.
Chairman Finance Committee, Mr. Herbert L. Satterlee.
Report adopted and Secretary requested to cast an affirmative
ballot for these officers.
Mrs. Nathan named for Nominating Committee for 1909: Mrs.
Corkran, Maryland ; Miss Bissell, Delaware ; Miss Bradford, New
Jersey.
Mrs. Phillips moved "That the Delaware League be thanked
for its hospitality." Carried.
Miss Sanford moved "That a vote of thanks be given to the
New Century Club." Carried.
Miss Stokes moved, and Miss Montgomery, of Oregon, sec-
onded the motion, "That the Council of the National Consumers'
League at its annual meeting on March 3, 1908, vote that Mr. Louis
D. Brandeis be thanked for his w^ork in the case of Curt Muller vs.
the State of Oregon." Carried.
The evening session of the Council was held in the New Cen-
tury Club and was a public meeting. Mrs. Frederick Nathan pre-
sided and the meeting was addressed by Mr. Henry R. Mussey and
Mr. Scott Nearing, of the University of Pennsylvania, and by the
General Secretary.
THE TENTH ANNUAL SESSION OE THE COUNCIE
The tenth annual session of the Council of the National Con-
sumers' League was held in Providence, Rhode Island, on March 2.
1909, at 2 o'clock. In the absence of the President, Mr. Brooks, the
first Vice-President, Mrs. Frederick Nathan, in the chair. The roll
call showed representation from seven states and three college
leagues :
Massachusetts — Mrs. Sherwin, I\Iiss ITowcs, Miss Harris and Mr.
Bradley.
New York — I\Iiss Stokes, Miss Sanford, Mrs. Phillips, Miss Ken-
dall, Mrs. Nathan, Miss Utley, Miss x\inslie. Miss Goldmark.
Miss Watson, of Utica.
Rhode Island — Mrs. Barus, Mrs. Eaton.
Pennsylvania — ^Irs. Weston.
Maine — ^Irs. Richards.
Connecticut — Mrs. Wallace.
Michigan — IMiss Sibley.
Wellesley College — Miss Savage.
Mt. Holyoke College — Miss Olcott and Miss Peck.
Smith College — Miss Kimball and Miss Sperry.
The minutes of the last annual session of the Council were read
and accepted.
The report of the Treasurer was read and accepted.
The Finance Committee reported progress.
The Publication Committee's report was given by Miss Jose-
phine Goldmark. The Russell Sage Foundation had given funds for
an investigation into the literature concerning the health of working
women. This investigation shows that the medical literature on
fatigue throws much light on the need of reducing women's working
hours, as a health measure. It is hoped that the results will be
published and furnish valuable material for legislative work and
judicial decisions aflfecting labor laws. Miss Goldmark submitted
the following resolutions :
IVIicreas, the fifteenth International Congress of Hygiene and Demo-
graphy is to be held in the United States in 1910, and at the last meeting
of the Congress in Berlin, the papers dealing with fatigue as a result of
(15)
i6 The Annals of tJie American Academy
occupation based on invalidity insurance records were of great value as
scientific arguments for reducing working hours, and since such discussions
on American data do not exist,
Resolved, that the National Consumers' League respectfully requests the
appropriate committee to invite American physicians and scientists to sub-
mit papers on this subject to the next International Congress. Carried.
Resolved, that the National Consumers League thank the trustees of
the Russell Sage Foundation for substantial assistance which has made pos-
sible the investigation into the literature on the health of working women
and urges the publication of such material as soon as the investigation
is completed. Carried.
Miss Aiiislie's investigation of earnings and expenses of work-
ing girls living away from home has been completed and pnt into
literary form.
Miss Sanford moved "To print Miss Ainslie's report as a pub-
lication of the National Consumers' League or in some popular
magazine." Withdrawn.
A substitute offered by Mrs. Weston was adopted, "That the
matter be left to the Publication Committee, Mrs. Kelley, Mrs.
Weston and Mr. Brooks being added for this occasion." Carried.
The Secretary reported that the present method of dealing with
the sweating system had proved wholly insufficient, and more radical
measures must be considered. She recommended that the Council
ask the Commissioner of Labor of New York State to secure the
introduction in the legislature of New York of a measure prohibit-
ing manufacture in tenements in New York City, Buffalo and
Rochester, New York City being still the great center of garment
manufacture in the Western Hemisphere and the source of a never-
failing stream of infected goods manufactured in tenements.
White lists were in use in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
Cleveland, Cincinnati and Albany. The Secretary recommended an
appeal by the Council to the state and local leagues for the creation
of white lists.
The absence of a deficit as shown by the Treasurer's report and
of unpaid bills was due to the personal exertion of two members of
the Finance Committee and to the policy pursued during the year of
ordering no printing without having the money to pay for it. It is
hoped that a new edition of the Handbook may be printed in 1910.
As the first consequence of the decision of the United States
Supreme Court in the Oregon case, women employed by telephone,
J
National Consumers' League 17
telegraph, transportation companies, and mercantile establishments,
have been put under the ten hours law in Oregon.
Miss Browne, Fellow of the College Settlements Association,
whose services as investigator for the current year have been given
to the National Consumers' League, has made studies of children
found by the factory inspectors illegally at work in New York City.
The information gathered will be printed in the summer, and it is
hoped that it may afford a valuable method for stimulating factory
inspectors and truant officers. Report accepted.
The report of the Lecture Committee was informally given by
the General Secretary.
The Food Committee's report, in the absence of the chairman,
Miss Lakey, was summarized by the Secretary as follows : Regular
meetings of the committee had not been held, it had only met for
special business. Its principal work had been drafting a slaughter
house and meat inspection law, for use by the states.
Certain printed matter had been issued.
A concerted efifort had been made to defeat the purposes of
the federal pure food law. The congressional appropriation to con-
tinue the Referee Board was about to be voted upon. The Chairman
therefore asked that the Council adopt a resolution and forward it
to the Conference Committee of Representatives and Senators and
to President-elect Taft, as soon as he should be inaugurated. The
Chairman asked that the resolution endorsing Dr. Wiley adopted at
the quarterly meeting of the Executive Committee on January 15th
be now ordered sent to the President-elect and fifteen Senators
named by her.
Mr. Martin, Treasurer of the Food Committee, reported a bal-
ance of $10.25 i'^ its treasury, with an unpaid printing bill of $1.75.
Rejxjrt accepted.
Mrs. Phillips moved that telegrams be sent to the Congres-
sional Conference Committee urging that the $200,000 appropria-
tion for the Referee Board of the Department of Agriculture be
discontinued. Carried.
As Mr. McLean, the Chairman of the International Committee,
was not present, Mrs. Nathan gave a brief oral report for the com-
mittee, naming the leagues and countries represented at the Con-
ference of Consumers' Leagues held in Geneva in September, igo8.
The Conference met in the aula of the University of Geneva by
i8 The Annals of the American Academy
invitation of the President of the Department of Education of the
Canton. It was presided over by Mr. Auguste de Morsier, a member
of the Swiss National Council. The Secretary was M. Jean Brunhes.
The Consumers' Leagues of Switzerland, France, Germany and the
United States were represented by delegates. There being no Con-
sumers' League in England, that country was represented by dele-
gates from the Anti-Sweating League. There were present to confer
persons interested from England, France, Germany, Italy, Austria,
Belgium, Russia and Spain. Among the subjects discussed were
evening overtime work of women (night work for women in manu-
facture being forbidden after lo p. m. except in Sweden), home
work, minimum wage boards, trade organization, labor law enforce-
ment, the chocolate industry, and an international label.
Mrs. Nathan suggested that minimum wage boards might be
established in this country.
On motion, it was resolved "That the National Consumers'
League recommends that state and local leagues study the subject
of minimum wage boards with a view to a legislative campaign in
1910, and that the President be authorized to appoint a special com-
mittee of the National League to further this object." Carried.
A resolution was received from the Executive Committee meet-
ing held on March 2d as follows :
Moved "That the Executive Committee recommend to the
Council that it (i) ask Commissioner Williams, of New York, to
introduce as an administration measure a bill to prohibit all manu-
facture in any tenement house in cities of the first class, and that
the Council (2) authorize the Executive Committee to secure the
introduction of such a measure in case Commissioner Williams
takes no action in the matter."
After discussion this motion was amended on motion of Miss
Stokes :
Moved "That the National Consumers' League recommend to
Commissioner Williams, of New York, that he introduce as an
administration measure a bill to' prohibit all manufacturers, mer-
chants, contractors, jobbers and all other corporations and persons
from giving out any goods for manufacture in tenement houses in
cities of the first class in the State of New York, and
Resolved that in case Commissioner Williams takes no action
in the matter, the Executive Committee devise some means by which
such a measure may be introduced." Carried.
National Consioiicrs' League 19
Reports for their Leagues were given informally by delegates
from New York State, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Detroit, Rhode
Island, Smith, Wellesley and Mt. Holyoke Colleges.
The Nominating Committee presented the following officers
for the ensuing y€ar :
President, Mr. John Graham P)rooks, Cambridge, Mass.
Vice-Presidents: Mrs. Frederick Nathan, New York.
Mrs. IT. M. Wilniarlh, Illinois.
Mrs. B. n. Trumbull, Oregon.
Mrs. Frederick C. Howe, Ohio.
Mrs. B. C. Gudden, Wisconsin.
Miss Jean Gordon, Louisiana.
Mrs. R. P. Ilalleck, Kentucky.
Treasurer, Mr. G. Hermann Kinnicutt, New York.
Recording Secretary, ]\Irs. G. W. B. Gushing, New Jersey.
General Secretary, Mrs. Florence Kelley, New York.
The Recording Secretary was instructed to cast one ballot for
these officers.
The evening session of the Council was held in the Beneficent
Congregational Church and was a public meeting. Bishop Mc-
Vickar presided and the meeting was addressed by Mrs. Frederick
Nathan, Mr. Robert A. Woods and the General Secretary.
REPORT OF THE SECRETARY
Two epoch-making events have occurred since the pubHcation
of the last report, one international, the other national. These are
the International Conference of Consumers' Leagues at Geneva,
Switzerland, in September, 1908, and the decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States, in January, 1908 (known as the Oregon
decision), in which the court established the principle that the
Constitution of the United States is no barrier to the enactment by
the states of laws restricting the working hours of adult women.
Details of these important occurrences may be found elsewhere
in this report.
The National Consumers' League now embraces sixty-one
Leagues in nineteen states : Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois,
Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,
Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, Tennessee and Wisconsin.
There are Consumers' Leagues in the following universities,
colleges and boarding schools: The Universities of Wisconsin and
Minnesota ; Wellesley College, Bryn Mawr, Vassar, Smith, Mt.
Holyoke, Swarthmore, Simmons and Milwaukee-Downer ; and St.
Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. ; Lasell Seminary, Auburndale, Mass. ;
Dwight School, Englewood, N. J., and Mrs. Dow's School, Briar-
cliff Manor, N. Y. Of these, the Leagues at Smith, Minnesota and
Briarcliff are new.
College leagues are delicate plants which need incessant cultiva-
tion as the seniors graduate and new classes come forward. The
most stable one has been the Wellesley College League, because of
the abiding interest on the part of Misses Coman, Balch, Scudder
and other members of the faculty, who never let the interest of the
students flag. At Bryn Mawr and Swarthmore the same influence
is exerted by the Consumers' League of Philadelphia, whose active
executive secretary cultivates among the students a perennial inter-
est in the work of the League. At Milwaukee-Downer College Miss
Sabin has for several years exercised a similar influence. In several
colleges, on the other hand, promising Leagues have, during the
past ten years, lapsed by reason of the indifference of the faculty,
(20)
National Consumers' League 21
where no League existed in the local community to stimulate the
interest of the students. At Smith College, where a lively Con-
sumers' League had thus lapsed, a new one has been constituted
during the present year.
The list of manufacturers authorized to use the label now
includes sixty-nine names in thirteen states: Illinois, Maine, Mary-
land, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New
York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Wisconsin.
It is still true, as it has been for several years, and for the same
reason, that more of these factories are to be found in Massachusetts
than in any other state. The law protecting women is more strin-
gent and more vigorously enforced than elsewhere. The closing
hour for women in all branches of manufacture is set at ten o'clock
and in textile industries at six o'clock in the evening for women and
minors under the age of eighteen years. Everywhere one great
obstacle to the use of the label is the desire of employers to use
overtime work. In Massachusetts this obstacle is removed by law.
Working Hours of Adult Women
A service of incalculable value to wage-earning women in the
United States was rendered conjointly by the National Consumers'
League, the Consumers' League of Oregon and Mr. Louis Brandeis,
of Boston, Mass., who generously gave his services as counsel in the
case of Curt Muller z's. the State of Oregon. In this case, the
Supreme Court of the United States sustained (February 24, 1908)
the validity of the Oregon statute which provides that "no female
shall be employed in any mechanical establishment or factory or
laundry more than ten hours during any one day."
Incidentally this decision confirmed the validity of the statutes
of Colorado, Connecticut, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Maryland,
Maine, Michigan, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New
York, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South
Carolina, Virginia, Washington and Wisconsin, restricting more or
less effectively the working day of women employed in manufacture.
It prepared the way for the re-enactment, now happily accomplished,
of the statute restricting women's working hours in Illinois, where,
since May, 1895, these workers had been deprived of all protection
whatsoever in consequence of the decision of the Supreme Court of
Illinois in the case known as Ritchie vs. The People.
22 The Annals of the American Academy
Further information as to this successful effort may be found
in the report of the PubHcation Committee. The text of the decision
is there given in full.
Nothing" has shown so clearly as this experience the value of
the National Consumers' League as a clearing house for information
and center for effective co-operative effort. The Consumers' League
of Oregon sounded the note of warning that the ten hours laws of
that state was in danger of annulment, and with it the legislation
of many states embodying the same principle.
The decision having been obtained, there has been a steady
demand from every part of the country for copies of the brief sub-
mitted by Mr. Brandeis.
Encouraged by this decision, Consumers' Leagues and other
organizations in fourteen states — Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois,
Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, Ore-
gon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Washington and Wisconsin —
have renewed the effort to establish a legal maximum working day.
In Oregon the ten hours law has been extended to women employed
by transportation, express, telephone and telegraph companies. The
working week is now limited at all seasons to sixty hours. Illinois
enacted a ten hours law for women.
In New York and Colorado education will be needed to con-
vince legislators and courts that the favorable federal decision
overrides previous adverse decisions of state courts. This is, how-
ever, a campaign which will be carried on until in every state working
women and girls are assured protection against overwork by meas-
ures as humane and effective as any in force in the most enlightened
nations of Europe.
Work at Night by Girls and Boys Under 21 Years of Age
Two occupations in which thousands of young boys and girls
between the ages of 15 and 21 years are employed are peculiarly
unsuitable for them. In both the consumer is served by these young
workers directly, and is, therefore, in a position to demand the
service of adults. These occupations are night shifts in telephone
exchanges, telegraph offices and the messenger service.
Young boys and girls should, in general, be stopped from
working at night, in the interest of the public health and morals.
It is hard for men and women to make up by day sleep lost by
working at night. It is harder for young boys and girls to do so.
National Consumers' League 23
In these employments, moreover, the special circumstances are
such that no effort should be spared to encourage the employment
of adults. Messengers at night are used largely to convey dis-
reputable messages to disreputable people and places. They are
kept in contact with all that is worst in the community. The only
reason for preferring them to men is their cheapness to the com-
panies. To the community nothing could well be more expensive.
Night work for girls, boys and youths predisposes them to
dependence upon stimulants and narcotics and to the absence of the
conventional restraints ujxDn conduct ai\d comradeship. It predis-
poses them to nervous breakdown and tuberculosis. It is in every
respect exactly the opposite of training for long life, good health,
efficient work and self-respect.
No person below the age of 21 years should be at work in
these employments between the hours of seven at night and seven
in the morning. Every person who reads these lines can help to
discourage the employment of young persons in these occupations.
It is always possible in calling at night for a messenger to stipulate
for a man, and to protest to headquarters when a lx)y is sent.
The work of young girls in telephone exchanges at night is a
phenomenon new in the history of the race. The telephone itself
is so new that few of its users have learned to consider it critically.
Still fewer know that hundreds of telephone operators, young girls
not yet twenty-one years of age, spend the night in the lobbies of
hotels exposed to the liberties of the traveling public, utterly un-
protected from the gravest moral dangers.
The processes of enacting workable legislation in our fifty-two
states and territories are painfully slow. While waiting for laws to
be enacted, however, the public can in this case take direct action
by requesting the telephone companies that no person not clearly
twenty-one years old be employed.
The Eight-Hours Day for Working Children
A cheering feature of the retrospect of ten years is the follow-
ing table of the District of Columbia and sixteen states which now
more or less completely restrict to eight hours the work of children :
8 in 24 48 in one week. . .District of Co- Children under 16 years of age
lunil)ia. in all Rainfui occupations.
8 in 24 48 in one week. . .Oliio Girls under 18, boys under 16, in
all gainful occupations.
24
The Annals of the American Academy
8 in
24
48
in
one
week. . .
8 in
24
48
in
one
week . . .
8 in
24
48
in
one
week. . .
8 in
24
48
in
one
week . . .
8 in
24
48
in
one
week . . . (
8 in
24
48
in
one
week . . .
8 in
24
48
in
one
week. . .
8 in
21
. . . .
8 in 24
Illinois Children under 16 in all gainful
occupations.
Kansas Children under 16 in all gainful
occupations.
Nebraska Children under 16 in all gainful
occupations.
North Dakota.. Children under 16 in all gainful
occupations.
Oklahoma Children under 16 in all gainful
occupations.
New York ...Children under 16 in all factories.
Wisconsin . . . .Minors under 18 in cigar manu-
facture.
Colorado All children under 16 years in
stores, factories or any occu-
pations injurious to health in
the discretion of the county
judge.
Arizona
Colorado
Montana
Missouri
Nevada
Oklahoma
Oregon
Utah
Wyoming
^All persons in mines.
Of these, the District of Columbia, Kansas, North Dakota and
Oklahoma are new since the last issue of the Handbook of Child
Labor Legislation, in May, 1908.
Aside from the mining laws, all these laws have been promoted
by the Consuiners' League either as such or through active members
in co-operation with other organizations.
Significant is the fact that this short list contains New York
and Illinois, two of the three great industrial states, the third, Penn-
sylvania, having just reduced the working hours from twelve to
ten for all girls below the age of eighteen years. The list contains,
however, no southern state and no New England state. In both
those sections the cotton mill industry still is more powerful than
the friends of the children.
The task of obtaining the eight hours day for the working
children in their, respective states confronts Consumers' Leagues in
National Consumers' League 25
Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Maine, Mas-
sachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jersey, Oregon,
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, and Wisconsin. In some
of these states there are child labor committees, but everywhere the
task of educating the shopping public is oiir own.
The greatest gain made in any state in 1909 is that of Penn-
sylvania, whose story follows :
To the Friends of Pennsylvania's Young IVorkers:
Your efforts in the recent legislative campaign have helped to bring
about the passage of a new Child Labor Act, signed yesterday by the Gov-
ernor, of which the following are the most important points :
1. Issuance of employment certificates for children between fourteen and
sixteen years by school authorities only, and upon proper evidence of age.
2. Restriction of work to an average of ten hours a day to boys under
sixteen and girls under eighteen.
3. Protection of children under eighteen from employment in dangerous
occupations.
4. Abolition of night work after 9 p. m. for boys under sixteen and girls
under eighteen, with the exception that boys between fourteen and sixteen
may be employed for nine hours at night in industries requiring "continuous
operation."
5. Establishment of forty-fire minutes as a minimum period for the noon-
day rest.
The words in italics represent the provisions originally contained in the
separate bill for women and girls which the Consumers' League presented
to the legislature and asked you to support. You will notice that the pro-
vision regulating the number of hours daily and weekly for adult women
has been lost. Unsurmountable opposition was shown to certain portions of
this bill which held it in committee in spite of all our efforts. In order not
to lose the entire measure, we were advised to amend the Child Labor Bill
so as to include as many as possible of the provisions for the benefit of
female workers. This was done, with the results just enumerated.
Careful observation will be required when this law goes into operation
on January i, 1910, to ascertain its effect on the hours of labor of adult
women. The results of this observation will decide the wisdom and necessity
of a further effort to prevail upon the next legislature to repair this one
omission.
Although this one important issue has been lost, a great stride forward
has been made by this legislature. Your response to the request sent from
this office has helped to extend the protection of the new law over that great
army of girls from sixteen to eighteen years, employed in the industries of
Pennsylvania, who, under the terms of the original bill, would have heen
left with no protection whatsoever from unrestricted hours of work.
The universal expression of public interest in the whole question of
26 The Annals of the American Academy
child labor has brought about the good which has been gained. We were
notified from Harrisburg that the legislature was "flooded with letters and
telegrams on the Shern Bill," and that it was "the one 'topic of interest at
that time." . . . The Consumers' League is deeply grateful to all the
friends of the young workers, whose help has made possible the achievement
of this result.
Very truly yours,
Florence L. Sanville,
Secretary, Consumers' League of Philadelphia.
Labor Inspectors
There is a growing feeling that the shopping public has a claim
to be able to buy goods with an easy conscience if it deals with
reputable merchants, pays the price which they ask, and pays its
bills promptly. On these terms a customer may well suppose herself
free from participation in the employment of child labor and from
encouraging the sweating system. At present, however, we have
no such assurance. We still lack the knowledge we most sorely
need. Of thirteen southern states, for instance, there are still seven
without factory inspectors — Florida, Texas, North Carolina, Vir-
ginia, Mississippi, West Virginia, and Georgia. And without inspec-
tion there is neither enforcement of such laws as exist nor a basis
for enlightened legislation.
In the last report four southern states having factory inspectors
were mentioned, viz., Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland and Ten-
nessee. To these Alabama and South Carolina have since been
added. Alabama has one man to visit insane hospitals, gaols and
cotton mills. South Carolina has two newly-created factory in-
spectors. Their creation shows that these states now recognize the
principle of state supervision and control. This is the chief value
of these two new laws.
This excessive slowness of legislation indicates the need of
patient educational work by the Consumers' League, interesting all
people in the community, since all are consumers.
In New York City alone each year about 25,000 children 14
to 16 years of age leave school legally to enter the field of industry.
To them it is of the utmost importance that the State Department
of Labor enforces with energy the provisions of the child labor law,
such as the eight hours day and the 5 p. m. closing hour. This
official activity would be impossible without the permanent backing
National Consiiiiicrs' Lca(:^ui; 27
of public opinion, such as the Consumers' I.eap^ue has been actively
engagred in educating and organizing for nearly twenty years.
In 1908 a chief mercantile inspector with eight deputies was
appointed, who are now at work in the cities of the first class, New
York City, Buflfalo and Rochester. The first six months of their
work proved conclusively the error of leaving to local health boards,
as had previously been done, the task of enforcing labor legislation.
If the long efl^ort of the Consumers' League and the Child
Labor Committee of Pennsylvania for the removal of State Factory
Inspector John C. Delaney and the appointment of an eflficicnt officer
in Ills place should be accomplished, the benefit to the children would
be incalculable.
White Lists
In an industrial period like the present only a strongly organ-
ized body of public opinion counts on behalf of the working boys,
girls and youths, and the burdened mothers of young children
striving to support the family. None of these can defend their own
interests under the pressure of competition, the eflfort for cheapness
at all costs, and the flood of immigrants bringing an ever lower
standard of life.
For creating a stable body of public opinion, nothing has been
invented more effective than the white list of the Consumers' League.
The process of making the list and keeping it up-to-date is in itself
a continuing educational force.
A white list is no sooner published than it becomes a means of
getting knowledge not otherwise obtainable. For every merchant
not included volunteers facts about every one in it, and also all
the favorable facts about himself.
According to the standard of the Consumers' League of New
York City the working day consists of nine working hours. The
minimum w-eekly wage for clerks eighteen years old who have had
one year's experience is $6.00. Neither provision is satisfactory, but
each marks an improvement over the usages of past years. And
each is better than the corresponding provision in cities which have
no white list. The importance of a minimum wage and a maximum
working day are only beginning to be generally recognized. They
are invaluable as means of combating disease and vice.
Every city as large as Cleveland, Ohio, and Detroit. Michigan,
28 The Anjnals of the American Academy
should have a white hst. Until one is formed, no one really knows
what wages are paid, what the hours of labor are in the stores,
whether clerks are free to use the seats which the law may require.
In a city in which there has never been a white list, the pro-
cedure for establishing one is as follows: A visiting committee is
formed consisting of two influential, persuasive women who have
patience and leisure. In New York City this work has been done
for eight consecutive years by the same women, who spend one
afternoon every week in visiting merchants by appointment. They
know accurately the conditions in white list stores. They discuss,
on friendly terms, such problems as early closing at Christmas and
on summer Saturday afternoons. They investigate the complaints
of employees as to infractions of the labor law and of the League's
standard. Information which comes to them is the strictly confi-
dential property of the governing board.
The success of the white list depends upon the patience, good
sense and continuity of this committee ; upon the extent to which
the white list is made known, and the degree to which the public
gradually comes to depend upon it for guidance.
After nearly twenty years of faithful work, the Consumers'
League of the City of New York has on its white list fifty-eight
merchants. Certain famous stores are still missing from it, because
wages are below the standard, or a summer Saturday half holiday
is not granted, or for some other substantial reason. No merchant's
name is placed upon the white list without a full year of careful
observation ; and every claim to excellence must be corroborated by
employees.
Most fundamental of all requirements is obedience to the labor
law provisions applying to stores. Every item of this law has to be
thoroughly familiar to the visiting committee and the employers,
and no subject comes up more frequently in the work of the visiting
committee.
Congressional Bills
Of the bills endorsed by the National Consumers' League pend-
ing before Congress at the time of publication of the last report,
that which provided for regulating child labor in the District of
Columbia has since been enacted.
This is by no means a model law to be copied by the states,
National Consumers' League 29
because it provides for exemption of children 12 to 14 years old
who have sick parents or impoverished younp;er brothers or sisters.
It does, however, remove the Nation's capital from the black list of
states and territories havin^; no child labor law.
There remains to be passed the long" pending bill for a chil-
dren's bureau in the federal government. The disappoiutment
attending the failure of the Sixtieth Congress to pass it was the
greater because the bill had been favorably reported by committees
of both houses of Congress and recommended in a special message
by President Roosevelt. Every argument in favor of creating this
bureau which applied when the bill was first introduced applies still.
The following are some of the points on which it is hoped that the
bureau, when established, may furnish enlightenment:
"r. How many blind children are there in the United States?"
Where are they? What provision for their education is made?
How' many of them are receiving training for self-support? What
are the causes of their blindness? What steps are taken to prevent
blindness?
"2. How many mentally subnormal children are there in the
United States including idiots, imbeciles and children sufficiently
self-directing to profit by special classes in school? Where are these
children? What provision is made for their education? What does
it cost? How many of them arc receiving training for self-support?
"3. How many fatherless children are there in the United
States? Of these, how many fathers are dead? How many are
illegitimate? How many are deserters. In cases in which the
father is dead, what killed him? It should be known how much
orphanage is due to tuberculosis, how much to industrial accidents,
etc. Such knowledge is needful for the removal of preventable
causes of orphanage.
"4. We know something about juvenile illiteracy once in ten
years. This subject should be followed up every year. It is not a
matter of immigrant children, but of a permanent, sodden failure
of the republic to educate a half million children of native English-
speaking citizens. Current details are now unattainable.
"5. Experience in Chicago under the only effective law on this
subject in this country, indicates that grave crimes against children
are far more common than is generally known. There is no official
3© The Annals of the American Academy
source of wider information upon which other states may base im-
proved legislation or administration.
"6. How many children are employed in manufacture? In
commerce? In the telegraph and messenger service? How many
children are working under ground in mines? How many at the
mine's mouth? Where are these children? What are the mine
labor laws applicable to children? We need a complete annual
directory of state officials whose duty it is to enforce child labor
laws. This for the purpose of stimulating to imitation those states
which have no such officials, as well as for arousing public interest
in the work of the existing officials.
"7. We need current information as to juvenile courts, and they
need to be standardized. For instance, no juvenile court keeps a
record of the various occupations pursued by the child before its
appearance in court beyond, in some cases, the actual occupation
at the time of the offense committed.. Certain occupations are
known to be demoralizing to children, but the statistics which would
prove this are not now kept. It is reasonable to hope that persistent,
recurrent inquiries from the federal children's bureau may induce
local authorities to keep their records in such form as to make them
valuable both to the children concerned and to children in parts of
the country which have no similar institutions.
"8. There is no accepted standard of truancy work. In some
places truant officers report daily, in others weekly, in some monthly,
in others, never. Some truant officers do no work whatever in
return for their salaries. There should be some standard of effi-
ciency for work of this sort, but first we need to know the facts.
"9. Finally, and by far the most important, we do not know
how many children are born each year or how many die, or why
they die. We need statistics of nativity and mortality. What Dr.
Goler has done for Rochester should be made known to all the
health authorities in the United States, and the success or failure
of the others in reaching his standards should be published with
ceaseless reiteration."
The time when the Children's Bureau bill will be enacted de-
pends upon the sustained and energetic interest expressed. State
and local Leagues can help its passage by keeping the subject
actively before their senators and representatives.
National Consumers' League 31
iNVESTinATIONS
I. The Standard of Lhing
At its eighth annual meeting the Council voted "that the Na-
tional Consumers' League undertake to investigate wages and the
standard of living of self-supporting women throughout the coun-
try." IMuch of the time of Miss S. B. Ainslie has, therefore, for two
years been devoted to such an investigation. The results will be
published in a volume appearing in the early fall. Several life
stories of working girls and women living away from home have
been grouped under the title "Why Working Cirls Fall Into Temp-
tation" and will appear in the Ladies' Home Journal in November.
\\'hoever reads the statements of these hundreds of honest working
girls interviewed by Miss Ainslie, will be impressed by the skill and
sympathy with which she has induced them to lay bare their painful
economies. The thoughtful reader cannot escape the conviction that
under the conditions of wages and living now prevailing, while self-
supporting women do unquestionably, by tens of thousands, live
righteously, they cannot maintain the common standard of physical
health. This volume will form a convincing argument for far
greater publicity concerning wages than we now have, and will lay
the foundation for an agitation in behalf of minimum wage boards
IL Children Found Illegally at Work
An investigation which promises to be of lasting value has been
carried on by Miss Margaret W. Browne, Fellow of the College Set-
tlements Association, under the direction of the General Secretary,
and Miss Pauline Goldmark, Secretary of the New York City Con-
sumers' League. This covers home and school causes of illegal
employment of children in New York City who are found at work
in factories and reported to the school authorities by the State De-
partment of Labor. Commissioner of Labor John Williams very
kindly sends to our office a duplicate of the daily list of names and
addresses which he sends to the Department of Education. It is
hoped that the methods of tracing leakage of pupils from schools
to factories worked out by Miss Browne may prove of use to Con-
sumers' Leagues in other places.
32 The Annals of the American Academy
International Conference
The First Vice-President, Mrs. Frederick Nathan, and the
Secretary attended the first International Conference of Consumers'
Leagues at Geneva, Switzerland, September 24, 25 and 26, 1908.
There were present representatives of the Consumers' Leagues of
France, Switzerland, and Germany. There being no Consumers'
League in England, delegates came from the Anti-Sweating League.
There were 650 subscribers to the Conference and several hundred
men and women were present at every session. All the leading
European nations were represented. The meetings were held in
the aula of the University of Geneva, M. de Morsier, a member of
the General Council of Switzerland, presiding.
The subjects discussed were divided under four general heads,
with two or three topics under each head :
First, our immediate responsibilities, comprising evening over-
time work, clerks and other employees in stores, and the housing of
servants ;
Second, means of action, the label and the white list ;
Third, rights and duties of purchasers, including industrial
conflicts and arbitration, honest and dishonest organizations, co-
operation and the state.
Four, home work, its present status, reforms relating to home
work.
Mrs. Nathan presented a condensed history of the parent
League, that of New York City, and a paper on the Improvement in
the Condition of Sales-clerks accomplished by the Consumers'
League of the City of New York. At still another session, Mrs.
Nathan described the evils of home work as it exists in our great
cities. All these papers and addresses were in French.
The Secretary presented a paper on tenement house w^ork in
the United States and the efforts of the Consumers' League to
abolish it.
The resolutions adopted by the Conference have been reported
to the constituent Leagues, and may be found printed in French,
German and English in the volume of Proceedings of the Confer-
ence issued by the Secretary, Mme. Jean Brunhes, 28 Rue Serpente,
Paris, France.
National Consumers' League 33
Tentative List of References on Wage Boards
Clark, Victor S. : Labor Conditions in Australia in Bulletin No. 56 of the
U. S. Bureau of Labor, p. 60. A careful account of the Victoria system,
based on investigation on the ground.
Clark, Victor S. : Labor Movement in Australasia. N. Y., Henry Holt,
1906. Minimum Wage Boards, p. 138.
United States Bureau of Labor Bulletin, No. 60. Government Industrial
Arbitration.
Macrosty, Henry W. : State Arbitration and the Minimum Wage in Aus-
tralasia, in Commons' Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, p. 207.
Another good account of the system in Victoria by an impartial writer.
Weber, A. F. : The Report of the Victorian Industrial Commission. In
Quarterly Journal of Economics (August, 1903), Vol. XVII, p. 614.
A summary (both of facts and conclusions) of the report of a com-
mission appointed in Victoria to investigate the operation of the Fac-
tories and Shops Law of Victoria, the bulk of the report being devoted
to the luages boards. Contains detailed information as to the working
of the system.
Reeves, W. P.: State Experiments in Australia and New Zealand, Vol. II,
pp. 47-69. A partisan description of the Australian wage boards.
Webb, Sidney and Beatrice : Industrial Democracy. Introduction to the
1902 edition, pref. p. 36. A brief, favorable account of the Victoria
boards.
Cadbury, Edward, and others (M. Cecilc Matheson and George Shaun) :
Women's Work and Wages, Chapter XII. Discusses the arguments for
and against establishment of national minimum wages.
Bosanquet, Helen : The Strength of the People, p. 286. A critical dis-
cussion tending to a conclusion adverse to wage boards.
Meyer, Mrs. Carl, and Black, Clementina: Makers of Our Clothes. A
Plea for Trade Boards. Duckworth and Co.
Gough, George W. : The Wage Boards of Victoria. Econ. Journal, Vol. 15,
PP- 36^-373- London, 1905.
MacDonald, J. Ramsay : Sweating and Wage Boards. Nineteenth Century
and After. Vol. 64, pp. 748-762. London, 1908.
MacDonald, J. Ramsay : Arbitration Courts and Wages Boards in Aus-
tralasia. Contemporary Review, March, 1908, p. 308.
Smith, H. B. Lees. Econ. Journal, 1907. V. 17, pp. 505-512. "Economic
Theory and Proposals for a Legal Minimum Wage."
Great Britain. Report of Fair Wages Committee (1908, cd 4422-3).
National Anti-Sweating League Publications, 133 Salisbury Sq., London.
E. C.
Aves, Ernest : Report to Secretary of State on Wages Boards and Indus-
trial Arbitration Acts of Australia and New Zealand (1908, cd 4,167).
Home Work. Report from Select Committee, with Proceedings, Evidence
and Appendix. Committee appointed to consider and report upon the
34 The A)inals of the American Academy
conditions of labor in trades in which home work is prevalent, and the
proposals, including those for the establishment of wages boards, and
the licensing of work places, which have been made for the remedying
of existing abuses. (House of Commons, cd 290, 1907; cd 246, 1908:
price 2s. id.) It can be easily secured from P. S. King & Son, Orchard
House, 2 and 4 Great Smith St., Westminster, London.
Samuelson, James : Lament of the Sweated. London. King, 1908. Resume
of Report of Select Committee on Housework, 1908.
Women's Industrial Council: 7 John St., London, W. C. Penny Pamphlets,
Hutchins, B. L., and MacDonald, J. Ramsay. The Case for and Against
a Minimum Legal Wage for Sweated Workers.
Adams and Sumner : Labor Problems, p. 493. A very brief theoretical
consideration of "Minimum Wage Laws."
Meetings
March 6 — Boston Social Education Association.
8 — Bridgeport, Conn., Congregational Church.
9 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
ID — New York City, Congestion Exhibit, public meeting.
14 — Baltimore Consumers' League Conference.
IS — Albany, N. Y., St. Agnes' School.
16 — Albany, N. Y., annual meeting, Albany Constmicrs' League.
20 — New York Child Labor Committee.
22 — New Haven, Conn., Students' Sheffield Scientific School.
23 — New York City, Girls' Technical High Scbool.
24 — New York City, Congestion Exhibit, public meeting.
25 — New York City, Girls' Technical High School.
26 — New York City, Adelphi College students.
April 1-6 — Atlanta, Ga., Conference on Child Labor.
Atlanta, Ga., Public meeting on child labor.
Atlanta, Ga., Con.sumers' League.
Atlanta, Ga., Suffrage Society.
Atlanta, Ga., Atlanta University students.
9 — New York City, Society Moral Prophylaxis, public meeting.
10 — Philadelphia Day Nursery Association.
16 — New York Child Labor Committee.
22 — New York City, Barnard College students.
23 — Flatbush, N. Y., public meeting.
24 — New York City, Child Labor Committee.
30 — New Orleans, La., State Federation of Women's Clubs.
May 2 — New Orleans, La., Travelers' Aid Society.
2 — New Orleans, La., Era Club.
3 — New Orleans, La., Unitarian Church, morning service.
4 — Mobile, Pa., public meeting.
National Coiisniiicrs' Lcai^ue 35
May 5 — Chattanooga, 'I'cnn., City Icclcratinn Woiihu's Clubs.
20 — Albany, N. Y., hearing before Governor Hughes on canneries
law.
22 — New York State Child Labor Committee.
22 — Briarcliff Manor, N. Y., Mrs. Dow's School.
27 — New York City, Girls' Hebrew Technical School.
June I — Hackensack, N. J., parlor meeting arranged by Miss Olive
St. Clair.
3 — Elmira, N. Y., in City Council Chamber, public meeting.
3 — Elmira, N. Y., in Mr. Eaton's Church, public meeting.
4 — Elmira, N. Y., Working Girls' Club.
5 — Longwood, Pa., Progressive Friends' Yearly Meeting.
9 — New York City, Bronx M. E. Church, public meeting.
18 — Cape May, N. J., State Medical Association.
23 — New York City, Summer School of Pliilanthropy.
September 1-8 — Geneva, Switzerland, International Council of Women.
24-26 — Geneva, Switzerland, International Conference of Con-
sumers' Leagues.
28-30 — Lucerne, Switzerland, International Association for Labor
Legislation.
October 23 — New York Cit)^ School of Philanthropy.
26 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
26 — New York City, Conference with Commissioner of Labor
John Williams and philanthropists.
27 — New York City, Rand School of Social Science.
28 — New York City, National Consumers' League, Label Com-
mittee.
29 — New York City, Public School Lecture Course.
30 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
November i — Bryn Mawr, Pa., Miss Baldwin's School.
2 — Philadelphia, Pa., Gordon School.
3 — Philadelphia, Pa., Hill School.
3 — Philadelphia, Pa., Swarthmore Preparatory School.
4 — Philadelphia, Pa., Chapman and Jones.
5 — Briarcliff Manor, N. Y., Mrs. Dow's School.
6 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
9 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
10 — New York City, Rand School of Social Science.
13 — New York City, School of Philanthropy.
14 — Providence, R. I., Congregational Church, morning and eve-
ning.
19 — Live Oak, Fla., State Federation of Women's Clubs.
23 — Jacksonville, Fla., Women's Club.
25 — New York City, Y. W. C. A., Training School.
28 — Pottsville, Pa., public meeting.
29 — Pottsville, Fa., Philanthropy Club, confor(?nce.
30 — New York City. Ethical School.
36 The Annals of the American Academy
December i — New York City, Child Labor Committee.
I — New York City, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn.
I — New York City, Rand School of Social Science.
2 — Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Socialist Club.
3 — Boston, Mass., School for Social Workers.
4 — Boston, Mass., School for Social Workers.
4 — Hartford, Conn., Consumers' League, Child Labor Conference.
5 — New York City, Smith College Club.
6 — Cincinnati, O., National Council of Jewish Women.
7 — Cincinnati, O., Ohio Child Labor Committee.
9 — New York City, Columbia University, Teachers' College, Miss
Nutting's class.
ID — New York City, Committee on Congestion of Population.
10 — New York City, Child Labor Committee.
II — New York City, Child Labor Committee (Sub-Committee on
Legislation).
II — New York City, Socialist Society.
13— New York City, Y. M. C. A., Brooklyn.
14 — New York City, National Consumers' League, Food Committee.
IS — New York City, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn.
15 — New York City, Rand School of Social Science.
16 — Princeton, N. J., Present Day Club.
20 — Wilmington, Del., Conference on Factory Inspection.
22 — New York City, National Consumers' League, Finance Com-
mittee.
23 — New York City, Child Labor Committee, Scholarships.
23 — New York City, Committee on Congestion of Population.
1909.
January 4 — New York City, Colony Club, Dr. Rotch's meeting on work-
ing children.
5 — New York City, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn.
5 — New York City, National Child Labor Committee.
6 — New York City, Committee on Congestion of Population.
7 — New York City, National Consumers' League, Food Com-
mittee.
9 — New York City, Whittier Hall, High School pupils.
II — New York City, Public School lecture course, St. Luke's
School.
II — New York City, Tuberculosis Exhibit, Neighborhood Work-
ers' Conference.
12 — New York City, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn.
13 — East Orange, N. J., Conference at home of Mrs. Cushing.
16 — Englewod, N. J., Dwight School, where a branch of the N. J.
League was then formed.
18— Brooklyn, N. Y., Present Day Club.
National CunsuDicrs' League
37
January 20 — Philadelphia, Consumers' League, aiuuial meeting.
21-22-23 — Chicago, 111., National Child Labor Committee, annual meet-
ing.
25 — Wellesley, Mass., Wellesley College Consumers' League.
26 — New York City, Consumers' League, annual meeting.
27 — Washington, D. C, House of Representatives, hearing on
Children's Bureau Bill.
30 — Philadelphia, Pa., public meeting, Witherspoon Hall, arranged
by the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
February r — Troy, N. Y., public meeting, afternoon.
I — Troy, N. Y., public meeting, evening.
2 — Schenectady, N. Y., public meeting, afternoon.
4 — Detroit, Mich., Consumers' League annual meeting.
'5 — Cleveland, O., Wimaudausis Club.
5 — Cleveland, O., evening meeting, Y. W. C. A.
6 — Cleveland, O., Consumers' League annual meeting.
7 — Cleveland, O., Epworth Memorial Methodist Church, evening
service.
8 — Akron, O., Women's Council.
9 — Cleveland, O., Women's College.
9 — Cleveland, O., Present Day Club.
(All these engagements were arranged by the Consumers'
League of Cleveland.)
15 — New York City, Child Labor Committee.
16 — New York City, C. O. S. Conference on children, arranged by
the National Child Labor Committee in the interest of
the Federal Children's Bureau.
16 — Poughkeepsie, N. Y., Vassar College, Consumers' League.
17 — New York City, Women's Medical College Alumnae, public
meeting.
20 — New Haven, Conn., State Consumers' League annual meeting.
21 — Boston, Mass., Ford Hall meeting, subject, "The Lost Leader-
ship of New England in Child Labor Legislation."
23 — Bradford, Mass., Bradford Academy.
24 — Albany, N. Y., Committee on Ways and Means, hearing on
Workmen's Compensation bill.
25 — Poughkeepsie, N. Y., New York State Consumers' League
annual meeting.
26 — New York City, Teachers' College, on Industrial Invasion
of the Home, — The Sweating System.
REPORT OF THE LABEL COMMITTEE
MANUFACTURERS AUTHORIZED TO USE THE LABEL
Illinois — •
Marshall Field & Co., Chicago, underwear, medium and fine.
George Lewis, Chicago, underwear, medium and fine.
A. Roth, Chicago, corsets.
Maine — ■
The C. F. Hathaway Company, Waterville, underwear.
Maryland —
Mendels Bros., Baltimore, wrappers, kimonos, house suits and waists.
E. Pohl & Co., Baltimore, corsets.
Massachusetts — ■
Brown, Durrell &:^o., Boston, petticoats.
W. H. Burns Company, Worcester, fine underwear (women's and chil-
dren's).
Clark Mfg. Company, Boston, skirt and stocking supporters.
Columbia Bathing Suit Company, Boston, bathing suits.
Continental Waist Company, Boston, ladies' waists.
Elliott Mfg. Company, Boston, shirtwaists and petticoats.
Fairmount Underwear Company, Hyde Park, underwear, cheap and
medium.
Davis Frank, Boston, underwear, medium and fine.
The George Frost Mfg. Company, Boston, skirt and stocking supporters.
Holden-Graves Company, Boston and Gloucester, aprons, tea gowns and
wash suits.
Green & Green, Worcester, fine underwear.
Fred. A. Hastings, Boston, petticoats.
C. F. Hovey & Co., Boston, for order work in their own work-rooms.
A. Israel, Worcester, petticoats.
Jordan & Marsh, Boston, for order work in their own work-rooms.
Mrs. M. E. Kelsey, Boston, Bostonia petticoats.
Lester, Mintz & Co., Boston, petticoats.
Natick Underwear Company, Springfield, underwear (women's and chil-
dren's).
Priscilla Undermuslin Company, Springfield, undermuslins.
Randall Bros., Natick, underwear, all grades.
Ruth Mfg. Company, Somerville, silk petticoats.
Meyer Rosenfield, Boston, imderwear.
Sircom Bros., Melrose, petticoats.
(38)
Notional Consumers' League 39
Massachusetts — Continued.
Superior Mfg. Company, Boston, "Boston silk petticoat."
Wcstboro Underwear Company, Westboro, underwear.
Whitall Underwear Company, Lowell, underwear, medium and fine.
Worcester Muslin Underwear Company, Worcester, fine underwear.
Old Home Mfg. Company, Boston, agents for goods bearing the label.
Michigan —
W. H. Allen Company, Detroit, underwear.
Crescent Works, Ann Arbor, corsets.
Jackson Corset Company, Jackson, corsets.
A. Krolik & Co., Detroit, corsets.
McGee Brothers Company, Jackson, petticoat?;.
Standard Underwear Company, Jackson and Grand Rapids, fine under-
wear.
Nczv Hampshire —
Ideal Mfg. Company, Tilton, petticoats.
Manchester Garment Company, Manchester, petticoats.
Nezu Jersey — ■
Henry A. Dix, Millville and Carmel, wrappers, dressing jackets.
Taube, Arlington, underwear.
New York—
Abramowitz & Brill, New York City, ladies' underwear.
Columbia Skirt Company, ^
Gillette Skirt Company, - Cortland, petticoats.
New York Skirt Company, )
M. Wilber Dyer Company, New York City, ladies' underwear.
Elmira Skirt Company, Elmira, petticoats.
Gilbert Mfg. Company, New York City, petticoats.
J. B. Goggin & Co., New York City, fine underwear.
Poughkeepsie Queen Undermuslins Company, Poughkeepsie.
Queen City Mfg. Company, Elmira, ladies' muslin undergarments.
Utica Skirt Mfg. Company, Utica, skirts.
The Wade Company, New York City, corsets.
The Wolf Company, New York City, undermuslins and waists.
Ohio—
Antoinette Rowland, Cleveland, aprons.
Pennsylvania — ■
Middendorff Bros., Philadelphia, fine underwear.
A. L. Samuels, Philadelphia, petticoats.
J. B. Sheppard & Sons, Philadelphia, fine underwear.
Rhode Island —
W. H. Anderson & Co., Providence, underwear.
The Keach & Brown Company, Valley Falls, fine underwear, curtains
Wachusett Mills Company, Providence, the rubdry towels.
40 The Annals of the American Academy
Vermont
muni. — •
Brandon Garment Company, Brandon, wrappers. _
Brown Durrell & Co., Chester, wrappers, house dresses, waists etc.
R:chm;nd Underwear Company, Richmond, children's drawers and waists.
Wisconsin
Western Underwear Company, Oshkosh, underwear, all grades.
REPORT OF THE PUBLICATION COMMITTEE
By the Chairman, Miss Josephine Goldmark
The main activity of the Publication Committee for the year 1908-09 is
described in the following generous editorial of the Outlook, March 21,
1908:
"The story of the fight on behalf of overworked women which was won
before the United States Supreme Court may put heart in those who believe
that ultimately we shall make industry for the sake of humanity and not
regard humanity as existing for the sake of industry. The State of Oregon
proceeded against a laundryman for violating one of its laws by employing
women for a greater number of hours than the law allowed. The highest
court in Oregon sustained the law, and the laundryman appealed. There-
upon the Oregon State Consumers' League notified the National Consumers'
League that ammunition was needed to contest the appeal before the United
States Supreme Court. The case involved not merely legal questions but
questions of social and industrial conditions. Through the good offices of
the National Consumers' League, Mr. John Manning, the District Attorney
who had the case in charge, invited Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, of Boston, to
co-operate. Mr. Brandeis, who gave his services gratuitously in this case,
outlined a brief and called upon the National Consumers" League to collect
and arrange the facts. Miss Josephine Goldmark, of the League, delved into
the libraries— Columbia University Library, the Astor Library, and the Con-
gressional Library were put at her service. Ten readers were employed.
One, a young medical student, devoted himself solely to reading on the
hygiene of occupations. It is significant that there is a lack of American
statistics on this subject; there is plenty of opinion; the general conditions
are a matter of common knowledge ; but what we need are specific facts.
Europe is ahead of America in this respect, and the foreign medical opinions
are among the most impressive which were ultimately incorporated in the
brief. It is only a lawyer with a broad view and large mind who would
do what Mr. Brandeis did — go before the Supreme Court of the L^nited
States with a brief of one hundred and thirteen printed pages, of which only
two pages could be construed as a strictly legal argument. The result of
this impressive presentation of facts was a unanimous decision by the Court
that the present and future mothers of the race are worthy of defense
against the greed of man. The brief has attracted very wide attention ;
there is demand for it from lawyers, economists, college professors, and
publicists. The success of this work has convinced the National Consumers'
League that there is a new field of service for it, and the League has voted
to have a permanent committee in defense of labor laws. Child labor.
woman's night work, and dangerous occupations for women and children
indicate the extent of the field in which this service can be rendered. It is
(41)
42 The Annals of the American Academy
an immense task which the League has undertaken, and in performing it the
League deserves the support of every one who cares less for dollars than
for people."
The text of the decision in the Oregon case is given in full following
this report, since it is difficult for the general reader to gain access to deci-
sions of the United States Supreme Court, and the document is of vital
interest to many people.
Thirteen years ago the Supreme Court of Illinois decided that a state
could not, under the federal constitution, restrict the working hours of adult
women. Not until more than a dozen years after this decision had deprived
women in Illinois of all legislative protection from excessive working hours
did the United States Supreme Court itself have an opportunity to be heard
upon this subject.
By its sweeping reversal of the Illinois court, the highest court of the
United States has now brought this nation into the group of civilized
countries which, beginning with England in 1844, have successively enacted
laws to protect women from overwork in manufacture.
The Illinois decision retarded this movement by many years in other
American states, although the highest court of Massachusetts had sustained
the constitutionality of the Massachusetts ten-hours law for women as far
back as 1876, and the supreme courts of three states — Nebraska, Washington
and Oregon — have in the last decade followed the Massachusetts precedent.
The Federal Supreme Court unanimously holds not only that the work-
ing hours of women may be restricted for the protection of health, but that
the welfare of the state depends upon such restriction.
This decision is the most sweeping one ever promulgated by the Supreme
Court of the United States in relation to working hours. It is not confined
to a consideration of the ten-hours day or to a working day of any par-
ticular length. It leaves to the states liberty to determine what working
hours are wholesome and reasonable. It goes far beyond the statute at issue.
which dealt with the employment of women in factories and laundries, and
looks towards the protection of women in other employments. The opinion
is in advance of the practice of many of the twenty states which have
enacted laws curtailing women's working hours. Most of these permit the
ten-hours day to be invalidated by exceptions which interfere with enforce-
ment of the law and in many cases render it practically void.
Before judges can pass upon the constitutional question at issue, they
must obviously have presented to them testimony throwing light on the
intricate medical and social facts which ultimately determine their decision.
The court's "judicial cognizance" of practical facts should act as a
valuable stimulus to the study and "general knowledge" concerning them.
The meagerness of the available American information on the social and
medical eiifects of occupations was revealed in the course of preparing Mr.
Brandeis' brief. Specific medical data upon this subject is almost wholly
lacking. Not only the effect of long hours but the whole hygiene of occupa-
tions awaits adequate medical investigation.
National Consumers' League 43
Since many of our industries and processes differ fundamentally from
European ones, it is indispensable to have medical observations and conclu-
sions based on American conditions. In some cases, doubtless, the physical
results are identical here and abroad. Statistics of the effects of laundry
work, for instance, compiled by two large London infirmaries, and quoted
in Mr. Brandeis' brief are no doubt as true of the laundries here as in
London, since American laundry machines are widely used in England, and
the general conditions of the trade appear to be the same. In other indus-
tries, however, the statistics of one country may be valueless for another.
Besides contributing to reprinting the brief in the Oregon case, the Rus-
sell Sage Foundation has granted the Publication Committee an appropria-
tion for a more extended investigation into the literature on fatigue in rela-
tion to the length of working hours. This appropriation has provided sala-
ries of two or three readers during the past eight months, as well as all
clerical assistance. The Chairman of the Publication Committee has directed
this reading in the medical and social literature of the United States, Eng-
land, France, Germany, Austria, Italy and the British colonies. A mass of
opinions and statistics has been gathered which will be printed as a com-
pendium for use in future legislation and court cases.
L^nusual courtesies have been received at the following libraries : the
New York Public Library, the libraries of Columbia University and of the
Academy of Medicine in New York City, the Library of Congress and the
Library of the Department of Commerce and Labor in Washington. Books
and reports have also been imported direct from abroad, and inquiries for
additional material have been directed to prominent physicians and econo-
mists abroad.
In consequence of the resolution passed at the tenth annual meeting
of the Council of the National Consumers' League, held in Providence,
March, 1909 (see below), the following letter has been addressed to Dr
F. T. Devine, one of the directors of the next meeting of the International
Congress of Hygiene and Demography, which will take place for the first
time in America in Washington, 1910:
Dr. E. T. Devine, 103 East Twenty-second Street, .Yny York City:
My Dear Dr. Devine: — I send you herewith a resolution of the Council
of the National Consumers' League* regarding the approaching meeting of
the International Congress of Hygiene and Demography in 1910.
To our mind there is no province of industrial hygiene which is of more
importance, or has been more neglected, than the study of fatigue in relation
to the length of working hours.
While medical interest in occupational diseases is over a century old,
and the literature on the subject is enormous (a partial bibliography filling
almost twenty pages in Mr. Hoffman's study of Dusty Trades, Bulletin of
the United States Department of Labor, November, 1908), these works
contain little mention of what is perhaps the most common and most subtle
danger of occupation, overfatigue.
•See pp. L^-IG.
44 The Annals of the American Academy
In the course of an investigation, which I have carried on during the
last eight months, I have found no more valuable contributions to the
physiological and psychological study of industrial overstrain than the
articles read before the International Congress of Hygiene, Berlin, 1907
(Ermiidung durch Berufsarbeit, by Dr. Z. Treves, of Turin; Dr. E. Roth,
Berlin, etc.).
The Congress had previously heard able papers on these problems at
its meeting in Budapest, 1894, and in Paris, 1900. At its meeting in Brus-
sels, in 1903, the Congress passed a resolution urging governments to study
overfatigue as one of the most fertile sources of ill health. This recom-
mendation was quoted and repeated in hearings before the British Inter-
departmental Committee on Physical Degeneration, 1904.
In this connection interest attaches to the formation of the "Commission
Internationale Permanente pour I'etude des Maladies Professionnelles," which
was organized after the First International Congress on Industrial Diseases,
in Milan, 1906, and whose headquarters are in Milan. The constitution of
the commission sets forth its object as follows:
Article 3. (a) To collect and study new facts in physiology, pathology'
or in the social sciences, which may be of value to industrial hygiene.
{e) To draw the attention of the authorities to the results of studies
which may be valuable for industrial hygiene, and to recommend to learned
societies as subjects of discussion, questions of physiology of clinical interest
and of the hygiene of labor.
(/) To make public the efforts of governments, universities, hospitals
and private persons, directed towards the teaching and development of indus-
trial hygiene.
The list of members of the Commission Internationale Permanente fails
to show a single representative from the United States among men from
European countries such as —
Dr. Thomas Legge, H- M. Medical Inspector of Factories, and Dr.
Thomas Oliver, England ; Prof. L. Devoto, Director of the Clinic for Indus-
trial Diseases at Milan, and Prof. Pieraccini, Italy; Dr. D. Gilbert, Chief
Medical Inspector, Belgium; Dr. E. Roth, Germany; Dr. Jean Paul'Langlois,
France, besides representatives from Holland, Sweden, Russia, Austria, Hun-
gary, Switzerland, Greece, Canada and the Argentine Republic.
The Commission Internationale Permanente publishes a quarterly bul-
letin containing exhaustive bibliographies of works on the "hygiene, physi-
ology, pathology, and clinical aspects of labor," in current medical and social
literature. While many of these works deal with specific diseases of occu-
pation, there is also a new emphasis laid on the problems of overstrain and
exhaustion, studied both in the laboratory and in industry.
It is this new correlation of strictly scientific investigation of fatigue
and its application to industrial conditions which was so remarkably exem-
plified at the Berlin meeting of the International Congress of Hygiene, and
which has hitherto been lacking in this country.
Could not the first American meeting of the International Congress in
National Consumers' League 45
1910 stimulate similar investigation and study here? Interest in increasing
efficiency of the workers has already led important industrial establishments
to provide supervision of the hygiene of their employees, thus affording one
method of observation. Specific questions which suggest themselves among
others might be :
A study of fatigue of attention, shown by the incidence of accidents
after long working hours, comparable to the study of Prof. Imbcrt in France
and Prof. Pieraccini in Italy.
A study of the specific effect on health and efficiency from reducing
hours of work and overtime comparable to the studies of Ernst Abbe and
others abroad.
A third line of investigation would be of great interest if the directors
of the Congress could devise means of gaining any information on the
relation between overstrain and the increase in nervous disorders among
working people.
Abroad the records of the sickness insurance societies are bringing this
problem into prominence, especially in Germany and Austria. While the
statistics of the societies do not appear to be as yet sufficiently standardized
to admit of positive proof of the effects of industrial strain in inducing
nervous disorders, the rapid increase of such diseases among insured mem-
bers has provoked grave discussion of the facts and of the need of counter-
acting them by reducing hours of labor.
The National Consumers' League recommends study and publication
of results in what the Italians aptly term the pathology of labor (patologia
del lavoro) — for a twofold object: for use in obtaining legislation reducing
hours of labor in the various states, and in subsequently defending such
legislation in the courts. Judging from the requests for the brief in the Oregon
case received this winter from states where legislation for women has been
undertaken (New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Connecticut, Rhode Island,
etc.), there is urgent need of more information on the physiological and
social facts upon which protective laws are based.
Such laws offer the most direct and only enforceable means of combat-
ing industrial overstrain. Education in nutrition, better housing, etc., is
doubtless indispensable, but a minimum leisure must first be provided.
Sincerely yours,
Josephine Goldm.ark,
Chairman.
DECISION OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
IN THE OREGON CASE
Curt ]\Iiller, Plaintiff in Error, vs. the State of Oregon
In Error to the Supreme Court of the State of Oregon
February 24, igo8
Mr. Justice Brewer delivered the opinion of the Court.
On February 19, 1903, the Legislature of the State of Oregon passed
an act (Session Laws, 1903, p. 148) the first section of which is in these
words :
Sec. I. That no female (shall) be employed in any mechanical estab-
lishment, or factory, or laundry in this state more than ten hours during
any one day. The hours of work may be so arranged as to permit the
employment of females at any time so that they shall not work more than
ten hours during the twenty-four hours of any one day."
Section 3 made a violation of the provisions of the prior sections a
misdemeanor, subject to a fine of not less than $10 nor more than $25.
On September 18, 1905, an information was filed in the Circuit Court of the
State for the County of Multnomah, charging that the defendant "on the
fourth day of September, A. D. 1905, in the County of Multnomah and
State of Oregon, then and there being the owner of a laundry, known as the
Grand Laundry, in the City of Portland, and the employer of females
therein, did then and there unlawfully permit and suffer one Joe Haselbock,
he, the said Joe Haselbock, then and there being an overseer, superintendent
and agent of said Curt Muller, in the said Grand Laundry, to require a
female, to wit, one Mrs. E. Gotcher, to work more than ten hours in said
laundry on said fourth day of September, A. D. 1905, contrary to the statutes
in such cases made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the
State of Oregon."
A trial resulted in a verdict against the defendant, who was sentenced
to pay a fine of $10. The Supreme Court of the State affirmed the convic-
tion (48 Ore. 252), whereupon the case was brought here on writ of error.
The single question is the constitutionality of the statute under which
the defendant was convicted so far as it affects the work of a female in a
laundry. That it does not conflict with any provisions of the state consti-
tution is settled by the decision of the Supreme Court of the State. The
contentions of the defendant, now plaintiff in error, are thus stated in his
brief:
"(i) Because the statute attempts to prevent persons, siii juris, from
making their own contracts, and thus violates the provisions of the Four-
teenth Amendment, as follows :
" 'No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi-
(46)
National Consumers' League 47
leges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws.'
"(2) Because the statute does not apply equally to all persons similarly
situated, and is class legislation.
"(3) The statute is not a valid exercise of the police power. The kinds
of work prescribed are not unlawful, nor are they declared to be immoral
or dangerous to the public health; nor can such a law be sustained on the
ground that it is designed to protect women on account of their sex. There
is no necessary or reasonable connection between the limitation prescribed
by the act and the public health, safety, or welfare."
It is the law of Oregon that women, whether married or single, have
equal contractual and personal rights with men. As said by Chief Justice
Wolverton, in First National Bank vs. Leonard, 36 Ore. 390, 396, after a
review of the various statutes of the state upon the subject:
"We may therefore say with perfect confidence that, with these three
sections upon the statute book, the wife can deal, not only with her separate
property, acquired from whatever source, in the same manner as her hus-
band can with property belonging to him, but that she may make contracts
and incur liabilities, and the same may be enforced against her, the same
as if she were a feme sole. There is now no residuum of civil disability
resting upon her which is not recognized as existing against the husband.
The current runs steadily and strongly in the direction of the emancipation
of the wife, and the policy, as disclosed by all recent legislation upon the
subject in this state, is to place her upon the same footing as if she were
a feme sole, not only with respect to her separate property, but a? it aflfects
her right to make binding contracts ; and the most natural corollary to the
situation is that the remedies for the enforcement of liabilities incurred are
made co-extensive and co-equal with such enlarged conditions."
It thus appears that, putting to one side the elective franchise, in the
matter of personal and contractual rights they stand on the same plane as
the other sex. Their rights in these respects can no more be infringed than
the equal rights of their brothers. We held in Lochner vs. New York, 198
U. S-, 45, that a law providing that no laborer shall be required or permitted
to work in bakeries more than sixty hours in a week or ten hours in a day
was not as to men a legitimate exercise of the police power of the state,
but an unreasonable, unnecessary, and arbitrary interference with the right
and liberty of the individual to contract in relation to his labor, and as such
was in conflict with, and void under, the federal constitution. That decision
is invoked by plaintiff in error as decisive of the question before us. But
this assumes that the difference between the sexes does not justify a different
rule respecting a restriction of the hours of labor.
In patent cases coun.scl are apt to open the argument with a discussion
of the state of the art. It may not be amiss, in the present case, before
examining the constitutional question, to notice the course of legislation as
48 The Annals of the American Academy
well as expressions of opinion from other than judicial sources. In the
brief filed by Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, for the defendant in error, is a very
copious collection of all these matters, an epitome of which is found in the
margin.*
While there have been but few decisions bearing directly upon the ques-
tion, the following sustain the constitutionality of such legislation. Common-
wealth vs. Hamilton Mfg. Co., 125 Mass. 383; JVenham vs. State, 65 Neb.
394, 400, 406; State vs. Buchanan, 29 Wash. 602; Commonzvcalth vs. Bcatty,
15 Pa. Sup. Ct. 5, 17; against them in the case of Ritchie vs. People, 155
111. 98.
The legislation and opinions referred to in the margin may not be, tech-
nically speaking, authorities, and in them is little or no discussion of the
constitutional question presented to us for determination, yet they are signifi-
cant of a widespread belief that woman's physical structure, and the func-
tions she performs in consequence thereof, justify special legislation restrict-
ing or qualifying the conditions under which she should be permitted to toil.
Constitutional questions, it is true, are not settled by even a concensus of
present public opinion, for it is the peculiar value of a written constitution
that it places in unchanging form limitations upon legislative action, and thus
♦The following legislation of the states Impose restriction In some form or
another upon the hours of labor that may be required of women : Massachusetts,
1874, Rev. Laws 1902, chap. 106, sec. 24 ; Rhode Island, 1885, Acts and Resolves
1902, chap. 994, p. 73 ; Louisiana, 1880, Rev. Laws 1904, vol. 1, sec. 4, p. 989 ;
Connecticut, 1887, Gen. Stat, revision 1902, sec. 4691 ; Maine, 1887, Rev. Stat. 1903,
chap. 40 sec. 48 ; New Hampshire, 1887, Laws 1907, chap. 94, p. 95 ; Maryland,
1888, Pub. Gen. Laws 1903, art. 100, sec. 1 ; Virginia, 1890, Code 1904, tit. 51 a.
chap. 178 a, sec. 3657 b; Pennsylvania, 1897, Laws 1905, No. 226, p. 352; New
York, 1899, Laws 1907, chap. 507, sec. 77, subdiv. 3, p. 1078 ; Nebraska, 1899,
Comp. Stat. 1905, sec. 9955, p. 1986; Washington, Stat. 1901, chap. 68, sec. 1, p.
118; Colorado, Acts 1903, chap. 138, sec. 3, p. 310; New Jersey, 1902, Gen. Stat, 1905,
p. 2350, sees. 66 and 67 ; Oklahoma, 1890, Rev. Stat. 1903, chap. 25, art. 58, sec.
729; North Dakota, 1877, Rev. Code 1905, sec. 9440; South Dakota, 1877, Rev.
Code (Penal Code, sec. 704). p. 1185; Wisconsin, 1867, Code 1898, sec. 1728; South
Carolina, Acts 1907, No. 233.
In foreign legislation Mr. Brandeis calls attention to these statutes : Great
Britain, 1844, Law 1901, I Edw. VII, chap. 22; France, 1848, Act Nov. 2, 1892, and
March 30, 1900; Switzerland, Canton of Giarus, 1848, Federal Law 1877 art.
2, sec. 1 ; Austria, 1855, Acts 1897. art. 96 a, sees. 1 to 3 ; Holland, 1889, Art. 5,
sec. 1 : Italy, June 19, 1902, art. 7 ; Germany, Laws 1891.
Then follow extracts from over ninety reports of committees, l)ureaus of sta
tistics, commissioners of hygiene. Inspectors of factories, both in this country and In
Europe, to the effect that long hours of labor are dangerous for women, primarily
because of their special physical organization. The matter is discussed in these
reports In different aspects, but all agree as to the danger. It would of course
take too much space to give these reports in detail. Following them are extracts
from similar reports discussing the general benefits of short hours from an economic
aspect of the question. In many of these reports individual instances are given
tending to support the general conclusion. Perhaps the general scope and character
of all these reports may be summed up in what an Inspector for Hanover says :
"The reasons for the reduction of the working day to ten hours — (o) the physical
organization of women, (h) her maternal functions, (c) the rearing and education
of the children, (d) the maintenance of the home — are all so important and bo
far-reaching that the need for such reduction need hardly he discussed."
National Consumers' League 49
gives a permanence and stability to popular government which otherwise
would be lacking. At the same time, when a question of fact is debated
and debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional limitation goes
is affected by the truth in respect to that fact, a widespread and long con-
tinued belief concerning it is worthy of consideration. We take judicial
cognizance of all matters of general knowledge.
It is undoubtedly true, as more than once declared by this court, that
the general right to contract in relation to one's business is part of the
liberty of the individual, protected by the Fourteenth Amendment to the
Federal Constitution yet it is equally well settled that this liberty is not
absolute and extending to all contracts, and that a state may, without con-
flicting with the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, restrict in many
respects the individual's power of contract. Without stopping to discuss at
length the extent to which a state may act in this respect, we refer to the
following cases in which the question has been considered: Allgeyer vs.
Louisiana, 165 U. S. 578; H olden vs. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366; Lochner vs.
New York, supra.
That woman's physical structure and the performance of maternal func-
tions place her at a disadvantage in the struggle for subsistence is obvious.
This is especially true when the burdens of motherhood are upon her.
Even when they are not, by abundant testimony of the medical fraternity
continuance for a long time on her feet at work, repeating this from day
to day, tends to injurious effects upon the body, and as healthy mothers are
essential to vigorous offspring, the physical well-being of woman becomes
an object of public interest and care in order to preserve the strength and
vigor of the race.
Still again, history discloses the fact that woman has always been
dependent upon man. He established his control at the outset by superior
physical strength, and this control in various forms, with diminishing inten-
sity, has continued to the present. As minors, though not to the same
extent, she has been looked upon in the courts as needing especial care that
her rights may be preserved. Education was long denied her, and while
now the doors of the school room are opened and her opportunities for
acquiring knowledge are great, yet even with that and the consequent
increase of capacity for business affairs, it is still true that in the struggle
for subsistence she is not an equal competitor with her brother. Though
limitations upon personal and contractual rights may be removed by legisla-
tion, there is that in her disposition and habits of life which will operate
against a full assertion of those rights. She will still be where some legisla-
tion to protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality of right. Doubt-
less there are individual exceptions, and there are many respects in which
she has an advantage over him ; but looking at it from the viewpoint of the
effort to maintain an independent position in life, she is not upon an equality.
Differentiated by these matters from the other sex, she is properly placed
in a class by herself, and legislation designed for her protection may be
sustained, even when like legislation is not necessary for men and could
50 The Annals of the American Academy
not- be sustained. It is impossible to close one's eyes to the fact that she
still looks to her brother and depends upon him. Even though all restric-
tions on political, personal, and contractual rights were taken away, and she
stood, as far as statutes are concerned, upon an absolutely equal plane with
him, it would still be true that she is so constituted that she will rest upon
and look to him for protection; that her physical structure and a proper dis-
charge of her maternal functions — having in view not merely her own health,
but the well-being of the race — justify legislation to protect her from the
greed as well as the passion of man. The limitations which this statute
places upon her contractual powers, upon her right to agree with her
emploj'er as to the time she shall labor, are not imposed solely for her
benefit, but also largely for the benefit of all. Many words cannot make
this plainer. The two sexes differ in structure of body, in the functions
to be performed by each, in the amount of physical strength, in the capacity
for long-continued labor, particularly when done standing, the influence of
vigorous health upon the future well-being of the race, the self-reliance which
enables one to assert full rights, and in the capacity to maintain the struggle
for subsistence. This difference justifies a difference in legislation and
upholds that which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens which
rest upon her.
We have not referred in this discussion to the denial of the elective
franchise in the State of Oregon, for while that may disclose a lack of
political equality in all things with her brother, that is not of itself decisive.
The reason runs deeper, and rests in the inherent difference between the two
sexes, and in the different functions in life which they perform.
For these reasons, and without questioning in any respect the decision
in Lochner vs. New York, we are of the opinion that it cannot be adjudged
that the act in question is in conflict with the Federal Constitution, so far
as it respects the work of a female in a laundry, and the judgment of the
Supreme Court of Oregon is affirmed.
True copy.
Test James H. McKenney,
Clerk, Supreme Court, United States.
THE LECTURE COMMITTEE
By the Chairman, Rev. James T. Bixby
I have sent out thirty letters to men of eminence and influence accom-
panied with reports.
In these I asked for sympathy in our work, the privilege of entering
the names of those addressed in our list of people willing to express before
public audiences their approval of our cause and, if in charge of a pulpit, to
present to their congregations from time to time the method of social bet-
terment for which our League stands. In response, four gentlemen have
sent assurances of sympathy with our cause; but owing to the pressure of
other work, cannot give active co-operation. Three have expressed a wil-
lingness, under certain conditions, to have their names put on our list of
those willing to address the public in our behalf. The names of these are :
Prof. John B. Clark, Columbia University; Dr. James H. Canfield, Librarian
of Columbia University; Dr. Charles Sprague Smith, Director, People's
Institute, New York City.
Dr. Sprague Smith also promises to place on the program of the People's
Institute for next year an evening devoted to the work of the National Con-
sumers' League.
Twelve others have given still more unreserved assent to our invitation
to serve our cause occasionally by public addresses either in their own
churches or when invited to speak elsewhere.
The names are as follows :
Rev. Dr. J. H. Mellish, Holy Trinity Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Prof. William Adams Brown, Union Theological Seminary, New York City.
Dr. Walter RadclifFe, the Presbyterian Church, Washington, D. C.
Dr. John Van Schaick, the Church of our Father, Universalist, Washing-
ton, D. C.
Rev. Dr. Floyd Tomkins, Holy Trinity,
Rabbi Henry Bcrkowitz, the Jewish Chatauqua Society,
Dr. W. B. Jennings, the Presbyterian Church,
Rev. Oscar B. Hawes, the Unitarian Society,
Dr. Edwin Heyl Delk, the Lutheran Church,
Dr. Charles L. Kloss, the Congregational Church,
Dr. S. V. V. Holmes, the Presbyterian Church, BuflFalo, N. Y.
Rabbi Israel Aaron, Rabbi of a large Hebrew congregation.
I quote a few expressions of interest and promises of co-operation.
Dr. Howard Mellish says : "I will be glad to co-operate with you
in any way I can. The subject is of vast importance and has my cordial
sympathy."
Dr. Edwin Huyl Delk, promising active aid, says. "I have always
spoken for the important reforms the League champions."
51)
Philadelphia
and
Germantown.
52 The Annals of the American Academy
Rabbi Berkowitz, granting permission to enroll his name in our list of
lecturers, also promises to present our movement to his congregation from
his pulpit. , . r
Dr Floyd Tomkins states that he has been mterested m our cause for
many years and promises that if he can do anything to help it forward he
certainly will. .
Dr. Walter Radclifife has already spoken to his congregation in approval
of our work and will continue to do so.
REPORT OF THE FOOD COMMITTEE
By the Chairman, Miss Alice Lakey
March, igo8, to March, 1909
The principal work of the Food Committee has been drafting a standard
slaughter-house and meat-inspection bill, to supplement the federal law
and provide for the use of any state a law to protect consumers from danger
of using meat from animals killed within the state that were diseased or
slaughtered in unsanitary slaughter-houses. The federal measure obviously
cannot protect consumers from evils existing within a state. The proposed
standard bill has been sent by Mr. James B. Reynolds to Washington for
final revision.
The committee has issued printed matter, designed to spread the doctrine
of not only pure food but clean food. The Chairman assisted Mrs. William
Shailer in preparing the leaflet issued by the New York City Consumers'
League and the National and New Jersey Consumers' Leagues; translated
into Italian and Yiddish for the East Side of New York City and, in Europe,
translated into French. It is circulated through domestic science classes and
grammar grades of some public schools and in one school of commerce in
New York City. The Food Commissioners of Pennsylvania and Wisconsin
have reprinted the leaflet in their regular publications. The committee has
reprinted (by permission) an article entitled "Pure Food Don'ts or Sugges-
tions to Canners." The score card is also to be had for distribution.
The year has been a difficult one for enforcement of the federal pure
food law, as concerted effort has been made to defeat its purpose and con-
cede to special interests privileges that meant the final destruction of the
integrity of the law. While no one can criticise the scientific men who are
the Referee Board, the appointing of the Board was contrary to the spirit
of the law. In a letter to the Chairman, dated February 8, 1909, Senator
Heyburn states :
"Some people are taking it for granted that the appointment of a Bureau
of Standards and Commissions of Chemists, etc-, is authorized by law and
that their action is binding in the determination of what constitutes a viola-
tion of the pure food law. Such is not the case. The law as enacted leaves
to the courts to determine what constitutes a violation. These fancy boards
have no legal status. The Board of Chemists has none. Dr. Wiley's findings
have no binding legal status in the courts. They only constitute evidence of
his opinion."
The appropriation to continue the Referee Board was to be voted on
February loth. Following a letter received from Dr. Purington, of Boston,
of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Chairman sent on Feb-
ruary gth telegrams to five members of the House of Representatives at
Washington, D. C, asking that the House sustain Dr. Wiley and the pure
(53)
54 The Annals of the American Academy
food law. The appropriation was lost. As it will come up in the Senate,
the Chairman sent letters to eighteen Senators in the Agricultural Appro-
priation Committee or interested in the pure food law. She asks that a
resolution be passed by the National Consumers' League and sent as a
telegram or letter to the appropriate Senators and to President Taft.
The effort of manufacturers of imitation whiskey to have the ruling
of Attorney-General Bonaparte set aside and permission given to call their
goods "rectified whiskey" has failed. On Monday, February 22d, a request
came that a telegram from the Consumers' League be sent asking President
Roosevelt to let stand the decision of Attorney-General Bonaparte as to
what constitutes whiskey. The telegram was sent that morning by the
Chairman. Mrs. Nathan, in the absence of Mr. Brooks, sent a similar one.
At our suggestion Dr. Purington, of the Women's Christian Temperance
Union, sent a message from Boston. On February 24th news came that the
rectifiers had lost their case and President Roosevelt had sustained Dr.
Wiley and the Attorney-General. Nothing is of more importance than keep-
ing Dr. Wiley as Chief of the Bureau of Chemistry. If the country loses
him as official head of the pure-food work, the, labor of twenty years is
wasted.
Mr. Martin, Treasurer of the Food Committee, reports in our treasury
$12, with an unpaid printing bill of $3.50 for the leaflet "Food Preserva-
tives." The balance will be $8.50.
Editorial matter was prepared for the Outlook of August 8 and Janu-
ary 30, 1908. The Board of Education of New York has added the Chair-
man's name to the list of lecturers for the Free Public Lecture Course.
She gave an address in Washington in March, 1908, at the International
Congress of Mothers; another in New Haven under the auspices of the New
Haven Consumers' League and the Civic League.
Requests were sent out for reports of work done during the past year.
Five answers are at hand. Mrs. Robert McVickar, Chairman of the Food
Committee of the New York State Consumers' League, reports speaking
at various meetings and awakening public opinion by every means possible.
As Chairman of the Food Sanitation Committee of the State Federation of
Women's Clubs she has brought forward the work of the joint committees.
Mrs. McVickar formed a food committee at Yonkers in the Civic League
where "Sanitary Maxims" have been distributed in cooking classes of the
public schools. The domestic science section of the Westchester Woman's
Club has formed group memberships and joined the local branch of the
Consumers' League. They have co-operated with the Board of Health and
called to its attention unsanitary conditions where food is sold or prepared
for sale, sent out the "Sanitary Maxims," and expect to have them distrib-
uted through domestic science classes in public schools.
Mrs. William Shailer, of the New York City League, reports appealing
to Health Commissioner Darlington for more rigid inspection of stores and
markets and a better enforcement of law relating to exposure of foods on
sidewalks and pushcarts. The committee has also complained of decaying
fish and poultry sold on Ninth Avenue on Saturday nights. Systematic
National Consumers' League 55
investigation of stores in fifteen districts in the city has begun, each member
of the committee taking one district. The aim is to induce prosperous shop-
keepers to set an example of cleanliness. Mrs. Shailcr reports that about
fifty thousand copies of "Sanitary Maxims" have been distributed to settle-
ments, mothers' clubs, teachers of cooking, church societies, etc. It was pub-
lished in the Bulletin of the French Consumers' League and distributed at
the International Conference at Geneva in September, 1908. Mrs. Shailcr
reports five conferences educational in purpose tendered to her committee
by the Chairman of the National Food Committee. Dr. Darlington has
spoken at one, as has Dr. Ira Wiley and Mr. Wilbur Phillips, Secretary of
the New York City Milk Committee. These conferences have been held at
Miss Bang's School, Mrs. Finch's School and Barnard College.
Mrs. J. W. Cory, of the Iowa Federation of Women's Clubs, reports
fifty copies of the "Maxims" distributed, also "Suggestions to Canners," and
the score card.
Mrs. B. C. Gudden, President of the Wisconsin Consumers' League, has
agitated to have John Spargo's book on milk given to milkmen as "com-
pulsory education," has written articles on sanitary maxims and score cards,
for the Couranl and other papers, and sent out copies to the branches of tlie
Consumers' Leagues of Wisconsin. Mrs. Gudden has spoken on the work
of the Food Committee and sent petitions to Congress for amendments to
the food law.
Miss Lilla Breed, of the Federation of Women's Clubs of Kentucky,
writes that score cards are what she has wanted as a foundation for needed
work in that state. She will send copies to the Chairman of the Food Sani-
tation Committee of the General Federation. Since the passage of the pure
food law everything waits upon the establishment of food standards. The
committee are, however, hoping to bring about better sanitary conditions in
markets in the state by a campaign of education through the newspapers.
Miss K. L. Trevett, Secretary of the Oregon Consumers' League, asked
for copies of "Pure Food Don'ts." One hundred copies were sent. While
the Chairman of the Food Committee in that state does not see her way to
forming a committee, it may come later. The Chairman will use the score
card. The Oregon Consumers' League has issued an excellent leaflet giving
the state food law in a concise form.
Miss Welles, Secretary of the Connecticut League, has been instrumental
in having a bulletin issued on "Food Labels Under the Connecticut Food Law
and Some Household Tests for Adulterants in Foods," prepared by Dr.
Jenkins, Director of the Connecticut Experiment Station. It is the first time
that such a publication has been issued by a State Department for a food
committee. The bulletins are sent out by the food committee. Miss Beach
has taken the chairmansliip of the New Haven committee, and their January
meeting was largely attended.
The New Jersey Food Committee is awaiting the arrival of the standard
slaughter-house and meat-inspection bill to secure its presentation before the
Legislature adjourns. Agitation for improvement of the supply of milk has
been carried on. In two towns new milk ordinances were adopted and the
56 The Annals of the American Academy
adoption of licenses for all milkmen is the direct result of the committee's
work. The committee has been increased by about twenty delegates of
women's clubs. "Sanitary Maxims" has been given to the pupils in grammar
grades of the Cranford public schools. The expense of printing the leaflet
was met by Senator Colby. The score card has been approved by the New
Jersey State Board of Health.
The Chairman suggests that the National Consumers' League make a
study, on lines similar to those employed in examining garment factories,
of material used and sanitary conditions existing in factories that are
clamoring to use preservatives.
March, igoy, to March, 1908
The work of the committee has been of many kinds. In May, 1907, the
People's Lobby at Washington, D. C, asked that the Consumers' Leagues
send letters to President Roosevelt endorsing the decision of Attorney-
General Bonaparte on labeling whiskies, and urging that the decision be
upheld. This bore directly on the pure food law.
On March 19th, by request of Dr. Mitchell, Secretary of the New Jersey
State Board of Health, the Chairman attended a hearing of the Senate
Committee at Trenton and spoke in favor of the pending food bill. Later a
bill was presented, at the request of the Chairman, by Senator Frelinghuysen,
providing for inspection of slaughter houses in New Jersey. This has since
been amended to include an inspection of meats.
The pure-food bill passed in New Jersey in April, 1907.
By request of the Secretary of the New Jersey State Board of Health
the Chairman, accompanied by a state food inspector, visited several dairies
and a slaughter house at Secaucus, back of Jersey City. With two excep-
tions the dairies were in a filthy condition ; the slaughter house was reported
at Washington, as it was doing an interstate trade. This expedition revealed
that the fattening of old worn-out cows is a regular business in that section.
The cows are kept tied up in low, dark, dirty sheds and fed on garbage
from New York hotels. This garbage is cooked in great vats and the smell
of rancid grease adds horror to the scene. One cow was lying dead in a
yard. "She died from lung trouble this morning; she was all right last
night," said the woman who came to meet us.
Roughly speaking, there are ten thousand dairies in New Jersey; nearly
all the cows find their way finally to a slaughter house. Is it any wonder
that tuberculosis is not exterminated when milk and meat come from cows
kept shut up in dark, dirty stables?
The great abattoir at Jersey City, with all improvements installed since
the national meat inspection law was passed, illustrates the benefits of
federal inspection. Following the visit of the Chairman, a courteous letter
was received from the manager of the Jersey City abattoir, asking for
criticisms and suggestions.
In New York State a man was found who made a business of buying
diseased cattle, killing them, removing the diseased parts and shipping the
meat into New York City.
National Consumers' League 57
Mr. James B. Reynolds and Dr. John Iliibcr have drafted a meat and
slaughter-house inspection law. which the committee hopes to see adopted
in every state not already provided with a similar law. Pennsylvania recently
adopted a law similar in purpose; Massachusetts is considering one; Indiana
and Michigan have such laws.
Upon invitation of the Association of State and National Food and
Dairy Departments the Food Committee voted to send the Chairman as a
delegate to the eleventh annual convention of the Association, at the James-
town Exposition in July, 1907. The Chairman gave an address on the
"Work of the National Consumers' League for Uniform Food Laws."
Special reference was made in the program to the Consumers' League. The
Chairman pledged the Food Committee to the support of a resolution on
food standards, which has been sent out to all the Consumers' Leagues,
asking them to act upon it.
By request of the Chicago Record-Herald the Chairman wrote an
article on the work of the Food Committee. She also prepared one for the
Outlook, December 3, 1907, on "The Pure Food Law." Attention is called
to an appreciative article on work by the Food Committee in the bulletin
of the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture, December, 1907.
The Chairman spoke at the annual meetings in February, 1908, of the
New Jersey and New York State Consumers' Leagues, and has been invited
to speak in Washington, March 13, 1908, at the International Congress of
Mothers.
In January, 1908, the committee was requested to read the new food
law drafted for Kentucky. Mr. R. M. Allen, Chief of the Food Division
of the Kentucky Experiment Station, suggested that letters endorsing the
bill be sent to the Public Health Committee of the Kentucky Legislature.
This was done. The bill was passed with only two dissenting votes. It is
the Chairman's opinion that this Kentucky food law is the nearest approach
to a model food law.
Reports from committees of the Consumers' League working for pure
food are encouraging. Mrs. B. C. Gudden, President of the Wisconsin Con-
sumers' League, will see what can be done about forming a state Food
Committee. Attention throughout the state has been directed to the evils
of local slaughter houses. One milk dealer has been reformed and is now
clean.
Mrs. Robert McVickar, President of the New York State Consumers'
League, has appointed a committee from various cities and towns. They
have distributed literature. Mrs. McVickar has secured the co-operation
of the New York State Federation of Women's Clubs through its pure food
Chairman. A meeting of the joint committee was held at Troy during the
convention of the State Federation of Women's Clubs. Mrs. McVickar
presented to the convention the work of the national and state food com-
mittees. Dr. Mary T. Bissell, Field Secretary of the New York State
Consumers' League, read a paper on clean milk at various meetings of the
women's institutes of farmers' associations.
Mrs. R. G. Waters, of the Food Committee in California of the Con-
58 The Annals of the American Academy
siimers' League, reports that the question of weights and measures is con-
stantly agitated in Los Angeles. The City Sealer of Weights and Measures
has secured evidence that customers are defrauded through short measure
of milk. He condemned one carload as it did not hold the milk it was
labeled to hold. A five-gallon can of milk was two quarts short; bottles, too,
are short measure. The California state food law was passed shortly after
the national law. Since then consumers have demanded that the label
tell the truth. They have an efficient health officer, diligent in investigating.
They use the newspapers to give publicity to abuses. "The law is well
enforced here; the only thing to do seems to be to encourage the appoint-
ment of non-political inspectors."
Mrs. M. C. Hart, Guthrie, Okla., reports the sending out of literature.
Mrs. A. G. Wright, Wisconsin, reports the same; also Mrs. Paul Doty, rep-
resenting the Woman's Clubs of Minnesota for the Food Committee of the
National Consumers* League.
Many women report sending the resolutions asked for from their
organizations to Secretary Wilson, urging enforcement of food standards
adopted or that may be adopted by the joint committees on standards of the
Association of State and National Food and Dairy Commissioners and the
Association of Official Agricultural Chemists. Among these are Mrs. W. H.
Hood, of Reno, Nev., and Mrs. A. Herbert Arnold, of the Rhode Island
State Federation. Mrs. A. B. Noyes, President of the Vermont State Con-
sumers' League, sent out a letter to President Roosevelt as to the decision
of Attorney-General Bonaparte. The state food law is working well ; many
things are improved, notably oysters, maple syrup and honey.
Mrs. J. W. Cory, Chairman of the committee of the Iowa State Federa-
tion of Women's Clubs, reports that Iowa women are being urged to buy
labeled goods, to study bulletins issued by the Food Commissioner, and to
study food prices and values. The thirteen thousand Iowa club women have
been, since 1905, deeply interested in the passage and enforcement of state
and national food laws. Their representatives in Congress have been urged
to advocate national food standards and sufficient appropriation to enforce
federal food laws. They are now at work for clean milk and clean markets.
She states that your Chairman's Outlook article on the "Pure Food Law"
has been placed in her circulating library, which is in demand among more
than three hundred and thirty-four clubs.
Miss Lilla N. Breed, Corresponding Secretary of the Kentucky Con-
sumers' League, reports hard work done for the passage of the Kentucky
food law. They are also interested in securing legislation for inspection
of cattle and testing dairy herds for tuberculosis. Miss Breed sent a cir-
cular letter issued by her committee, containing suggestions for practical pro-
grams. Under the titles "Bread," "Milk," "Meats," "Labels," is a list of
subjects practically covering the history of manufacture or production,
storage and sale of these food products, with suggestions for study of labels
on food packages.
Connecticut is to have a state Food Committee ; Miss Rebecca H. Beach
is the new Chairman.
National Consumers' League 59
Mrs. William Shailer has taken charge of the Food Committee of the
New York City Consumers' League. She has si.x active workers.
They are to hold a public meeting on March 18, 1908, in Dr. Parkhurst's
church.
A Food Committee was formed in Cranford, N. J., in 1907, to arrange
a food convention. Over $200.00 was needed to defray expenses. This
was raised in Cranford. The convention was held on the afternoon and
evening of December 3d, in the Presbyterian church. A large audience was
present, including over sixty delegates from state boards of health of New
Jersey and New York, local boards of health, civic societies, and a repre-
sentative from the Department of Agriculture of Pennsylvania. Dinner was
served to the delegates by the women of Cranford.
The national and state food officials who addressd the convention were :
R. M. Allen, Chief of Food Division, Experiment Station, Kentucky;
Dr. W. D. Bigelow, Chief of Division of Foods, Bureau of Chemistry,
Washington, D. C. ; Dr. William Frear, State Chemist Pennsylvania Depart-
ment of Agriculture; Dr. George Goler, Health Officer, Rochester, N. Y. ;
Prof. Edward Voorhees, Director New Jersey Agricultural Experiment
Station ; Dr. J. R. Mohler, Bureau of Animal Industry, Washington, D. C.
Dr. Charles Harrington, Secretary, Massachusetts State Board of Health,
prepared a paper for the convention, which was read. Addresses were given
by Senator J. S. Frelinghuysen, Dr. Henry L. Colt, President American
Association of Medical Milk Commissions, and Dr. Louis L. Seaman, late
Major-Surgeon U. S. V.
Consumers' Leagues were represented by Mrs. Cushing, President, New
Jersey League; Mrs. Frederick Nathan, Vice-President National, and Presi-
dent New York City League ; Mrs. Florence Kelley, Secretary National
Consumers* League.
In several addresses the relation of bovine to human tuberculosis was
clearly demonstrated.
The convention adopted resolutions on milk, slaughter-house inspection,
bleached flour, etc., and voted to form a New Jersey State Food Committee.
Your Chairman was elected its Chairman. She would express thanks of the
committee to national and state and city food officials who traveled long
distances to help the pure food cause in New Jersey. Letters and telegrams
wishing success were read, including those from Senators Heyburn and
McCumber. Dr. Harvey Wiley wrote : "The work of the convention was
along the right lines, and I am sure will have a favorable effect upon the
people, not only of your own state but on the country at large."
At the suggestion of Dr. Henry L. Colt, President of the American
Medical Milk Commission, an executive council has been formed. Fifteen
leading physicians in the state have consented to serve on this council.
The plan is to organize a branch committee in every town. Cranford.
Orange and Somerville already have chairmen appointed. This committee
will work for a medical milk commission in every county, slaughter-house
and meat inspection, good sanitary conditions where food is manufactured,
stored or sold, and other needed improvements. The National Food Com-
6o The Annals of the American Academy
mittee has adopted a sanitary score card, for the scoring of grocery stores,
bakeries, etc., suggested by Dr. Crumbine, President of the Board of Health
of Kansas, which has such a card.
As the Consumers' League uses a white list in mercantile establishments,
why not a similar list for food establishments whose record for cleanliness
is noteworthy? An effort will be made to have the scoring system adopted
wherever there is a branch Food Committee.
The National Food Committee wishes to see an active Food Committee
in every state, with branches in the cities and towns throughout each state.
It is, after all, the consumer who controls all these conditions. Shall we
exercise our privileges?
THE CONSUiMERS' HEALTH P.ILL
A BILL FOR A LAW TO PROTECT THE PUBLIC HEALTH, BEING
CHAPTER. ETC.
Section i. In any city of the first class within this state it shall be the
duty of the owner of goods, materials and merchandise to protect, as
hereinafter set forth, said goods, materials and merchandise from exposure
to vermin and to germs of tuberculosis, syphilis, scarlet fever, smallpox,
chicken-pox, leprosy, ophthalmia, scabies, ringworm, typhoid fever and aU
other contagious and infectious diseases whereby said goods, materials and
merchandise may subsequently become vehicles for conveying said germs
among the public.
Sec. 2. In any city nf the first class within this state every person, firm
or corporation engaged in the manufacture of any goods, materials or
merchandise shall provide wholesome workrooms and storage accommoda-
tions free from vermin and infection or contagion for all said goods,
materials and merchandise in all stages and processes of manufacture, storage
and preparation for sale.
Sec. 3. Whenever any person, firm or corporation or agent or manager
of any corporation shall, for the purpose of completing in whole or in part
any process of manufacture of any goods, materials or merchandise, take,
send or permit to be taken or kept or conveyed such goods, materials or
merchandise away from the principal place of business of such person, firm
or corporation, or from any factory, workshop, store or place of storage,
controlled in whole or in part by such person, firm or corporation, said
person, firm or corporation, agent or manager of said corporation shall for
the purposes of this act continue to be responsible for the healthful surround-
ings of said goods, materials and merchandise and for the exposure thereof
to the presence of vermin and of the germs of any contagious or infectious
disease exactly as if said goods, materials or merchandise had remained
in said principal place of business.
Sec. 4. Whenever any goods, materials or merchandise shall be in the
custody of any contractor, not the person, firm or corporation owning said
goods, such contractor shall, for the purposes of this act, be deemed to be
the agent of such owners.
Sec. 5. For the purpose of identification all goods, materials, or merchan-
dise sent, taken or permitted to he conveyed away from the principal place
of business of the owner of such goods, materials or merchandise, for the
purpose of manufacture in whole or in part, shall first be marked by the
owner with the correct full name and address of the owner printed in the
English language and easily legible. In case any article is so small or other-
wise of such nature that it cannot be marked as hereinbefore prescribed,
such article shall be conveyed in a suitable receptacle large enough to carry
61)
62 The Annals of the American Academy
such marking, and such receptacle, so marked, shall be kept in the workroom
and shall be produced and shown upon demand made by any inspector of
the Board of Health, or any inspector of the State Department of Labor,
and the presence of such mark shall be prima facie evidence of the owner-
ship of said goods, materials or merchandise by the person, firm or corpora-
tion named on such receptacle.
Sec. 6. Any goods, materials or merchandise found in violation of the
provisions of this act by any inspector of the Board of Health, or of the
State Department of Labor, in any place other than the principal place of
business of said owner, shall be seized by the Board of Health and fumigated
or otherwise cleansed and held until such owner shall claim such goods,
materials or merchandise and shall pay such reasonable fee as may be pre-
scribed for such service by the Board of Health.
Sec. 7. Every workroom and every place used for storage to which such
goods, materials, or merchandise are taken, sent or permitted to be conveyed,
or in which they may be kept, away from the principal place of business of
such owner, shall be subject to the same requirements as to inspection, cubic
air space, light, cleanliness, ventilation and sanitation as are now prescribed
by law for factories and tenant factories, and in n-o case shall any such work-
room or place used for storage be used for sleeping by day or by night by
any person, nor shall any such workroom contain any bed, sofa, couch,
mattress, pillow or other furnishing adapted to the use of persons in sleeping.
Sec. 8. The word manufacture wherever used in this act shall be taken
to mean any process of making, altering, repairing, sewing, sorting, drying,
picking, packing, storing, dyeing or cleaning in whole or in part any article
whatsoever, not for the immediate personal use of the owner, or his family.
Sec. 9. The word workroom wherever used in this act shall be taken to
mean any room in which goods, materials or merchandise shall be subjected
in whole or in part to any process of making, altering, repairing, sewing,
sorting, drying, picking, packing, storing, dyeing or cleaning whatsoever, not
for the immediate personal use of the owner, or his family.
Sec. 10. Nothing herein contained shall be construed to cancel or abridge
any power or duty now pertaining to the state inspectors of factories.
All acts or parts of acts which conflict with this act are hereby repealed
(specific sections to be inserted later).
Sec. II. Penalty. Every person, firm or corporation, agent, manager or
contractor for a corporation who shall violate or fail to comply with any of
the provisions of this act shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and shall for
each violation pay a fine of not less than $50 or stand committed, each day
to constitute a separate violation.
Sec. 12. It shall be the duty of the Department of Health to enforce the
provisions of this act.
TREASURER'S' REPORT
REPORT OF CASH RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS
From January I to December j/, 7907
Receipts
Nezv York —
Joint appeal of the New York City and National
League $1,20.3 10
Contributions 1.675 00
Quota 131 50
$3,oog 60
Massachusetts —
Contribution for 1907 $825 20
Contribution for 1908 50 co
Special contribution 25 00
Quota 17480
1,075 00
Pennsylvania —
Contribution for 1907 $550 00
Contribution for 1908 150 00
Quota 80 00
780 00
Ohio-
Contribution $325 00
Quota 63 60
388 60
A'czv Jersey —
Contributions $75 00
Quota 59 30
134 30
Maryland —
Contributions $25 00
Quota 50 00
75 00
Wellesley College —
Contributions $50 00
Quota 1000
60 00
Wisconsin —
Contributions $20 00
Quota 30 00
50 00
Michigan —
Quota 35 00
(63)
64 The Annals of the American Academy
Rhode Island —
Contributions $IS oo
Quota 14 oo
$29 00
Oregon —
Quota 26 50
Connecticut —
Contributions 25 00
Kentucky —
Quota ( 1907 and 1908) 18 20
Illinois —
Quota 10 60
Delaware —
Contributions 10 00
Maine —
Quota 10 00
University of Wisconsin —
Quota 8 60
Sundry receipts for printed matter, etc 62 98
Total receipts during period $5,808 38
Cash on hand January i, 1907 163 08
$5,971 46
Disbursements.
Salaries $3,858 12
Traveling expenses 1 10 10
Rent 336 00
Printing and stationery 882 88
Postage 208 20
Telephone 61 04
Joint appeal of the New York City and National Leagues 201 44
Press clippings 21 09
Photographs 12 86
Sundry small payments and office expenses 251 11
Total disbursements during period $5,94^ 84
Balance, cash on hand, December 31, 1907 28 62
$5,971 46
Herbert L. Satterlee, Treasurer.
We certify that the above is a correct statement of receipts and disburse-
ments, from January i to December 31, 1907.
The Audit Company of New York.
National Consumers' League 65
RETORT OF CASH RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS
From January i to December 31, igo8
Receipts
Nezv York —
Special appeal $1,860 00
Contributions 1.7/6 00
Quota 148 49
$3,784 49
MassacliHsctts —
Contributions $807 90
Quota 142 10
950 00
Pennsylvania —
Contributions $600 00
Quota 80 00
680 00
Maryland —
Contributions $135 00
Quota 26 40
Loan 350 00
5" 40
Ohio—
Contributions $250 00
Quota 67 90
317 90
Kc-lV Jersey —
Contributions 105 00
Wellesley College—
Contributions $40 00
Quota 5880
98 80
Connecticut —
Contributions $42 00
Quota 48 60
90 60
Wisconsin —
Quota 40 00
Delaware —
Contribution $10 00
Quota 2050
30 50
Rhode Island —
Contributions $15 00
Quota 14 00
29 00
66 The Annals of the American Academy
Vassar College —
Quota
Oregon —
Contribution
Illinois —
Quota
Individual memberships
Rent
Sundry receipts for printed matter, etc
Total receipts for year 1908
Cash on hand, January i, 1909
?25
ID
25
00
10
40
32
00
60
00
38
71
$6,828
90
28 62
3.857 52
Disbursements
Salaries $4,259 82
Printing and stationery 721 36
Postage 226 71
Rent 686 75
Telephone 42 72
Sundry small payments and office expenses 171 89
Expenses of Congestion Exhibit 33 50
Traveling expenses 78 80
Payments on account of loan 100 00
Special appeal 482 22
Total disbursements for year 1908 $6,803 77
Balance, cash on hand, December 31, 1908 S3 75
$6,857 52
G. Hermann Kinnicutt,
Treasurer.
We certify that the above is a correct statement of receipts and disburse-
ments, from January i to December 31, 1908.
The Audit Company of New York.
DIRECTORY OF CONSUMERS' LEAGUES
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF CONNECTICUT.
STATE LEAGUE.
Offlcers.
PROF. HENRY W. FARNAM, Acting President until October, Ynle University.
PROF. HENRY W. FAIiNAM. Vice-President.
PRESIDENT ARTHUR T. HADLEY Second Vice-President.
MRS. W. B. GLOVER, Recordlnj? Secretary. Fairfield.
MR. H. LEONARD BEADLE, Treasurer, 31 Pratt St., Hartford.
MR. GEORGE H. STOUGHTON, Auditor, Hartford.
MISS MARY C. V^'ELLES, Ph.D., General Secretary, Newlngton.
Board of Directors.
Rev. II. II. Tweedy, Bridgeport. Mrs. James L. ShefBeld, So. Glastonbury.
Mrs. W. W. Farnam, New Haven. Dr. S. Mary Ives, Middletown.
Miss Annie B. Jennings, Fairfield. Miss Adeline E. Stone, Guilford.
Mrs. E. V. Mitcbell, Hartford. Mrs. A. A. Crane. Waterbury.
Mrs. Hamilton Wallis, Colchester. Miss M. Bessie Hlne, New Mllford.
Mrs. W. B. Glover. Fairfield. Mrs. H. T. Moss. Cheshire.
Miss Frances E. Brinley, Newlngton. Miss Helen Marshall, Norwich.
Dr. W. B. Bailey, New Haven. Mrs. Annie C. S. Fenner, New London.
Mrs. George F. Taylor. Willimantic. Mrs. F. A. Grant, Rocky Hill.
Miss Mary P. Lewis, CoUinsville. Mrs. A. K. Dixon Wallingford.
Miss Helen L. Wolcott, Wethersfield. Mrs. Buell Bassette, New Britain.
Miss M. Isabel Corning, East Hartford.
BRIDGEPORT.
Ofp.cera.
REV. HENRY H. IWEEDY. President.
MRS. W. R. HEPSON, Vice-President.
MRS. G. A. JAMIESON, Secretary and Treasurer. 816 North Ave.
FAIRFIELD.
Oiflcera.
MRS. W. B. GLOVER. President.
MISS A. B. JENNINGS. First Vice-President.
MRS. S. II. WHEELER, Second Vice-President.
MISS BESSIE L. CHILD. Secretary.
MR. JOHN E. DEYO. Treasurer.
MR. W. A. WHEATLEY, Auditor.
HARTFORD.
Officers.
MRS. S. II. WILLIAMS, President, Glastonbury.
UEV. ERNEST ui.V. MIEL. First Vice-Presidont, 120 SIgourney St.
DR. FREDERICK T. SIMPSON, Second Vice-President, 122 High St.
MRS. WALDO S. PRATT, Secretary, 80 Glllett St.
MISS M. A. GOODMAN, Treasurer, 834 Asylum Ave.
(67)
68 The Annals of the American Academy
Emecutive Committee.
Mrs. Sidney W. Clark. 40 Wlllard St. Miss M. Jones, 15 North St.
Miss Florence M. Crofut, 25 N. Beacon Mrs. Arthur D. Call, 18 Shultas Place.
St. Dr. David I. Greene, 31 Farmington Ave.
Mrs.E. V. Mitchell, 14 Charter Oak Mr. John M. Holcombe, 79 Spring St.
Place. Dr. G. C. F. Williams, 17 Atwood St.
Mrs. F. A. Brackett, 49 Clark St. Rev. John Coleman Adams, 83 Sigourney
Rev. R. H. Potter, 142 Washington St. St.
COLCHESTER.
Officers.
MRS. HAMILTON WALLIS, President.
MRS. ARTHUR L. STEBBINS, Secretary and Treasurer.
NEW HAVEN.
Officers.
MRS. WILLIAM W. FARNAM, President, 335 Prospect St.
MRS. ISHAM HENDERSON. Vice-President.
MRS. WILLIAM A. GRANVILLE, Vice-President.
MISS R. D. BEACH, Vice-President.
MRS. T. H. MacDONALD, Secretary.
MRS. A. N. WHEELER, Treasurer.
SODTHINGTON.
Officers.
MRS. RAY F. CARTER, President.
MISS GRACE BECKLEY, Vice-President.
MISS JULIA MERRILL. Secretary.
MRS. CHARLES KELLEY, Treasurer.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF DELAWARE.
STATE LEAGUE — -WILMINGTON.
Officers.
MISS MARGARET H. SHEARMAN, President, 1600 W. 7th St.
MISS EMILY P. BISSELL, First Vice-President, 1404 Franklin St.
MRS. LEWIS C. VANDEGRIFT, Second Vice-President, 1506 Broome St.
MISS MARY F. A. MATHER, Third Vice-President, Gilpin Ave.
MISS ANNA WORDS BUD, Corresponding and Executive Secretary, 905 Delaware
Ave.
MISS ELIZABETH R. JACKSON, Recording Secretary, 1101 Washington St.
MISS JENNIE M. WEAVER, Treasurer.
Chairmen of Standing Committees.
MRS. E. T. BETTS, 1209 Gilpin Ave., Finance.
MRS. HORACE THAYER, 1208 Rodney St., Publication.
MISS EDITH S. DANFORTH, 1401 Delaware Ave., Investigation.
MRS. CHARLES I. KENT, 917 Washington St., Legislation.
MISS MIRIAM W. WEBB, 505 W. 9th St., Meetings and Lectures.
THE CONSUMERS* LEAGUE OF GEORGIA.
STATE LEAGUE ATLANTA.
Officers.
MRS. HAMILTON DOUGLAS, President, 456 Jackson St.
MRS. F. L. WOODRUFF, First Vice-President, 96 E. Linden St.
National Consumers' League
69
REV. A. J. McKKLWAY. Second Vice-President, Decatur.
MISS LUCY HAItlilSON, IleconlinR Secretary, Peachtree Rond.
MRS. CHARLES HKHRK, Assistant Recording Secretary, 52 Cooper St.
MRS. W. EL SMITH, Treasurer, 70 East Baker St.
Rt. Rev. Henjaniin Keeley.
Honorary Vice-Prcsiilents.
Rt. Rev; C. KInloch >eIson.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF H.LINOLS.
STATE LEAQDB CHICAGO.
Officers.
MRS. MARY H. WILMARTIL President, Auditorium Annex.
MISS RKITH WYATT. Vice-President.
MRS. HARRIET M. VAN DER VAART, Secretary, 401 Rand McNally Building.
MISS ANNA E. NICHOLES, Treasurer, Neif,'hborliood House, GTIO May St.
Mrs. I. S. Blackwelder.
Mrs. Ellen M. Ilenrotin.
Mrs. C. C. Arnold
Miss .Tane Addams.
Miss Mary Rozet Smith.
Mrs. Mather Smith.
Mrs. Harold McCormlcK.
Dr. Emil G. Hirsch.
Prof. Graham Taylor.
Rev. W. R. Notman.
Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones.
Dr. F. S. Churchill.
Members of the Board.
Miss Elizabeth Head
Mrs. Charles Walker.
Mi.ss S. P. Breckenrldge.
Mrs. Franck Churchill.
Mrs. E. B. Burling.
Mrs. S. Dauchy.
Mrs. .lames W. Thompson.
Advisory Board.
Rev. J. A. Ronthaler.
Prof. Charles R. Henderson.
Rev. R. A. White.
Rev. Frederick E. Hopkins.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF IOWA,
Correspondents.
MRS. EDITH PAYNES PARSONS. S-J7 Seventh Ave.. Des Moines.
PROF. A. D. CROMWELL, Humboldt College, Humboldt.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF KENTUCKY.
STATE LEAGUE LOOISVILLB.
Officers.
MRS. R. P. HALLECK, President, 1154 Third St.
MRS. MORRIS B. BELKNAP, Vice-President.
MRS. .1. B. .TUDAII, Vice-I'rosident.
DR. JULIA INGRAM, Vice-President.
MRS. JOHN LITTLE. Vice-President.
MRS. LEONARD HEWITT, Vice-President.
MRS. CLAUDE BARNES, Vice-President.
MISS FRANCES INGRAM, Vice-President.
MISS .MABEL STROTIIER, Recording Secretary.
MISS LILLA N. BREED, Corresponding Secretary. 932 Fourth St.
MRS. SAMUEL DORR, Treasurer, 1213 Second St.
yo The Annals of the American Academy
Chairmen of Committees.
MISS HELEN BRUCE, Information.
MISS ADBLE BRANDEIS, Label.
MRS. O. L. REID, White List.
Advisory Committee.
Miss Rebecca Averill, Frankfort. Mrs. T. H. Shepard, Covington.
Miss Lena Talbot, Pans. Mrs. A. M. Harrison, Lexington.
Mrs. Letcher Riker, Harrodsburg.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF MAINE.
STATE LEAGUE GABDINEK.
Offlcers.
MRS. LAURA E. RICHARDS, President, 3 Dennis St.
MRS. CAROLINE S. DANFORTH, Secretary, 29 Pleasant St.
MRS. MARY MORRELL, Treasurer, 11 Danforth St.
Directors.
Mrs. R. H. Gardiner. Oaklands. Mrs. Mary Morrell, Danforth St.
Mrs. C. S. Jackson, 170 Pleasant St. Miss Barstow, Brunswick St.
Mrs. C. O. Turner.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF MARYLAND.
STATE LEAGUE BALTIMORE.
Officers.
DR. GEORGE E. BARNETT. President, 227 W. Monument St.
MISS L. V. NORTH. First Vice-President, 211 Oakdale Road, Roland Park.
MRS. L. S. HULBURT', Second Vice-President. Embla Park.
MR. JOHN PHILIP HILL, Treasurer, 712 Keyser Building.
MISS ELIZABETH M. CARROLL, Recording Secretary, 1225 Guilford Ave.
MRS. BENJAMIN W. CORKRAN, Jk., Corresponding Secretary, 200 Goodwood Gar-
dens, Roland Park.
Executive Committee.
Mrs. Aaron Adler. Mrs. L. S. Hulburt.
Dr. George E. Bamett. Miss Margaret Hamilton.
Miss Elizabeth M. Carroll. Mrs. A. Leo Knott.
Mrs. Benjamin W. Corkran. Mrs. Ernest D. Levering.
Miss Jeanne Cassard. Mrs. Daniel Miller.
Mrs. William M. Elliott. Miss L. V. North.
Dr. Jacob H. Hollander. Mrs. B. Holly Smith.
Mr. John P. Hill.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
STATE LEAGUE BOSTON.
Officers.
MRS. THOMAS SHERWIN, President, Revere St., Jamaica P!aln.
MR. CHARLES LOWELL BARLOW, Treasurer, 4 Joy St.
MISS WIGGIN. Corresponding Secretary. 4 Joy St.
MRS. HENRY M. CHANNING, Recording Secretary, 142 Marlboro St.
Natio)ial Consumers' Lcaa^ue
71
Mr. Arthur D. Illil.
Letjal Council.
Mr. Howard W,
Brown.
Executirc
Mr. Charles F. Bradley. 00 Mt. Vernon
St.
Miss Mary W. Calkins. Bellevue St.,
Newton.
Ml3s Helena S. Dudl.'.v, On Tyler St..
Boston.
Mrs. J. M. Gilmoro, 115 Wendell Ave.,
Pittsfleld.
Mrs. Charles B. Gleason. Sargent St.,
Newton.
Miss Elizabeth IT. Houghton. 53 Garden
St., Cambridge.
CommiUce.
Mrs. Leonard V. Kinnicutt, 77 Elm St.,
Worcester.
Mrs. Frederic J. Stlmson. 54 Beacon
St., Boston.
Mrs. Edward Sherwin, Dedh.nm.
Mrs. William R. TTiayer, 8 Berkley St..
Cambridge.
Mrs. Fred. H. Tucker, 206 Church St.,
Newton.
Miss Edith Tufts, Wellesley College,
Wellesley.
Mrs. Edward Bradford.
Mr. .John Graham Brooks.
Hon. Samuel B. Capen.
Miss Katherine Coman.
I'rof. Davis R. Dewey.
Rev. Charles F. Dole.
Rabbi Charles Fleischer.
Mr. Robert H. Gardiner.
Hon. Curtis Guild, Jr.
Mrs. Richard P. Hallowell.
Miss Caroline Hazard.
Rev. George Hodges.
Miss Agnes Irwin.
Mrs. Mary Morton Kehew.
Honorary Vice-Presidents.
Mrs. William Lawrence.
]Miss Ellen Mason.
Rev. Endicott Peabody.
Mrs. .John C. Phillips.
Mrs. Charles S. Sargent.
;Mrs. Winthrop Sargent.
Mrs. Barthold Schlesinger.
Prof. F. W. Taussig.
Mrs. Nathaniel Thayer.
Mrs. May Alden Ward.
Miss Cornelia Warren.
Mrs. R. Clifford Watson.
Mrs. Henry M. Whitney.
Mr. Robert A. Woods.
WELLESLEY COLLEGE LEAGL'B.
OfPcers.
MISS LOriSE C. WIIITAKER, President.
MARION I). .JEWETT. Sncretary and Tre.nsurei-
HORTENSE COLBY, Corresponding Secretary.
Executive Committee.
Miss Edith S. Tufts. Miss Marie L. Kasten, 1910.
Miss Marion D. Savage, 1909. Miss Helen Slagle, 1911.
Miss Elinor Farrington, 1912.
>rT. HOLYOKE COLLEGE LEAGUE — SOUTU HADLET.
Officers.
MISS THEODORA PECK, President.
MISS FRANCES VEACH, Vice-President.
MISS BLANCHE FBNTON, Secretary and Treasurer.
SMITH COLLEGE LEAGUE NORTHAMPTON.
Offlcera.
MISS ROSAMOND KIMBALL, President.
MISS HENRIETTA SPERRY, Vice-President.
MISS MARGARET S. COOK, Secretary.
MISS FANNY V. IIAZEN, Treasurer
72 The Annals of tlie American Academy
LASBLL SEMINARY LEAGUE AUBURNDALE.
Officers.
MISS MARY LUMBARD, President, Oak Park, Chicago, III.
MISS MARY GALLAGHER, Vice-President, Los Angeles, Cal.
MISS JENNIE STANTON, Secretary and Treasurer, Milford, Del.
AtrXILIAKIBS.
Council of Jewish Women.
MRS. MAX MITCHELL, Chairman, 64 Wallingford Road, Brighton, Mass.
Mrs. H. L. Fishel, .32 Waumbeck St., Mrs. .Jacob De Haas, 15 Durham St.,
Roxbury, Mass. Boston, Mass.
Mrs. J. P. Morse, 43 Kenwood St., Dor- Mrs. A. P. Spitz, CooUdge St., Brookline,
Chester, Mass. Mass.
Mrs. S. A. Myers, 10 Selkirk Road, Brookline, Mass.
Newton Social Science Club.
MRS. FRED H. TUCKER, Chairman.
Mrs. Wolcott Calkins. Miss Esther F. Wilder.
Miss Fanny M. Adams. Mrs. Percy N. Kenway.
Mrs. Frank B. Matthews.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF MICHIGAN.
STATE LEAGUE.
DETROIT.
Officers.
RT. REV. CHARLES D. WILLIAMS, President.
MISS PRANCES W. SIBLEY, First Vice-President.
MRS. CHARLES F. HAMMOND, Second Vice-President.
MRS. SILAS B. COLEMAN, Recording Secretary.
MISS SARAH C. ANGELL, Corresponding Secretary, 49 Watson St.
MISS GRACE BLITZ, Treasurer.
Directors.
Miss Mary Turner. Mrs. George T. Hendrie.
Mrs. W. D. Sellew.
JACKSON.
Officers.
MRS. W. E. BELLOWS. President, 312 Fourth St.
MISS JOSEPHINE GIBBS, First Vice-President, 801 First St.
MRS. EMMA CONNELLY, Second Vice-President, 702 N. State St.
MRS. EMMA COLE, Recording Secretary, 803 Waterloo Ave.
MRS. O. G. COLEMAN, Treasurer. 314 Third St.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF MISSOURI.
STATE LEAGUE ST. LOUIS.
Officers.
MRS. HARVEY G. MUDD, President, 4144 Washington Ave.
MISS CORNELIA FISHER, First Vice-President, Grand Avenue Hotel.
MISS MARIE THERESE PEUGNET, Second Vice President, 4245 Lindell Ave.
MRS. J. H. WEAR, Third Vice-President, 4643 Berlin Ave.
Xatio)ial Consigners' League
71
MRS. B. B. GKAUAM, Fourth Vice-President. 5145 Llndell Are.
MISS L. S. KKNNETT, Secretary, 5009 Md'herson Ave.
MISS CAULOTA OLASOOW, Assistant Secretary, 3056 Washington Ave.
MISS MARGARET DYER, Treasurer, 4965 Md'herson Ave.
Committee on Investigation.
Miss M. T. Peupnet, Chairman. Miss Cornelia Fisher.
Mrs. H. N. Davis. Mrs. Frank P. Hays.
Mrs. .Tohn W. Day. Mrs. A. B. KwIhr.
Mrs. B. B. Graham. Mrs. Hugh McKlttrlck.
Mrs. Gouverneur Calhoun.
Mrs. W. R. Chlvvis.
Miss M. Dyer.
Miss C. Fisher.
Miss C. Glasgow.
Mrs. B. B. Graham.
Mrs. 11. C. .January.
Miss L. S. Kennett.
Miss Lodwick
Board of Oovernora.
Mrs. Hugh McKlttrick.
Mrs. Phllllpp Moore.
Mrs. H. G. Mudd.
Mrs. George Randolph.
Mrs. Richard Shaplelgh.
Miss Virginia Stevenson.
Mrs. Charles Thomas.
Miss Myra Tutt.
Mrs. J. H. Wear.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF NEW JERSEY.
STATE LEAGUE.
Officers.
MRS. G. W. B. CUSHING. President, 50 Munn Avenue, East Orangp.
MISS CORNELIA F. BRADFORD, Vice-President, Whittler House, 174 Grand St..
Jersey City.
MRS. BRICE COLLARD, Treasurer, 56 Clinton Ave., Jersey City.
MRS. AUGUSTUS CREVELING, Recording Secretary, 32 Glenwood Ave.. Jersey City.
MISS A. D. JAYNES, Executive Secretary, 40 N. Arlington Ave., East Orange.
Executiv
Mrs. Palmer Campbell, Hoboken.
Mrs. M. B. Kinsley, Hoboken.
Miss Mary Diraock, Elizabeth.
Mrs. r. L. Thompson, E. Orange.
Mrs. II. B. Reed, Somerville.
Mrs. Clarence H. Kelsey, E. Orange.
Mrs. Henry P. Bailey, E. Orange.
Mrs. F. B. Carter, Montclalr.
Mrs. Everett Colby. W. Orange.
Miss Alice Lakey. Cranford.
Mrs. Stewart Ilartshorne. Short Hills.
Miss Katherine
e Committee.
Mrs. Benjamin Nicoll, Morrlstown.
Mrs. F. R. Kellof-g, Morrlstown.
Miss Ellen Mecum, Salem.
Mrs. C. L. Riley, Plainfleld.
Mrs. S. Bayard Dod, S. Orange.
Mrs. A. D. Chandler, Orange.
Mrs. John Moment. Jersey City.
Miss Rosalie Wingfleld, Glen Ridge.
Mrs. C. F. Lewis, Townley.
Mrs. Waldo Reed, Englewod.
Miss Antoinette Hayes, Madison.
Fairbalrn, Summit.
DWIGHT SCHOOL LEAGUE ENGLEWOOD.
Officers.
MISS CORDELIA MORCK, President, Oil City. P.i.
MISS JULIA CRUMP, Vice-President, Poughkeepsle, N. Y.
MISS SARAH PARKER. Secretary, Bath, N. Y.
MISS MARY OSGOOD, Treasurer, Denver, Colo.
74 The Annals of the American Academy
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF NEW YORK.
STATE LEAGUE.
Officers.
MRS. ROBERT McVICKAR. President, 269 N. Fulton Ave., Mt. Vernon.
MISS LUCY C. WATSON, First Vice-President, 270 Genesee St., Utlca.
MRS. ELMER BLAIR, Second Vice-President, 445 Western Ave., Albany.
MISS EDITH KENDALL, ITiird Vice-President, 14 Central Park West, New York
City.
MRS. JAMES A. GARDNER, Fourth Vice-President, Buffalo.
MRS. WALTER BURLINGAME, Fifth Vice-President, Syracuse.
MRS. ARTHUR M. BEARDSLEY, Secretary, 105 E. 22d St., New York City.
DR. MARY T. BISSELL, Executive Secretary, 105 E. 22d St., New York City.
MRS. WILLIAM SHARMAN, Treasurer, 23 Belmont Terrace, Yonkers.
Advisory Board.
Mr. John R. Howard, Jr., Chairman, Prof. .T. W. Jenks, Cornell University,
President Consumers' League, Buf- Ithaca.
falo. Prof. Herbert B. Mills, Vassar College,
Rev. James S. Blxby, Ph.D.. Y'onkers. Poughkeepsie.
M!r. William C. Breed, New York City. Rt. Rev. Richard H. Nelson, Albany.
Hon. F. E. Dawley, Director Farmers' Dr. Eugene H. Porter, Albany.
Institute, Fayetteville. Dr. O. II. Rogers, Yonkers.
Rev. W. M. Gilbert, St. Paul's Church, President Langdon Stewardson, Hobart
Yonkers. College, Geneva.
Mr. Russel Headley, Albany.
ALB.\NY.
Officers.
MRS. WILLIAM BAYARD VAN RENSSELAER, President, 385 State St.
MRS. ELMER BLAIR, Vice-President. 445 Western Ave.
MISS SEABURY, Vice-President, St. Agnes' School.
MISS ETHEL VAN BENTHUYSEN, Secretary, 68 Swan St.
MRS. JOSEPH R. SWAN, Treasurer, 107 Columbia St.
MRS. CHARLES A. RICHMOND, Union College, Schenectady.
MISS MYRTILLA AVERY, Chairman of Committee on Investigation, 1 Sprague PL
Executive Committee.
Mrs. Charles A. Richmond, Chairman. Mrs. George D. Miller.
Mrs. Martin Glynn. Mrs. William G. Rice.
Miss Myrtllla Avery. Mrs. Simon W. Rosendale.
Mrs. William O. Stillman.
-— Advisory Board.
Bishop Nelson. Rev. Charles E. Hamilton.
Dr. Henry L. K. Shaw. Dr. Howard Van Rensselaer.
Mr. Lewis R. Parker. Mr. John P. Gavit.
Father Walsh. Rabbi S. H. Goldenson.
Dr. William J. Nellls.
BUFFALO.
Officers.
MR. JOHN R. HOWARD, Jk., President, 404 Seneca St.
MRS. JAMES A. GARDNER, First Vice-President, 403 Franklin St.
MRS. DEXTER P. RUMSEY, Second Vice-President, 742 Delaware Ave.
MRS. IRVING P. LYON, Recording Secretary, 531 Franklin St.
MR. FRANCIS ALMY, Treasurer, 427 Delaware Ave.
MISS SARAH L. IRUSCOTT, Chairman Membership Committee, 335 Delaware Ave.
MISS JEAN LAVERACH, Chairman Legislation Committee, 519 Delaware Ave.
National Consumers' League 75
MT. VERNON.
Officers.
MRS. HERBERT L. B.\KER, President, 115 Overlook St.
MRS. H.VKItY I" WIMX'OX, First Vice I'roskient, LM) N. !(tli Ave.
MRS. EDWARD A. FLINT, Second Vice-President, Richardson Ave., Wakefield, N. Y.
MRS. ELIZABETH CRAIGIE, Secretary, 208 Rich Ave.
MRS. S. D. PATTERSON Treasurer, 119 Rich Ave.
MRS. GEORGE W. DIBBLE, Corresponding Secretary, 273 N. Fulton Ave.
NEW TORK.
Officers.
MRS. FREDERICK NATHAN, President, 1G2 W. 8Gth St.
MISS HELEN PHELPS STOKES, First Vlce-Pro.sident, 230 Madison Ave.
MRS. HUGH MUNROE DEWEES, Second Vice-President, 12 W.lSth St.
MRS. G. K. B. WADE, Treasurer, 155 E. 72d St.
MISS ALICE H. DAY, Recording Secretary, 28 Fifth Ave.
MRS. FRANK I. COBB, Corresponding Secretary, 28 Central Ave., St. George, S. I.
Honorary Vice-Presidents.
Miss Louise T. Caldwell. Mrs. William S. Ralnsford.
Mrs. .Joseph Choate. Mrs. Doupias Robinson.
Mrs. Robert Fulton Cutting Mrs. Elliott F. Shepard.
Miss Grace Dodge. Mrs. .Tacob H. Schitt.
Miss Iselln. Mrs. Spencer Trask.
Mrs. Seth Low. Mrs. Frederick W. Vanderbllt.
Mrs. Henry Parish, Jr. Mrs. Everett P. Wheeler.
Governing Board.
Miss Amey Aldrich. 142 E. 33d St Miss S. Adeline Moller, 32 W. 37th St.
Miss Mary L. Aldrlcb, 131 E. 66th St. Miss Anita Neilson, 125 E. 57th St.
Miss Harriet Alexander, 4 W. 58th St. Mrs. Benjamin Nlcoll, 18 E. 50th St
Mrs. Grosvenor Backus, Spring Lane. Mrs. Adolphe Openhym, 532 Riverside
Englewod, N. J. Drive.
Miss Beatrice Bend. 2 E. 45th St Mrs. Charles E. H. Phillips, Glenbrook.
Miss Clemence L. Boardraan, 72 W. 45th Conn.
St. Miss Grace Potter, 52 Park Ave.
Miss Anna Bogert. 112 E. 39th St Miss Mary R. Sanford, 152 E. 35th St
Miss Elizabeth Butler, 105 E. 22d St. Mrs. William G. Shaller, 252 W. 76th St
Miss Margaret Cooksey, 102 Produce Mrs. Herbert B. Shonk, Scarsdale, N. Y.
Exchange. Mrs. Vladimir Simkhovitch, 26 Jones St.
Mrs. Frederick Crane. 59 W. 45th St Miss Alice Smith, 26 Jones St
Mrs. James G. Croswell, 120 E. 34th St Mrs. Frederick Swift 25 Irving Place.
Miss Martha Draper, 18 W. Sth St. Mrs. Francis B. Thurber, Jr., 216 E.
Miss Margaret Dudley. 413 W. 40th St. 15th St
Miss Bell Gurnee, 417 5th Ave. Miss Catherine Utiey, 37 Madison Ave.
Mrs. R. F. Hosford, 409 E. 64th St Miss Mary Van Kleeck, 360 W. 21st St
Miss Edith Kendall, 14 Central Park, Mrs. Rudolph Weld, 35 E. 50th St.
West Miss Elizabeth Williams, 95 Rivington
Miss Alice Lakey, Cranford, N. J. St
Miss May Mntbews, 413 W. 4r,th St. Miss Marie Winthrop, 279 5th Ave.
Mrs, John Milholland, Manhattan Hotel. Miss Carola Woerlshoeffer, 11 E. 45th
Mrs. J. de Morlnnl, 108 Lynton Place, St.
White Plains, N. Y. Mrs. Christopher Wyatt, 75 W. 55th St.
THE BROOKLYN .VtXILI.\RT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
Officers.
MRS, STEPHEN LOINES, Chairman.
MRS. OTTO HEINIGKE, Vice Chairman.
MRS. J. ELLIOTT LANGSTAFF, Delegate-at-Large.
76 The Annals of the American Academy
URa. CLARK BURNHAM, Recording Secretary.
MRS. SPENCER S. ROCHE, Corresponding Secretary.
MISS BLMA LOINES, Treasurer.
MRS. ROBERT L. DICKSON, Auditor.
Chairmen of Committees.
MRS. DUDLEY ROBERTS, Child Labor.
MRS. WENDELL T. BUSH. Legislation.
MRS. SILAS H. BETTS, Working Conditions and Labor.
MRS. JULIA B. ANTHONY, Meetings and Speakers.
MRS. EDWARD W. ORDWAY, Press and Printing.
STBACDSH.
Officers.
MRS. H. A. EATON, President, 609 Comstock Ave.
MRS. CHARLES W. ANDREWS, Vice-President, 216 Highland Ave.
MISS DOROTHY HAZARD, Secretary, Upland Farm.
MRS. GARYIN DENBY, Treasurer, W. Genesee St.
UTICA.
Officers.
MISS LUCY CARLISLE WATSON, President, 270 Genesee St.
MRS. F. S. KELLOGG, Vice-President, New York Mills, N. Y.
•MISS JANET PRICE, Treasurer, 293 Genesee St.
MISS IVA A. OWEN, Recording Secretary, 70 Elizabeth St.
MISS GRACE V. BUTCHER, Corresponding Secretary, 30 Court St.
VASSAR COLLEGE LEAGUE POUGHKEEPSIB.
Officers.
MISS JESSIE K. ANGELL, President.
MISS ELIZABETH HEROY, Treasurer.
MISS EDIIH I. TAFT, Secretary.
MRS. DOW'S .SCHOOL r"IARCLIFF MANOR.
Officers. »
MISS MARGARET NORDHOFF. President.
MISS HELEN WHITALL, Vice-Presiaent.
MISS FLORENCE SMITH, Secretary.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF OHIO.
STATE LEAGUE CLEVELAND.
Officers.
MISS MYRTA L. JONES, President, 3942 Prospect Ave.
MISS MARY E. PARSONS, First Vice-President, Alta House, M.iyfield Road.
MRS. F. H. GOFF, Second Vice-President, Lake Shore Boulevard.
MRS. JOHN H. LOTZ, Recording Secretary, Alta House, Mayfield Road.
MISS BERTHA M. STEVENS, Executive Secretary, Goodrich House, 612 St. Clair
Ave.
MISS JEAN W. BACKUS, Treasurer, 2215 East 46th St.
National Consumers' League
77
Executive Committee.
Mrs. EIroy M. Avery, 2831 Woodliill
Rond.
Mrs. Newton D. Baker. 1840 E. 24th St.
Mrs. A. T. Brewer, 5704 Tlawthome St.
Mrs. John n. Chase, Goodrich House.
Mrs. Robert Demlng, 7605 Hough Ave.
Mrs. Howard P. Eells, 3029 Prospect Ave.
Mrs. O. F. Emerson, 98 Wadena St.
Miss Marcla Henry, The Haddam. Doan
St. and Euclid Ave.
Miss Elizabeth Hlbben, Associated Chari-
ties.
Miss Belle Sherwln, 6529 Euclid Ave.
Mrs. J. N. Stockwell, Jr., 2291 Murray
Hill Ave.
Mrs. Charles F. Thwinp 11,109 Bell-
flower Road.
Mrs. Raymond L. Tweedy, 11,706 Kel-
ton Ave.
Miss Effle S. Wagar. 3199 Detroit St.
Mrs. Leopold J. Wolf. 83 Bellflower Ave
Mrs. Paul Sutphen, 3013 Prospect Ave.
Honorary Vice-Presidents.
Mr. Henry E. Bourne, 2180 Cornell Rd.
Mrs. C. I. Dangler, 1415 Euclid Ave.
Miss Mary Evans, Lake Erie College.
Palnesville.
Rabbi Moses .T. Gries. 2045 E. 93d St.
Mr. E. W. Haines, 1820 E. 65th St.
Mrs. A. A. L. Johnston, Oberlln College.
Miss Harriet L. Keeler, 11 E. 97th St.
Miss Mary Keffer, Lake Erie College,
Palnesville.
Rt. Rev. W. A. Leonard. 3054 Euclid
Ave.
Mr. William G. Mather, 1369 Euclid
Ave.
Mrs. M. B. Schwab. 2416 E. 40th St.
CINCINNATI.
OfUcera.
MRS. ARTHUR 1'. COBB. President, 15.59 Garrard Ave., Covington. Ky.
MISS MINA COLBURN, First Vice-President, 6 Linton St., Vernonvllle, Cincinnati.
MRS. BEN LOEWENSTEIN, Second Vice-President, 700 Glenwood Ave., Avondale.
MISS M. LOUISE ARMSTRONG, Recording Secretary, 271 McGregor Ave.. Mt.
Auburn, Cincinnati.
MISS M. LOUISE SPRIGG, Corresponding Secretary, 3027 Reading Road, Avondale.
MRS. SAMUEL J. JOHNSON, Treasurer, 900 Lexington Ave., Avondale.
Mrs. Davis C. Anderson.
Mrs. A. H. Chatflcld.
Mrs. C. R. Holmes.
Mrs. David B. Gamble.
Mrs. Austin Goodman.
Mrs. A. Howard Hinkle.
Honorary Vice-Presidents.
Mrs. C.
Mrs. Nicholas Lorgworth.
Mrs. Lawrence Maxwell.
Mrs. H. Thane Miller.
Mr. P. V. N. Meyers.
Mrs. James II. Perkins.
Mrs. William Cooper Procter.
P. Taft.
Miss Edith Campbell.
Mrs. J. J. Faran.
Mrs. Howard Ferris.
Miss Fanny Field.
Mrs. George A. Fitch.
Miss Geraldine Gordon.
Executive Board.
Mrs. Charles J. Hunt.
Miss EmlUe W. McVeu.
Miss Elizabeth Merrill.
Mrs. D. S. Oliver.
Miss Josephine P. Simrali.
Mrs. J. O. White.
Mrs. F. D. Woodmansee.
78 The Annals of the American Academy
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF OREGON.
STATE LEAGUE.
PORTLAND.
Ofp,cer3.
MISS MARY MONTGOMERY, President, 825 Hawthorne Ave.
MRS. MILLIE R. TRUMBULL, First Vice-President. 305 Jefferson St.
MISS M. R. BURKE, Second Vice-President, 651 Hoyt St.
MRS. E. B. COLWBLL, Third Vice-President, 975 Corbett St.
MISS K. L. TREVETT, Corresponding Secretary, 777 Flanders St.
MISS HELEN ADAMS WILSON. Treasurer, 792 Hancock St.
MRS. WILLIAM P. GANNETT, Recording Secretary, Chetapa Apartments.
Directors.
Mrs. W. B. Ayer, 19th and .Johnson Sts. Mrs. Fred W. Perry. 472 Mildred Ave.
Mrs. Helen Ladd Corbett, 6th and Jef- Mrs. A. E. Rockey, 778 Flanders St.
ferson Sts. Mrs. Gordon Voorhies, 20th and Kearney
Mrs. Thomas Kerr, 189 Lownsdale St. Sts.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
STATE LEAGUE.
Offlcera.
MRS. SAMUEL S. FELS, President, r{9th and Walnut Sts., Philadelphia.
MRS. WILLIAM .7. ASKIN, First Vice-President, 5412 Howe St., Pittsburgh.
MRS. S. BURNS WESTON. Second Vice-President, Merion Station, Pa.
MRS. S. L. SEYMOUR, Tliird Vice-President, 403 Caleb Ave., Sewickley.
MR. GEORGE BURNHAM, Jr., Treasurer, 12 Chestnut St., Philadelphia.
MISS ANNA C. WATMOUGH, Secretary, Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia.
Council.
Mrs. J. Nicholas Mitchell, 1505 Spruce Mrs. Martha P. Falconer, 900 N. 22d
St., Philadelphia. St., Philadelphia.
Mrs R. R. Porter Bradford, 146 W. Le- Mrs. Ellis Thompson, The Covington,
high Ave. Philadelphia. Philadelphia.
Miss Laura N. Piatt, 237 S. 18th St.. Miss Florence L. Sanville, 1415 Locust
Philadelphia. St., Philadelphia.
Mrs. Joseph C. Fraley, 10th and Clin- Mrs. J. L. Disque, South Negley Ave.,
ton Sts., Philadelphia. Pittsburgh.
Miss Fanny T. Cochran, 131 S. 22d St., Mrs. Franklin P. lams, Bakewell Bldg.,
Philadelphia. Pittsburgh.
Miss Ruth Cabot, Bryn Mawr. Miss Louise Hempstead, Meadville.
PHILADELPHIA.
Officers.
MRS. S. BURNS WESTON, President, Merion Station, Pa.
MRS. CHARLES J. HATFIELD, Vice-President, 2004 Walnut St.
MRS. J. NICHOLAS MITCHELL, Vice-President, 1505 Spruce St.
MISS ANNA C. WATMOUGH, Vice-President, Chestnut Hill. Pa.
MISS GRACE SMUCKER, Recording Secretary, Overljrook, Pa.
MRS. ROLLIN NORRIS, Treasurer, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
MISS FLORENCE L. SANVILLE, Executive Secretary, 1415 Locust St
National Consumers' League 79
Directors.
Mrs. R. R. Porter Bradford, 146 W. Le- Mrs. F. V. Chambere, Mt. Airy, Pa.
high Ave. .Mrs. Joseph C. Fraley, 10th and Cllntoa
Miss M. E. Bates, Swarthmore College. Sts.
Mrs. IT. n. Collins, Jr., Bryn Mawr. Mrs. Martha P. Falconer, 000 N. 22d St.
Miss Anna F. Davles. 4.33 Christian St. Miss Mary E. Griiljb, 253 S. l«th St.
Mrs. S. S. Fels, 39th and Walnut Sts. Mrs. W. S. Grant. Jr., 2202 St. James
Miss Ktiilly Fox. Lo^iUi 1". ().. I'a. Place.
Miss Ruth Cabot, Bryn Mawr. Mrs. Strickland L. Kneass, 418 S. 15tb
Miss Laura N. Phitt, 237 S. 18th St. St.
Mrs. J. Howard Rhoads, Bala, Pa. Mrs. Henry S. I.owber, Mount Airy.
Miss Eunice M. Schenck, 317 Springfield Mrs. S. H. Sterett, 1833 Pine St.
Ave., Chestnut Hill. Mrs. J. Gumey Taylor, 0041 Dresel Rd.
Mrs. Ellis Thompson, The Covington. Miss Esther Westcott, 1427 Spruce St.
Mrs. Frederick Corbes, Bryn Mawr.
AIKADVILLE.
Officers.
MISS LOUISE HEMPSTEAD, President.
MRS. N. P. GILMAN, Secretary.
MRS. A. II. MANSFIELD, Treasurer.
BBXN MAWR COLLEGE LEAGUE BRYN MAWR.
Officers.
MISS RUTH CABOT, President.
MISS MIRIAM HEDGES, Vice-President and Treasurer.
MISS ESTHER CORNELL, Secretary.
WESTERN PENNSYLVAXrA.
Officers.
MRS. WILLIAM J. ASKIN, President, 5412 Howe St., Pittsburgh.
MRS. E. W GORMLEY, Vice-President, Craig St, Pittsburgh
MRS. HENRY DISQUE, Vice-Presideut, 705 Aiken Ave., Pittsburgh.
MRS. S. S. HOFFHEIMER. Vice-President, 523 S. Graham St., Pittsburgh.
MRS. W. R. JONES, Recording Secretary, Forest Ave.. Ben Avon.
MISS ALIDA L.\TTIMORE, Executive Secretary, Civic Rooms, Apollo Building,
Fourth Ave.. Pittsburgh.
MRS. S. L. SEYMOUR, Treasurer, 403 Caleb Ave., Sewickley.
Governing Board.
Miss Martha Jamison. Mrs. Robert Coard.
Mrs. Albert Kingsbury. Mrs. W. P. Price.
Mrs. John Hamilton. Mrs. H. M. Llpman.
Mrs. V. Q. Hickman. Miss S;irah Sweeney.
Mrs. Sophia Miller. Mrs. S. S. Klein.
Mrs. John Molamphy. Miss Henrietta Heinz.
Miss Alice Thurston. Miss Minnie Teeters.
Miss Ella Stewart. Miss Nannie Barclay.
Miss Eliza D. Armstrong. Mrs. Franklin P. lams.
Miss M. B. Stevensou.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF RHODE ISLAND.
STATE LEAGUE.
Officers.
MR. ROBERT P. BROWN, President, 13 Charles Field St.
MRS. A. M. BATON, First Vice-President, 701 Smith St.
8o The Annals of the American Academy
PROF. W. J. KIRK, Second Vice-President, Brown University.
MISS ALICE W. HUNT, Secretary and Treasurer, 152 Irving Ave.
Directors.
Mrs. Susan A. Ballou, 16 Harris Ave.. Mrs. Cliarles B. Rockwell, 610 Hope St.,
Woonsocket, R. I. Bristol, R. I.
Mrs. Carl Barns, 30 Elmgrove Ave. Dr. Ellen A. Stone, 280 Waterman St.
Mrs. S. R. Dorrance, 2 Prospect St. Mrs. Herbert E. Maine. 89 Parade St.
Prof. Henry T. Fowler, Brown Univer- Mrs. C. Aronovici, 31 Chestnut St.
sity. Miss Mary Conyngton, 85 Congdon St.
Mrs. Henry B. Gardner, 54 Stlmson St. Miss Katherine H. Austin. 85 Congdon
Miss Alice M. Howland, Hope, R. I. St.
Mrs. J. F. Huntsman, 37 S. Angell St.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF TENNESSEE.
STATE LEAGUE.
OUicers.
MRS. JOEL C. TYLER, President, 1115 Clinch Avenue, W., KnoxvlUe.
MRS. CHARLES M. GREVE. First Vice President, 636 Douglas Ct., Chattanooga.
MRS. M. L. DAME, Second Vice-President, Harriman.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF WISCONSIN.
STATE LEAGUE.
Officers.
MRS. C. G. STERN, President, 149 Farwell Ave., Milwaukee.
MRS. B. C. GUDDEN, Vice-President, 25 Mt Vernon St., Oshkosh.
MRS. J. A. STRATHEARN, Recording Secretary, S. Kaukauna.
MRS. GUY D. GOFF, Corresponding Secretary, 473 Wyoming PI., Milwaukee.
MR. FRANK SENSBNBRENNER, Treasurer, Neenah.
Executive Committee.
Mrs. James Sidney Peck. Miss Caroline L. Hunt.
Mrs. E. P. Parish. Mrs. A. M. Strange.
Mrs. C. W. Stribley. Mrs. William Schrage.
Mrs. C. A. Galloway. Mrs. G. A. Buckstaff.
MILWAUKEE.
Officers.
MRS. JAMES SIDNEY PECK, President, 5 Waverly Place.
MRS. THOMAS H. BROWN, First Vice-President, 182 14th St.
MRS. FRANK L. VANCE, Second Vice-President. 91 Prospect Ave.
MRS. GUY D. BERRY, Third Vice-President, 572 Marshall St.
MRS. GUY D. GOFF, Secretary, 473 Wyoming Place.
MRS. ARTHUR YOUNG, Treasurer, 109 Prospect Ave.
GREEN BAT.
Offlcers.
MRS. B. P. PARISH, President, 638 Second Ave.
MRS. J. C. DUNHAM, First Vice-President, Depere.
MRS. F. B. WARREN, Second Vice-President, 902 Quincy St.
MRS. W. P. WAGNER, Treasurer, 309 Quincy St.
National ConsiDiicrs' League 8i
GRAND RAPIDS DISTUICT FEDERATION C<JM M ITfEB.
MRS. KAIU, I'KASK, Chiiirinnn.
KAIKAI'NA.
Officers.
MRS. C. W. STRIBLEY. I'rosldent.
MRS. E. B. Mcpherson, secretary and '1 reasurer.
FdMD DO LAC.
Officers.
MRS. C. A. OALI-OWAY, President.
MRS. .JOHN ROYI.E, ViroPresident.
MRS. G. N. MIIIILLS, Correspondinj; and Recording Secretary.
MRS. JOHN DANA, Treasurer.
MADISON.
Officers.
MISS CAROLINE LOUISE HUNT. President, 116 W. Washington Ave.
MRS. HERBERT W. CIIYNOWETH. Vice-President, 140 W. Gorham St.
MRS. R. G. SIEBECKER, Vice-President. 409 W. Wilson St.
MRS. .1. R. COMMONS, Vice-President, 224 N. Murray St.
MRS. JOSEPH W. HOBBINS, Vice-President, 114 W. Oilman St.
MRS. JOSEPH JASIKOW, Secretary and Treasurer, 237 Langdon St.
MKNASHA NEENAII.
Officers.
MRS. A. M. STRANGE, I'resident, 515 Keys St., Menasha.
MRS. J. DAN. Vice-President.
MRS. E. M. BEEM.\N, Secretary and Treasurer, 117 Church St., Neenah.
SHKDOYGAN.
Officers.
MRS. WILLIAM SCHRAGE, President, 517 Washington St.
MRS. PLIN. H. PEACOCK, Secretary and Treasurer, 309 Michigan Ave.
OSHKOSH.
Officers.
MRS. G. A. BUCKSTAFF, President, 700 Algoma St.
MRS. LOUIS REED, Vice-President, 244 W. Irving St.
MRS. M. E. CORBETT, Secretary and Treasurer, 100 Washington St.
DNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN MADISON.
Officers.
MISS MARIK CAItY. President.
MISS LT'CV CASE. Vi.e-President.
MISS MAI{Y RIEl). Secretary.
MISS Mi^DORA IIARKIOR, Treasurer.
MILWADKBE-DOWNBR COLLBOB MILWADEEB.
Officers.
MISS MARIE CHAMBERLAIN, President.
MISS ELLA WOOD, Secretary and Treasurer.
82 The Annals of the America>i Academy
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OP FRANCE.
Officers.
MME. KLOBB, Presidente, 42 Rue du Bac.
MMB. GEORGES BRINCARD, Vice-Presidente, 6 Rue de Marignau.
MME. L. DE CONTBNSON, Vice-Presidente, 53 Avenue Montaigne.
MMB. JEAN BRUNHES, Secretaire Generale, Hotel des Societes Savantes, 28 Rue
Serpente.
M. J. BERGERON, Secretaire Assistant, Hotel des Soci^t^s Savantes, 28 Rue
Serpente.
PROP. JEAN BRUNHES, Secretaire Assistant, Hotel des Soci^t^s Savantes, 28 Rue
Serpente.
MME. PAUL JUILLERAT, Directrice des Enqugtes, 26 Grand Rue, Bourg-la-Relne.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF SWITZERLAND.
BEBNB.
Central Committee.
MME. E. PIECZYNSKA, Presidente, Wegmiilile p. Berne.
MME. H. J. BRUNHES. Vice-Prf'sidente, Fribourg.
MLLB. HELENE DE MULINEN, Vice-Presidente, Wegmilhle p. Berne.
MLLB. FANNY SCHMID, Secretaire Allemande.
M. FRANK FILLIOL. Secretaire Francais.
MLLE. ANNA STETTLER, Tresoriere, Berne.
M. LE PROFESSEUR JEAN BRUNHES, Fribourg.
M. AUGUSTE DE MORSIER, Geneva.
MME. RAGAZ-NADIZ, Zurich.
M. LE DR. VIATTE, Porrentrug.
M. R. BERGNER, Lausanne.
/Sections
Neucliatel : Secretariat, MLLE. ELIZABETHE JBAURENAUD, Palais Rougemont.
Fribourg: Secretariat, JEAN BRUNHES, CLOS RUSKIN.
Lausanne : President, M. R. BERGNER. Castel d'Ai, Avenue di Rimini 56.
M. LE DR. PLATZHOFP-LEJEUNE.
MLLB. JACQUIERY.
MLLE. TTIEVENAZ.
MLLE. BERGNER.
Zurich : Secretariat, MME. RAGAZ-NADIZ. Bolleystrasse 48.
Geneva: Secretariat, MME. J. DESHUSSES. 13 rue de Veyrier, Carouge.
THE CONSUMERS' LEAGUE OF GERMANY.
Officers.
FRAU STAATSMINIS'IER V. BERTHMANN HOLLWEG, Excellenz. President,
Berlin W 64, Wilhelmstr. 74.
ELIZABETH V. KNEBEL DOBBERITZ, Vice-President. Berlin 30, Winterfeldstr. 38.
PROFESSOR DR. ERNST FRANCKE, Vice-President, Berlin W. 30, Nollendorfstr.
29-30.
ADELE BEERENSSON, Treasurer, Charlottenburg. Mommsenstr. 3.
GBH. SANITATSRAT DR. DELHAES, Treasurer, Berlin W. 5, Nachodstr. 16.
FRAU ILSE MUELLER-OESTREICH, Secretary, Friedenau, Rubenstr. 22.
MARTHA MEINECKE, Secretary, Berlin W. 30, Luitpoldstrasse 20.
National Consumers' League
83
Margaret Behm. Berlin W. 35,
flingerstr. 10a.
Gertrud Oyhrenfurth. Berlin W. 50, Mar-
burgcrstr. 4.
Fran Oeh. Olier-Uegiermifismt Frcnsbcrg.
Berlin W. 30, Martin Lutherstr. 79.
Otto OiJtze. Berlin N. 58, Schoenflles-
serstr. 17.
Frauleln F. Scbrkk. C. 10, Seydelstr. 14.
I'omiiiiltcc.
Derf- Frau Dr. med. Irma Klausncr-Cronhelm,
Berlin W. G2, Nettelbeckstr. 14.
Else LUders, Berlin W. 30, Kalc-keiithstr.
14.
Frau General V. Magdeburg, Excellenz,
Potsdam, Kanalstr. 30
Frau Grtlfln von Kchwerln L«wltz, W 30,
Nollendorfplatz 7.
Osknr Thomas, C. 10, Rossstr. 21 25.
Race Improvement in the United States
THE ANNALS
AMERICAN ACADEMY
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
ISSUED BI-MONTHLY
VOL. XXXIV, No. 1 JULY, 1909
Editor: EMORY R. JOHXSOX
AssisTANfT Editor- CHESTER LLOVD JONES
Associate Editors: G. G. HUEBXER, CARL KELSEV, L. S. ROWE,
WALTER S. TOWI- R, FRAXK D. WATSOM, JAMES T. YOUXG
philadi-:lpiiia
American- Academy of Political and Social Science
36th and Woodland Avenue
I 90y
CONTENTS
PART I
HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT IN RACE
IMPROVEMENT
PAGE
INFLUENCE OF HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT UPON RACE
IMPROVEMENT 2
Carl Kelsey, Ph.D., Professor of Sociology, University of Penn-
sylvania.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A SOUND PHYSIQUE 9
Dudley Allen Sargent, M.D., Director, Hemenway Gymnasium,
Harvard University.
INFLUENCE OF HEREDITY ON HUMAN SOCIETY : . . 16
Charles B. Davenport, Director, Station for Experimental Evo-
lution (Carnegie Institution), Cold Spring Harbor, N. Y.
RACE IMPROVEMENT BY CONTROL OF DEFECTIVES (NEGA-
TIVE EUGENICS) 22
Alexander Johnson, General Secretary, National Conference of
Charities and Correction, Fort Wayne, Ind.
PART 11
INFLUENCE OF CITY ENVIRONMENT ON NATIONAL
LIFE AND VIGOR
POPULAR RECREATION AND PUBLIC MORALITY 32
Luther H. Gulick, M.D., Chairman, Playground Extension
Committee, Russell Sage Foundation, New York City.
EVIDENCES OF RACE DEGENERATION IN THE UNITED
STATES 43
Woods Hutchinson, A.M., M.D., New York City.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL CHILDREN'S BUREAU 4S
Hon. Herbert Parsons, Member of Congress from New York.
CITY DETERIORATION AND THE NEED OF CITY SURVEY 54
Professor Patrick Geddes, University College, Dundee, Scotland.
PART III
OBSTACLES TO RACE PROGRESS IN THE UNITED STATES
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DECREASING PROPORTION OF
CHILDREN 71
W. S. Rossiter, Chief Clerk of the United States Census.
(ii)
Contents iii
ALCOHOLISM AS A CAUSE OF INSAN'ITY SI
Charles L. Dana, M.D., LL.O., N»'W York City, Professor of
Nervous Diseases, Cornell Medical College.
THE IMPORTANTE OF THE EXFORCEMENT OF LAW 85
Champe S. Andrews, Esq., New York City.
THE INVASION OF FAMILY LIFE BY INDUSTRY 90
Mrs. Florence Kelley, Secretary, National Consumers' League,
New York City.
THE INSTABILITY OF THE FAMILY 97
J. P. Lichtenberger, Ph.D., Bureau of Social Research, New
York City.
THE MORAL INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 106
Ethelbert Dudley Warfield, LL.D., President, Lafayette Col-
lege, Easton, Pa.
PART IV
THE RELATION OF IMMIGRATION TO RACE
IMPROVEMENT
IMMIGRANTS AND CRIME 117
Hon. William S. Bennet, Member of Congress for New York,
and Member of the Immigration Commission.
IMMIGRATION AND THE AMERICAN LABORING CLASSES 125
John Mitchell, Chairman, Trade Agreement Department,
National Civic Federation, New York.
RACE PROGRESS AND IMMIGRATION 130
William Z. Ripley, Professor of Economics, Harvard Uni-
versity.
PART V
CLINICAL STUDY AND TREATMENT OF NORMAL AND
ABNORMAL DEVELOPMENT
PSYCHOLOGICAL CLINIC WITH PRESENTATION OF CASES.. 141
Dr. Lightner Witmer, Professor of Psychology, University t»f
Pennsylvania.
REPORT OF (THIRTEENTH) ANNUAL MEETING COMMITTEE. . 163
BOOK DEPARTMENT 173
BOOK DEPARTMENT
Conducted by FRANK D. WATSON
Notes, itp. 173-1 on.
REVIEWS
Allen — dries and Health (p. 10.") C. Kelsey
Angier — The Far East Rerisited (p. 10.j) ; Millaed — Aruerka
and the Far Eastern Question (p. 10.")) C. L. .Tones
Baddeley — The Russian Conquest of the Caueasus (p. 197).. S. N. Harper
Beaulieu — CoUectirism (p. 108) H. R. Miissey
Bruckner — A Literary History of Russia (p. 100) S. N. Harper
Chancellor — Our City SeJiools, Their Direction and Manage-
ment (p. 200) .T. S. Hiatt
CoNYNGTON — A Manual of Corporate Management (3(1 ed.)
(p. 201) J. J. Sullivau
Crichfield — American Supremacy (2 vols.) (p. 202) C. L. Jones
Crozier — .1/7/ Inner Life (2 vols.) (p. 20.3) Lurena W. Tower
DuTTON and Snedden — The Administration of Puhlic Educa-
tion in the Vnitrd States (p. 203) J. L. Barnard
Ferrero — The Greatness and Decline of Rome (4 vols.) (p.
205) A. C. Howiand
Henderson — Industrial Insurance in the United $States (p.
207) G. B. Mangold
Key— The Century of the Child (p. 208) Nellie M. S. Nearins
KuRopATKTN — The Russian Army and the Japanese War (2 vols.)
(p. 200) C. L. .Tones
LowNHAUPT — Inrcstmcnt Bonds (p. 210) T. W. Mitchell
MooDY' — Moody's Analyses of Railroad Inrestmcnts (p. 210) . .E. R. .Tobnson
Rasmussen— r/<r People of the Polar \orth (p. 211) W. S. Tower
Ray' — The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise (p. 212) C. L. .Tones
ScHURZ — The Reminiscences of Carl Fichur~ (3 vols.) (p. 213).. C. L. .Tones
Seligman — Proyressire Ta.ration in Theory and Practice (p.
214) C. L. Seller
Shaw — The Precinct of Religion in the Culture of Humanity (p.
21,5) Mary Lloyd
Social Application of Religion (p. 21.5) TT. R. Mussey
Steiner — Tolstoy, the Man and His Message (p. 21(1) S. Nearin^
TA-ixoR — The Science of Jurisprudence (p. 210) C. L. .Tones
yVAJA.AS— Human Mature in Polities (p. 218) W. E. Hotohkiss
WESTERNfARCK — The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas
(Vol. II) (p. 210) C. Kelsey
LIST OF CONTINENTAL AGENTS
France : L. Larose, Rue Soufflot 22. Paris.
Germany: Mayer & Miiller. 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W,
Italy-: Direcione del Giornale degli Eeonomisti, via Monte Savello,
Palazzo Orsini, Rome.
Spain: Libreria Nacional y Extranjera de E. Dossat. antes, E. Capdeville,
9 Plaza de Santa Ana. Madrid.
Copyright. 10<10. hy the .Vmeriean Academy of Political and Social Science.
All riirhfs reserved.
PART ONE
Heredity and Environment in Race
Improvement
INFLUENCE OF HERi:unV AND ENVIRONMENT UPON RACE
IMPROVEMENT
BY CARL KELSEY, Ph.D.,
Professor ok Sociul<h,v, Lnivkksitv ok Pknnsvlvama, PHiLADELriUA
THE SKiNinCANCl-. OF A SOUND PHYSIQUE
BY DUDLEY ALLEN SARGENT, M.D.,
Director, He.menway Gymnasium, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
INFLUENCE OF TTFRI-.DFrV ON 1IU>L\N SOCIETY
BY CHARLES B. DAVENPORT,
Director, Station for Exi-erimental Evolution (Carnegie Institution
OF Washington), Cold Spring IIakuor, Long Island, N. Y.
RACE IMPROVEMENT P.Y CONTROL OF DEFECTIVES (.NEGA-
TIVE EUGENICS)
BY ALEXANDER JOHNSON,
General Secretary, Natkinai. l om kkenu-: or Charities and Corrections,
Fort Wayne, Ind.
INFLUENCIC OK HEREDITY AND I-WIROXMENT
UPON KALE JMl'ROVEMENT
AN INTRODUCIUKV l'.\ri:K UPON Tllli SIGNIFICANCli Ul" IIIL: I'KOULLM
JJv Carl Ki:l.si:v, 1'h.D..
Professor of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania, Pliilailclpliia.
It is the purpose of this paper to give a bird's-eye view of
the fields which are to be studied in detail in the other papers.
As far as possible it must correlate these various studies and show
the common aim. To do this without, to some extent, trespassing
on others' territory is impossible. For such overlapping the indul-
gence of the readers and the writers is asked. It should also be
remembered that in seeking" to draw a large sketch the detailed
evidence is necessarily omitted. Though many seemingly dogmatic
statements are made, I believe tliey could be supported by an abun-
dance of facts if space permitted.
One of the most eminent of living biologists has recently
written:* "It is well known that the sociological inquiries of Mal-
thus as to human population intluenced Darwin, \\ allacc and Spen-
cer, and that the concept of natural selection in the struggle for
existence came to biology from above rather than from within its
own sphere. The same is true of the fruitful idea of division of
labor, of the general idea of evolution itself and of others — they
came to biology from the human social realm."
"To keep to the concept of selection for a moment : it was
applied to plants and animals, it was illustrated, justified, if not
demonstrated, and formulated ; and now, with the imprimatur of
biology it comes back to sociology as a great law of life. That it
is so we take for granted, but it is surely evident that in social
affairs, from which it emanated as a suggestion to biology, it nui>t
be reverified and ])rccisely tested. Its biological form may be one
thing, its sociological form may be another."
I have given this (|Uotation for several reasons. It shows us
clearly tiiat the subjects under discussion in this, volume are in
'Thoiiii>son, "IIcrcdit\," p. oil.
(3)
4 The Annals of the American Academy
part biological, in part sociological. These fields have much in
common, are often interdependent, yet are separate. Many analo-
gies exist, but laws in one are not ipso facto to be considered laws
in the other. Clear thinking then demands that the two fields shall
be sharply defined. Social theory gave a great impulse to bio-
logical research. Biology now places at the disposal of social work-
ers a mass of knowledge as yet little appreciated which is, however,
destined to revolutionize social programs.
A discussion of "the comparative importance of heredity and
environment" is likely to be very misleading. The problem is not
to determine which is more important, but to discover the con-
tribution each makes to the body politic. 1 know of no way of
comparing the relative importance to a given man of heredity and
environment any more than I know how to determine whether the
stomach or the brain, whether food or air, is more important.
Essentials cannot be compared. They can only be discovered and
the functions of each studied. It can easily be shown that evils
arising from bad heredity are not affected by changing the environ-
ment and vice versa. A feeble-minded person remains feeble
minded whether he vegetates in an almshouse or is cared for at
Elwyn — nor does any change affect his children. The children of
athletes are not different from those of scholars provided the stock
be the same; nor are those descended from church members or
heretics, saints or sitmers. the stock again being the same, and this
is true, popular opinion to the contrary notwithstanding.
At the outset clear thinking is difficult because of the different,
often conflicting, meanings given to words. When a college senior
defines animism as belief in the Father and Son, but not in the
Holy Ghost, we smile. Our feeling is a bit changed wdien the
head of an institution for children on being asked if he favored
the indenture system, replied, no. tliat he preferred manual training.
But what progress can be made when even physicians confuse
congenital with inherited characters and do not see that the trans-
mission of a disease like syphilis from parent to child docs not
mean that the child inherited the disease ?
In my judgment, we should limit the term inheritance to those
physical characters which are determined, we know not how, in
the germ cells. These germ cells unite and growth begins. All
modifications, whether caused by some poison, say alcohol; by
Influence of Heredity Upon Raec hnprovenient 5
disease, say syphilis ; by accident, by over or under nutrition, are
technically known as aequired characters. Congenital, then, refers
merely to the fact that certain characters exist at birth — it tells
nothing as to their origin. Contrary, again, to popular judgment,
biologists now almost unanimously believe that such accjuired char-
acters or modifications have no elTects on germ cells later produced
by the indiviilual, and therefore produce no change in the next
generation. P.e it remembered that '"acciuired charactiT'-"" do not
refer to any of the features which may have come to the human
race through inliorn variation>. Our language i> at fault. When
we say human race has acquired given characteristics \vc refer to
inborn not to "acquired characters." Failure to make the distinc-
tion is a fruitful source of error for those not trained in biology.
Space prohibits the discussion of this most important point. It
must suffice to say tiiat, while no one knows what causes the off-
spring to vary from the parents, we now know that certain things
formerly held all-important are of no etlect.
At this very point a new difificulty arises. Heredity is often
used in the sense of social heredity. We say a ciiild inherits the
customs, ideals, learning — the whole culture of the parent group.
A little reflection makes clear that these are social inheritances,
not physical — quite as important, but dilTerent. Nothing is more
obvious than that the children of certain groups are better housed,
better fed, better trained and educated than those of other groups.
That, on the whole, these are to be leaders is evident. So quick are
we to jump at conclusions, however, that the world-wide assump-
tion has been that these children have a better line of physical
descent. Is this a self-evident fact? May not their superiority be
due to their environment, not to their heredity? Investigation, not
argument, mu^t furui>li the answer.
The question to be considered in this connection is whether
the marriages of human beings have been consummated on physical
or social grounds. Jf the evidence slu)ws that social, political,
financial considerations have determined the bulk of the matings,
then there is little reason to believe that better strains have been
created and perpetuated. That they could be no biologist doubts,
but social customs prevent. Bagehot somewhere says: "Man, un-
like the lower anim.ils, has had to l)e his own domesticator." Man
has found it worth while nut merel\ to tame, but abo to carefully
6 I'hc Annals of the American Academy
breed the domestic animals. Unfortunately, it would seem, the
suggestion that he might improve his own stock has received little
consideration. The term "Eugenics" is hardly understood in Amer-
ica, though better known in England. Here is a vast field for study.
I can only suggest that it is doubtful if it can be shown that during
all historic time the human race has made any material change via
the road of heredity.
Race is another hobgoblin. We all know what a race is, yet no
one can tell where one race stops and another begins, physically —
that is, legally we often accomplish the impossible. What are race
differences, physical or social ? What are the effects of race cross-
ings? These are tremendously important questions for us to-day.
In many states certain inter-race marriages are prohibited by lav/.
Why? Because of physical or social results? There may be im-
portant physical dififerences between the races. I know not. I
only venture to state that no one has yet shown what they are.
If this be so, then popular discussion should yield to scientific
inquiry.
Race differences aside, the problem of maintaining a sound
physical stock confronts us. For a century we have boasted, vain-
gloriously, of our wonderful progress, of our physical as well as
mental superiority. Suddenly we find our faith challenged. Anglo-
Saxon in civilization we may remain, but not in stock. Our ances-
tors first "fell on their knees and then on the aborigines," and pre-
vailed because of their superiority. Now their descendants claim
that the inferior peoples of Europe are destroying them. How can
such a paradox be explained? Can it be that the virtues of the
old stock were due to the development caused by the outdoor
frontier life? It must not be forgotten that the earlier immigrants
found their opportunities in the open, while those coming to-day
find theirs in the crowded industrial centers. The significance of
this is more apparent when we reflect that every study shows that
great groups of our people are living and working under improper
conditions. In our haste we say that they come here from stocks
of low vitality, but is it not possible that the trouble lies in our
own social institutions? When it is found that the backward chil-
dren in our schools are physically sub-normal better methods of
instruction alone will not suffice. The serious problems of immi-
gration are then apparently due to social differences rather than
to inherited physical differences.
Influi'iicL' of Heredity L'pon Kiuc hnprovcnicnt 7
So far \vc I1.IVC considered llic i)r(.)blcni from the side of hered-
ity. Rec(»giiizing that there arc many unsolved questions, it would
seem clear that our first duly is the elimination of the unfit, that
they may not become parents. Next comes the attemjjt to improve
the race stock by paying some attention to biological factors under-
lying matrimony. Personally, I believe we are safe in assuming
that the great majority of children in America arc born normal
and with average possibilities.
Normal growth requires more than mere adai)tatioii to environ-
ment. Social progress in large measure consists in controlling the
environment in ever-increasing measure. Contagious diseases no
longer rank among the properties of the germ cells nor do we
charge them to divine Providence. Knowing them, now, to be of
bacterial origin, we attack them and conquer them one by one. But
progress starts reaction against itself. There are those so affected
by the statement that forty million bacteria may exist in a drop of
milk that they prefer diseased milk to such knowledge. Prudery
prevents the open and frank discussion of those venereal diseases
which so vitally affect the human race. Such opposition must not
prevail.
It is increasingly evident that the conditions of life and labor
of the workers of the world — children, men and women — are of
fundamental importance. Better a slow development than one pur-
chased at the expense of the future efficiency of child laborers,
r'atal to progress is the continued existence of large groups under
conditions causing physical or mental breakdown. Self-evident, you
say? Granted, by everyone in theory, but often denied in fact.
\'ested interests, private profit, selfishness are here the handicaps.
Evident, too, it appears to the student that many old social
institutions must be speedily and perhaps radically changed to meet
new conditions if continued prosperity is to be ours. Our schools
must prepare the ninety-five per cent, for life, not the five per cent,
for college, for instance. Here the handicap is conservatism.
In a word, wc live and think too much in vicious circles. Men
and women live and work under 1)a(l conditions. The children arc
poorly nourished and sadly neglected. Low ideals are inculcated
— result, inefficiency, poverty, vice, crime. In another group oppo-
site conditions ])rcvail, opposite results follow. Popular opinion
of the successful group says heredity — blood tells; that of the
8 The .hiiials of the American Academy
other says environment, exploitation, lack of opportunity. I know
of no better way of contrasting the philosophy of the so-called
upper and lower worlds.
To such loose thinking an increasing protest is arising. Uncon-
scious, perhaps, of its full significance, many of those now grap-
pling with social problems arc condensing their statement of causes
into the one word, "maladjustment." In a word, we create the
evil as well as the good. Nature is impersonal. To an increasing
degree man determines. The race stock remains practically un-
changed. Each generation starts on the same physical level. Are
conditions such that physical strength will be conserved or ex-
hausted ? Will children become robust men and women or weak-
lings ? Do social institutions provide opportunities or check ambition
by some form of privilege?
In America we must face the issue. God cares no more for
us than for other nations. The problems of vice, crime, poverty are
ours. Only by intelligent study of the situation, only by effective
cooperation in remedial and constructive measures can ultimate
downfall be averted. As individuals we are helpless.
In my judgment the situation is hopeful. To realize that our
problems are chiefly those of environment which we in increasing
measure control ; to realize that, no matter how bad the environ-
ment of this generation, the next is not injured provided that it be
given favorable conditions, is surely to have an optimistic view.
Shall not our ideal be, then, a sound body as the necessary basis
of a sound mind, a healthy, progressive race ?
TITF SIGXIFICAXXK OF A SOUND PIIVSIOUF
IJv Dldli:v Ai.lkx Sargent, M. D.,
Director Ilcmcnway Gyniiinsiuin, Harvard I'liivcrsity, Caniljri<l^?e, Mass.
Juvenal's dictum of "a sound mind in a sound body" is a brief
description of a happy state in this world, but how few of us realize
its practical significance. Our bodies as they exist to-day are the
results of struggles and conflicts that have gone on through the
ages, in which the ability to stand erect and to use the trunk an.d
limbs in lifting, carrying, pushing, ])ulliiig. striking, walking, run-
ning, jumping, swimming, etc., have' played a ni<i>t important part
in enabling man to maintain a footing in the world and to compete
for existence with other si)ecies of the animal kingdom. Yet there
is hardly one of these physical activities in which man has not been
surpassed by some of the lower animals. Therefore if we would
account for man's supremacy among animated creatures we must
look for ii in the superior development of hi> brain and the nmre
intelligent use of his hands and fingers.
This fact has become so evident during the past few centuries
that nearly all the schools and colleges founded for the education
of the young have given much attention to the training of the mind
and paid little attention to the training of the body. It is only
within a very few years that technical schools for training in the
manual arts have come into existence, and there is no school or
college that I know of where the education of the body as such is
made an essential ])art of the curriculum. To sustain this theory
as to the superiority of the mind over the body the young are fre-
quently told of the great work that has been done by Pascal, Dar-
win, Spencer, Marcus Aurclius. William \\'ill)erforce. Robert Louis
Stevenson and others, though they all had inferior physiques, as
contrasted with the mental and moral efYorts of the world's cham-
pion oarsmen, matadors, pugilists and athletes with their splendid
bodies.
These exceptional case-^ oidy serve to illustrate the extent to
which nature will H" i in her variations from the normal when spe-
cial (level' i])nuiit for aii\- purpose is required. Danger lies in the
(9)
lo The Annals of the American Academy
direction of the extremes, and unsoundness, disease and extermina-
tion are the inevitable results of too great a departure from the
mean. In mental and physical development nature always tends
toward the normal. In refusing to perpetuate the extremes she
keeps down the number of freaks and anomalies. In seeking for
man's success in competing with rivals and contending with the
forces of nature we have not been sufficiently mindful of what he
owes to the division of labor and the ability to cooperate with
others. This is now becoming very apparent in the building of a
community or nation — it is equally apparent in the building of a
sound physique.
One of the first difficulties encountered in trying to develop tlie
muscles of any particular part of the body is that a limit in size
and power in these muscles is soon reached. If these muscles are
on the calf of the leg, for instance, and one is desirous of making
them larger and stronger, it is often found necessary to develop
the muscles in other parts of the body before the calf muscles
will increase beyond their first limitation. Finally a stage of de-
velopment is soon reached in each individual beyond which no
amount of further use or practice will carry it. This was for some
time a paradox — now the same law is known to apply to all the
other organs and tissues of the body. Larger muscles in a limb
would not only call for larger bones, tendons and connective tis-
sues, but for larger blood vessels, a better developed heart, lungs,
nervous system, etc.
The interdependence of one part of the body upon another
has been brought about largely through a dififerentiation of the
tissues and organs. In the lowest forms of animal life, as in the
amoeba, for instance, the little animal feels, moves, breathes,
catches and digests food, although it consists of but one cell. The
higher animals perform their functions by means of different cells
set apart in s])ecial organs. Thus we have bony tissue, cartilaginous
tissue, muscular tissue, respiratory tissue, nerve tissue, etc., each
having special duties to perform. The physiological division of labor
among the higher animals has resulted in the better performance of
the specific functions of the various organs and tissues of the body,
and consequently in the development of the highest species as repre-
sented by man. The development of the higher animals has been
greatly favored by the establishment of the heart, lungs, blood
Significaucc of a Soioul I'liysiLjue II
vessels and nervous system, hy whicli the food and oxygen of the
air is carried to all parts of the body and the exchange between
the different tissues is rcgulate<l and controlled.
The high physiological position attained by man has not been
won without a great internal struggle. We arc all familiar with
the external struggle for existence — but how many of us have
thought that the primary and fundamental struggle must be that
of the organic forces at work in creating a structure capable of
pushing its way amid external forces?
The organism must find a footing in the world before it can
compete with rivals and defend itself against foes. The reason
why fifty per cent, of the children born fail to find a footing in the
world is in consequence of inherited weakness, internal dissensions
or imperfect development, all of wdiich may be traced to malnutri-
tion. All parts of the body are competing for their pabuhun or
food which is supplied by the blood. The parts which are most
active generally get the larger share, but as the quantity of blood
in the body is limited some other parts get less than their share.
This leads to the establishment of an organic weakness or constitu-
tional defect. If one of the parts deprived of its proper nutriment
is an important organ, then imperfect function will result and all
parts of the body will sufYer in consequence. Sometimes an exces-
sive accumulation of muscle tissue impairs the efficiency of the
muscles, the person becoming muscle bound, as it is termed. When-
ever there is an encroachment of one tissue upon another there is
always a disturbance of the normal balance, which readily passes
into a pathological state. I'atty degeneration of the heart or some
other diseased condition results.
A sound physique, therefore, implies a bodily condition in
which there are not only well-proportioned limbs, perfection of
structure and harmony in muscular development — but a condition
in which harmony and accord exist throughout the whole organism.
If these facts are well founded then the health and soundness of
the various tissues and organs of the body must depend upon their
receiving a just share of the body's nutriment. The distribution of
nutriment we found to be greatly influenced by the activity of the
dilTerent organs and tissues. We have seen that man's status as
an animal among animals was the resultant of an all-round conflict
with nature and brute forces which must have given him the vigor-
12
The A)i)uils of ihc American Academy
ous all-round physical development with which he is naturally
endowed. We have also seen that his recent progress as a social
being has been greatly dependent upon the division of labor and
the further culture of his fingers, hands and brain. But the divi-
sion of labor through the invention of machinery calls for the
use of very few muscles and faculties, and many occupations do
not furnish enough all-round employment for the body to keep it
in good health.
Think of the simplicity of service now expected of many of
the employees in our great railroad systems. One man sells a
ticket, another watches it drop in a box, another rings a bell or
blows a whistle, another presses a button, another opens or closes
a gate, and so on. This is fairly typical of the little physical and
mental effort now required to earn a livelihood in many of our
great industries. It is hardly necessary to add that such a pursuit
carried on persistently through a long term of years without any
other life interest to supplement it would lead to general atrophy
of the muscular and nervous systems. In other words, a larger
portion of the working classes, though toiling for wages and food
externallv, are literally starving some of their bodily tissues, if
not their very souls, for want of sufficient nutriment. For it mat-
ters very little how much food is consumed or how much air
breathed, the tissues can only be well fed just so far as they can
be induced to take up this food and air as a result of their organic
activity.
As division of labor and use of machinery have greatly reduced
the amount of all-round physical and mental effort now required
of the individual, as well as the hours of his cmi)loyment, it be-
comes a matter of vital necessity that something should be done
to make up for the deficiency of his occupation as a health promot-
ing, body building and mind developing agency. The leisure now
gained through the great reduction in the hours of labor affords
an admirable opportunity for physical and mental culture and rec-
reation and for all-round personal improvement. To embrace this
opportunity is the only way to counteract the narrowing and dead-
ening influence of our highly specialized occupations, and to keep
up the mental and physical vigor of the race. But our schools,
colleges and athletic clubs all tend to specialize, and with the in-
creasing demand for more industrial training less and less time and
Significaiii'(' of a Soniul rhysiijuc 13
attention are being gi\en to mental and physical culture as such,
li extent of knowledge, the advancement of science, skill in labor,
excellence in art and preeminence in s])()rt arc all thought worthy
vi the greatest elTort on the part of the individual, it is difficult to
see how a high degree of specialization is to ])e prevented.
This concentration of effort and singleness of pursuit fre-
quently bring- success — but it is success dearly purchased by many
brain workers, by emaciated limbs, feeble digestion, weak lungs,
congested liver or exhausted nervous system. In spite of the fact
that there are a few exceptional men who have won great distinc-
tion though liamhcapped by a diseased organism and a feeble body,
I am i)repared to maintain that the world's work has not been done
by invalids, but by men of a vigorous constitution and a sound
physique. This api)lies to those who have worked with their Ijrains
as well as to those who have worked with their muscles. This
must necessarily be so, since the brain, being' an organ of power,
depends upon the fuel received as food through the circulation of
the blood. Thus the lungs and heart are imtnediately involved.
These organs again fall back u])on the digestive apparatus and this
apparatus upon the tone of the muscular system, which if feeble
may imi)air the cai)acity of a gt)od heart, sound lungs and a well-
constituted brain.
The capacity of the brain f(^r work, then, may be said to de-
pend upon the soundness of the physicjue. l>y a sound physique
I do not mean the supreme development of the muscular system as
frequently represented by heavyweight athletes and professional
strong men. I mean the natural physique as found in the youth
of both sexes ranging from ten to seventeen years of age. The
observations made upon some thirty thousand school children in
St. Louis, Mo., in 1893 established the fact that children of th.e
same age of superior physique, as shown by their superior height
and weight, were also superior in their mental capacity as shown
by the school records. This fact has been confirmed by more
recent examination of several hundred thousand children matle by
difTerent observers at Chicago. 111. ; Cambridge, Mass. ; Omaha.
Neb. ; London, England ; l'>erlin. Germany, and St. Petersburg.
Russia. The same observation of a sujicrior physique accompany-
ing superior mental faculties was shown in the members of the
Royal Society of England.
14 The Annals of the American Academy
■I should like to believe that it would be true of any distin-
guished body of intellectual workers in this country. Considering
the large per cent, of professional men who were rejected as unfit
for service during the Civil War, I fear that this assumption might
not be verified. I regret to add, also, that this fact is not borne
out by any correspondence between the physical measurements and
the rank-book tests of our college students. The athletic students,
however, devote much of their time and energy to the development
of their physique, while the scholarship men devote themselves
almost exclusively to mental work.
Is it not a sad commentary on our system of higher education
that the natural condition of a superior brain in a superior body,
that undoubtedly exists in our youth during their early teens, the
formative period of their lives, should not be carried through their
maturity to manhood. Perhaps it is, and the man with the
superior physique will be heard from later in life. If so the rank-
book of the instructor records the faithfulness and industry of the
scholarship man rather than his superior brain power. To this
industry should be coupled his willingness to sacrifice his bodily
soundness or health in hopes of gaining greater mental power and
efficiency. This is a futile assumption, as we have already shown.
So futile, that in the treatment of criminals, dullards and the men-
tally defective, who have as a class very poor physiques, it has been
found necessary to reconstruct and improve them physically as far
as possible by systematic exercise, bathing, dieting, etc., before they
can be much improved mentally and morally. With this method of
procedure most remarkable results have been accomplished. Are
not our school children and college youth worthy of as rational
treatment as is bestowed upon criminals, dullards and defectives?
Some of us think so and have been advocating for years the train-
ing of the muscles, the cultivation of the senses and the improve-
ment of the physique as a fundamental basis for a broader, sounder
and higher mental development.
All of the great nations that have ever done superior intellec-
tual work have preceded this mental awakening with a period of
great physical activity and bodily improvement. We are already
beginning to record a very considerable increase in the average
measurements of many of our school and college youth. In 1880
the average height of the students at Harvard University, including
Sii^iiiflcaiiic of a Sound Physique 15
all classes, was 67.7 inches and the average weight was 135.2 pounds,
both measurements being taken without clothes. In 1906 the same
class of students at Harvard averaged 68.7 in height and from 140
to 143.3 pounds in weight — the scientific students weighing about
3.3 pounds on the average more than the academic classes. In
1880 only 50 per cent, of the Harvard students would have sur-
passed the height and weight of the army average. To-day over 65
per cent, would pass this standard. This is a most remarkable up-
lift in growth and development for any considerable body of men
in any country or community to have attained in twenty-five years,
and is a great tribute to the noble efforts that have been made during
the past quarter century to interest our school and college youth
in athletic sports, plays, games and gymnasium exercises.
I am optimistic enough to believe that when the adoption of
regular systematic physical activity for our youth of both sexes
becomes more universal a gradual improvement in physique will
be accompanied by an improvement in mental and moral attain-
ments. To hasten this day the whole boy must be put to school, and
the school and college must assume the responsibility for his men-
tal, moral and physical development. When this time arrives the
community will not be slow to realize the true significance of a
sound physique.
INFLUENCE OF HEREDITY ON HUMAN SOCIETY
By Charles B. Davenport,
Director, Station for Experimental Evolution (Carnegie Institution of
Washington), Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, N. Y.
Htiman society is a loose organization of the people of any
race or country that is based on traditions and consensus of
opinion expressed both in "good manners" and written laws. Such
an organization tends to make more agreeable and effective man's
existence as a gregarious species. Human society is not every-
where the same, because the traditions of peoples differ. The best
citizens in certain regions of Africa go clad in a way that would
lead to incarceration in Philadelphia, while the marital relations
of certain oriental countries w^ould have been considered impossible
in the loosest era of the Dakotas. Recognizing once for all the
arbitrary nature of our social traditions, we have to consider how
heredity influences the white man's society of the United States
of to-day.
First of all it is necessary to point out that, until recently at
least, human society w^as founded on a fundamentally wrong as-
sumption that all men are created alike free agents, capable of
willing good or evil, and of accepting or rejecting the invitation to
join the society of normal men. But in recent decades legislators
have come to realize that human protoplasm is vastly more com-
plex than their philosophy conceived, and that the normal man is
an ideal and hardly a real thing. Every man is a bundle of char-
acteristics, and no two are exactly alike. Not only has he the
physical characteristics of brown, black or red hair, blue or brown
eyes, short or tall stature, slight or heavy weight, but he has a
mass of less evident but. in their relation to human society, more
important qualities. His sense organs may be nearly normal or
very defective, so that he cannot see the color of the signals dis-
played to the train he is controlling or hear the submarine sound
that tells of impending collision, or smell the smoke that should
warn him to alarm the sleeping inmates. The position and con-
nections of the association fibres of the brain may approach the
(1 6)
Inllucncc of Heredity on Uiiman Society Vj
tyi)ical condition or llK-y may be so aberrant that the person mis-
interprets the things he sees. His brain may be incapable of flcvel-
oping properly in single or all directions, sf) that he remains with
defective judgment, memory anil, even, instincts, unable to aj)pre-
ciale the traditions of human siKiety (jr. perhaps, impelled con-
stantly to run coiniter to the fundamental principles of that society
— tearing them into shreds. He may be subject to illusions or
hallucinations; he may sufifer from melancholia or paranoia in its
multifarious forms, leading him to commit arson or murder an'!
to assassinate high officials. Heavy is the t<jll human society pays
for the presence of these degenerates.
\i these qualities of degeneration were merely sporadic, acci-
dental, due to a rare combination of environmental conditions,
human society could protect itself sutificiently by secluding the
feeble-minded, imprisoning those with active forms of psychoses
and putting to death those with homicidal tendency. But, on the
contrary, just these defective conditions are inevitabl}- transmitted
in the germ plasm and are apparently being reproduced faster than
the more normal characteristics. Thus Dr. G. A. Doren, of the
Ohio Institution for Feeble-Minded Youth, states:' "Unless pre-
ventive measures against the continuously ])rogressive increase of
the defective classes are adopted, such a calamity as the gradual
eclipse, slow decay and final disintegration of our present form
of society and government is not only possible, but probable. " At a
time when, through prudential restraint, the birth rate of the best
blood of our nation barely suffices to replace that lost by death, the
mu'cstrained, erotic characteristics of the degenerate classes are re-
sulting in large families, which are withdrawn from the beneficent
operation of natural selection by a misguided society that is mu'sing
in her bosom the as]) that may one day falall\- poison her. Modern
studies in heredity show us the danger. \\ henever a unit quality
or characteristic is lacking in both jiarents it will be wanting in all
of their oflFspring. li both lack tiie capacity of developing properly
the cortical cells all of the children will be wanting in this respect.
Some of the cases described by Dr. IMartin W. r.arr'- are certainly
or probably of this sort. He states that he has known ■■Three
imbecile children [who] have ])arents each of . whom is both imbe-
cile and drunken"; "an imbecile deaf mute, an inmate of an alms-
'"Our Defective Classes. TIow to rare for tliom and prevent Iheir in-
crease." Columbus, Ohio. 1901'.
'Alienist and Neurologist. August, 1905.
i8 The Annals of the American Academy
house from girlhood, is the mother of six illegitimate idiot chil-
dren. I have recently been called to examine ... an imbe-
cile woman with seven illegitimate idiot children. I know, further-
more, of a family of twelve brothers and sisters all of the lowest
grade of idiocy, two lapping their food like dogs, their only lan-
guage animal cries," The history of the Jukes suggests the same
method of inheritance for laziness. The pauper harlot, Ada Juke,
married a lazy husband. Both parents are temperate, but all four
children are indolent, even the most industrious having received
outdoor relief. One of these children marries a lazy man, and all
of the six children of whom as adults there is knowledge were lazy.
One of these married a lazy woman, by wdiom he had nine children.
Nothing further is known of three of them, but all of the others
were recipients of outdoor relief. It will be observed that we have
not here to do merely with a high percentage of pauperism in the
offspring of two lazy people, but with lOO per cent., or complete,
pauperism. The children cannot rise in any particular quality above
the potentiality of their more advanced parent. Training the
feeble-minded will develop the characteristics that are present, but
will create no new ones. No amount of training will develop that
of which there is no germ ; you may water the ground and till it
and the sun may shine on it, but wdiere there is no seed there will
be no harvest.
Modern studies in heredity, again, show that when one parent
has a characteristic, and comes of a strain that has it purely devel-
oped, while the other lacks the characteristic, the children will all
tend to have the characteristic, but in a diluted condition. Such a
diluted characteristic is called heterozygous. In the germ cells of
such children the character segregates into half of the germ cells
and the other half lack it. Where two such individuals possessing
a heterozygous character marry each other, then, on the average,
one-fourth of the offspring will result from the union of two germ
cells possessing the character, two-fourths from one germ cell pos-
sessing and one lacking the character, and one-fourth from two
germ cells lacking the character — children from two such germ
cells will, of course, be without the character even though both of
their parents possess it. We have, possibly, a case of that sort in
the Jukes. In the legitimate branch of Ada, the harlot, which
intermarried with that of Clara, the chaste, there are in generation
No. 5 four sisters, children of an industrious father and a chaste,
Influence of Heredity on Iluinan Society 19
legitimate moilicr. whose mother, in turn, was a chaste flanghter of
Clara. Returning to the father, wo find his mother a chaste (laugh-
ter of Clara. From two such chaste parents, then, are born the
aforesaid four daughters — three chaste and one a harUjt. How is
this? Sinii)ly the chastity of the parents. was heterozygous. Their
father's father was the licentious son of Ada, the harlot, and their
mother's father was the son of Belle, the prostitute. The propor-
tions 3 to I, familiar to every student of mendelian heredity, is thus
exactly realized in these children of two parents heterozygous in
respect to chastity. Environment seems to have had as little to
do with the result as with the color of the lambs in my flock of
sheep. Indeed, we know already that niany human characteristics
are inherited in mendelian fashion — polydactylisni. synflactylism,
short fingeredness, bleeding or haeinophilia, night blindness, con-
genital cataract, color blindness, keratosis palnire, albinism, eye color,
color and curliness of the hair. Doubtless many, if not all, of the
elementary, physical, intellectual and moral characters are thus in-
herited. The clear lesson of mendelian studies to human society is
this: That when two parents with the same defect marry — and
there is none of us without some defect — all of the progeny must
have the same defect, and there is no remedy for the defect by
education, but only, at the most in a few^ cases, by a surgical opera-
tion.
Hitherto 1 have spoken chiefly of heredity of defects, and I
have done so because here heredity appears in its simplest form.
When any quality is absent in both parents it is absent in all
children, while a quality that is present in the parents may lie
heterozygous — in which case it may become absent in some of
the children — or it may be homozygous, in which case it will be
passed on to 100 per cent, of the progeny. Moreover, the pres-
ence of a character in one parent will dominate over its absence
in the other parent, and that is why the offspring of a parent with
a pure character mated to a parent leithont will all possess the
character. The advanced condition masters the retarded or absent
condition. It is obvious that the inheritance of positive characters
is relatively complex.
The importance to human society of positive characteristics in
the germ plasm needs little ar.gumcnt. .Ml will admit the debt of
society to the T'.ach family, containing nnisicians for eight generations,
of which twentv-nine eminent ones were assembled at one family
20 The Annals of the American Academy
gathering; to the family of the painter Titian (Vecellio) with nine
painters of merit; to the Bernouilh family, of Swiss origin, with
ten members famous as mathematicians, physicists and naturalists;
to the Jussieu family, of France, with five eminent botanists ; to
the Darwin family, which gave not only Charles Darwin, his emi-
nent grandfather, Erasmus, and his cousin, Francis Galton, but
also among the children of Charles, a mathematical astronomer of
the first rank, a professor of plant physiology at Cambridge Uni-
versity, an inventor of scientific instruments of precision, and a
member of Parliament ; in this country to an Adams family of
statesmen, an Abbott family of authors, a Beecher family of
authors and preachers, and an Edwards family that has supplied
this country with many of its great college presidents and educators,
men of science, leaders in philanthropic movements, inventors, and
leaders in the industrial world.
Important as are these great families, their qualities represent
only a small fraction of the powerful hereditary characteristics that
are inherent in our best protoplasm. In this day of conservation
would that we might keep in mind that this protoplasm is our most
valuable national resource, and that our greatest duty to the future
is to maintain it and transmit it improved to subsequent genera-
tions, to the end that our human society may be maintained and
improved.
We have considered the influence on human society of proto-
plasm deficient in the characters that determine sensitiveness, energy,
proper association of ideas, inhibitions and other qualities that go
to make a normal, moral, effective man. We have seen, on the
other hand, what a precious heritage is in the extraordinarily favor-
able combinations of favorable characters found in certain grand
families. Between these extremes lies the great mass of Innuan
beings that are not enrolled on the record books of asylums or
houses of detention nor listed in "Who's Who," but which con-
stitute the mainstay of human society. What that society shall be
in the future depends on the characteristics of the common people
of the future. The question of questions in eugenics is this : How
shall the inroads of degeneracy be prevented and the best of our
human qualities preserved and disseminated among all the people ?
First, the scandal of illegitimate reproduction among imbeciles
must be prevented. That class often shows a frightful fecundity.
If segregation is inadequate protection and since reason cannot
Inlliicncc of Heredity o)i Ihtiiuui Society 21
overcome the sciitinient again>t (k'>trucii<)n of the lo\vc>t-gra<lc
imbeciles, at least operations should he reciuired that will i)revent
the reprcjduction (.f tht-ir vicious germ ])lasni.
Second, the old iilea that there is in s«Kiety any class that is
superior to any other class should he abandoned. It i> the charac-
teristics of the germ pla>m and ni>i in<lividuals as a whole that are
favorable or prejudicial to human s<icict\. 1 he way to imj)rove
the race is first to get facts as to the inheritance oi different char-
acteristics and then by ac(|uainting ])c<)plc with the fads lead them
to make for themselves suitable matings. The only rule, a very
general one, that can be given at present is that a ])erson should
select as contort one \\lii» i> >lriiiig in tho>e desirable characters m
wliich he is himself weak, but may be weak where he is strong.
Such a marriage will nut necessarily lead to a reduction in the
children of the strong characters, certainly not to a permanent
reduction in subsequent generations, and it will probably lead to
a fimcti<»nal disappearance of the weak condition. ]'>y appropriate
selection of consorts in subsequent generations the weak condition
may not reappear for a long time, if at all. Thus two parents,
deaf from different causes, will have only hearing children, Ijecause
each parent contributes the factor that the other lacked, and if the
children marry into stock with normal audition the ancestral de-
fect will probably not reappear. But if cousins with the same
hidden defects marry, there is one chance in four of two germ cells
with the sajne defect meeting and reproducing the defect. Herein
lies the danger of consanguinous marriages. For there is hardly a
person born with every desirable characteristic i)resent in the germ
])lasm and relatiz'cs are apt to have the saiue defects and so are
especially apt to have defective children. Outcrossings, marriages
between unrelated ]K'rsons. dimini^li tlu' chances for a similar com-
bination from both sides. The mating of dissimilars favors
a combination in the olif spring of the strongest characteristics of
both parents and fits them the better for human society.
In what 1 have said I have repeatedly approached, and very
likely at times passed beyond, the borderland of science. I would
not be satisfied to leave you with the false idea that our knowledge
of heredity is now complete. Rather would I urge that perhaps
the greatest need of the day for the progress of social science is
additional ])recise data as to the unit characteristics of man and
their methods of inheritance.
RACE IMPROVEMENT BY CONTROL OF DEFECTIVES
(NEGATIVE EUGENICS)
By Alexander Johnson,
General Secretary, National Conference of Charities and Correction, Fort
Wayne. Indiana.
For ten years and a half I had charge of a large school for
imbeciles, where I had passing through my hands in that time
more than 2,000 feeble-minded people of various ages from 5 years
to 45, so what I shall say about defectives is not theoretical, but
is founded on personal observation and first-hand knowledge.
It is quite possible to over-estimate the efifects of heredity.
We must admit, with Weismann and others, as well as with Darwin
in his later life, that acquired traits are not transmissible. But it
is also clear that traits which originate by variation are trans-
mitted, and we can prove that environment is at least one of the
important factors in variation.
When we are considering heredity from the viewpoint of the
sociologist I think we may reasonably give it a slightly wider scope
than belongs to it in the strictly physiological sense. As sociolo-
gists we may consider the effects on the child, not only of the strict
physiologic heredity, which is complete at the moment of concep-
tion, but also of the influences which act during gestation and in
the earliest period of infancy. Strictly speaking, these influences
are part of the environment, but they so closely resemble hereditary
influences that sociologically Ave may consider them as practically
inseparable from them.
We find many families in which a vicious taint may be seen
coming down from generation to generation, modified in given in-
stances by environment. It varies in its form of expression which
is sometimes like that in the parent and often different. It differs
in different members of the same family, brothers and sisters.
Children of epileptics may be idiotic or insane, or have one of a
dozen different neuroses. Sometimes the taint appears to skip
one generation, reappearing in the next. If in mating degenerates
were restricted to degenerates the degenerative tendency would prob-
ably die out with the decadent family. But unfortunately the
(22)
Race Imprpz'OHCHl by Control of Dcfcctiics 23
defective blood is continuously reinforced by stronj;. if vicious,
blood from outside its own ranks. Probably if tbe idiotic, insane,
ejiileptic and feeble-minded could be deported and placed together
on an island in the Pacific and left to themselve>, the degenerate
race would die out in two or three generations. The mothers of
most of the next generation of feeble-minded and idiotic are such
themselves ; but most of the fathers are strong-minded. This is
the most powerful argument that I know of, for the protection of the
feeble-minded from the passions of vicious men and fr<>ni ihc effects
of their own weakness.
I do not present to you anything in the nature of an academic
discussion. I desire to offer an exceedingly practical proposition.
There is a certain iK>sitive piece of state business to be done by the
American people with regard to the degenerate classes. I believe
it is well within the power of the people of each state to do that
state's share. I admit that it is a tremendous piece of work, but
we are not afraid of large undertakings.
This is an era of big things being done. We take a few miles
of sand dunes by the lake side and transform them in a year or
two into a city of 100.000 people surrounding a steel plant which
manufactures many million dollars' worth of steel annually. We
have no doubt of our ability to do any big thing that ought to be
done.
The feeble-minded, idiotic and insane, or certain classes of
them, are certainly vitiating and lowering the average standard of
the race. The total number of them is not so large as we sometimes
fear. Of the epileptics we have a pretty accurate estimate. About
one in 500 of the population in Europe, and in America the number
is verv nearly the same, or one-fifth of one per cent of the popula-
tion, are epileptics. The feeble-minded we have not so accurately
estimated, but I think the number is about the same, perhaps not
quite so many. Many of ihc epileptic are also feeble-minded. Many
are strong-minded. Julius Caesar, Mahomet. Napoleon Bonaparte
were supposed to be, and perhaps were, epilcjitic.
Of the insane the number is not far difi'erent. I think if we
could count the insane, the epileptic and the feeble-mindeil we
should find the total to be not more than one-half or two-thirds of
one per cent of the total population, surely not a number to inspi'-c
terror in the strong-minded remainder.
24 The Annals of the American Academy
Add to this number the weak, shiftless people always on the
verge of pauperism and continually falling over into it, especially
the numerous mothers of illegitimate children, women so nearly
feeble-minded that you are not quite certain whether or not they
should be detained in custody, who, under our wretched pauper
system, or want of system, are continually in and out of the alms-
houses, coming in pregnant, bearing a child, going out leaving the
child behind, and coming back soon again in the same condition,
clearly degenerate, evidently hopeless, the mothers of the Jukes
and their like.
Still, with all these added, the total would not be so tremendous,
not more than we can handle, and we do something with them now.
Our present inefficient semi-neglect of them is costly. For their
own sake and that of the body politic we ought to take some posi-
tive method to control the whole class and to make their reproduc-
tion impossible. For it seems certain that, unhindered, their natural
increase, since it is not affected by the restraints of prudence and
self-control, is more rapid than that of the general body of normal
citizens.
Four remedies have been offered for the increase of the degen-
erates :
First, restrictive marriage laws. A few states restrict the
marriages of insane and idiots. I know only one which goes so
far as to control the feeble-minded and epileptic. That is Con-
necticut. But the laws are not heeded to any great extent. I think
if the laws in regard to idiocy were carried out further, and if the
general public could be educated up to the point of view of those
who have studied the subject, as to the exceeding horror and
odiousness of such a marriage, they might have some effect. But
restrictive marriage laws have never been largely successful. The
typical instances have been those of Austria and Sweden, each of
which countries tried to diminish poverty by such laws. The net
results were a great increase in immorality and in the number of
illegitimate births. In this country, as elsewhere, many of the
degenerates are born outside the marriage bond.
McKim in his book on "Heredity and Social Progress" de-
clares we must eliminate the degenerate by a humane and painless
death — have same pleasant lethal chamber into which they may be
introduced, lie down to happy dreams and never waken. It is not
Riuc I in/'ruiciiuiit by Lontrul oj Ucjcctiics 2^
worth while tliscusbiiig that, nut even us an academic discussion,
it is so tremendously far away. What the results would be 1 do
not like to cuntemplate. W hat horrible degradation would ensue ;
what desperate changes in human character would result; huw far
down we would go toward or below the morals of (Greece and
Rome when the citizen was nothing and the state everything. I
do not proixjse to argue that question before you.
The next plan is of the same kind, but differs* in degree, —
sterilization. I do not care to discuss that either. It also would
be nothing but an academic discussiiiti. Those who propose it,
propose it for the people from whom there is or should be the least
danger, the incorrigible criminals, who certainly should be reiamed
in custody for life, and the hopeless idiot. In my own state, Indiana,
I am ashamed to say. an ingenious method of sterilization has been
introduced which would seem to foster and encourage sensuality
by promising immunity from some of the dangers which usually
attend it. I consider it a most serious and dangerous attack on
public morals. It has been introduced by people who are entirely
well-meaning and who would not wittingly do anything against
religion and ethics. I regret that it is becoming popular and that
people in other states desire to coi>y it. When I talk against it
I feel like the voice of one crying in the wilderness, or like that
Wisdom which, we arc told, cries aloud on the streets and no man
regardeth her.
I think these plans are futile. I think neither restrictive
marriage laws, elimination by a painless death, nor wholesale sterili-
zation can be applied, at any rate within the next generation or two,
so as to have any serious effect in the reduction of the number of
the degenerate classes. But I think a process can be applied, and
is now being applied, partially, in many states, with remarkable
success, that is entirely within our power to ajiplx thoroughly. I
think that the whole class of the feeble-minded and the epileptic,
say two-fifths of one per cent of the whole poinilation, may be at
once segregated and taken into permanent, maternal care by the
good Mother State. T think that such care can be exercised upon
"hem as will not (^nly make their miserable lives nnich less miserable
than thev are. but make most of them positively hapjiy. Tt is ([uUe
possible 'and practicable to establish, in every state in the I'mon.
orderlv celibate communities, segregated from the body pohnc ;
2.6 The Annals of the American Academy
set off by themselves on land selected for the purpose, in buildings
constructed to some extent by their own hands, where the feeble-
minded people, and the epileptic people, and the chronically insane
people may be cared for permanently, and a large part of them made
entirely self-supporting. I do not know how large a part are capa-
ble of self-support under due control. A friend of mine who had
charge of a large institution in which he had been successfully
treating feeble-minded and epileptics, used to say eighty per cent
of the total number could be made self-supporting. I thought his
claim rather too high. But from my own experience I am confident
that sixty per cent of the total number of the feeble-minded could
be made self-supporting. What does it mean — self-supporting.
It does not mean that a feeble-minded man can do a full ordinary
man's work. If so, he would be three times self-supporting. Any
man, given steady work, in a civilized community, can earn a living
for himself, his wife and his family. He can surely earn the
living in a moderate way of three adults. Therefore if my insane,
epileptic or feeble-minded laborer does one-third of one man's work,
or just enough over a third to pay for the extra supervision he
requires because he is feeble-minded, then he is entitled to be called
and he is, a self-supporting member of the community. I have had
hundreds of such people under my care. I am going to tell you of
just one group of such laborers, out of many instances of which
I know, because I want to clinch my argument with some facts
of experience.
I discovered on our colony farm, two miles away from the
main institution, that we had an extensive deposit of excellent brick
clay. Now, feeble-minded and epileptic people, properly managed,
are usually willing workers, and I was always on the lookout
for industries for those in my charge. I did not know any more
about making bricks than the ordinary man, but I began in a
cheap and tentative way and gradually increased the plant until
I had a brickyard which employed twenty-seven to thirty feeble-
minded bovs. ages eighteen to thirty years, working under two
strong-minded men. We turned out, for several years, a million
bricks annually. They were worth $5.00 per thousand, and they
cost the state about $2.00 per thousand to make.
Among the brickmakers were five or six of those we call
high-grade imbeciles, boys with whom you might have to converse
Race Iiiipnn'i'iiii-iit by Control of Defectives 27
for five minutes before you could discover their defectiveness.
There were a dozen or more of the middle-grade and eij^^ht or nine-
idiots who could not talk at all, but could earn tluir livinf^^ shoveling
clay into a wagon.
\\)\v. in the simple homely fashion in which we lived on that
farm, clad in summer in blue denim and in winter in any kind of
warm clothes no matter how patched, if clean, fed on simple
wholesome food and plenty of it, with no ostentation nor extrava-
gance for inmates or care-takers, the gross cost of the support of
these boys was only $110.00 per annum per capita. But when we
deducted from that $110.00 the value of the hay, milk, potatoes,
pork, apples and other farm products, raised on the colony farm and
sent down to the parent institution, the net cost was only $rKj.oo
per capita. The thirty brick-makers earned $3,000 in the brick-
making season of eight months, which was considerablv more than
their net cost for a year.
We could easily have sold all the bricks we made at a higher
price than I have quoted above, but instead we held them until the
legislature helped us to put them into houses to receive more
imbeciles.
As to the produce of our gardens and orchards, when we had
more than we could use in the colony or at the parent institution,
with its 1,000 inmates and 200 employees, we had good customers
for our surplus in the other state institutions which were not so
favorably situated, without invading the usual arteries of commerce.
Xow, farm life and labor is but one of the many available
industries for the feeble-minded, insane and epileptic. The great
institutions for the latter at Bielefeld, Germany, and Sonyea, X. Y.,
have shown that there are alnmdant possibilities of profitable occu-
pation for every one of them.
The class of defectives that has the strongest appeal to our
sympathies is that of the feeble-minded women. When we neglect
them we are exposing them to dreadful danger. Women physically,
they are only babies in intellect and self-control. We say to these
children, not in words but in deeds, as we say to many of the
normal children of the slums : "You must be virtuous. \'irtue
requires strength, for it means choosing the right and rejecting the
wrong. You have only strength enough to be innocent, but you
shall be virtuous or you shall be damned." Xow, the feeble-minded
28 The Annals of the American Academy
girl, only strong enough to be innocent, must be protected in her
innocence, for she cannot protect herself.
I have not made a very careful estimate of the necessary initial
expense of the plan I propose. I know it will amount to a large
sum. Perhaps for the whole country, divided among the different
states, as much as the cost of five or even six battleships. Perhaps
as much as Mr. Carnegie's libraries have cost him. Perhaps twice
as much as the amount of the fine which the Standard Oil Company
did not pay.
But whatever the cost, the expenditure should be made, for it
would certainly be an excellent investment. From the dav we had
corralled and properly cared for all the present stock of degenerates
the burdens of the citizens would begin to lighten, not only those of
feeble-mindedness, epilepsy and insanity, although the results would
be seen there the most rapidly, but the burdens of pauperism, drunk-
enness, the dreadful things which come from prostitution, all those
evils which we regard as such a serious menace to us, which add
to the burden of the hard-working, underpaid taxpayer, the man
who pays high rent for a city tenement, the man who pays taxes on
his little farm. So hard it seems sometimes to pay those taxes to
support people he has not nnich interest in. It would relieve all
those burdens more quickly than anything else you could do. I
think it is practical and sensible. It is not a new scheme. Many of
the states are doing it a little. Enough is being done to clearly
indicate the proper method for the whole work.
In my state we have five hospitals for the insane and we are
building a sixth. We have one institution for the feeble-minded
and we have begun one for the epileptic. We have about equal
numbers of insane and epileptic. In this country we provide fairly
good care for about eighty per cent of all the insane. We provide
for about fifteen per cent of the idiotic and epileptic something like
fairly good care, and the danger to the body politic is ten times
as great from the latter class as from the former.
We fear the insane and despise the idiot. So we give the
insane care and the idiot neglect, while in nine times out of ten
the danger to us is much greater from the idiot. The danger of
increase is extremely great from the idiotic and from the insane
relatively little.
Every man and woman ought to read the presidential address
Riicr Iiiiprot'cmriit by C'tnitrcl of Pcfi'ctiics 2C)
of the l;i>t \atii>iial ( ontercncc of C liaritics and Correction, en-
titled "Tlic iJurdon of I-'eeble-Mindedncss." The prcsideiit. very
faniihar uitli the work hoin,L;' done for the foi'l)Ic-mindcd. told in a
plain. >inii)le way the exact facts, and . showed how tiiis feeble-
mindedness, or dejij^eneracy. affects not only insanity, idiocy and
epilepsy, — not only those diseases of the mind or malformations
of the brain, but also affects every other form of trouble. It affects
the educational problem, the crime problem, and. more or less,
nearly all our social j^roblems. In an appendix are ^^iven statistics
of a .q;reat many families of degenerates and the degrees f)f heredity
which occur in them are shown. \\'hen you have read that address
vou will realize the need of the plan I propose or of some other
and better one.
For the classes I have named I think public opinion is ready to
a])i)rovc and endorse some such plan as I suggest. There are other
classes for which we shall be ready when we are completely doing
the work wliich we have already begun. What these next classes
will be I am not prepared to say. Perhaps the chronic drunkards
may 1)e among them ; certainly the habitual tramp will be and other
classes of paupers, besides the one I have described.
I do not offer a panacea for the ills of society. Possibly posi-
tive eugenics, the conscious selection of the best types for reproduc-
tion may come some day. Possibly, probably, it will never come.
P>ut for the important step in negative eugenics which I have briefly
described, I believe the world is ready, nay is impatiently, waiting.
PART TWO
Influence of City Environment on
National Life and Vigor
POPULAR RF.CREATION AND PURLTC MORALITY
BY LUTHER H. GULICK, M.D..
Chairman. Playground Extension Committee, Rlssei.i, Sack Fol'nda-
Tiox, New York City
EVIDENCES OF RACE DEGENERATrON IN THE UNITED STATES
BY WOODS HUTCHINSON, A.M., M.D..
New Yokk City
ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL CHILDREN'S BUREAU
BY HON. HERBERT PARSONS,
Member of Congress from New York
CITY DETERIORATION AND THE NEED FOR CITY SURVEY
BY PROFESSOR PATRICK GEDDES,
University College, Dundee, Scotland
(31)
POPULAR RECREATION' AND Pl'BLIC MORALITY
Bv LUTIIER II. GULICK, M. D..
Chairman, Playground Extension Committee, Russell Sage Foundation,
New York City.
The tilings wc do, when \vc do what we please, arc vitally
related not only to health, hut also to nioralitx and the whole devel-
opment of the finer self. The forms of <nir i)leasure-seeking dis-
close what we really are. Those nations which devoted their leisure
to re-creating health and building up beautiful bodies have teiide<l
to survive, wdiile those which turned, in the marginal hours, to
dissipation have written for us the history of national (Unvnfall. .\
daily life in which there is no tiiue for recreation may be fraught
with as much evil as a leisure given over to a futile frittering away
of energy. Greece became famous because four-fifths of her peoi)le
were slaves and thus one-fifth had opportunity for culture.
The work which human muscle used to do is now being done
by engines of various sorts, so that we have leisure again. Xot
only the few, but the mass have a margin beyond the working hours :
the time that is left after the eight-hour day. The world has never
seen such equality of opportunity before and the possibilities latent
in this fact are stupendous. If it required only a small fraction of
the people to immortalize Greece wdiat marvels may not be done by
us moderns now that all of us have a little time each day to devote
to the expression of our real selves.
But we Americans, as yet, think only of work. Work is
important, but it is only one of the important things. It secures
food, shelter and clothing for us. Necessary things, to be sure,
but belonging to that part of our lives which does not signify. In
respect to these economic things — the things we work for — we are
all pretty much alike. It is in the higher life of the spirit where w-e
diflfer. If we would be individuals, stand out from the multitude,
our spirits must have a life of their own. In truth, he has not
really lived who has secured for himself nothing more than food,
clothing and a shelter for his body.
When I speak of the "higher life of the spirit," do not ajipre-
(33)
34 The Annals of the American Academy
henci that we are drifting into a religious discussion. A higher live-
liness of the spirit would have expressed my thought even more
adequately. The "play of the spirit" is not an empty phrase. It is
always the spirit that plays. Our bodies only work. The spirit at
play is what I mean by the higher life.
Play is the pursuit of ideals. When released from the daily
work, the mill we have to tread in order to live, then we strive to
become what we would be if we could. When we are free we
pursue those ideals which indicate and create character. If they
lead us toward wholesome things — literature, music, art, debate,
golf, tennis, horseback riding and all of the other things that are
wholesome and good, then our lives are rounded out, balanced and
significant.
If education is "equipping for life," then it ought to be divided
into two parts, equipment for work and equipment for play. If
education is bound to provide us with the luxuries of the body it
ought also at least to furnish us with the necessities of the soul.
It must tell us not only how to get the most out of the working
hours, but also how to spend most profitably and joyously the
hours that remain.
We do not, however, need to be instructed upon the importance
of having a leisure time. That need is instinctive. I am confident
that one of the chief sources of social unrest is the envy, not of
the food the over-rich eat, the clothes they wear or the character
of the roofs over their heads, but of the sure and ample hours
in which they can do what they like. The problem of a happy
and wholesome use of the leisure time in the cities involves us in
difficulties which have never been encountered before., but they
are being met with courage and success.
We shall confine ourselves to the city side of the problem
because, while the conditions of play and recreation in the country
are not unimportant, we are fast becoming a city people, and it is
inevitable that in the city the problem will be of primary importance.
You cannot drive people out of the city. We experiment by
exporting them. But while driving them out of one slum they
return to another, and to stay. The great human abhorrence of
loneliness is unconquerable. We like each other so much — at least
that is one reason why we refuse to be rusticated.
Statistics tell, even more convincingly, the increasing urbaniza-
Popular Recreation and Public Morality 35
tion of our population. In 1790 ^.^ per cent, of the peojjlc in the
United States lived in towns and citie> of 8000 and upward, while
to-day over ^;^ per cent, live in the cities of the same class. It
means not only that the cities arc ji^'rowing with |)henoinenaI rapid-
ity, but that the total population j^^rowth in our country durinj^ the
past three censuses has been almost entirely an urban growth. In
Illinois I was recently told that within a single generation the
average country school had shrunk from thirty-eight to twenty-
eight pupils.
I do not, however, view this rush to the cities with the appre-
hension that is felt by many. The city is meeting its own problems
successfully. Take, for example, the testimony of the death-rate,
which represents the sum total of the influences that bear upon
life. During the past three decades the country death-rate has
remained i)ractically stationary, while in the cities it has been
going straight down from decade to decade. The truth is that cities
have a purer water supply than the average farm. They dispose
of their sewage more effectually than the country. Besides that,
they have a more varied food supply. Recall for a moment the
vacations when you have gone to the country dreaming of wondrous
table delights and found them in reality coming out of tin cans.
There are, however, conditions pecidiar tvi the city which give
the problem of recreation there an added pertinence. It has to
be admitted that the occupations of the city arc woefully one-sided.
We function so much of the time with only a particular part of
our body or mind, or both, leaving the other parts to deteriorate
through disuse, that there is an aggravated need of a leisure time
in which to build out the all-around individual. The conditions of
city life are so complex and new. so many of us are conscious of a
lack of resources, that it is indeed a problem so to employ the
margin of the day that it shall make for wholesomeness and rest,
health and quietness, and helpful social contacts.
This is indeed the problem of the city, a problem surrinuided
with many difficulties, but one, nevertheless, whose solution is more
clearly visible at the present time than the recreation problems of
the country. Strange as it may seem, the greater tractability
of the urban problem resides in the very condition to which people
are wont to attril)ute most of the city's ills — I mean the density
of the population. But before developing this idea let us take a
36 The Annals of the American Academy
glance at a few of the present city recreations which exhibit un-
wholesome aspects.
There are at the present writing in New York City 200 moving-
picture shows with an average daily attendance for each of 1000
persons. That makes 200,000 persons per day taking part in this
one form of public amusement. On Sundays these shows have
an average attendance of 500,000. While usually unobjectionable
from the moral standpoint, the anuisement which these exhibitions
afford is sedentary and has no value as a bodily exercise. Gener-
ally, also, the ventilation in the moving-picture hall is so inadequate
that a couple of hours presence in one of them, with all the at-
tendant risks of exposure to contagious diseases, is a positive
menace to the health.
New York has also about 200 dance halls, nearly all of them
connected with saloons. Now, dancing in itself is a thoroughly
wholesome form of recreation and exercise. But the moral en-
vironment of these places of amusement is such that it is not
pleasant to think that a large proportion of the future mothers
of American children has to resort to them in order to satisfy
perfectly wholesome and natural cravings for play and companion-
ship.
It is not necessary to mention the saloons and other resorts in
our large cities which, under the guise of affording amusement,
are also inflicting evil upon our young people. But I dare say few
realize to what an extent some of our national institutions have
become sources of bodily harm because of our inexcusable way
of letting things do themselves and of failing to unite and give
them the intelligent direction which they require and which would
not only rob them of their capacity to injure, but vastly enhance
their ability to do us good. Take, for example, the customary
celebration of our national July festival.
It is reported from apparently trustworthy sources that more
persons have been sacrificed in celebrating the Fourth of July than
were fatally injured in the War of Independence itself. The fol-
lowing table taken from the Chicago Tribune's record of the last
ten years is significant :
Popular Recreation and Public Morality Z7
Dead. Injured.
1908 72 2,736
1907 58 3.897
1906 51 3.551
1905 50 3.169
1904 3'*^ 3.049
1903 52 3.065
1902 31 2,796
Kyoi 35 1.803
1900 59 2,767
1899 .^3 1.742
And, again, ([uotin.ij; from ihc Journal of the .hnenean Medical
Association. \\c have the following tabic of cases of lockjaw that
have lately resulted:
Cases. Deaths.
1907 4.249 164
1906 5.308 158
1905 2.992 182
1904 3.986 183
1903 3,983 182
In the solution of these recreation problems the individual is
helpless. Not long ago Dr. Woods Hutchinson met me on the
street. Sakl he :
"Where does your boy play.' '
"On the street."
"So does mine. Uo you think it is a good place?"
"Xo."
"Well," Dr. Hutchinson continued, "wouldn't it be a good
thing to have a place where they could have some swings and
some seesaws, and a place to dig, and where they could make a
boat and do things?"
"Yes," I replied.
"Let us get one."
"All right," I said, and he took one section and I took another
to f^nd a place. Dit^culty after difficulty was encountered until
we gave it i\p.
As a matter of fact city parents cann<it pnni.le in their homes
places where children may play. \\\' are unable to give our young
people the wholesome social life which the full, rounded develop-
ment of their natures requires.
38 The Annals of the American Academy
But if the individual can do nothing the community, acting
as a community, can. This is the inestimable advantage which the
city has over the country. The close association of persons with
common interests which is involved in city life and the ready re-
sponsiveness of the group-mind make feasible the carrying out of
constructive programs for wholesome recreation of a splendor and
attractiveness almost beyond the reach of the imagination.
Beginnings of this sort have already been made here and
there. Kicked into action by one of its prominent papers, Spring-
field, Mass.. set out to have a sane and safe Fourth of July. A
committee was evolved. The committee secured the cooperation
of the School Board, the Alayor, the Chamber of Commerce — the
movement became so contagious nearly everybody wanted to get
into it. The result was that Springfield had a Fourth of July
that really dedicated the day, that bound together thirteen nationali-
ties in one wholesome enthusiasm, that gave the children more
harmless fireworks, the youth more healthful athletics and the people
more hopeful poetry than the life of that city had ever before
witnessed. The secret of it all was that the people acted as a
unit to remedy an intolerable custom instead of, as individuals,
just objecting and letting the foolish firecracker slaughter of the
innocents go on.
One of the pleasantest aspects of the whole city recreation
problem is that its solution is to be accomplished not primarily by
restrictive, but by constructive measures. In the main, both chil-
dren and grown-ups like good things better than the bad. People
as a whole are wholesome. Their children are wholesome and they
respond to wholesome things. The really shameful part of the
business is we do not give them a chance. More than half, I
believe, of our American boys and girls have to secure the bulk
of their recreation in the streets, much of the time under influ-
ences positively unwholesome and sometimes dangerous to life.
If our boys attempt to play baseball in the streets we arrest them.
The 200.000 young people who frequent the dance halls of New
York, if they dance at all, are compelled to take this exhilarating
exercise under conditions which are frequently vicious in their
moral influence.
To free ourselves from the present indictment of neglecting to
give our young people the opportunities for wholesome recreation
Popular Recreation and Public Morality 39
and to carry out those constructive plans which promise so much
for the future all-round development of the individual three things
must be done, l-'irst, wc must find out the facts. We should
have an instantaneous occupati(3n census.
By occui)ation census I mean a record of the age, sex and
occupation of every person in a certain district upon a given
hour. It would probably not be feasible to attempt to cover a
whole city. Some Saturday night at perhajjs nine o'clock would
be a favorable time. This census would show just how many
jjeople are at that time on the streets, how many are in salocjns,
how many are in billiard halls, how many in bowling alleys, how-
many in gymnasiums, in dance halls, etc., throughout the entire-
district.
We know pretty well how and where people work. We know,
for example, how many people are engaged in the iron trade, how
many are miners and engineers, and how many are employed on
farms. I^ut we have no reliable data as to how many people dance
or how many are interested in art or philosophy. We have quite
auth(~iritative information as to what people do to earn their food,
clothing and shelter. We have very little idea, on the other hand,
what they do when they please themselves, when they are pur-
suing their own ideals. Such a census as I have described would
tell us just this.
The practical uses of census information of this sort arc manv.
To take a single illustration : A great playground movement is
going on all over the country. In some of the larger cities com-
missions, backed by substantial appropriations, have been author-
ized to investigate existing playground facilities. The attendance
at the playground is recorded, but nobody knows how many chil-
dren in a given area, say the four blocks around the playground,
are at any given time not there. Do the children go to the play-
ground for brief entertainment and then return to the street for
the bulk of their play? These are fundamental questions and yet
we are not able to answer them. The census would give us this
information.
The second thing wc nuist do to insure the wide-t and wisest
indulgence in recreation is to promote a full and purposeful use of
the facilities we now have. .Ml over America there are scIrwiI
buildings and school yards, a great many of which are locked up
40 The Annals of the American Academy
at three o'clock. The balance of the day they serve absolutely
no use; whereas if they were open in the evening both children
and adults might find in them the means for considerable social
and recreative enjoyment. There are our manual training schools
with their expensive equipments. Why let them be shut up after
the regular school hours? It is better for boys to be working in
shops, learning to use their hands by making kites and boats, than
"shooting craps" in a dark alley. Why not keep the school yards
open all of the time so that our children will not be obliged to
play in the automobile-ridden streets. These properties belong
to us; why not have the fullest use of them?
Besides extending the use of our school buildings let us also
plan the use of our parks. At present we just allon? their use.
We do not even do what every big summer hotel does for its
guests — provide guides who show how the various facilities may
be exploited for the enjoyment of the patrons. JNIodern library
administration has pointed the way. Libraries do not simply store
books nowadays ; they push books at people. But this enterprising
and aggressive adaptation of our parks and horticultural gardens
to the needs of humanity does not seem as yet to have been dreamed
of. There are many which are not being fully used because of a
lack of intelligent direction.
\\'e need also deliberately to study our festival occasions.
They are great possessions which we are allowing to go to waste.
They could be made the focal points for large streams of social
life. The marching, dances and ceremonies could be made to
dignify the days they celebrate and to render them educational,
instead of what they now so frequently are — dissipating for adults
and meaningless for the children.
The third part of the program for popular recreation which
is incumbent upon us of the cities is that of formulating a com-
prehensive plan. Such a measure as this is necessary if we are
to make sure of an equal attention to the needs of every class
and avoid that overlapping of energy which always accompanies
individual, unconnected efforts. Our cities are being architecturally
beautified in accordance with far-seeing, harmonious municipal de-
signs. Why should not our physical, moral and social health receive
the sanie broad, expert and centralized treatment?
There is an especial need of comprehensive planning at the
Popular Recreation and Public Morality 41
present nioiiient because so many states and municipalities, at last
awakened to a consciousness of their obligations, arc beginning to
make appropriations for recreative purposes. The Massachusetts
Legislature has passed a bill requiring all cities and towns having
over 10,000 people to vote upon the subject of maintaining play-
grounds. Only two out of forty-two towns voted "Xo."
Up to 1908 New York City had spent over $15,000,000 on
playgrounds. In some instances the price jxiid for land was enor-
mous. One plot containing less than two acres cost the city
$1,811,000.
In the past few years Chicago has spent $11,000,000 on i^lay-
grounds and fieldhouses. These places have become centers of
social life, as did the palestra in the old Greek days and the
Roman baths during their epoch — places where whole groups of
people have the opportunity of doing pleasant things together.
In the far West the movement is also under way and cities
are bonding themselves for the support of parks and playgrounds.
Not only must municipalities and philanthropic associations
coordinate their efforts in some harmonious, comprehensive scheme,
but the whole plan must be administered by experts with definite
goals in view. It is not enough to give everybody the chance to
play. We must also direct that play to specific as well as attrac-
tive ends.
The tendency of a recreation to be warped from its legitimate
purpose, when left to private adventure, is well illustrated in the
development of baseball. Our national game has produced spec-
tators in a number far out of reasonable proportion to the nimiber
of players. In England the actual participation in cricket is much
more universal.
If our boys are going to learn team play; if they are going
to acquire the habit of subordinating selfish to group interests,
they must learn these things through experience and not from
books or the "bleachers'' maintained by professional baseball. Such
moral development comes only through activities which are pur-
sued with spontaneous and passionate enthusiasm. The boys must
not only have sufficient opportunity to take part themselves in
wholesome games, but these must have that intelligent supervision
which shall insure not only the highest degree of pleasure, but
also the fullest moral profit.
42 The Annals of the American Academy
if, then, we can get people to do these three things, learn the
facts, make what we have fully useful, and unify all activities in
a harmonious plan, then we shall indeed have taken a long stride
toward making popular recreation the well-spring of public moral-
ity. For the relationship of recreation to good conduct is not an
idle thought. That familiar proverb might well have been written,
"As a man playeth, so is he."
With increasing leisure the ennobling ideals which spring from
play will wax stronger in the human soul. If we can but get
everybody to play their own natures will do the rest. It is a task
that can only be performed by cooperation, that union of effort
which is possible only in the city. This is why the Bible says that
Heaven is a city.
EVIDENCES OF RACE DEGENERATION IX THE UNITED
STATES
By Woods Hutchinson, A. M., AI. D.,
New York City.
Prophecies of degeneration to come are as plenty as blackber-
ries and have been since the foundation of the republic. But
data that would meet the approbation of a Missourian are as
abundantly scarce. The unanimous opinion of all foreign and most
native observers is that the American race is degenerating, becoming
lank, nervous, dyspeptic, frivolous and immoral ; their only disagree-
ment being the degree of said degeneracy and the causes which
have produced it. The most favorite causes are: Too much rich
foods, bolting our meals, fried things, wasting our saliva on the
sidewalks instead of saving it for digestion, liberty run to license,
too much irreverence and impiety. The general feeling fifty years
ago was summed up in the remark of one of Martin Chuzzlewit's
contemporaries, that "everything degenerates in America. The lion
becomes a puma, the eagle a fish hawk, and man a Yankee."
In spite of our alleged "gude conceit worsels," we have been
ready to almost apologetically admit that we were dyspeptic, neu-
rasthenic, catarrhal, with the worst teeth and complexions in the
world. In spite of our abounding ill health, each individual gen-
eration managed to jog along after a sort, but it was bound to tell
in the long run, and now after from three to five generations, the
awful and inevitable results have come. The first line-up which
stamped us with the brand of physical inferiority was in the days
of the Civil War, and here in the enlistment the full measure of our
physical degeneracy was realized.
Almost every country in Europe and every degree of American-
ization from the German "forty-niner" to the descendants of the three
brothers who came over in the "Mayflower" was represented; not
merely in scores, but in hundreds and thousands. When the war
was over, some rash person started in to make a comparative study
of these measurements, with the mortifying result of finding that
the race had become so abnormally elongated in this process of
(43)
44 ^V/f ^hiiials of the .luicricaii Academy
decay that the native-born Americans of all sorts were an inch
to an inch and one-half longer than the foreign-born soldiers ;
and that those recruits who had been longest in America and at the
same time least mixed with any recent importations or streams of
immigrant Kentuckians and West Virginians were nearly two inches
taller than the soldiers of any European nationality. This, of course,
was simply due to the proverbial lankness of the Yankee. We turned
to the next item, of chest measurement, in fear and trembling, only
to find, however, that, due probably to our well-known fondness
for oratory, our lungs had actually expanded to a circumference of
an inch and one-half greater than that of the average European-
born recruits. Wind, however, would explain all that, and we
turned to the scales to find that our national lankness had consisted
so largely of bone or some other heavy substance that our average
was between five and ten pounds heavier than that of any foreign-
born nationality. And again, the chestiesf, as well as the longest
recruits came from the mountains and valleys of Kentucky and
\^irginia.
This was most disconcerting, but of course we have known
since the day of old Tommy Green that mere size did not constitute
greatness, or even vigor, so as soon as proper statistics report-
ing births, deaths and other vital statistics .were established, we
began tremblingly to compare the records of Massachusetts, New
York and the Carolinas with those of England, Germany and France.
N'early every comparison had a provoking trick, of almost an
identical or even lower death rate and disease rate in the American
column, except for our great cities ; but of recent years even these
have ranged up alongside of the European figures. This, of course,
was easily explained by the imperfectness of our records and the
fact that many cases of death and disease were not recorded. But
for the last twenty-five years our sanitary organizations have ad-
vanced by leaps and bounds, until now we have large areas which are
almost as perfectly reported and recorded as any in Europe, and
the figures for which may be relied upon for purposes of compari-
son, and the net result may be summed up by saying that at practi-
cally no age, class or social condition is the death rate in the United
States more than one or two points per thousand higher than in
the corresponding class in any of the European countries, and in the
large majority of them, especially in infancy and childhood, it is
markedlv lower.
Evidences of Rdcc Degeneration 45
One thing, however, we were absohitely sure of, and that was
that we were not here in America Hving as they did in the good old
(lays on the other side of the Atlantic. We might be bigger and
healthier than our ancestors and contemporaries in Europe, but we
certainly die earlier, ])robal)ly by going to i)ieces all at once, like the
"one boss shay." The first thing that reassured us was that our
insurance comi^anies were still doing business, not only at the same
stand, but at the same rates as European countries, and they did not
a])i)ear to be losing monc}', either. Of course, this might be ac-
counted for by the national ])ri(le and well-known ])hilanthropy of
these great benevolent institutions. But a study both of their records
and of the mortality lists showed the unexpected fact that the aver-
age duration of life in America, even thirty years ago, was from
three to five years greater than that in any European country, wdiile
to-day it is something like six years to the good. Yet our companies
are still unselfishly doing business at the old rates.
Evidently our racial degeneracy is of a strange and peculiar
type that caimot be precisely expressed in figures and measure-
ments. It has not overtaken us as yet, but it will soon enough. Physi-
cally, we may be keeping up a deceitful appearance of vigor, but
mentally and morally our doom is sealed. Yet here again the figures
mock us and baffle us ! Upon the face of the records we have less
insanity per thousand of our population than any European coun-
try. This might, of course, be explained on the classic grounds
suggested in Polonius' advice to send Hamlet to England, since there
his eccentricities would not be noted, for over there all the men are as
mad as he. But when we find on further scrutiny that our foreign-
born nations contribute ahvays an equal, and in most cases a dis-
tinctly larger, percentage of their numbers to our insane asylums than
any locality or class of our native born, it would appear that the
standards of eccentricity are not so very different on the two sides of
the Atlantic.
But what will it avail us to be physically sound and mentally
sane if we are morally corrupt? Upon this point all our critics,
friendly or unfriendly, chant an alleluiah chorus in absolute unison.
American lawdessness, American disrespect for authority, the cor-
ruption of our politics, the looseness of our marriage ties — all are
matters of world-wide notoriety, but somehow they do not seem
to get into the police records, for our average of criminality even
46 The Annals of iJic /hncrican Academy
in the best policed and reported districts is seldom higher than that
of any corresponding European district and in certain trivial eccen-
tricities, such as wife beating, ill treating children, drunkenness,
etc., far below that of any European community of corresponding
class. Of course, we have less than one-tenth of the number of
paupers and dependents, but that is no fault of ours. Our virgin
soil and our fierce determination to be rich at all hazards have
automatically protected us against this defect without any special
intention on our part.
However, even if the nemesis of physical degeneracy have not
overtaken this generation, we are all agreed that it will the next.
Everybody knows that the American child is spindle-shanked, pasty-
faced and a bundle of nerves, because he eats too much candy and
sweets, sits up till all hours, and gets no family discipline to speak
of. There is where Nature is going to catch us !
Some years ago a fool physician who "rushed in where angels
fear to tread" had the "nerve" to begin weighing, testing chest expan-
sion and measuring room after room of American school children and
classifying them according to their nationality, their parentage and
descent. We have now some scores of thousands of such measure-
ments, and they show that the native-born American child certainly
has spindled to the extent of growing from three-fourths of an inch
to one and one-half inches taller than the school children of the
same or corresponding social class in most European countries.
He has also, by his habit of living largely upon candy and chewing
gum, got ahead of little John, Max and Jean by from three to twelve
pounds at all ages, and his notorious oratorial powers have extended
his chest to a superior degree of expansion. Any doubt as to the
same peculiarity in our American yardsticks and scales was dis-
sipated by the further comparison which showed an almost equal
superiority of all children born in America over those of any
nationality of foreign birth with the partial exception of the Nor-
wegian and certain German children. A step further showed that
the second generation American school children, that is, those born
of American-born parents were again above the average in both
height, weight and chest measurement of all American born, and
that those which were three generations or more in America had a
still higher average.
More interesting yet, the great scholarship and mental develop-
E'riilciiccs of Race Dc;^cHcyaiion 47
mcnt of all these classes of cliiUlren followed an almost absolute
parallel course with their size and weight. Apparently we need not
worry about race degeneration among the children. We had better
be considering what is going to happen to us when they grow up and
come into competition with us. In the words of Patrick Henry:
"If this be American race degeneracy, let us make the best of it!"
ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL CHILDREN'S
BUREAU
By Hon. Herbert P.vrsons,
Member of Congress from New York.
As part of the discussion on "Influence of City Environment
on National Life and Vigor" there has been assigned to me as
subject, "The Relation of the Federal Government to Race Im-
provement, With Special Reference to the Establishment of a Chil-
dren's Bureau." This assignment was made because, at the re-
quest of the National Child Labor Committee, I had the privilege
of introducing in the Sixtieth Congress a bill to provide for a
children's bureau under the Department of the Interior.
The bill provided that the proposed bureau should investigate
and report upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of children
and child-life, and should especially investigate the following ques-
tions : Infant mortality ; the birth rate ; physical degeneracy ; orphan-
age; juvenile delinquency and juvenile courts; desertion and ille-
gitimacy; dangerous occupations; accidents and diseases of the
children of the working classes ; employment ; legislation affecting
children in the several states and territories, and such other facts
as have a bearing upon the health, efficiency, character and training
of children. In effect, the object of the bill was to provide a central
bureau of publicity and investigation in regard to matters pecu-
liarly affecting child-life.
The extent to which the Federal Government can legislate in
regard to the welfare of children is limited. Except as to the Dis-
trict of Columbia and the territories it has nothing to do with legis-
lation directly affecting infant mortality, the birth rate, physical
degeneracy, orphanage, juvenile delinquency and juvenile courts, and
desertion and illegitimacy. There is a dispute as to its constitu-
tional power to legislate in regard to child labor. The future may
see a gradual and great extension of federal power. Such I believe
to be inevitable as well as desirable. Tlie country, though large, is
by means of communication so closely knit together that in many
(48)
National Cliildren's Bureau 49
things state lines are a hindrance and state legislation an obstacle
to achieving results.
The processes of time will bring about changes, so that those
things that for effective results will require federal legislation will
receive it. Plenty of subjects will still be left to engage the atten-
tion of state legislators. Under that extension of federal power
much social legislation will take place. Perhaps some of it will
deal with the question of child labor. But that may seem too far
distant for present-day consideration. If, then, the Federal Gov-
ernment is not now to legislate directly on child labor there is one
thing that it directly can do by legislation, and that is to establish
a children's bureau as a bureau of information on and investigation
of the subject of child labor as well as other subjects relating to
the health and welfare of children.
At the last census 44.3 per cent, of our population were under
twenty years of age; of those, 1,916,892 were under one year of
age, 7,253,736 were from one to four years of age, 8,874,123 were
from five to nine years of age, 8,080,234 were from ten to fourteen
years of age. Of these children there were in cities wdth over
25,000 inhabitants 2,054,790 under five years of age, 1,989,341 from
five to nine years of age, 1,772,883 from ten to fourteen years of
age, a total of children in such cities under fifteen years of age of
5,817,014. The efifect of city life on children is, therefore, one of
the largest items to be considered in the discussion of the influence
of city environment on national life and vigor. The city popula-
tion is, as all know, steadily increasing in proportion to the country
population.
This children's bureau would directly deal with information
in regard to the welfare of children in cities. Most of its objects
relate more to city than to country conditions. It recognizes the
fact, so often stated, that the problem of the city is the problem
of the future. \^ast as the city problems are, they should enthuse
and not discourage us. The greatness of the need of service in
solving them measures the greatness of the service in the solution
of them. The difficulties of the problem call upon all that is ablest
and nerviest in man. I have never forgotten the remark that I
once heard Phillips Brooks make, namely : That we should not
complain that it was hard to do right, because the harder it was
to do right the more worth while it was. That principle applies
50 Tlie Annals of tlie Anicricaii Academy
to many things. As a Representative in Congress from the City
of New York I have taken an additional pride in this bill for a
children's bureau because it will have so much to do with the
solution of city problems. What are some of these city problems
with which it will deal?
Infant mortality is one of them. Frequently we forget the
degree of it. According to the report of the Census Bureau on
Mortality Statistics for 1906, there were in the registration area,
which now covers about half of our population, mainly cities,
212,138 deaths of children under fifteen years of age, but of these
133,105 were of infants under one year of age. They formed
twenty per cent, of the deaths of those of all ages. They were in
average three times as many as those of children under five years
and forty times as many as those of children from five to fourteen
years of age. They were greater in cities than in the country at
large. Such detailed investigations as have been made of infant
mortality show that it is in considerable degree related to housing
conditions in cities. In Berlin some time ago an investigation was
made of 271 1 infantile deaths. Of them 1792 occurred in one-room
apartments, 754 in two-room apartments, 122 in three-room apart-
ments, and 43 only in four-room apartments and over. The results
of the Berlin investigation as to infantile mortality are confirmed
by investigations as to general mortality made in Glasgow, Buda-
pest and Washington.
Another subject that is enumerated in the bill and one that is
synonymous with the topic of this volume is that of physical de-
generacy. The report recently made by the Committee on tlie
Physical Welfare of School Children in New York City says, as to
the result of its investigation of the home conditions of 1400 school
children, that "physical defects must be expected in children where
three out of four families have four rooms or less for cooking,
working, washing, sleeping"; that "if New York school children
are typical of school children in the United States there must be
in the schools of this country 12,000.000 children having physical
defects more or less serious that should receive attention from
parents and family physicians." In Washington a somewhat sim-
ilar investigation was made by the Homes Commission appointed by
President Roosevelt. The commission reported that out of the 43,005
pupils investigated 28.2 per cent, of the colored children had de-
National Children's Bureau 51
fects, that 38.9 of the white children had defects, and that there
were 20 per cent, of all tlie children "whose physical condition
should he a matter of grave concern to the parents."
Those who know assert that one-quarter of all the blind chil-
dren in all the blind schools of this country are unnecessarily blind.
Any bureau that can give publicity to this fact, the reasons for it
and the way to avoid such an unnecessary injury is worth while.
Dangerous occupations is another subject enumerated in this
bill. Mr. Edwin W. DeLeon, who is first vice-president of the
Casualty Company of America, and has for that reason had pecu-
liar means of information on this subject, has repeatedly called
attention to the need of publicity in regard to it, believing, as he
does, that the strong public sentiment that publicity will create
will tend to ameliorate these conditions. Only a few states, as I
am informed, give the ages of those who are injured in accidents.
Michigan is one of these states, and its last report shows that
accidents to children sixteen years of age and under who came
under the occupations reported were iioo per cent, more in propor-
tion than occurred to children and grown people over that age. In
Indiana the percentage of accidents to them was 400 per cent,
greater in proportion. Should these facts be centrally and, there-
fore, easily obtainable, then the publicity that would ensue would
lead to legislation by the states that would end the horror.
There is in the bill the general subject of the employment of
children. It is admitted by all that the labor of children in cities
is very different in its physical effects from the labor of children
in the country. On the subject generally. President Roosevelt's
Homes Commission, which I referred to before, concluded that
"the average boy at the age of fourteen possesses about one-half
the muscular strength of an average adult between thirty-five and
forty years of age. As a consequence of imperfect muscular de-
velopment it is not surprising that a large percentage of young
persons engaged in workshops, factories or, even, at the writing
desk or merchant's counter develop lateral curvature of the spine
and other muscular deformities, not to mention general weakness
and predisposition to rickets, tuberculosis and other pulmonary
diseases." An investigation in England for the purpose of making
comparison between boys belonging to the non-laboring class and
boys belonging to the artisan class showed that at thirteen years of
52 The Annals of the American Academy
age those of the non-laboring class averaged 2.66 of an inch greater
height than those in the artisan class, and that this difference had
increased at sixteen years of age to a difference of 3.47 of an
inch. In weight the difference in favor of the non-laboring class
of boys advanced from 10.33 pounds at thirteen years to 19.64
pounds at sixteen. Chest girth measurements showed similar dif-
ferences in favor of the boys of the non-laboring class.
On the general subject of child labor it is unnecessary for me
to enter, as its evils have been recognized almost everywhere. It
is not sufficient, however, that those evils should have publicity
now. Nor should the burden of keeping public opinion alive be
placed upon a voluntary association. Publicity will keep public
opinion alive and that publicity should come from government
sources.
A few objections have been made to the bill. It is claimed
by some that other departments do or can do the work, and allusion
is made to the Bureau of Education, the Bureau of Labor and
the Census Bureau. But the heads of all those bureaus favor the
bill and allege that it will not mean a duplication of work and that
the ends sought are eminently desirable.
In Congress it has been argued in the past that the Census
Office can make investigations such as this bureau might see fit
to make, but the distinction has been made clear, namely, that the
Census Bureau can only do quantitative work and that intensive
work must be done by investigators trained in that line, which re-
quires somewhat different training from that which fits census
investigators for their work. With the heads of the other divisions
of the government to which this work might be allotted favoring this
separate bureau, the bill ultimately should become a law. It was
introduced late in the last Congress and was reported in both
the Senate and House. It has already been introduced in the
Sixty-first Congress. It should receive consideration early at
the regular session commencing next December. I believe that the
bureau, just because it will publish and investigate matters as to
which legislation must be other than federal, will be of enormous
assistance to localities and states. Rapidly growing communities,
moreover, that wish so far as they can to diminish the evils that
are incident to city life would be able to act forehandedly with
the information that this bureau could supply. A large corpora-
Xatio)uil Cliililrcii's Bureau
S3
tion developing a eomniuniiy of its own and wishing to plan it on
most approved lines could here get information that to get now it
would have to employ an expert to make many extended investiga-
tions. Chances to compare notes, still better, the opportunity of
seeing the notes compared, are a great aid to progress. Publicity
in matters governmental is as eflfectivc as sunshine in behalf of
health. It is curious how quickly the public responds in behalf of
the correction of evils that are made public, nor does it matter
if they relate to things which are somewhat remote in their effect.
The lawyer's case is half won by his ability to state it clearly. In
legislative bodies the most effective oratory is frequently that which
is a mere statement of facts. This bureau will do much of the
work that can be done by clear presentation of facts.
Progress is slow in some ways. It is often difficult to raise
enthusiasm as to a matter for which immediate great results can-
not be claimed. How immediate and how great the results from
a federal children's bureau would be I cannot say. Fortunately,
however, it touches the sympathies of so many people that the
demand for it is an easy one to make. Finally, while it may not
be simple to say what the bureau would accomplish directly, we
can say that what it would accomplish indirectly the imagination
cannot encompass.
CITY DETERIORATION AND THE NEED OF
CITY SURVEY
By Professor Patrick Geddes,
University College, Dundee, Scotland.
I.
Ill attempting to deal with the great problem here placed before
me, my first impulse has been to treat it in the abstract fashion sug-
gested not only by the name of an Academy, but by the prevalent
mental attitude of the student of political and social science as we
have him on this side at any rate. But on reflection I see that such
conclusions on the subject set before me as I have reached — say
rather such inquiries as I am wont to prosecute — can be far more
satisfactorily stated if something of their concrete origins and their
individual development be at first clearly expressed. I therefore
venture to make this paper primarily a statement of some of my own
experiences of cities.
My earliest impressions of a city throughout childhood and
youth were fortunately synoptic outlooks in the most literal sense,
and thus so far anticipated, no doubt initially determined, the con-
ception I have been seeking ever since, and in many countries, to
elaborate, that of the Survey of Cities— the correlation of concrete
observation in many aspects, with general views from distinctive
points, and this for city by citv, and in region after region. My
home was on the hill-slope above Perth, and its windows and tree-
tops, and still more the walks over moor and through wood above,
and from crofts and cliff-edges to southward, gave an ever-delight-
ful variety of impressions, near enough for detail, yet broad enough
for picture. Clear as on a map. just at the tidal and navigable limit
of its river lies the city, neatly bounded between two ancient parks,
the grassy "Inches," which run back from the river on either hand.
It is on the right bank, with its "Bridge-End" on the left, a quarter
poor and depressed at its ancient center, the start of the medieval
bridge, but this largely screened out of sight and mind since the
building of its stately eighteenth century successor by thoroughfares
(54)
Deterioration and Xecd of City Surz'ey 55
at a hi<4her level along to pleasant old river-lawn houses and up to
later hill-side ones. Roads, still of country type, converge ujwn
the town from all sides, still keeping much of their country beauty,
while for the daily passages along the noble bridge there opens a
choice of views immediate and remote : here the clear swift river,
with salmon nesting among the pebbles, and yonder Birnam Hill
and the distant mountains, now snowy against gray skies, or blue
upon the sunset — the scene of which Ruskin has written so admir-
ably, and to which "Modern Painters" plainly owes so much.
A small but distinct "New Town" akin to that of Edinburgh,
and of the same late eighteenth century type, encloses the historic
city, and cuts its modern streets parallel to the river ; so that even
its old High Street, though still busy, has for the most part long
fallen into the second rank, and its companion thoroughfares, the
spacious and the tortuous alike, into third and fourth-rate condition,
with vennels and alleys knov.'n indeed from occasional boyish visits,
but in w^hich wonder passed into contempt and disgust more easily
than pity. This middle-class aloofness which such "new towns"
have so generally developed — in fact a notable element in that
deterioration of old towais which is a great part of our European
problem, and an approaching one in America — was further accented,
here as largely elsewhere, by the presence in the most squalid quarter
of a large proiwrtion of immigrant Irish, wdio have been kept
separated from their neighbors by their irregular and unskilled em-
ployment w^th its attendant evils, as also by their traditions and
their faith, all unfortunately, yet inevitably, associated in the preva-
lent Scottish ideas of them. "Deserving poverty,'' as of "widows
belonging to the congregation." formed another category of jxDverty
altogether — what in later life one comes to understand as "C. O. S.
principles" thus seeming established in the very nature of things.
Presbyterian traditions have admittedly democratic advantages ; and
I can testify from repeated eye-witness that T.orimer's well-known
picture. "An Ordination of Elders," with its varied types of plain
everyday working-folk, each deeply spiritualized, is a sociological
document as true to life as are the more generally known present-
ments of the Breton "Pardon." I'Vom the joiner's workshop, from
nature-collections and the like, one came to know son-.cthing also
of the practical and intellectual elite which are still happily not
infrequent in the ranks of Scottish labor. Still, the class-stratitication
56 The Annals of the American Academy
and class-feeling so characteristic of the English town have also
too largely penetrated Scottish ones ; and this class-difference found
its boyish outlet in the class-quarrel of schools, which kept us of the
academy silently apart from boys of other schools, save when this
separation could be actively expressed in snow-time, in battles often
Homeric. Another deteriorative element then — in that class-separa-
tion from childhood, which is a main curse of British education.
Under such circumstances the knowledge and the love of the
city as a place naturally developed altogether beyond any interest in
the city as a community ; so that, despite all the happy associations
of "Perth," the phrase "the Perth people" comes back in my mind
as a term colorless, abstract, faintly expressing what I came later
to know of them in their statistical and political aspect. I think I
fairly understand my friends and contemporaries, their writings and
points of view, professional or retired, legal or administrative,
political or economic ; but I increasingly wonder whether at bottom
they are not persisting in limitations akin to those of my boyhood,
rather than generalizing a riper experience, later, more human and
more social. I wonder whether even the would-be scientific mood
of the sociologist as I have generally known him, his detachment,
his general principles, be not too largely derived from some such
aloofness from his city's life, in fact a persistence of that blank
unconsciousness of citizenship which is still in the ordinary upbring-
ing of the middle-class juvenile? Is not this in fact also the main
limitation of the "classical political economy" — that it has been
niiddle-c\ass\ca.\?
As naturalist and as teacher I now know how the boyish life
of nature-study experience, of cliff and quarry, of garden and
woods, of brook and pond, and the alternation of interest in their
detail with that of widening landscape were the right preparation
for later scientific studies of mineralogy and geology, botany and
zoology, and thence for geography as the concrete synthesis of
the sciences. I know, too, how the same concrete experiences
undergo a further development, a maturer and deeper digestion of
mind, and so give rise to such general ideas, morphological or
ecological, evolutionary and philosophical as one may attain to. But
while this two-fold experience, this development of one's ideas in
concrete and in abstract science alike from nature study is a com-
m.onplace to every brother biologist, since his own essentially
Deterioration ami Xeed of City Sitrz'ey 57
matches it. 1 do not find this in anything: hke the same dej:2;ree
among my brethren of the sociological world. For them "Society"
is what they common!)' describe as the essential field and problem of
their studies ; and upon this they will all admit that the laws and
theories of general biology have some bearing. \'ery few. however,
take much interest in the actual societies of the regional geographer,
still less i^f the local observer, or adequately realize that the ways of
the field naturalist have to be taken over by the field sociologist. For
the anthroj)ologist. since Mr. Spencer's day. they have a certain re-
spect, since the anecdotic and illustrative detail he so generously fur-
nishes has often comparative bearings. This openness to the com-
parative method no doubt redeems the sociologist from the charge of
mere abstractness — of being merely "metaphysical" in Comte's sense
— yet it also shows that the "Society" he studies, like the "Human
Nature," "Population," "Labor," "Market Production," or the like.
which the political economist analyzes out from this, is at best a
very vaguely generalized term — one essentially denoting, when we
seek to give it back its concrete content, the mass or the average of
the civilized communities of our own age, and of these seen pre-
dominantly in their urban aspect. But this content is given, and
far more concretely, by the term Occident. For the politician or
the publicist (unless of some exceptional type, pacific, esperantist or
the like) this concept is commonly practically absent, his own nation
and its civilization supplying its place — a limitation so far. but with a
compensation which gives him much of his power and eitectiveness
within his limits. For here at length we have some one who thinks
of a concrete and definite and particular city, since for him his
metropolis, imperial, national, or regional, is coming constantly into
focus. In the immediate margin of consciousness its foreign rivals
may alone vividly appear ; but in the background of even the most
political of minds, the minor cities and even their "provinces,"
"counties" or otherwise exploited regions or states are never com-
pletely absent: while the administrator acquires his predominance
through being the organ of the metropolis, controlling, governing
and educating its subject regions and cities, or inhibiting, exploiting
and so on. as the case may be. Even for this comparatively concrete
stage and outlook, however, studies of special cities remain at a
discount, and even in university cities throughout the British isles
or empire the only regional studies which as yet attain any canonical
58 TJic Annals of the American Academy
interest are of naturalistic character. Even local history, though fre-
quently linking up with archeology and something of the dignity
of the geologic past, is but rarely understood as the actual root
stock of contemporary growths, still less as the very seed-field of
social inheritances, which may be latent or reappear in a new genera-
tion, and this for good or evil, much as do organic ones.
Our old city had no lack of historic memories, though these
were too little taught us. We knew indeed something of its Roman
origins, and a story of Danish invasion and defeat. But for Scottish
boys Edward I, Wallace and Bruce are the first really vivid historic
personages, and too often the last. Sir Walter's "Fair Maid of
Perth," however, has spread its romantic interest over the essential
points of his story. The old city had been the capital of Scotland
until the murder of King James I caused its removal to Edinburgh ;
after which, save for the Gowrie conspiracy, which every history
of James VI and I makes so familiar, our annals practically ended.
The great medieval church, partitioned since Reformation days into
three sufficient parish ones, had lost meaning and interest beyond
these ; Greyfriars or Blackfriars were but street names, and so on ;
we supposed, as people do still "for practical purposes." that all this
old history was dead. What has this modern county town, with its
active agricultural interests and markets, its special industries, of
dyeing for the most part, and its large through railway traffic, to
do with its ancient history?
If, however, the reader will turn to any history, or even guide-
book, of London, he may vividly see the Celtic dun or hill-fort
succeeded by the Roman altar, this by the Christian church and at
length by vSt. Paul's Cathedral, in its Medieval and its Renaissance
forms ; and then unmistakably to its modern uses and disuses. Simi-
larly he may read of Westminster as the lowest Thames ford, the
primitive trade-crossing, therefore, before it became a monkish isle,
or this a royal palace. He will see how the building of London
Bridge downstream necessarily drew ofif to it all the crossing trade
and kept for it all the shipping; and so he will realize more clearly
the specializing of Westminster as legislative and administrative
capital of empire, and as spiritual center of yet wider appeal, as
compared with the growth of London, still as of old the mercantile
and financial city. Similarly if we motor out to see the country,
our chauffeur will guide us along ancient roads and hunting parks
Deterioration and Xeed of City Snr^ry 59
and over prehistoric commons. Now if such <:!;eoG:raphic and his-
toric conditions of the remotest past have plainly determined, and
thus still determine, tin's vastest and in some ways most complex and
heterogeneous of human aggregates, and this in such detail that
Londonography has its innumeralile monographs and libraries, its
societies, its lectures by the dozen, should not these geographic and
historic factors be even more obvious in less grown and less modi-
fied cities? So it is when we return from Thames to Tay.
Above the bridge of Perth it is a short and easy hour's walk
to the old ford of Scone, with its once royal palace hard by. Its
abbey has vanished, but its ancient crowning stone, removed at the
brief conquest of Edward I to Westminster, lies, as every visitor
to the abbey knows, in the coronation chair ; and thus not only came
to mark the ditTerence between the pacific and mutually respecting
union of Scotland with England and her tragic relations to Ireland,
but potently helped the Scot to accept this pacific union.
In a word, then, Thamesford and Thamesl)ridge, Tayford and
Taybridge have become Westminster and London. Scone and
Perth. These parallel origins have stamped upon all these their
respective and broadly parallel histories ; and with these, and here
is the relevancy of all this discussion, their respective social func-
tions and character, their psychology also. In a word. then, the
qualities and the defects of each community are to be judged, not
simply by a contemporary survey, but primarily by a geographic and
historic one. For lack of this it is that Mr. Booth's vastest of civic
monographs — his "Life and Labour of the People of London" —
despite its admirable intention and spirit, its manifold collaboration,
its accurate and laborious detail, its mapping of every house, dias
thrown after all so little light upon the foggy labyrinth.
II.
We now once more for a moment return to Perth ; and there,
hard by the modern railway station, we find the Roman "Pomarium,"
still a street name. We even see near by the apple-trees, and this
no mere coincidence, for the row of houses where they most abound
still keeps, some say since medieval times, its appropriate name of
"Paradise I" P>ut instead of going on here to further knowledge of
the mingled good and evil which this modern tow^n inherits from
its environment and life-conduct in the past, let us rather select the
6o The Annals of the American Acadeiny
more difficult but more important case of the larger industrial city.
For this purpose I can choose none more characteristic or more
convenient than the seaport of the lower Tay, Dundee, whose rise
in manufactures and population, as it became specialized as the
central world market of jute industries throughout the past genera-
tion, is not only within its own living memory, but historically arose
from a definite consequence of the American Civil War, with the
resultant scarcity of cotton, and the vast market for jute which
was thus opened. In any survey of the social condition of Dundee
this staple industry is therefore the central problem — what need of
going further back? What can local geography and history have to
say to these present conditions, of an industry which brings its
material from India and sends its product everywhere, from China
to Peru? The social evils of the town are neither few nor small, in
fact it has a tragic pre-eminence alike amongst Scottish cities and
manufacturing ones generally. Of all industrial towns it has the
largest proportion of working women and children and the smallest
of working men. With this it has also the utmost irregularity
of employment, since good times or bad throughout the world must
swiftly react upon the length of jute required to pack or bag its
varying quantity of production. To all these miseries add the ever-
growing competition of Calcutta, where Dundee capital, machinery
and skill have long been building up an increasingly formidable
rivalry. So now Dundee unmistakably shows the dramatic point
in the whole occidental world, where oriental competition is telling
most heavily, and to which, therefore, the attention of economists
and of statesmen, were these as yet adequately awake to such local
problems, and to their importance as clues to more general develop-
ments, might wdth advantage be much more thoroughly directed.
Assuming such economists, such statesmen to arise, and to grapple
with these industrial and commercial problems, how impatient would
they not be of the mere student of local geography and history, still
more if he should venture to tell them, even after their Jute Trade
Commission, that they were still largely failing to interpret the
situation, failing correspondingly, too, to see the full possibilities
of treatment of it, and all this for lack of inquiries into conditions
far earlier than the present industrial ones, overpoweringly predomi-
nant though these now are? Yet if the gentle reader will again
glance at his atlas and gazetteer, and look at our maritime situation
Deterioration and Xeeil of City Survey 6l
upon one of the few great fiords of tlie east coast, he will see that
beyond this maritime situation it has i^rave disadvantages, some past
and some present.
The river has a bar, while the open Forth is near. Fife, too,
had its many ports, and Perth its own shipping; Montrose and
Aberdeen were not far away, and even the inland agricultural valley
of Strathmore is no true hinterland, but separated by a range of
hills even now but little traversed. It is plainly a place, therefore,
which has long had to accustom itself to distant markets, to emigra-
tion also.
With these disadvantages, however, have been associated an old
excellence in shipbuilding,^ which has been very naturally shared
with .-Vberdeen ; so that from these two towns, especially until the
days of steam and iron, there came those famous tea-clippers of the
British trade with Canton, whose annual race home with the best
of the new season's crop was long one of the most notable events
of the London commercial world, since combining business, specula-
tion and sport in a way dear to the Englishman. It is thus a case
of that social filiation we are tracing that our best known British
yachtsman, whose endeavors to recover the international champion-
ship have so often brought his name before Americans should be a
leading tea merchant of Glasgow and London. The widespread
deterioration of business into sport, and often into gambling might
also be considered here.
But as the vacht is of to-day so was the tea-clipper but of
yesterday: and we must now go back to an older and slower, but
not less seaworthy type of craft, the old-fashioned whaler, whose
annual voyage to the Arctic seas is still characteristic of Dundee,
though now only a single ship may go to Davis Straits or the like
where a fleet was lately wont to sail together. In old time, records
tell us, it was the Biscayans who led in whaling, and later those
hardy mariners of Dieppe, whose fleur-de-lis still marks the north
even for the British compass card. By and by. as the whale became
practically extinct in the North Sea, the center of the most difficult
and dangerous of maritime enterprises moved northward to Dundee,
^Vs I writo this. I loarn that the .Viistrian Government has just carried off
a picked sciiiad of forty of our shipl)uildinir workmen with their necessary
laborers, to the navy yard at Trieste to train their workmen tliero. Thus
thousih for many reasons the Clyde is prevailiiifi over the Tay, it is evidently
not our workmen who are to Mame. And here in fact is the old Vikini: life
of shipbuilding and emlRration, with both elements still in progress together.
62 The Aiutals of the American Academy
and seems even now passing to Shetland and Lofoten, soon no doubt
to disappear altogether. Little reflection is needed to see how hardy
and enduring, how strenuous and observant, how cautious yet how
bold, must be the type of mariner whom these voyages call for and
train ; and — what is the point for our present purpose — how fitted
is this type of mind and character, on its return with varying for-
tunes, yet on the whole with comparative wealth, to the ordinary
community during every winter, and mixing with the townsfolk at
leisure, and on terms of no common authority — to set its stamp
upon the general outlook, if not even determine the mental atmos-
phere of the town. Here in fact are the conditions of nurture for
what is perhaps the very strongest and most virile variety of the
"canny Scot" which the business world has so often had good reason
to mistake for the Scot in general, steady, vigilant, foreseeing, adven-
turous, decisive, he does not wait on fortune, but pursues her boldly,
if need be even with his harpoon. Here then lies no small element
in Scottish business enterprise and surely in that of New England
also.
But our Dundee manufacturers, it will be said, are jute spinners
and weavers, not whale fishers. True, but these jute weavers of
to-day were linen weavers of old ; and until steam displaced sail this
district led in sailcloth weaving for the navy as well as the mercantile
marine, and still makes the tentcloth for war. How this association
of weaver and sailor is expressed not only in goods but in men,
how these types in fact are akin in every sense, may be illustrated
by the contemporary detail that one of our largest manufacturers of
to-day, who still leads in sailcloth and tentcloth as well as in jute, has
succeeded a father who was at the same time Gladstone's naval min-
ister. This seems a mere accident when viewed from without, but
is a normal instance of our social structure seen from within. So
the added fact that the latest British naval magnate who retired
with a peerage, said to be well earned as such things go, was again
a Dundonian, may appear mere coincidence. Yet the least degree
of local familiarity- will be found to justify and strengthen
the impression here suggested. This, briefly restated, is the inter-
pretation of the essential qualities and defects of this particular
city in terms not merely of its present predominant manufacture to
which the usual type of social survey at its best refers us, but, below
^Thiis our nearest territorial mnsnate owes his earldom and estate of
"Camperdown." to tlio viftory oi' his i^rainlsire. Admiral Duncan, over the D\itch,
Deterioration and Xccd of City Siiriry 63
tliis, in terms of the long" characler-lorniing age of whale fishing,
and thus in fact of the dominant Viking stock/'
To this in fact we owe not only our major industries directly,
as of shipbuilding- and sailcloth, and thence to finer linens, to jute
sacking and carpets, but also our minor ones. This jute itself till
lately came in great four-masters by a six-months' voyage from
India. The same Viking enterprise brings us the Hesperidian fruit
we transform into the orange marmalade which is our city's fame,
so that you not only find it on every I'ritish breakfast table, but
even as "Dondce" on the dessert list of your Paris restaurant. Most
curious of our local industries under this gray sky, but in some meas-
ure also of kindred development, is photography. For here has
been, for a generation at least, one of the largest and certainly also
one of the best centers of landscape photography, sending out its
experts throughout the world, printing their negatives in a huge
factory here, and exporting the product back to the place of its
origin. Is not even this the \'iking lookout in a new and cultured
form? The corresponding interest exists in landscape painting, but
not in architecture nor sculpture, arts as yet unknown to Mking
peoples. The city, save for the massive fourteenth century church
tower of which Emerson speaks in his "En^^IisJi Traits," has few
architectural attractions. The beauties of the great Ilanseatic cities
have inland origins ; and such picturesqueness as Xorse or Scottish
maritime towns and cities may and do sometimes possess is more
due to accident, age and irregularity of grouping than to design.
Hence, though our modern A'ikings, the manufacturers, have en-
dowed and established a university college during the past quarter
century, and this in some respects not ungenerously, the hetero-
geneous buildings dotted over our spacious campus are the jetsam
of six or seven separate architects, good, bad and indifferent; while
under this Viking regime, the writer, as botanist and college gar-
dener, as would-be city improver also, is naturally afforded the most
ample leisure to be found in the professorial world to console him-
self for the small result of his rustic preachings, his floral ministra-
tions, by thus working out the sociological explanation of it. On
the other hand, that the Antarctic exploration movement of the past
'For a very forcible st.atemont of the qualities .and .achievements of this
North Sea fisher type, see De Toiirvilic's flrnirth of European \ationx. trans-
lated by M. Loch. Sonnenschein. 1000. Als<i "I.a Science Sociale" (})a<tftim) and
the various, worKS of M. Edmund Demolins.
64 The Annals of the American Academy
decade should have been initiated from here half a generation ago,*
that our zoological museum should be of the best, or that the
American-Canadian seal arbitrations of past years or International
North Sea Fisheries Commission of the present should here find
the working expert — all these are natural and intelligible, rational
because regional.
That such a study of the evolution of local qualities is the
needful preliminary to the corresponding interpretation of social
defects has now to be more fully shown. That misery of labor, and
particularly of woman, which makes Dundee the very hades of the
industrial world, and of which the consequences and aggravations,
in bad housing, in disease and mortality bills both of adults and of
infants, and in those terrible returns of insanity, vice and crime
which are the disgrace of Scotland among the sister kingdoms and
in the civilized world, are all here met with a degree of apathy of
the prosperous and directing classes and of the working people alike
which is so much marked beyond other towns known to me either
at present or from history, as to demand an explanation and invite
a corresponding special inquiry. The explanation has no doubt
several factors. Thus the utilitarian philosophy, the so-called or-
thodox political economy, is very largely a regional product, for the
essential thought of Adam Smith, of the two ]\Iills and of Bain is
as typical an expression of this East Coast as are Scott's romances
of the Border. Such philosophy of life is only consciously taught
from above after it has arisen in and from the general life below,
and so is most dominant in those minds and lives which have never
consciously given it a thought, much less read a word of it. Behind
this, too, is the old callousness of the conquering Viking to the con-
dition of the defeated and uprooted Celt : again of course not at all
conscious, but all the more terrible, since for ages practically an
instinct of each new governing class in its turn. But the people, the
women workers, here so often barefoot and disheveled, stunted and
starveling, beyond those of other manufacturing cities, have they
lost all spirit and hope? There are moments at which it might
seem not so, but active energies too readily pass ofif, sometimes to
explode in Maenadic scenes on Saturday night, at New Year, or
between times also ; thus in the main the spirit of our city sits impas-
sive, a saddened and silent crone, in sullen acceptance of what seem
*Ct. W. S. Bruce, Oceanographical Lahoratory, Edinburgh, and W. G. Burn
Murdoch's From Edinburgh to the Antarctic, 1895.
Deterioration and Xeed of City Surrey 65
falling fortunes. Whence then this mood of passive fatalism, so
strange a contrast to the confident utilitarianism so normal to X'iking
enterprise? Is this not first the development throughout the years,
and then the persistence through life, of the stoic endurance neces-
sary to all fisher-folk, but above all to the women of a whale-
fishing community who for generations have had to learn the hard
lesson of starving along as patiently as they could, and to teach
this to their children ? At the return of the whale fishers of old, as
with busy times to-day. an improvident revel is thus natural enough
— but so is its nemesis in turn ; and thus at length we reach the ex-
planation of that condition of Dundee which is detailed in the
recent and easily accessible report of the Dundee Social Union,^
which takes its place along with the better known volumes of Charles
Booth for London, of Sherwell for Edinburgh, Rowntree for York,
and Marr for Manchester, but which is, alas, the most tragic and
least hopeful of them all. Hence its copious and forcible reviewing
in the London and English press, and with such vigor as for a brief
season to stir the local a])athy. though this soon resumed the even
tenor of its downward way.
Yet even with this outline analysis of past and present such a
contrast as that of Dundee with Aberdeen is not exhausted. For
here are two neighboring cities of similar population and racial
contrast and admixture, and in comparative neighborhood upon the
North Sea ; yet the latter, though not without its drawbacks, is prob-
ably upon the whole the most advanced of the regional capitals of
Great Britain, just as the former is in too many ways one of the
backward and depressed. One great historic contrast is prominent :
Aberdeen has had comparative peace throughout its existence ; it
remembers only one great battle, with the Highlanders at "the red
Harlaw" in the fifteenth century, and that victorious. Whereas
Dundee has known defeat and sack, massacre and destruction, and
not once only, but again and again, from the Edwardian wars at
the close of the thirteenth century, elsewhere the golden age of
citizenship, and thence on to the frightful bombardment and sack
which marked the Cromwellian conquest under General ^Tonk. and
with minor losses thereafter also. The silent misery of Dundee, and
doubtless the squalor of old Edinburgh also, has thus been derived
■•Report on Hoti.sinfi and T ii il ii attial Conditions in Dundee, and Medical
Inspection of firhool Children. By Miss M. A. Walker and Miss Mona Wilson.
Dundee: Leng & Co.. 190.5.
66 The Annals of the American Academy
in part from their exposure to some of those ruthless waves of
conquest which have gone so long and so thoroughly over Ireland,
and of which the resultant passive mood has as plainly passed below
memory into dulled instinct and habit, as does the active mood, still
recurrent in the Irishman, into protest or policy. Where the local
patriciate has been exterminated once and again, the heads and
flower of families slain, the women in every sense ruined, that com-
munity, that city, as history shows, may too often need centuries to
recover. That such cities do recover, contemporary Germany bears
witness ; but her cities still speak of themselves as only recovering
in this generation of ours from the Thirty Years' War nine genera-
tions ago.
Viking conditions produce but small literary output ; and as for
the poor Celt, he reads his newspaper, but no longer sings ; he has
been through the board-schools of memory, so no longer remembers
nor thinks. Dundee, with a population live or six times greater
than that of Perth, has fewer booksellers, and these with smaller
aggregate business ; but an abundant and well-dififused weekly press,
not only innocuous as such literature goes, but fairly strong in a vein
of local color, rustic rather than urban, and of domestic sentiment, of
which J. M. Barrie's pleasing writings may be taken as the character-
istic blossom. The real expression of Dundee in literature, that of
its essential tragedy, of the industrial and even earlier depression
of woman, I take to be the "Song of the Shirt." and this not only
as symbol, but in fact. For here Tom Hood, whose name and
kindred are still with us. and whose first writings appeared in our
local press, spent two or three unhappy formative years of adoles-
cence, and thus must have first laid in those impressions of the
misery of the woman worker, which he had of course opportunity
of elaborating in his maturer life in London. Our few figure paint-
ers, too, have in the main the kindred tragic note, which indeed seems
inevitable in our day along with observing and interpreting powers
in any form.
III.
Our survey is still far from ended ; and, as becomes the theme
set me, its darker side has been the more prominent, so that some
of the specific conditions both past and present which have made for
deterioration in this particular example of town life should be
made plain.
Deterioration and Xeed of City Survey 67
I am well aware that these historic examples from Scotland do
not tit to any American city, though it has always seemed to me there
is plenty of work for the historical observer and interpreter in
America too. My whole point has been ta insist upon the necessity of
a local and Regional Survey of geographic and historic conditions,
and of the resultant social qualities and defects together, as com-
plemental, as interchangeable so far also. I plead that sociologists
must labor like geological and ecological surveyors, and this over
the length and breadth of their lands, and of the world, and must
thence educe conclusions which may be the start point for fresh
comparisons. In this task it is better to begin with the smaller and
simpler cities, not the greater and complexer; hence I have chosen
Tertli and Dundee rather than Edinburgh and Glasgow, Paris and
London ; and I sec I might have made my points clearer had I chosen
simpler and smaller cities, younger ones also.
In adopting this treatment I am not denying the possibility of
a more general and more comprehensive grasp of city problems ;
but I do strongly plead that this should follow, not precede, a survey,
an intimate personal knowledge of many cities. As an indication of
this more general method of treatment, I may be permitted to refer
to my various papers on Civics in the three volumes of "Sociological
Papers/^ the recent organ of the Sociological Society of London, as
also to one or two briefer notes in its present "Sociological Rerieii'."
As an example of complemental practical endeavor my City Dez'clop-
uieiit (Outlook Tower, Edinburgh, 1004) may be indicated. As con-
vener of the "Cities Committee" of the Sociological Society, I shall
be glad to hear from any who may be interested in that necessary,
and T doubt not approaching. Survey of Cities in which it is our
ambition to take an active part.
PART THREE
Obstacles to Race Progress in the
United States
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DECREASING PROPORTION OF
CHILDREN
BY W. S. ROSSITER,
Chief Clerk of the United States Census
ALCOHOLIS^I AS A CAUSE OF INSANITY
BY CHARLES L. DANA, M.D.,
New York City ; Professor of Nervous Diseases, Cornell Medical College
THE IMPORTANCE OF THE ENFORCEMENT OF LAW
BY CHAMPE S. ANDREWS, ESQ.,
New York City
THE INVASION OF FA^HLY LIFE BY INDUSTRY
BY MRS. FLORENCE KELLEY,
Secretary National Consumers' League, New York City
THE INSTABILITY OF THE FAMILY
BY J. P. LICHTENBERGER, Ph.D.,
Bureau of Social Research, New York City
THE MORAL INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AMERICAN SOCIETY
BY ETHELBERT DUDLEY WARFIELD, LL.D.,
President Lafayette College, Easton. Pa.
(69)
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DECREASING PROPOR-
TION OF CHILDREN
By \V. S. Rossiter,
Chief Clerk of the United States Censas.
The period during which population and vital statistics of civil-
ized nations have been available has been too brief to measure the
relationship which doubtless exists between the material condition
of a nation and increase or decrease of population. Each nation ol
Europe offers to the student a substantially accurate record of events
for more than a thousand years, but statistics of population, even
moderately correct, exist but for a century at best, and in some
nations for a much shorter period.
In the United States alone will it be possible in succeeding years
to trace such relation as exists between the growth and pros-
perity of the republic and the increase or decrease of population.
The beginning of census taking was practically coincident with the
establishment of the Federal Government, and should a periodic
count of inliabitants continue, as it doubtless will so long as the
republic endures, ours will prove to be the only important nation
now in existence in which an accurate periodic count of inhabitants
has been maintained throughout its entire history.
After the lapse of no vears of census taking in the United
States (from 1790 to iqoo) certain well-defined facts have already
appeared that are of consequence, since they may indicate influences
at work within the social structure of the nation. It is a well-
known fact that in the face of generous additions due to immigra-
tion the percentage of increase in the aggregate population has stead-
ilv diminished: obviouslv some element of the population has
decreased its contribution of births so decidedly as to affect the
percentage of total increase though aided by immigration. ihc
returns of the census and the private investigations of leading Ameri-
can statisticians have for manv years pointed to the original popu-
lation element in the United States as the one in which decrease is
most pronounced. There is reason to believe that the diminution
in the birtli rate in this large segment of the population of the
(7O
72 The Annals of the American Academy
republic has not been arrested, but that it continues in progress.
Since the various elements which composed the population of the
United States are thus increasing unequally, the statistical problem
of greatest importance to the nation is not mere increase in aggre-
gate population, but it is rather what percentages of increase, if
any, the various elements, — the distinctly native stock, the native by
one generation, the foreign born and the different nationalities of
foreign born, — are contributing to the population of the republic.
Unfortunately the Federal Census Office is not able to make a
satisfactory response to this question. After the completion of the
approaching census it may be possible to prepare a study upon this
subject, but thus far the data have been available only in small part.
While this paper cannot, therefore, from the nature of the
case deal satisfactorily with the great subject of the significance of
diminishing birth rate, attention may be called to certain important
facts about to become available through a publication of the Census
Office now in press, an abstract of which has already been made
public and has aroused much discussion.
The writer, acting under the instruction of the Director of the
Census, has attempted in the volume in question to analyze the
returns of the first census of the United States in accordance with
modern standards of statistical interpretation and to draw from the
analysis significant facts, were they found to exist, bearing espe-
cially upon the family relationship and the proportion of children
to adults. It was found upon a careful examination of the detailed
returns of the first census that a surprisingly large amount of statis-
tical material could be derived from the five simple questions incor-
porated upon the schedules, and as the analysis progressed some of
the changes which had occurred during the century proved very
striking and significant.
At the first census but one age classification was secured, white
males being separated into two groups, those under i6 years of age
and those i6 years of age and over. It was obvious that for statis-
tical purposes this single arbitrary age group possessed little value.
But it was also evident that it was entirely possible to secure, even
to a degree of scientific accuracy, the number of females in the
corresponding age groups by instituting tests which should show
the degree of uniformity or otherwise of the proportion which the
males under i6 years formed of all males at that censias as compared
Decrcasini^ Proportion of Children 73
with the succeeding census (1800), when females were also segre-
gated by the two age groups employed for males in 1790. It was
found that substantially no variation existed, and this fact was
believed to justify an application of the proportion which females
under 16 formed of all females in 1800, by states, to the total
females by states in 1790. Accordingly such a computation was
made, and there can be no doubt of its substantial accuracy.
With a separation thus available of white males and females
into two groups, which may be termed children and adults, it is
obviously possible to institute certain comparisons in the proportion
which these two groups formed at the first census and at the twelfth,
taken no years later. In 1790 there were 1,553,260 white persons
under 16 years of age and 1,619,184 of 16 years of age and over.
In 1900 the number was 23,846,810 and 43,046,595, respectively.
Thus the number of persons under 16 years apparently increased
1435 per cent., but the number of persons 16 years of age and over
increased 2559 per cent., an increase well nigh double that shown
for the younger age group. In 1790 the number of white persons
under 16 years of age comprised 49 per cent, of the entire white
population. In 1900 the white persons in the same age group
comprised but 35.6 per cent, of the entire white population. This
figure shrinks in some of the states to a proportion as low as 27.5
per cent., or scarcely more than one-quarter, a proportion which
is little more than half that formed by young persons in similar
localities in 1790.
The question at once presents itself whether a part of the
reduction thus shown, based upon the total white population, may
not be attributable to the arrival in the last decade of the nineteenth
century of great numbers of immigrants, a large proportion of whom
were doubtless over 16 years of age. Upon analysis it was found
that the influence of generous adult immigration upon the propor-
tions considered had been offset by the higher birth rate among
immigrants, and hence that the proportion shown for 1900 had not
been materially affected by immigration.
While the increase or decrease in the birth rate at the two
census periods, 1790 and 1900, appears to have been the prin-
cipal factor in determining the proportion above and below the age
classification of 16 years, increased longevity is another factor which
might be supposed to exert some influence ujjon the proportion in
74 The Annals of the American Academy
the respective classes in 1900 as compared with 1790. The average
age of the population has increased materially since 1790 from
recognized causes which need not be here specified. It is not
probable, however, that the increased longevity has materially af-
fected the percentages shown above. The advance in medical and
sanitary skill applies with even greater force to the preservation
of infant life than it does to that of aduh life. The increase in
the average age, indeed, is due in large part to the preservation or
prolongation of infant life, since a marked decrease in infant mor-
tality would, of course, promptly affect average longevity.
The most decided changes in 1900 in the proportion of children
to adults as compared with the proportion shown in 1790 appear
in the New England states. The change is least marked in the
Southern states, which have been little afifected by immigration
during the century and in which the white population has maintained
a much larger proportion of increase than in other geographic areas.
In 1790 seven out of seventeen states and territories enumerated
showed a proportion of more than half the entire white population
under 16 years of age, while the lowest proportion shown by any
state or territory at that census was that for ]\Iaryland, in which
state but 45 per cent, of the inhabitants were under 16 years of
age. In 1900, however, no state reported a proportion as high as
the lowest reported at the first census.
More light is thrown upon this subject by an analysis of the
ratio of white adults of self-supporting age to white children. It
has been necessary to accept the age of 16 years as a limitation
of "children" because of the establishment of that age period at
the first census, as already indicated.
The table on page 75 presents the results of such an analysis for
each of the censuses from the first to the twelfth.
The striking change here recorded is a practical doubling for
the entire white population of the number of adults responsible for
the rearing of a child. In other words, in 1790, 780 adults produced
and reared 1000 children, but in 1900 the proportion to the same
number of children was 1580 adults.
If the analysis here presented is extended to native white
children of native parents, a census classification which was made
only for the years 1890 and 1900, but which obviously approximates
to some degree the element enumerated in 1790, the proportion rises
to 1.6 in 1890 and 1.8 in 1900, or 1800 adults to each 1000 children.
Dccrcasiii:^ J'roportiu)i uf Children 75
In extending the last-mentioned analysis to the various states
the investigator is surprised to find that the proportion of adults
to children advances in some of the states, especially those of New
England, to nearly 3000 adults to each 1000 children.
Ratio ok White Adults of Self-Supporting Age to White Children.
Ratio of white persons
Census White persons White children 20 years of age and
year. 20 years of age under 1 6 years oyer to all while
and over. of age. children luider lO.
1900 37,731,536 23,874,711 1.58
1890 30,142,614 20,154,222 1.50
1880 22,928,219 16,919,639 1.36
1870 17,067,310 13,719,431 1-24
i860 13,285,502 11,329,812 1. 17
1850 9,411,330 8,428,451 I. II
1840 6,439,699 6,510,857 0.98
1830 '4,620,478 '4,970,210 0.92
1820 '3,395,049 '3,843,703 0.88
1810 '2,485,176 '2,933,211 0.85
1800 '1,832,327 2,156,201 0.84
1790 '1,214,388 '1,553,265 0.78
In comparison with the change thus indicated in the United
States from 1790 to 1900. and in particular with the proportions
which existed in 1900, it is interesting to ohserve the similar pro-
portions shown in Europe.
Ratio of Adults of 20 Years of Age and Over to Children Under 16 Years
OF Age in the Principal Countries of Europe.
France 2.4
Ireland 1.8
England 1.7
Italy 1.6
Scotland 1.6
Austria-Hungary 1.5
Germany 1.5
The adult white population of the United States bears the
same relation to the younger element of the population as at least
two of the European countries, but if the classification be restricted
to the reasonably native element — and hence made more comparable
with the European figures — the ])roportion advances to a figure
(1.8) which is next to the highest proportion shown for Europe.
>Minor adjustment of age classifications.
^6 The Aiuwls of the American Academy
It must be remembered that the term "proportion of adults to
children" is merely one method of measuring the fecundity of the
population. The census analysis indicates that when a restriction
is introduced, such as excluding as far as possible the foreign ele-
ment, the proportion advances beyond that shown for the population
considered as a whole, clearly indicating that the proportion of
children to adults tends to decrease as the foreign or immigrant
element is stripped away.
There are countless standpoints from which to view this subject.
From one it might be claimed that the people of the United States,
taking all into account, have concluded that they are only about
one-half as well able to rear children — at any rate, without personal
sacrifice — under the conditions which prevailed in 1900 as their
predecessors proved themselves to be vmder the conditions which
prevailed in 1790. It is possible also to claim that at the period of
the first census the simple living characteristic of a new country,
the simple wants supplied by neighborhood industries, and the self-
dependency of the family due to sparseness of population, all tended
toward large families, while at the present time the complexity of
living, congestion of population, dependence on foreign help, and
especially the innumerable wants fostered by machine-made goods
manufactured upon an enormous scale and ever tempting to greater
expenditure, all tend toward restriction of size of family.
In general, however, the evident reason for the decline in pro-
portion of children suggested by the foregoing tables is the fact
that at the beginning of the nineteenth century a vast continent
with its untold resources awaited development and created what
might be termed a population hunger. In Europe, at the same time,
the rise of unexampled industrial activity produced, though to a
lesser degree, a somewhat similar condition, so that in differing
proportion population was stimulated upon both continents. The
close of the nineteenth century finds the pressing requirement for
surplus population practically satisfied and in some instances more
than satisfied, both in the United States and Europe. In this coun-
try wide variation in the proportion of children native born of
native parents to native adults is shown by the various states. The
older communities having already acquired dense population, whether
urban or rural, resulting in a more severe struggle for existence,
show the highest proportion of adults to children, while in the
Dccrcasini^ /'rn/'ortidii of L liiUlri'ii 177
yoiinfi^cr or more sparsely settled states, or in those in which wide
upporlunit) lor the iiuhvi<Uial stiU exists, the prcjpijrtiun of children
to adults is nuich greater. The reader, however, is cautioned to
remember that in the case of states which have been settled within
the last half century natives of such states could not exceed 50
years of age. Hence in these communities the younger age periods
would naturally be larger in proportion than the older ones, even
tiiough the birth rate were no larger in such states than in the older
which apparently show the smallest proportion of children to adults.
The analysis of the returns of the first census obviously made
one further step possible in comparing the population in 1790 with
that in 1900. It became practicable to consider proportion of chil-
dren from the standpoint of the family. This analysis developed
certain equally striking facts. The average size of the white family
in 1790 was 5.8 persons. The average size of white families in
1900 was 4.6. The minimum shown by any state in 1790 was 5.4.
with a maximum of 6.4. But in 1900 the minimum was 4.1, shown
by a number of states, especially in Xew England, and the maxi-
mum shown by any state was but 5.1, or materially less than the
lowest average shown in 1790. The number of children under 16
years of age per white family was 2.8 in 1790 as compared with
1.5 in 1900. In the course of a century the n.umber of comj^arable
households in the United States increased more than tenfold, but
the number of white children under 16 years of age increased but
little more than sixfold.
The ratio in 1790 of nearly 2 children under 16 to each white
female 16 years of age and over declined to i in 1900. At the
census nearest to 1900 the similar ratio in Great Britain was i.o;
in France. 0.8; in the German empire, i.i, and in Italy, i.i. Since
the United States, although aided by large numbers of immigrants
from all parts of the world, is now maintaining a ratio of children
to females 16 years of age and over practically the same as that
shown by three of the leading nations of Europe, it is clear that
population conditions in the republic are tending to become more
in harmony with those obtaining in other civilized countries. The
proportion shown for 5 of the New England states and for Xew
York is the same, or nearly the same, as the lowest European ratio —
that of France.
On the basis of the proportion shown in 1900 there would
78 The Atuials of the American Academy
have been 884,000 children in 1790 as compared with more than
1,500,000 actually enumerated; on the other hand, on the basis of
the proportion shown in 1790 there would have been 39,500,000
children in continental United States at the twelfth census. The
number in reality was less than 24 millions. Hence, if the people
of the republic were as prolific at the present time as the^ were
100 years ago there would have been over 15 million more children
in the United States in 1900 than were actually reported.
In the preparation of the census report to which reference has
been made it early became evident that the facts in relation to the
first census required some analysis of the probable increase of the
population enumerated in 1790. Accordingly this subject was con-
sidered from several points of view, and the conclusion appears to
be justified by the facts presented that the white population enum-
erated in 1790 had increased in 1900 to approximately 35 millions.
As the total white population at that census proved to be 67 millions,
the weight of the two general white elements — descendants of those
who were enumerated in 1790, and those who arrived in the United
States after 1790, or their descendants, — was about equal, or
35,000,000 and 32,000,000 respectively.
Most of the evidence within the reach of thoughtful observers
tends to prove that the proportion of children contributed by the
foreign element is much greater than that contributed by the native
stock. The foreign element, though at present slightly smaller than
the native element, is probably offering a larger contribution of
children to the younger generations, while the 35 millions of native
element is at present making a contribution not much more than
enough to sustain itself at the figure mentioned. If the Southern
states, which have maintained the purity of the original stock and
have contributed a large increase decennially, were withdrawn from
the total native stock, it is probable that the remainder might even
reveal a decrease.
There are three general periods into which the existence of
nations may be divided. The creative or hardship period, the
mature or enjoyment period, and the decline or vanishing period.
Such a division, of course, cannot be made upon any mechanical
or sharply defined lines, and a statement of this kind is, indeed, but
another way of phrasing the truism that nations, like individuals,
pass through successive stages from creation to decay.
Dccrcasiii;^ Prof'ortioii oj Children 179
Of the three pewods mentioned the United States is douhtless
already in the second. In the fir>t or formative period of the nation
the entire atmosphere was surcharged with self-sacrifice. The men
of the community were subject to the vicissitudes of Indian warfare,
to contests with Cireat L>ritian, and to privation and death from
accident or exposure resulting from breaking a new country. Most
of the inhabitants of the republic in 1790 lived in the most primitive
fashion, enjoying no luxuries and devoting their lives to unremit-
ting toil. If the head of the household found about him a large
number of children claiming his protection and support, the care
of them brought but one more demand for self-sacrifice into a life
that was largely composed of self-sacrifices. The same influences
surrounded the mother, who toiled from early till late ; into her
narrow life a large number of children brought some pain and
anxiety, but also the compensation of maternal afifection and in-
creased companionship. Over and above these facts was the con-
viction generally held by the pious and earnest people of that period,
that duty to the state and the community demanded large families
without regard to the personal convenience and comfort of parents.
This was the formative period of the United States — a time when
no sacrifice could be demanded of the individual to wdiich he would
not cheerfully respond, because self had not crept into a prominent
place.
In 1900 the resources of the nation have been developed to
the point of fruition. From various causes the population has
become enormous. Wealth has increased to a degree unparalleled
elsewhere in the world or in any age. ]\Ien and women have rapidly
learned to consider themselves first. "Why should we burden our-
selves with child raising?" inquire the rich, "It interferes with the
freedom of individual action and self -enjoyment." One or two
children for the most part are the rule in such households, if they
arc not indeed entirely childless. The middle classes adopt another
argument: "We cannot afford to rear children," they say. "The
pressure of competition is so great that it means infinite sacrifice
for the parents, a lifetime of self-denial, inability to get on in the
world because of the handicap which a young family brings, and,
furthermore, if there are many children they cannot be given the
advantages of polite education." In the lower classes fertility has
continued high until the present time, but they also are rapidly
falling into line with tlie argument of the middle class. The volun-
So The Annals of the .hiiericaii Academy
tary restriction of family has become apparent in all classes of
society and in all civilized nations.
The decrease in the birth rate in the United States obviously
marks a complete change in the social system in the republic since
the first census was taken in 1790. It reflects the change which
unquestionably has occurred in the conception of duty and responsi-
bility on the part of the individual. Duty to the state is probably
never considered. It is not enough to reply that intensive child
raising is better at this period than large families. In general an
only child is usually the victim of false ideas of life, and almost
necessarily selfish and self-centered. But if the limited human
product which is now being contribvited were actually better than a
large product, the fact of greatest importance is the source of future
population increase in the republic. The principal source is obviously
to be not the 35,000,000 persons descended from the population
enumerated in 1790, but the 2)~ millions specified in the preceding
pages of this paper as composed of the persons or descendants of
persons who have cast in their lot with the nation during the past cen-
tury. Of this number two-thirds were enumerated in 1900 as either
foreigners or as the children of persons born in foreign countries.
Hence the responsibility for population increase is being shufiled off
upon the lower or newer elements of society.
Do not these facts indicate that from this time forward there is
reason to expect an increasing drift away from Anglo-Saxon lineage
and possibly from Anglo-Saxon ideals, as the later or foreign element
overtakes and passes the native stock? The result may prove an
advance. No man can tell. Moreover, the change will doubtless
become more rapid and pronounced, since those whom we have
assimilated, and perhaps not wholly, must themselves take up the
task of assimilating others.
No man can define the full significance of the declining birth
rate, but this paper has failed in its purpose if it has not impressed
one serious fact upon the reader : the change in the direction from
which, in the future, population increase is principally to be drawn.
It is not necessary that population in the United States should
increase more rapidly than it has been increasing; it is not necessary,
indeed, that it should increase at all — but as increase diminishes
it is imperative for the stability of the nation that quality should
continue at least as good as that of the stock which established and
nurtured the republic.
ALCOHOLISM AS A CAUSE OF IXSAXITY
By Charles L. Dana, M.l).. LL.D..
New York City ; Professor of Nervous Diseases, Cornell Medical
College.
The case against alcohol as a cause of insanity is of the kind
which really has only one side. I have no need to make an argu-
ment to prove that alcohol is a cause of insanity. However it is
not the only cause, and as a cause of insanity it has to be regarded
in perhaps a little different way than sometimes has been supposed.
Alcohol causes we are told about 15 per cent of insanity, but if
we think by simply wiping alcohol right out of society at once we
would thereby also reduce by 15 per cent the amount of insanity,
we would probably be mistaken. For insanity is not usually caused
by any single factor, and alcohol does not do its work in a simple
way.
Alcohol acts in ]iroducing insanity in three ways. l-'irst.
through the intemperance of the person using it ; second, indirectly
through hereditary inHuence, and, third, indirectly through its effect
on the environment. As I have said, alcohol produces about 15 per
cent of all the insanities in this country. It affects men very much
more than women in a proportion of three to one in this country,
and about two to one in other countries. As an indirect cause,
that is, acting through heredity, alcohol is not so important as I
think it has sometimes been stated. In going over my statistics of
personal cases, and I am relying mainly on those, I find that it acts
as an hereditary factor in about 5 or 6 per cent. In the poorer
classes the percentage is somewhat larger. The importance of
alcohol in producing insanity indirectly through disturbance of
environment is no doubt great. Taking it altogether, some observers
have asserted that alcohol is directly or indirectly the means of
inducing nearly one-half the cases of insanity.
Alcohol is the cause of idiocy and imbecility, acting indircclly
through the parents, in about 5 per cent of the cases, in New York
and the region with which I am familiar. In France, Switzerland
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82 The Annals of the .Inierican Academy
and foreign countries the percentage of epilepsy and imbecility,
caused by alcohol, is put as high as 40 or 50 per cent.
There are some other interesting facts regarding the influence of
alcohol as the cause of insanity according to age, sex, race, social con-
dition, etc. I have already said that alcohol does not induce insanity
in women as much as in men, but in the proportion of about one to
three. The immediate reason is that women do not drink as much as
men, because they do not like the effects. It has not for them the
social stimulus which men get from it. Statistics show that in New
York and also in England and Europe there is more alcoholism and
alcoholic insanity among women in the urban than in the rural popu-
lations. In other words, city women drink more than country
women. A very important fact has been established, viz., that
alcohol habits which lead to insanity are almost always begun in
early life.
There are some very curious differences in the way alcohol
affects different races. The Jews have hardly any alcoholism. The
proportion is given by some as low as one to thirty. It is rarely seen
among them in our hospitals in New York. On the other hand,
insanity is twice as common amongst the Jews as amongst the other
races with which we live. The Italians, according to the statistics,
which are not very good, have not much alcoholic insanity, though
they drink more alcohol than Americans. In Eastern countries, like
India, the insanity from alcoholism is very rare, but insanity from
drugs takes its place. This is true at least of the Punjaub and of
Egypt.
Alcohol is consumed throughout the United States and Euro-
pean countries at about a certain amount per capita yearly. This
varies from eight or nine litres of absolute alcohol per head per year
in England, and about the same in this country, to fourteen or
fifteen litres in France, which stands at the head of alcoholic drink-
ing countries ; other nations range between these.
Insanity does not vary exactly in proportion to this. For
example, there is as much insanity in England as in France, though
the consumption of alcohol is twice as great in the latter country.
So much for the statistics in the case against alcohol.
I want to call attention now to a few things which are rather
curious, in view of the fact that alcohol appears to cause so much
insanitv. One of the things I have already referred to is that in
Alcoholisiii as a Cause of Iiisatiity 83
some of the countries where the consumption of alcohol is large,
the amount of insanity is not proportionately large. The statistics of
Italy are very inadequate, but all those obtainable show that the
percentage of alcohol insanity is not more than 3 or 4 per cent among
Italians, though they drink more alcohol than is done in countries
like the United States or England. The history of the consumption
of alcohol, however, shows that where it goes up to an excessive
amount per head per year, the amount of crime, insanity and poverty
increases very rapidly.
It seems to me then that there is kind of an automatically work-
ing drink law to this effect : Each country has a certain "normal" per
capita consumption of alcohol, say seven or eight litres per head
yearly. Now when by special effort you get the consumption below
this point, it does not make much ditTerence in the amount of insanity.
]^)Ut when b}- neglect it goes above this normal, there is a great
increase in insanity, crime and pauperism. For example, in England
there is a less proportion of insanity in the heavy drinking counties
on the seacoast ichich arc frospcroiis than there is in the inland
counties, which are ratiier poor and much more temperate. Eng-
lish alienists explain it by the fact that they substitute strong black
tea for alcohol. A laborer will drink one or two quarts of strong
black tea every day. It indicates that one cannot easily rid a com-
munity of intemperance of some kind.
I have already referred to racial statistics, showing that insanity
may be very prevalent in races where alcoholism is not very
great. The statistics in the prohibition and non-prohibition
states throw as yet no light on the effect of this kind of legis-
lation on insanity. In Vermont, for example, the percentage of
insanity is greater than in some of the non-prohibition states. 1)ut
we cannot say that there is not as much liquor drunk there as in
any other state. The same is true of other states. So that nothing
can be said as to the effect of prohibition on the insanity rate until
figures are better studied out.
Another thing which I think ought to be known in connection
with those statistics published to show the baneful effects of alcohol,
is that in some countries these statistics include delirium tremens
as a form of insanity. So it is technicnilv. yet this and most other
"alcoholic insanities" are rather a class by themselves, and are of
a mild and more curable type. As a matter of fact the chronic
84 The Ainials of the American Academy
incurable and more serious forms of insanity are not often caused
directly by alcoholism.
I have thus very briefly summed up some of the facts showing
the relations of alcohol to insanity. It seems to me in conclusion
that what we need to do in this matter is to fight the increased use
of alcohol, and fight the abuse of alcohol in every possible way. I
think we can probably do it more successfully by appealing to the
sense and reason of people, by bringing up children in the way of
self-control and wisdom, than by actual legislation ; I mean in so far
at least as the control of insanity is concerned. I do not believe that
as long as the consumption of alcohol per head does not rise above
what I have called the normal rate, legislation against it will lessen
insanity, although it may do a lot of other good. I think if we legis-
late at all we should legislate against the use of it by anyone under
thirty years of age, and I think if such a law could be enforced we
would cut out the evils of alcoholism better than in any other way.
It seems to me that by pursuing in addition to this .some
methods of education and training which will make us a stronger or
less neuropathic race, we will have less alcoholism and less alcoholic
insanity, because in the majority of cases alcoholism is not a dis-
ease so much as it is a symptom of a neuropathic constitution.
In fact the test of a neuropathic constitution is the inability to use
alcohol at all, or to use it wisely or moderately. Alcoholism is
in reality only a symptom, the expression of an unstable constitution.
It is really this unstable constitution which blossoms out in alcoholism
and which is perhaps through this led into an insanity. Therefore we
must legislate against alcohol to some extent and educate against
alcohol, but it is still more our duty to train our children and our-
selves to habits of wise living and habits of self-control, so as to
eliminate the feeble souls and oversensitive constitutions. The
flowing bowl would do little harm if it w-ere not for the shallow pate.
THE IMPORTAiXCE C^F Till-: l-.M'* )RCEMEXT OF LAW
I'V L IIAMIM-: S. AXDRKWS. 1''S().,
Xcw York Citv.
The reforniers interested in tlie progress of the puhhc health
divide themselves into two camps — those who hclieve that legisla-
tion is a cure-all, that all that is necessary to reform an evil condition
is to pass a prohibition law, and those who take a cynical attitude
towards the law and say that laws do not help in the solution of
])ul)lic health ])rol)lems, and thai we mu>t educate each individual so
as to make laws unnecessar}-. lloth ])oints of view contain essential
errors.
Instead of sa}ing tiiat laws are absolutely necessary to prevent
all ]:)ublic health evils. I would say that in most instances the passage
of laws to correct these abuses is a necessity, but that we must not
stop with the mere enactment of the law. We must also provide a
means for its enforcement. That part of the law which provides
the means by which it shall be enforced is of as much importance
as the law itself. Many recalcitrant and criminal legislators pass
laws at the request of the reformers of our community, and the
reformers go away satisfied with what has been done, yet we may
read the statistics after the passage of that law and find no convic-
tions under it and no good accomplished.
In my particular work, in the service of the Medical So-
ciety of the County of Xew York, for the enforcement of the laws
against the illegal practice of medicine, we have had some six or
seven hundred convictions. There is a little book published, showing
that every state in the Union has a law on the subject, almost as good
as the Xew York law, and some better : and yet, in one Xew York
county one person, aided b)' the Medical Society anfl the legal cor-
poration charged with the enforcement of this law, has succeeded
in securing seven or eight hundred convictions, whereas all the rest
of the United States has not succeeded in securing twenty-five. Tt
is not because there are not enough laws, but because there are no
persons charged with their cnfitrcemcnt.
Take the prolific laws regulating physical environment. What
(85)
86 The Annals of the American Academy
good would a tenement liouse law be, prescribing what kind of tene-
ments shall be built, how many families to a floor, and how much
light and air shall be given each house, vmless there were some or-
ganized body to enforce that law and punish those who violate it?
The law against unnecessary noises or smoke nuisances, what
would it accomplish unless there were some one charged with it>
enforcement? What good has it done, in many states, to pass labor
laws, laws in regard to spitting in public places, laws concerning tlie
milk supply, the pollution of streams and water supply, impure foods
and drugs — of what good would all these laws be unless some pro-
vision were made for their enforcement?
Likewise, what good would a law do saying that soothing
syrups containing morphine, and nearly all soothing syrups have
contained morphine — JNIrs. Winslow's and all the rest — should not
be given to children. What good does it do to put those laws on the
statute books unless some means are adopted of bringing to book
those who are guilty of violating the provisions of a statute of that
kind ? W^hat good would it have done before the passing of the Pure
Food Law to pass a law prohibiting the use of Peruna or Mrs.
Lydia Pinkham's, or Paine's Celery Compound, or many other
intoxicating drugs? \\'hatever may be our individual views as
to the work of our last President, and I am of the opposite
political faith, I believe that when the history of his administration
comes to be written, one of the best and most effective things that
will be recorded of him will be that he insisted on the enforcement
of the Pure Food Law. When his message went to a Congress led
by men in the interests of the makers of impure foods and various
drugs, and he sought to ajiply the secret service for the enforcement
of that law. it was then that the shoe pinched, and not when the
law itself was passed. When the President undertook to enforce it,
and used the power of the government in its enforcement, then those
whose toes were pinched began to howl, and such an object lesson
as our country never had before arose out of the splendid secret
service message of the President to Congress.
Take the prolific laws regulating eugenics. Let me call atten-
tion to one — the law relating to the prevention of cruelty to chil-
dren. That comes closer home to all of us than any of the others.
We had laws in New York, for many, many years which would, if
enforced, have given the child a fair show, but it was not until
Importance of the Enforceiiieiti of Lazv 87
Mr. Gerry, with his means, his courage, and his abiUty at organiza-
tion, founded a society for the prevention of cruelty to children
which undertook to enforce those laws which had been in existence,
but which had lain idle for years, that the children in the city of
New York began to have their childhood free from the abuses which
^Ir. Gerry's work shows to have existed for many years.
There is also the question of obscene literature, as bearing on
the question of public morals. Generally the questions of ])ublic
health and morals are combined. The name of Comstock and the
word "Comstockery" have been held up as things to be abhorred
throughout the community, and yet I heard one of your distinguishe<l
fellow-townsmen, ^Ir. Darlow, who has had some experience him-
self with punishing criminals, say that he went to Xew York and
investigated Mr. Comstock's work, covering a period of many years,
and he came away feeling that to that man was due an obligation
i)f gratitude on the i^art of the community which few people realized,
and which no one had yet undertaken to express.
If you could see, as I have seen in the city of Xew York, boys
and girls of twelve and fourteen years of age handed out the vilest,
most licentious pamphlets, or if one of your children had happened
to pick up one of these pam])hlets, and if you had heard that through
Mr. Comstock the circulation of these pamphlets had been restricted,
that the vicious models in the h'ourteenth Street museum had been
destroyed and the criminals responsible sent to jail, the words
Comstock and Comstockery would have a different meaning to you.
The criticisms of those who say the law is of no use are not well
founded. It is only when the laws are begim to be put through the
courts that they become effective.
Take the work of Captain Goddard. I have to cite Xew York
men — I dare say there arc those in Philadelphia who do just as good
work. Doctor Cattell and others I know have done work ranking
very high in this sort of thing, but take Mr. Goddard. Millions of
dollars had been taken from people through the policy shops, the
chances being 10,000 to one, in favor of losing. Captain Goddard
devoted his fortune and his life to the enforcement of laws which
had already been enacted. By his efforts. A! Adams, the policy king,
was placed behind the bars of Sing Sing, where he should have
been put long before. You cannot be content with the passage of
laws, and leave their enforcement to the public authorities unless
88 The Annals of the American Academy
you provide some special duty and some special means by which
these laws shall be enforced.
The critics who say that laws are of no use and should not be
passed are right when considering one kind of law ; that is, the law
for the punishment of crimes that grow out of the existence of dis-
eased minds and bodies or unhealthy social conditions. There are
many such laws as that ; laws against criminal operations, for in-
stance. The New York Telegram and the Herald and the New
York World, unhampered for years and years, printed the filthiest
and most loathsome forms of advertisements of men and women to
perform an unspeakable operation. Laws existed then as they exist
now to stop this sort of business, but it was not until one of the
post-office inspectors, Mr. Meyer, backed up by Postmaster-General
Cortelyou, called attention to the growth of these abuses, and the
machinery of the law- was put into effect, that these base columns
of the Telegram, the World and the Herald ceased to pollute the
newspaper literature of tbe city of New York going into the homes
where boys and girls were free to read them. The New York
Evening Telegram was held up in the mails and refused permission
to go through the mails until it removed, and removed forever, I
hope, that column.
Chicago is now worse than New York ever was, and Detroit is
just as bad ; and Atlanta, and even your own city are not free from
some taint of these vicious, miserable obstacles to race progress, and
they will stay here in these papers and in every other city, and these
men will continue to do their work until your law is enforced. But
at last, these crimes that grew out of unhealthy social conditions and
diseased minds and bodies are not going to be corrected by laws
or their enforcement. You must begin on them by correcting the
conditions out of which they grow.
One of the greatest obstacles to race progress is the marital
relation undertaken by a man whose life has not been clean. Mr.
Bok has been the subject of ridicule by the cynics for undertaking
to educate the boys and girls of this country to know that these ob-
stacles cannot be removed by law, but only by bringing home to every
boy and girl the necessitv for realizing in their hearts and consciences
that they must begin with themselves. I wish there were a thou-
sand publications like that, and that all institutions, from the pulpit
to the press, realized the fact that these things that grow out of
luiporiitiui' of the Iinfurcciiioit of I.aisj 89
diseased minds and bodies and nnhealihy social conditions can be
reached only by educating the individual, and the colleclicjn of in-
dividuals which we call the public. Every institution that has under-
taken to educate the public and the individual to. the importance of
beginning with himself or herself is doing a greater work than all
the laws in all the countries will ever be able to do.
THE INVASION OF FAMILY LIFE BY INDUSTRY
By Mrs. Florence Kelley,
Secretary National Consumers' League, New York City.
It is, of course, a truism that a very large majority of the
homes in the United States are those of poor working people.
Miss Tarbell, in her recent papers on the taritif in the American
Magazine, points out that of fifteen or sixteen million families in
this country less than two million have an annual income of
$2000. In discussing industrial conditions we habitually think of
those who come above or about that line. We do not commonly
think of the homes of working people as the homes of the poor.
They are, however, the great majority, and they are at this time
suffering an invasion such as the great mass of the homes of any
people never before suffered.
I shall speak of four aspects of that invasion. First, the case
in which industry follows a mother into her home and distracts
her from her duties there. Second, the case in which poverty
drives a mother out of her home into industry in the effort to
earn subsistence for herself and her fatherless children or the
children of a disabled father ; and, third, the case in which young
boys are taken out of their home into industry. We have here
in Pennsylvania a larger and more influential body of employers,
who constantly and successfully say year after year that they
cannot carry on industry in this great, rich, manufacturing Com-
monwealth without drafting into its service little boys, than in any
other state in this country. Finally, the case in which the daughter
of the family, though perhaps a very little girl, is drafted out of the
home. Never before on so great a scale have working people's
homes been invaded by industry in the sense that it entices away
those who belong in the home and not in industry.
Within a fortnight there has come to my attention in New
York City whal T believe to be a case typical of many thousands
there and here, and in all our great manufacturing cities, in which
a working man is content to earn less than he could. He is not
sick. He is far from dead. He is working, but content to earn
(90)
Imvsion of Family Life by Industry 91
less than he couM and should earn because his wile an^l two little
sons contribute, as they should not, to the total earnings of the
family. The wife is consumptive. She has had a very long, slow
case of consumption. Of the little boys, one is four years old
and one ten. The little boy of ten years looks about seven, and
in his classes in school is about as far advanced as a normal child
of seven should be, though he was born in New York City and
has had the opportunity of going to school during the regular
school period. The mother contributes about four dollars a week,
with the help of the two children, the boy of ten years and the
boy of four, to the family income. She makes cigarette papers
for the most famous manufacturer of cigarettes in New York
covers for the most expensive cigarettes produced. In some cases
the boxes in which she packs these cigarettes carry in monogram
the name of the patron. He obviously believes that he is getting
particularly good tobacco and particularly clean forms of manu-
facture by reason of the high price — and the consumptive mother
spends her time licking these cigarette covers. The house is filthy
and the children are ill- fed. They are kept at home from school
much of the time. The child of four does not even get to his
kindergarten regularly. He helps in making cigarette covers.
The whole family life is disorganized. At times the house is
locked, the family on the streets, because the mother is fetching
supplies to and fiom the factory. That is not an unusual case.
That sort of manufacture, with the help of the invalid of the
family, is not exceptional in any of our great manufacturing cities
in which any industry is carried on whereof the material can be
subdivided and made easily portable. We have in New York City
alone 4000 tenement houses registered in which work like that is
permitted. Nominally, of course, a consumptive is not allowed
thus to work, but we cannot know what happens in 4000 registered
tenement houses and in all the others which are not registered.
New York has this very great advantage over Philadelphia,
that it counts its invaded houses. Twenty years ago a factory
law was enacted in which there was incorporated a rudimentary
provision for registering the invaded homes here in Pennsylvania.
But by the effort of the present Chief Factory Inspector. Mr. John
C. Delaney, that provision was stricken out of the law. and Penn-
sylvania to-day does not even count the homes which, are invaded
92 The Annuls of the American AcaJe>uy
by this form of industry. We have made no progress here in
that respect. We have made sadly httle in New York, and virtually
no effective progress in other states. That kind of invasion of the
home is not decreasing, but increasing throughout the manufac-
turing districts.
It is also sadly true that the invasion by means of the with-
drawal of a mother from the family, the invasion of industry by
taking the head of the family away from her fireside, increases
also. There is a queer perversion of charity by which, as soon
as a woman is left a widow with little children, a certain obsession
seems to arise in all her friends, rich and poor, to secure for her
the most loathesome work I know — the work of scrubbing floors
which people have been defiling all day. In every city there are
widows who receive more or less private relief on condition that
they accept work found for them. Thus a good woman in Chicago
had the monstrous idea of establishing a night nursery for children
in order that they might be carried away from home to be taken
care of and sleep at night while their mothers performed this
hideous task which should be performed by machinery.
Every charitable society which scrutinizes its records must
have made the observation which the Association for Improving
the Condition of the Poor in New York has made, that there is
a recent great increase in the cases in which mothers of little
children have gone out to work because the husband was un-
employed. In some cases the wife has supplanted her husband
at the identical machine, working more cheaply than he. Some
fathers have sat at home and taken care of the children while the
wives worked at their machines for two-thirds the pay. We have
lost ground terribly since this last panic began in this form of
invasion of the home by industry; the calling out of the mother to
leave her young children and go out to work. She is always
doing that where the father is dead or she is deserted, instead of
our doing as the republic of Switzerland does, pensioning her on
condition that she stay at home and bring up her children — not
trying to be father and mother and failing in both duties.
As to the little boys in industry, we have an old assumption
that the boy we see on the sidewalk will some day be the
Marshall Field or John Wanamaker of his generation. There is no
foundation for that. Marshall Field was never a newsboy, and
!lt:^asi^>ll of I-aiiiily Lijc by Jiulnslry 93
I do not know that John \\ ananiakcr ever \\a^ one. W'c liave no
evidence that street boys grow into heroes of commerce. We are
really enconraging thcni to be beggars and thieves when we allow
them to keep change which they should return if they are ever
going to be business men.
We encourage a street boy to be away from his home and
family and we cherish a queer superstition that he always stay^^
in the street to help his widowed mother. In man} cases he doc'^
not help her even when he has one. The little newsboy is begin-
ning to be looked upon as he ought to be — as an ill-treated, much
idealized and usually very much demoralized little boy on the
high road to a reformatory.
Then there is the older boy — the messenger. I have been
studying messenger boys for seventeen years, l>aving lived in the
poorest quarters of Chicago and New York, from which the mes-
senger boys for those cities are largely drafted. There is not.
I believe, one messenger boy three months in the service of the
Western Union, American District Telegraph. Postal, or any gen-
eral or local telegra]:)h or messenger service, who fails to learn
everything known to any criminal in the community in which he
lives. The messenger boys are spared nothing.
In the penal code of Xew York there is enumerated a long
list of places to which children are forbidden entrance — wine-rooms,
gambling-rooms, brothels, which, in the first place, presumably
do not exist and. in the second ])lace. are specifically forbitlden
to admit children under sixteen years of age. But the criminal
code especially provides that this section does not apply to children
delivering messages or merchandise at the doors of any of these
])laces. A boy fourteen or fifteen years old does not stop at the
door of the house to which he is sent, but must not enter. The
very prohibition stimulates his curiosity and makes it quite sure that
he will go in. I do not know how any messenger boys, even in
excei)tional cases, succeed in remaining honest, with the wholly
insufficient supervision which they have and the never-ending
temptation to collect money at both ends, to suppress telegrams
and to steal carfare. The temptations which beset them are so
cruel and so pitiless, so shocking, that they can neither l)e printed
nor told. I'ive and twenty years from now our descendants will,
I believe, look back upon our treatment — the failure of our treat-
94' 1 lie Annals of tne American /icaaemy
ment— HDf our street boys with the same wonder and reprobation
that we visit upon our ancestors who tolerated slavery.
Finally, there is the going out of the home of the daughters
of the family. The Consumers' League, which I have the pleasure
of serving as its secretary, is about to publish a study of some
300 young girls and women who earn their living in different cities
and live away from home, stating how they earn their money
and how they spend it, how much they expend and what they get
for this money which they earn, in many cases with very great
exertion. No one can read those records of honest girls and
women with their account of hard work and of privation when
there is no work, of illness and hunger, and being turned out of
the rented room for want of rent — no one can read those stories
without marveling at the courage and character of these girls
who keep within- the straight and narrow path.
After ten years of close contact with places where young girls
are employed I am convinced that the families who sent their sons
to the Cuban war took no greater risk, though we know that many
died, many were made invalids and many came home diseased and
demoralized. Those who sent their young sons to that war took
no graver risks of death, disease and demoralization than families
take who send their young girls into department stores, offices
and all the innumerable industries which are calling young girls,
as they have never been called before in the history of the world,
to work away from their own roof, away from the supervision
of their mothers. It is a new process.
There were virtually no tenement houses in this country sixty
years ago. There was no telephone service calling upon young girls
to work for $3.50 to $6 a week all night at a telephone exchange.
There was no such telegraph and messenger service sixty years ago
as now employs in a single }ear in the City of New York 6000
different young boys in order to keep 2000 boys at work every
day in the year, including Sunday and every night. These things
did not exist. They are new. They call for an entirely new
kind of education for young people in ways of protecting them-
selves. They call for the abolition of the employment of little boys
as newsboys and of girls and youths under the age of twenty-one
years for delivering messages at night, by telegraph or telephone.
There has never before been an organization of industrv which
Invasion of Pa}iiil\ Life by InJiistry 95
called woiiKMi out at nij,Mit to work to supixjrt their little ehildreii.
We have done nothing effective in our legislation. We are behind
the fourteen enlightened nations of Europe in that we do not pro-
hibit the work of women in manufacture at night. They are free
to be called upon to work all night, away from their homes. The
process is new. It is a wholesale process and it is increasing in
scope and vigor in all these four lines. Not in any one of these is it
diminishing.
The young daughters of the poor have to be taught to meet
dangers which their grandmothers never had to meet, because
they did not exist, but we are not furnishing that education. \\'e
have not faced the situation. Personally, I do not believe that the
family can be effectively defended until we give a part of the
responsibility for its defense to the mothers and the older daugh-
ters of the family. I do not think that the men in this country
have ])rotected the home adequately. They are not doing it now.
Thev do not face the situation effectively, and T do not believe
that thev can protect the lu^me against this industrial invasion
until thev call into their councils and into active participation, par-
ticularly in our city governments, the mothers of these homes.
There is a growing body of women — there are some men. too,
chieflv intelligent workingmen — who know the change that is tak-
ing place in the homes of our country and want their consciences
clear of ])articipating in it. When we attempt a remedy by indi-
vidual eff'ort it proves insufficient. I may as an individual declare
to the telegraph company that I will not have messages delivered
to my house in the dead of night by young boys. That is infinitely
slow in its effect. We need legislation before we can even free
our consciences. We cannot do it adequately by the unaided effort
of voluntary associations. We can only do it by legislation effectively
followed uj).
The laws which we do get enacted are in some cases on the
statute books not enforced for years. For twenty years we have
had a law providing for factory inspection in Pennsylvania. Twenty
years ago T went before a legislative committee to promote the
passage of a bill creating the office of factory inspector. We have
never for one day had an efficient enforcement of the laws passed
then and since — the different provisions for the protection of the
children.
g6 The Ainials of llic Aincricaii Academy
In New York State it required twelve years of persuasion,
after a good law for the protection of mercantile employees was
put on the statute books, before mercantile inspectors to the paltry
number of eight were created and enabled to begin last October
the work of enforcing the provisions for safeguarding young boys
and girls employed in our stores. Many women went all these
years to the state Legislature or to the city Board of Estimate and
Apportionment pleading for an appropriation jf $14,000 for salaries
and expenses for inspectors to enforce the law already on the
statute books. In the first three months of their service these
inspectors found, in 1908, 1 100 children illegally employed, many
of them by leading merchants. They fountl innumerable minor
violations, so that one shudders to think what went on during
the twelve years while we were trying to persuade the authorities
to create officials to enforce the law which they themselves had
enacted. It is for reasons such as these thait I am convinced that
giving full political power to women will not disrupt the home,
but that this is the only way in which we can effectively check the
disruption of the homes of the poor by the four- fold invasion of
industry which is going on increasingly every day.
THE INSTABILITY OF THE FAMILY
By J. P. LiCHTENBERGER, PlI.D.,
Bureau of Social Research, New York City.
The problem of race progress involves the problem of race
maintenance and race improvement. It is possible to have race
improvement in a decreasing jjopulation, but no matter how great
the race improvement may be, such a population is on the road to
extinction. Again, it is i)ossiblc to have race deterioration in a
growing population, but no matter how numerous such a popula-
tion may become, it is on the road to social disintegration. The
normal condition of race progress, therefore, involves a condition
in which the population is at least self -perpetuating and, preferably,
one in which it is increasing, while its individual and social status
is continuously improving.
The human race increases only by the excess of births over
deaths. The population of any specific area, as the United States,
mav increase either by the excess of the births over the deaths or
by immigration or by a combination of both. That is, to use Pro-
fessor Giddings' phraseology, either by genetic aggregation or by
congregation or both. The family is identified directly only with
the aspect of genetic aggregation, since the customary method of
reproduction is institutionalized under that designation. Race per-
petuation therefore depends upon the efficiency and stability of
the family. This stability and efficiency depends mainly upon three
things, viz. :
(i) The regularity of marriages. Any change in the relative
number of marriages in the population is likely to aflfect the problem
of race perpetuation. This will depend, however, upon (2) the
regularity of the birth rate. It would be possible to have a station-
ary or increasing population with a declining marriage rate if the
number of children per family increased sufficiently to offset the
decrease in the number of families, or, again, we might have the
same condition with a declining birth rate per family if the number
of families were sufficiently increased. (3) The permanence of the
marriage relation will affect not only the birth rate, hut the matter
<97;
98
The Annals of the American Academy
of race culture as well. It will now be necessary to examine these
elements of our problem in respect to the United States.
I. Evidences of Instability
I. The Marriage Rate. The recent report of the Federal Cen-
sus Office on marriage and divorce provides the first reliable statis-
tics for the computation of marriage rates in the United States.
The returns were not complete, but were sufficiently so for all
l^ractical purposes. This report reveals a persistent increase in
the marriage rate, the regularity of which is interrupted only as a
result of the financial depressions of 1893 and 1903. In the period
covered by the report, 1887 to 1906, 12,832,044 marriages were
recorded. Taking the average of the five-year periods in which
1890, 1895, 1900 and 1905 are the median years, except 1905,
which is the average for 1903 to 1906 inclusive, and comparing these
with the population of these years, as estimated by the Census
Bureau, we have the following:
Marriages.
Population.
Population to
one marriage.
2 c
Census.
Annual
average.
INCREASE.
Total.
I.\CREASE.
0) g.g
Number.
Per
cent.
Number.
Per
cent.
ctf - 0
1905
1900
1895
1890
806,399
684,981
595.982
543.761
121.358
83,999
52,221
177
14.9
9.6
82,574.195
75.994,575
69,471,144
62,947.714
6,579,620
6,523,431
6,523.430
8.7
94
10.4
IC2
III
117
115
976
901
857
864
Thus we have a slight gain in marriages over the growth of
population. A slightly more significant rate is obtained by com-
paring the number of marriages with the unmarried population
fifteen years of age and over, including the widowed and divorced.
On page 9 of Census Bulletin No. 96 this comparison is made,
both for the uncorrected totals on the basis of the total population
and also exclusive of the population and marriages of those coun-
ties for which marriage returns were either lacking or incomplete.
Taking the second comparison for the sake of greater accuracy
we have:
Instability uj the laiiiily
9V>
Population.
1
: Uninarriui] jjopu-
' lation I 5 years cf
1 age and over.
1
Marriages, Annual /.veracb.
Census.
Total.
Per 10,000
1 popula-
tion.
Per 100,000 un
married popula
tion. IS years
and over.
X900
1890
73.385. 121
59.313.546
21,261,642
1 17,029,598
684,981
538.891
i
93
91
1
321
Upon either basis of comparison the number of marriage-
gained on the population shghtly during the last decade. It i-
a])parent, therefore, that from the point of view of marriages the
family is holding its own, and no evidence of instability is to be
f« )und.
2. Birth Rate. The situation is different when we turn to
the problem of the birth rate. Statistics of births are very inac-
curately kept in most portions of the United States. A recent
study made by the Census Bureau employed two methods, how-
ever, which arrive at some very interesting facts regarding the
birth rate. The first method is a comparison of the number and
per cent, of children under ten years of age in the total popula-
tion. The result follows:
Census.
[
Total population.
Population under ten
years of age.
Per cent of total Pop-
ulation under ten
years of age.
I goo
75.994,575
18,044,751
237
1890
62,662,250
15,208,691
24-3
1880
50.155.783
13.394,176
26.7
1870
i 38.558,371
10,329,426
26.8
i860
1 31.443.321
9,013,696
28.7
1850
1 23.191,876
6.739.041
29.1
1840
1 17.063,353
5,440,593
31-9
1830
1 12,860,702
4,224,897
329
1820
9,638,453
3.150,638
32.7
1810
1 7,239,881
2,424,683
33-S
iSoo
5.308,483
I ,776,010
33-5
It is apparent that the population is more adult than it was
a century ago. The decrease of the number of children, as com-
pared with the whole population, is constant throughout the period.
The suggestion is that there has been a diminution of the birth rate
for the period, but the argument is not conclusive. The greater
proportion of adulta may be due cither to immigration or to greater
lOO
The Annals of the American Academy
longevity. A second comparison serves to establish a little more
clearly the fact of the diminishing birth rate. By comparing the
number of children with the number of women of children-bearing
age we get closer to the rate than by comparing with the whole
population. The comparison is made of children five years of age
and under with females between the ages of fifteen and forty-nine
years. P^igures are obtainable from 1850-1900, and are as follows:
Census.
1900
1890
1880
1870
i860
1850
Number of childrer
S years
Decrease in
and under to 1,000
females
number by
I S-49 years of
age.
decades.
474
II
485
74
559
13
572
62
634
8'
626
Thus it appears that, per looo potential mothers, the number of chil-
dren has decreased from 626 to 474 in a half century. In 1900 there
were only three- fourths as many living children to .each 1000
potential mothers as there were in i860.
The recent study of the Census Bureau on "A Century of
Population Growth" makes a further comparison of the number
of children per family. In 1790 the average size of the family
was 5.8, while in 1900 it was 4.6. The number of children under
sixteen years of age* to each family in 1790 was 2.8, as compared
with 1.5 in 1900. In the century the number of households in-
creased tenfold, while the number of children under sixteen years
of age has increased little more than sixfold.
From any method of calculation it is clear that the birth rate
is decreasing rapidly. Diminution of genetic aggregation is the
inevitable result.
3. Permanence of the Marriage Relation. With the completion
of the present report of the Census Bureau on marriage and divorce
we are in possession of divorce statistics for continental United
States for a consecutive period of forty years, 1867-1906. During
this period there was granted a total of 1,274,341 divorces. Of
these, 328,716 were granted during the period covered by the
first report, 1867-86, and 945,625 during that covered by the second,
1 887- 1 906.
'Increase.
Instability of the J-aiiiily
lOI
Comparing the annual average of divorces by five-year perioils,
for which the years given is the median year, except that for Hp5,
which is the average for the four years 1903-6, with the population,
as estimated by the Census Bureau, we have the following:
Divorces.
Population.
c
il
^S"
■fl 0.
Census.
INCREASE.
INCREASE.
S °c
Annual
Total.
l-o
^ s =
Number.
Per
cent.
Number.
Per
cent.
a, 0
Div
1 00
ulat
1905
67,791
12,289
22.1
82,574,195
6,579,620
8.7
1. 218
82
1900
55.502
14,890
36.7
75.994,575
6,523.431
9.4
1.369
73
i«95
40,612
7.415
22.3
69,471.144
6.523,430
10.4
i,7n
58
1890
33.197
8.573
34.8
62,947,714
6.395,966
II-3
1.896
53
1885
24,624
5.481
28.6
56,551,748
6.395.965
12.8
2,297
44
1880
19,143
4,774
33-2
50.155.783
5,798,706
131
2,620
38
i«75
14,369
3,162
28.2
44,357.077
5,798,706
15-
3.087
32
1870
11,207
38,558,371
3.441
29
The population in 1905 was little more than double that of
1870, while divorces were six times as numerous, showing the
increase in the divorce rate to have been approximately three times
as rapid as the growth in population.
A more significant result is obtained if we compare the numlx-r
of divorces with the married population. On the basis of present
statistics, such a comparison is possible during the period of the
second divorce rejxjrt. Using the average of five-year periods, as
before, we' obtain the following table:
Census.
Married population.
Divorces, annual
average.
Married popula- Divorces per
tion to one 100,000 married
divorce. population.
1900
1890
1880
1870
27,770,101
22,447.769
17,908,091'
13,823,708
.. .
55,502
33.197
19,143
11,207
500 200
676 14S
935 107
1,233 81
It appears that the divorce rate is two and one-half times
greater than the increase in the married population.
A further comparison is possible between the number of m.-.r-
riages and the number of divorces. Taking the annual average
I02
The /limals of the .lincricaji Academy
of five-year periods of marriages aud divorces, we have the fol-
lowing :
Census.
1905
1900
1895
1890
Marriages, annual Divorces, annual
average. average.
806,339
684,981
595.982
543.761
67.791
55.502
40,612
33.197
Marriages to ' Divorces per
one divorce. 1,000 marriages.
II. 9
12-3
14.6
16.3
85-3
81.
68.1
61.
Thus the ratio of divorces to marriages is constantly increasing.
II. Causes of Inst.xcility
Too great emphasis ought not to be placed upon the fact of
our slightly increasing marriage rate. It is probable that causes
which are aiTecting the birth and divorce rates will ultimately atTect
the marriage rate, but for the purposes of our present discussion
we may eliminate this element from consideration.
Two groups of causes are commonly assigned for the decline
of the birth rate : The automatic limitation, due to the later ages
at which luarriages are contracted, the increase of social diseases,
and the general decline in fecundity ; the voluntary limitation, due
to increasing knowledge of the means of preventing conception and
to the multiplication of motives for the use of the available means.
It is the opinion of the writer that the former group of causes
is not largely responsible for the decreasing birth rate. Professor
Ross has pointed out the fact that, after making all due allowance
for the later age at which marriages occur, there is still anijjle
time for the bearing of a much larger number of children if de-
sired than is now the rule. As a matter of fact. Holland and Bel-
gium, with a small proportionate number of married women under
thirty years of age. have among the highest birth rates of Euro-
pean countries, while France, which has the greatest percentage of
women marrying under tw^enty years of age of any country of
Europe, has at the same time the lowest birth rate. As to the
effect of social diseases, it is an established fact that they are often
exceedingly prevalent in oriental countries, where the birth rate is
abnormally high. The general decline of fertility is so far merely
an unproved supposition on the part of those who have assumed
that the decline of the birth rate is due to physiological causes.
Instability of the Family 103
We are persuaded that the dominant causes are psychological
and social. They are to he found chiclly in the deterniinati<jn (jii
the part of parents to limit the numher of their offspring. TIic
motives for such voluntary limitation arc to be found in our modern
social and economic conditions. Among the industrial classes chil-
dren are an increasing economic l)nrden ; among the middle classes
they constitute a social handicap and an encumbrance to tho.se
seeking to rise in the social scale, while the desire on the part of
the rich for the endowment of their children requires that thev
-should be limited in number. As yet we are scarcely warranted in
the assum{)tion that the science of eugenics is sufficiently advanced
to constitute a conscious programme for the securing of fewer
but better born children, and idealistic motives are nt^t the dominant
ones.
In vain do we seek the causes of the modern divorce move-
ment in the natural perversity of human nature, the laxity of legal
administration or, even, in statutory grounds upon which divorces
may l)e obtained. The true causes of the modern divorce move-
ment are inherent in our modern .social situation. It is a problem
of adjustment of society to our new economic, social and ethical
environment due to progress. The stress of modern economic life,
rising standards of living, the passing of the economic function f)f
the family, the economic emancipation of women, the struggle for
social liberation, the popularization of law, the increase of popular
learning, the improved social status of women, the revised ethical
concepts, the equal standard of morals for both sexes, the higher
ideals of domestic happiness, the new basis of sexual morality —
these are the forces that are producing their inevitable results.
The old religious-proprietary family of patriarchial authority i>
doomed, and until the new spiritual restraints are formed to take
the place of those that are passing away a condition which, in the
sight of some, will border on chaos is bound to result. The present
phenomena we are fully persuaded are the phenomena of transition
and are alarming only to those who view the family as an institu-
tion which has its origin in and depends for its perpetuation upon
external authority.
The causes, therefore, which will ultimately, perhaps, affect
the marriage rate and which are now resulting in a diminished birth
rate and an accelerated divorce rate are not superficial causes which
104 The Annals of the American Academy
may be removed by the action of state legislatures except as they
facilitate the adjustment of society to the new basis of our modern
civilization. They are the product of forces resident within society.
III. RE.SULTS OF THE INSTABILITY OF THE FaMILV
Statistics of marriages in the United States do not reveal the
degree of race intermixture occurring, but in the general enumera-
tion of population we have given the nationality of parentage,
which shows the large extent to w-hich amalgamation is taking place.
Thus we have in the intermarriage of different racial stocks an
efficient means of creating greater homogeneity in the population.
The high marriage rate, which approximates or exceeds the growth
of population, is of the greatest possible consequence in the physical
assimilation of the heterogeneous elements. Too great a degree
of heterogeneity is clearly an obstacle to cooperative social action
and a positive hindrance to progress. But as long as a high degree
of intermarriage continues, which results in the absorption of new
ethnic contributions to the population, a degree of homogeneity
may be obtained which will offer no bar to race improvement.
W^hether or not such amalgamation will prove a help or a
hindrance will depend somewhat upon the elements which enter into
it. Few statistics are available, however, upon which any scientific
conclusions can be based as to the comparative value of specific racial
combinations.
A declining birth rate means a decreasing rate of growth anil,
if it proceeds far enough, an actually decreasing population. If
growth continues in spite of decreasing genetic aggregation it must
be accomplished by congregation. This is what is taking place in
the United States. The result is a greater degree of heterogeneity
of the population. Whether this will become, again, a help or a
hindrance will depend upon the ethnic stocks represented in the
larger immigration. Exclusion acts are scientifically justifiable to
the extent to which they limit immigration to ethnic stocks capable
of advantageous assimilation, thus preventing the development of
classes and castes inimical to social and race progress.
Whether immigration in the United States has had the effect
of checking the native birth rate, as Professor Marshall suggests,
or whether the low birth rate and the slow growth of population
from this source has stimulated immigration, or whether there is
1 nsliihilily df tlw I'auiily I05
any casual relation between the two is yet to be determined. What-
ever the conclusion may be, it cannot affect the problem with which
we have to deal ; namely, that a declining birth rate in an increas-
ing population results in an increasing heterogeneity.
The large number of divorces granted to childless husbands
and wives, slightly exceeding those granted to those having children,
is usually cited to emphasize the failure of childless marriage. It
is probable, and we believe actually the case, in numerous instances
that this is putting effect for cause ; that childlessness is often due
to infelicity rather than infelicity to childlessness. It is evident, at
least, that the birth rate is retarded by the large number of sei)ara-
tions in the early years of married life. To the extent to whicii
domestic infelicity leads to a diminution of the birth rate, the rising
tide of divorce will tend to prove a corrective in affording another
opportunity for the formation of new marriages which may result
in offspring. The problem of the relation of divorce to tlie birth
rate is more complex than is usually supposed.
Divorce conditions indicate an enormous amount of suffering
within the family life of the American people. Divorce is evidence
of that portion of it which becomes unbearable. Much domestic
unhappiness is never exhibited in the divorce courts. The perpetu-
ation of the family upon the basis of choice, as is now the case in
respect to its formation, toward which present tendencies seem
clearly to point, w^ill be a distinct gain in social happiness. Whether
or not it will affect the birth rate, it will constitute a large element
in the efficiency of that phase of race culture which belongs to
the home. The health, happiness and future efficiency of children
reared in happy homes are greatly enhanced.
If the phenomena of family instability shall prove to be, as we
have suggested, the phenomena of transition and of a new social
adjustment, then we may look forward to a possible future in
which, under more stable and wholesome family conditions, the
.science of eugenics may result in the fostering of a system of ethics
which will require a birth rate sufficient for race maintenance and
produce a population which shall be able to accomplish the seem-
ingly hitherto unachieved task of educating and at the same time
reproducing itself.
THE MORAL INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AMERICAN
SOCIETY
By EtH ELBERT DuDLEY WaRFIELD, LL.D.,
President, Lafayette College, Easton, Pa.
The materials for the scientific study of such questions as this
are entirely wanting. Generalizations are of no scientific value
unless based upon inductions from so large a number of facts as
to be approximately exhaustive. Were such a collection of facts
available they could not be utilized until they had been studied
broadly, analyzed and classified, and reduced to system after mature
and searching reflection. What I have to oft'er to-day is nothing
more than the suggestions of one who has been an humble student
of history and the political and moral sciences, sitting at the feet
of such men as Professor Stubbs at Oxford and Professor Dwight
at Columbia, who yet recognizes that the greatest teacher at whose
feet he ever sat was a woman, whose power consisted not merely
in an intellect as keen and a tongue as eloquent as ever adorned
a class room, but even more in a moral purpose clear in object and
fertile in resources. These are the suggestions of one who as a prac-
ticing lawyer, a busy man of affairs and a teacher in the college class
room has given his chief interest to the study of human institutions.
Without pretending to that scientific authority, which when only
assumed is the curse and reproach of social and economic utterances,
I shall merely attempt, with a few suggestive illustrations, a classifi-
cation of the main forces operating in the field of investigation.
The fundamental social and political institution is the family.
I can find no evidence which tends to show that it is anything less
than coeval with the existence of man upon the earth. My
studies lead me to believe that together with man's moral nature
it is a part of the endowment of the race. Where it is found it is
not an achievement of man himself, where it is wanting it has been
lost by corruption and decay. In the earliest records available to
us, in the recently discovered code of Hamurabi. in the book of
Genesis, in the memorials of a remote past exhumed from Egyptian
(io6)
Moral luHiicncc of irmiwii in . lincricaii Si'iicty 107
tombs, in the pages of Herodotus, the faiiiil} stands out a distinct
and clearly conceived institution. \ ariations from the norm of
the monogamous family appear as exceptions ; — the privilege of
those who have been corrupted by wealth and power, the curse of
those who have been demoralized by lust. The records of antiquity
embodying for us tlic history of those races who have possessed
a notable civilization are strikingly confirmed by the first accounts
we possess of our Germanic ancestors, such as that of Tacitus, and
by all that we know of the family among the Teutonic peoples.
The rise and spread of Christianity intensified the t\pe, and gave
to the monogamous family as established in the north of luirope
upon a basis of Teutonic custom and sanctioned by the Roman
culture in process of assimilation, the authority of religion.
For the purpose of our inquiry the analogies that are drawn
from the debaucheries of savage tribes are as worthless as conclu-
sions that might be based upon the celibacy of the clergy as indicating
the teaching of Christ in regard to the family. These forces worked
out together in the great epoch of the Protestant Reformation the
social life which forms the immediate starting point of any study of
the influence of women in American society.
John Knox's denunciation of the '"monstrous regimen of
women" calls our attention to the fact that at the historical moment
when the world was breaking W'ith the past in the Renaissance and
Reformation, the reactionary tendencies were enthroned in three
women, Catherine de Medici, Mary Tudor, and ]\Iary Stuart : a
fact which may well call our attention to the further probability that
women are ordinarily more conservative than men and that the
moral weight of woman in the home is generally exerted in the
perjx-tuation of established practices, opinions, and beliefs.
The first emigration was largely from those elements of society
which most strongly represented the reformation movement in its
Calvinistic form, — the Puritans of England, the Huguenots of
France, and the Reformed of Germany and the Low Countries.
To these w ere later added in great numbers the Reformed of Scot-
land and Ireland. The efifect of the reform movement was most
strikingly seen in its political teaching of the right of man to civil
liberty which wrought itself out in the great movement towards
constitutional government. But it was even more profoundly felt
in the social movement which carried the emancipation of a few
io8 Tlic Annals of the American Academy
women of exceptional culture effected in the Renaissance down-
wards and established it on the broad and firm foundation of moral
and spiritual equality with man and laid the basis of universal edu-
cation in the labors of Luther and Melancthon in Germany and in
the free schools of Geneva and Holland.
The great personality of Elizabeth impressed itself upon the
imagination of the English people, — we may read it in the homely
fact that Elizabeth replaced Alary as the favorite baptismal name
for little maids in England. The Puritan code of morals withdrew
men from places of public resort to the home circle ; and the condi-
tions of life in a new country magnified the value of woman when
once she was lifted above the level of a drudge. The history of
English puritanism is bright with many a portrait of beloved and
honored wives and mothers. Green in one of the noblest passages
that ever flowed from his pen has summarized for us the portrait
of a Puritan gentleman as given us in his wife's memoirs :
"The figure of Colonel Hutchinson stands out from his wife's
canvas with the grace and tenderness of a portrait of Van Dyck.
She dwells on the personal beauty which distinguished his youth.
. his artistic taste, . . . great love for music. . .
We miss, indeed, the passion of the Elizabethan time, its caprice,
its largeness of feeling and sympathy, its quick pulse of delight ;
but on the other hand life gained in moral grandeur, in a sense
of dignity of manhood, in orderliness and equable force. The
temper of the Puritan gentleman was just, noble and self-controlled.
The larger geniality of the age that had passed away was replaced
by an intense tenderness within the narrower circle of the home.
'He was as kind a father,' says Mrs. Hutchinson of her husband,
'as dear a brother, as good a master, as faithfvil a friend as the
world had.' The wilful and lawless passion of the renascence
made way for a manly purity. 'Xeither in youth nor riper years
could the most fair or enticing woman ever draw him into unneces-
sary familiarity or dalliance. Wise and virtuous women he loved,
and delighted in all pure and holy and unblamable conversation
with them, but .so as never to excite scandal or temptation. Scur-
rilous discourse even among men he abhored ; and though he some-
times took pleasure in wit and mirth, yet that which was mixed
with impurity he never could endure.' To the Puritan the wilful-
ness of life, in which the men of the Renaissance had reveled.
Moral liithtciuc of U'oiiun in .liiu'rii-oii Society lO)
seemed uinvorlliy of life's character and end. IHs aim was to
attain self-command, to be master of himself, of hi.s thought, and
speech, and acts.'
We catch a clear reflection in this nobie picture of the womar
whom such a man loved, even as she mi^i^ht have cauc^ht the reflec-
tion of herself as she looked into his tender eyes.
In the letters of John and Mars.(aret Winthrop we have another
portrayal of the Puritan wife and mother, and in this case of one
who was one of the first American women. Let me but oflfer one
to illustrate the very mold and fashion of the age:
Margaret Winthrop to Her Husband
Most Deare and Loveinge Husband, — I can not expres my love to
you as I desire, in these poore livclesse lines, but I doe hartily wish you
did see my harte how true and faythfull it is to you, and how much I doe
desire to be alhvayes with you, to injoy the sweet comfort of your presence,
and those helps from you in sperituall and teniperall dutyes which I am so
unfite to per forme without you. It makes me to see the want of you and
wish my selfe with you, but 1 desire wee may be gided by God in all our
wayes who is able to dercct us for the best and so T will wayt upon him
with pacience who is all sufficient for me. I shall not need to right much
to you at this time. My brother ((loslinge) can tel j'ou any thinge by word
of mouth. I prayse God we are all heare in health as you left us, and are
glad to heare the same of you and all the rest of our frends at London. Isly
mother and my selfe remember our best love to you and all the rest, our
children remember theare duty to you. and thus desirnge to be remembred
in your prayers I bid my good Husband god night, littell Samerwell thinkes
it is time for me to goe to bed. and so I beseech the Lord to keepe you in
safety and us all heare. Farwell, my sweet husband.
Your obedionte wife
Margaret Wixthrope.
The conditions of colonial life produced a leveling;- up and a
levelin.c: down. A loss in all that we think of as urbane, a gain in
all that we call hardy. Men and women generally responded to
the opportunities afiforded them in a new country. Yet the idle
and the shiftless and the dissolute remained. There was material
for Hawthorne's masterpiece even in ^lassachusetts Bay: for the
story of Agnes Suriage also : hut the current ran deep and strong
through simple lives, finding their inspiration and their happiness
in the family, its home life, its bonds of affection, its widening cir-
cuit as yoimger generations cut their way westward through the
forest.
no The Annals of the American Academy
The familiar picture of the Puritan father is that of a man
burdened with the responsibihties of hfe for himself and for his
children. The companion piece is a mother who is a shield and a
comforter, sharing the faith of her husband, but manifesting its
gentler aspects ; not less anxious for the moral conduct of her
offspring, but more confident of the value of a ministry of love.
If the picture of the Puritan father is overdrawn for the New
England Calvinist and the Pennsylvania Friend, it is entirely out
of character for the Huguenot and the Southern Puritan. In their
portraiture must be embodied strong sociability and a delight in
the life lived by sturdy men in a land where life had much work, that
was well rewarded, and few^ cares. The wives of such men will
have the esprit of the Huguenot woman and the cheerful delight
in human life, which is one of woman's fairest graces.
Throughout the colonies and, for the greater part of their his-
tory, the wife and mother dominated the home, ruling it with a light
hand and a loving sway. The home life was very simple. The home
training was reduced to a narrow field of purpose. The boys were to
be fitted to go forth and earn a living, setting up homes for them-
selves as soon as possible. The girls were trained to become house-
wives, taking up their mother's vocation as wife and mother.
However simple the laws of etiquette may be they are very
exacting. The primitive family was doubtless insistent on the law
of the family. The simple rules of conduct, the regulation of
speech and of manners, fell inevitably to woman, more careful of
detail in such things than man, if in the end more tolerant of results.
Just in proportion as the family prospered the exertion of feminine
influence may be seen. We cannot dogmatically assert that feminine
influence was always the cause of the prosperity of the family, and
of the well being of the community. But the force of character
of many a woman has been gladly acknowledged in the biography
of many a successful man, and there was feminine agitation long
before the first village improvement society came to birth. We can
and must mark how potent a factor feminine influence is in every
vigorous family and progressive community, and that for genera-
tions it was exercised through the family in the activity of the
father and the children. We must observe too that in the communi-
ties where progress has been arrested or has become retrograde
that the women have lost their moral tone, have become indififerent
Moral hilhicncc of Women in .liiicrican Society ui
to their physical attractions, share the vices of the men in using
tobacco and Hquor, tolerate impure and profane language, and share
the violent passions and cruel traits of the men. These marks I
take to be characteristically decadent. Certainly in America they
mark a decline from the original standard of morals, and afford us
material for study in the conditions which have produced and doubt-
less will continue to produce a loss of intellectual and physical well
being where moral purpose and moral conduct decline. That the
women of such communities are frequently of very light virtue
is a natural consequence of the general neglect of moral ideals, and
specifically of those elements of manners which by greater refine-
ment and restraint distinguish women from men.
I have taken an example of New England womanhood from
the early pages of our history. Let me take one from the journal
of Airs. Andrew Stevenson, wife of our Ambassador to Great
Britain, who wrote in October, 1839, of a Sunday evening experi-
ence.
A Question of Cards on Sunday
"A large party to dinner. After the gentlemen joined us, when the Duke
of Sussex, Lady Durham and myself were sitting together and forming a
social trio. Lord Durham came in with his imperial air and said, 'I do not
know whether your Royal Highness objects to cards on Sunday evening;
for myself I think there is no greater harm in playing on that night than
any other.' "Nor I,' said the Duke. "If it is wrong to play on Sunday it
is equally wrong to play on Monday or any other night." I felt distressed.
Thinks I to myself, 'What shall I do?' At that moment the Duke appealed
to Lady Durham, who gave a faint assent to what he had said. I. of course
was silent, when his Royal Highness, suddenly leaned forward from the
immense arm-chair in which he was half buried and addressed me: 'I think
my dear Madam it is considered a sin to play any game on Sunday in your
country.' I replied instantly in a calm, earnest, and emphatic manner, so
that, although a little deaf he did not lose a word; 'Your Royal Highness
is right. We think it a violation of the commandment which bids us to keep
holy the Sabbath day, and we also tliink it setting a bad example to our
dependents, who cannot so well discern between right and wrong.' The old
gentleman drew himself back in his chair and remained silent for several min-
utes. A solemn pause ensued and I felt almost frightened at what I had done.
Still, I did not regret it. In the meantime the servants had set out the
tables, but no one approached them, nor was the slightest allusion made to
the subject again. The Duke did not retire until his usual hour, and con-
tinued in pleasant conversation all the evening, every now and then speaking
with his usual kindness to me; and when he rose to retire he called out for
112 The Annals of the American Academy
me, saying, 'Where is Mrs. Stevenson?' and when I advanced from a table
where I had been looking at some drawings of Lady Mary's, he shook my
hand with even more than usual cordiality as he uttered his 'Good night.'
I was glad not to have ofifended him, for he has been very kind to us ; still,
I felt very grateful that I had moral courage given me at the moment to
do and say what I ought, despite the fear of man."
The tremendous upheaval of the Civil War with its consequent
expansion led to readjustment and rapid modification throughout
the social fabric. As women had been active in the agitation which
preceded the war, aggressively assailing slavery and bitterl\-
defending it, so they proved themselves intense partisans through
its long and cruel course. The lack of a distinct and characteristic
feminine moral consciousness was well illustrated in the failure of
the Southern women as a class to revolt against the inhumanity of
slavery in general, and American slavery in particular, especially
as denying to the slave woman protection in her rights as wife and
mother, and as corrupting the sexual morality of the white race.
It is too frequently forgotten now that the rare and horrible experi-
ence of an occasional white woman was the common lot of every
black woman of any physical attractiveness for two centuries. It is a
fact to be remembered not to condone the crime of to-day, but to
correct and clarify our judgment in dealing with all questions where
might seeks to usurp the throne of right and the laws of man, to
deny the commands of God.
Out of the social reorganization no phenomenon has emerged
so striking as the tendency to effect by organized effort what had
previously been attempted by individual initiative and personal
leadership. In this phase of social life women have played their
full part. Merely to enumerate the organizations which represent
their combined efforts to advance the social welfare of the country
would require many pages. In village improvement societies, civic
clubs, the W. C. T. U., the Y. W. C. A., and the many missionary
societies, we have typical examples. We cannot do more than note
a few important tendencies connected wnth this form of influence.
It does not necessarily antagonize or even weaken the old force
of woman's home life. It calls into useful service many who were
without the opportunity of exerting that force, and gives a vocation
to willing but often unutilized heads and hearts and hands. Its
Moral Influence of iyo)iie)i in American Society 113
peril is that the larger power should become the possession of those
with the least stake in society.
The general result has thus far been of enormous value to
society. Coeval as it is with the great progress in woman's educa-
tion, it has had wise direction, commanded a greater amount of
leisure than men are ordinarily able to give to social questions, and
elicited those qualities of sympathy and love which man has never
sought to rival and always rejoiced to praise.
The specific character of the moral influence exerted has been
identical with that once exerted exclusively in and through the
family. Based upon the religious teachings of the Christian religion,
it has applied the golden rule in dealing with the problems of organ-
ized charity, it has sought to maintain and safeguard the family, to
limit the use of liquor, tobacco, and all injurious drugs, to check
gambling and corruption in public life.
There are indeed radical elements in the new movement, and
women's organizations have not invariably taken the conservative
side. The woman's suffrage movement, for example, is rooted in an
idea that is antagonistic to the family, and if worked out to its
logical conclusion would destroy its solidarity. There is little
reason to think, however, that the future of organized social effort
by the women of America will depart from its present attitude of
supplementing rather than subverting woman's normal sphere, the
family.
The normal always supposes the abnormal. So we find women
active in the most violent anarchist clubs and free love societies,
just as we find women the victims of degrading appetites and pas-
sions. As we remarked, the women among the mountain whites
decadent under hard conditions, smoking cob pipes and drinking
moonshine whiskey, tolerating low and profane speech and urging
on their kinsfolk to perpetuate the feud, so we nmst observe other
women corrupted by sudden wealth and the unchecked pursuit '>t
pleasure, smoking cigarettes and drinking champagne, reading lewd
literature and witnessing immoral stage plays, and figuring in sensa-
tional trials in the criminal courts. These are indeed dark shadows.
They are the darker because of the sunshine that floods the picture.
We need no poetic rhapsody to give force to the final summary
of the moral influence exerted in social life by .American women.
Perhaps it would seem sufficient to say they have fully justified the
114
The Annals of the American Academy
position of intellectual equality with men which they have achieved.
But they have done more than that. Always the inspiration of the
home, proving by measureless devotion the strength and tenacity,
as well as the winsomeness of love, they have extended their sphere
to the community and given a new vitality to every ministry of help
and healing.
PART FOUR
The Relation of Immigration to Race
Improvement
IMMIGRANTS AND CRIME
BY HON. WILLIAM S. BENNET,
Member of Congress for New York, and Member of the Immigration
Commission
IMMIGRATION AND THE AMERICAN LABORING CLASSES
BY JOHN MITCHELL,
Chairman, Trade Agreement Department, National Civic Federation,
New York
RACE PROGRESS AND IMMIGRATION
BY WILLIAM Z. RIPLEY,
Professor of Economics, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
("5)
IMMIGRANTS AND CRIME
By Hon. William S. liE.\.\Ei,
Mt'iiibcr of Congress for New York, ami .Mcnil)cr of the Immigration
Commission.
My theme is Ininiigrunts and Criinc. In eonncetii)n uitli crime
there seems to be a tendency to restrict the term '"immigrant" to
the South European and Hel^rew peoples. Statistics do not restrict
the subject in that way, and people who sometimes carelessly read
statistics without analyzing theuL tly to the conclusion that the sta-
tistics relating to immigration and alien criminals relate entirely t^
the Italian, the Greek, the Syrian, the Slav and the Russian and
Roumanian Jew. They do nothing of the sort. They allude to the
foreign born, no matter how long he has been here, and if you
will take the trouble the next time you look up the statistics of
aliens in criminal institutions to analyze those statistics and find out
how many years the bulk of them have been here, you will find that
the great bulk of the aliens in our criminal institutions, the great
bulk of the aliens in the institutions for the insane are of immigra-
tion which came here before the South Euro]>ean immigration
started.
The Italian, and in the l)ulk, the Russian Hebrew and the Rou-
manian Hebrew immigration have arrived chiefly during the last
twenty-seven years, and the aliens in our institutions are recruited
from the class who have been in this country twenty, thirty or more
years, although, of course, there is a regrettable number which gn
into our institutions in the first year.
We were lax in tlic early days in relation to immigration
when there were nothing but sailing ships, and the rates of
transportation were so high as to be almost prohibitive. Laxness
then amounted to less than at present because expense barred the
great mass of the immigrants, and it is to the few years since steam
has made transportation easier and cheaper tliat we ov.-e a great
deal of our criminal and helpless alien jinpulation : although as far
back as 1819 the Society for the Prevention of Destitution in New
York City reported that the class of immigrants coming into the
(ii7>
ii8 The Annals of the American Academy
country in those days was so low, so poverty stricken, and had such
a tendency toward crime and illiteracy, that it was imposing a burden
upon the community that certainly could not be borne. If I had not
seen the date marked on the printed page, I might have thought that
that particular report was made by a charitable society in 1908 in
the same city. The problem is being stated, in the same words, with
the lapse of nearly a hundred years. But what happened in the
first few years of cheap steam navigation ? This : there were no
laws at all, exxept the inefificient, unenforced state laws. Any per-
son that could get across the Atlantic Ocean and get his foot on
American soil was safely here.
Our thrifty friends on the other side of the Atlantic took ad-
vantage of that, and thirty years ago societies were actually organ-
ized for the purpose of sending to this country criminals, paupers,
old people, and the class that we call unfortunate women. They
advertised in the newspapers for subscriptions. People left them
legacies in their wills and they used that money to bring to this
country the unfortunate from the lands across the sea, and they
came into this country without let or hindrance.
That was all before the South European immigration had
started, and from countries from which the very best of our immi-
grants, according to the universal acceptation, have come. It went
so far that the British Government, about twenty-six or twenty-
seven years ago, chartered a ship called the "Formosa" and sent
it around Ireland, and from the workhouses in Ireland filled that
ship and then started it straight for New York. There was instance
after instance where the people from that ship were in the work-
house in New York City with British workhouse clothes still on them
within twenty-four hours after the ship landed.
That is what we contended with in the past. There was no law
against the pauper, the immoral person or the convict ; just the wide-
open door. We have had inspection of any sort only since 1892 or
1893, and only inspection that amounted to anywhere near the maxi-
mum since 1903 — six years.
That there are alien criminals in this country it would be idle
to denv. I will speak of the South European criminal, because
with the criminal of other nationalities we have become ac-
quainted. We have reached the point in connection with those people
where we are willing to admit that a man born in Germany, or
Imviigraiits and Crime 119
England, or any of the Scandinavian countries, good or bad, is a
separate individual. We refuse to admit that as yet in connection
with the Russian Hebrew or the Roumanian Hebrew, the Greek or
the Italian. We insist on treating them as a mass, and attributing
the crimes of the individual to the people as a whole.
You can make all sorts of statistics about the Italian criminal
based on what you put in or leave out in the matter of the major or
the minor crime. A distinguished gentleman once drew up a table
by which he proved that the Italians were at the head of the list in
crime, and another equally distinguished and able gentleman analyzed
the list and found that in making up the list all crimes resulting from
intoxication, or the over-use of stimulants, had been left out. Of
course, as the Italian is temperate, that treated him unfairly.
I have some statistics here about our own city and state. I
])rcsume that the proportion of foreign born in our state is some-
thing like twenty-six or twenty-eight per cent, of the whole. In
the year 1907 there were 5513 convictions for felonies, that is, a
major crime, in our state. Of those, 1757, or 31.87 per cent., were
committed by the foreign born, only a per cent, or two above their
proportion of the population. If, with the history of the cen-
turies of our education and opportunities behind us, we have not
gained something over the Italian, and particularly over the South
Italian, then so far as our attempt to improve civilization is con-
cerned, we have been a failure. If the percentage of crime amongst
those of native-born parentage is as great as the percentage of
crime amongst the foreign born, of what use to us have been our
boasted and valued institutions?
My friends, talk about the Italian who comes here as the scum
of Italy ! I want emphatically to deny it. I am country-born my-
self, although to some extent city reared, and I never will accept or
admit the doctrine that country people as a whole are inferior to
city people. The Italian who comes here is the country man. the
"contadino" from the hills.
Those who come from Naples and Palermo, and who did come
from Messina are an extremely inconsiderable percentage. But if
you get back in Sicily and Calabria. — and in New York if you men-
tion Sicily and Calabria the people shudder and say. "those pest-
holes ; those breeders of vice and crime," — they are momitain coun-
tries, particularly Calabria, where the people live a simple life in
120 The Annals of the American Academy
villages. You cannot go into a village in any part of Calabria and
stand on the street corner five minutes without having some one
come to you who has a friend or relative in the United States, and
you cannot stand there five minutes longer before some one comes
along and talks English to you; some one who has been in this
country.
They talk about the brigands of Sicily. There is just one left,
and his name is "Maloney," but he does not spell it that way. Ma-
loni — that is Maloney in Italian. Over in Calabria they have writ-
ten a book on the last of the brigands, Musalino, and he is either
dead or in jail. Brigandage in those countries was an economic
fact. When wages were sixteen cents a day, and it was hard to get
a job, a certain portion of the more daring and restless amongst the
young men went into brigandage as an occupation. Now wages
have risen to an average of forty cents, and work is fairly constant,
and at certain portions of the year there is more of demand than
there is of supply of labor, and, consequently, with a chance to
earn their living lionestly the youth of Italy are not going into
brigandage.
The worst Italian comes from the cities. I have a little pamph-
let here which I got to-day, 'The Truth About the Black Hand,"
and most of it is true except where it says that there is no such
thing as the Black Hand. There is a "Black Hand" ; possibly not
an organization like the "Molly Alaguire," with a grip and a pass-
word. l)ut an organization with a very thorough understanding.
This says there is none. But ask the ordinary, well-to-do Italian
about that, and see what he says. I found over in those little villages
a condition which is new even to the Italian Government; men who
had returned to the village of their youth because they had been
threatened by the Black Hand in the United States.
There was an old baron in Galina, down in Calabria, who shook
his finger at me across the room in a council chamber in the village
and asked why we did not enforce the law in the United States so
that decent, self-respecting Italians that came here could stay here,
and I did not have any answer for him for the moment. A man of
that class gets one letter from the Black Hand and pays no atten-
tion. He gets a second letter, sells what he has and goes down to
the steamship office and buys a ticket. That shows whether he
believes in the Black Hand or not.
Inuiiigraiits and Crime I2I
The worst of this Itahan criminal question as far as it exists,
and of course it does exist, is that to so hirge an extent we could
prevent the coming of the Italian criminal, and we may deport the
Italian criminal that is here. If the Board of Aldermen in New
York City would give Commissioner Bingham the secret service fund
that he asks for, there are enough ex-Italian jwlicemen in New York
of the Carabaneri, one of the best forces in the world, to cause a
wholesale exodus of the Italian criminal, not only from Xew York,
but from every city on the seaboard, within the next year.
Italy does not impose its criminals upon us. They enforce our
law in their country as well as any foreign government will enforce
the law of another country. The law is that no man who has been
in jail in Italy can get a passport to come to this country, and that
looks broad enough on its face, and with some exceptions no crim-
inal does, but here is what they do. They get a passport to go to
Canada from some prefects, not from others. They get a passport
to go to Switzerland from any prefect. They go down to the sea-
coast and ship as sailors at Palermo, and they used to go as far
as Messina, in Sicily, and then the captain of the ship took them
to the captain of the port and got them seamen's discharges. Then
they went back to Palermo and shipped as seamen on a foreign
ship and came to this country as members of the crew, and you
will find instance after instance, on some of the foreign lines, where
they absolutely shipped sailors, stewards, and so forth, putting them
on the ship's articles only for the outward voyage. The United
States Supreme Court has held that no matter what those men are,
whether diseased, paupers, criminals or what, they do not come under
the alien immigration law, and we cannot exclude them. The next
time you look at the immigrants pouring out of the third class, and
you shudder with horror because you assume that most of those men
are embryo anarchists, and certainly criminals, do not shudder any
more, because such of the criminals as come do not come that way.
You are in a great deal more danger if you wander around in the
part of the ship where the crew and stewards are than if you stick to
the usually honest immigrant, who comes second or third class.
It would need but a slight agreement with the Italian Govern-
ment to shut out from coming the majority of the Italian criminals.
I said that no criminals come with passports except a few, and I
want to indicate that class. Italy is not free from politics any more
122
The Annals of the Ameriean Academy
than we are. They elect the city officials. The way a passport is
gotten is for the man to go to the mayor of his commune and ask
for a "nulla osta," which means there is nothing against him. If
he has been in jail there is something against him ; but I said to the
mayor of a thriving city from w'hich many come, "Suppose a man
has been out of jail for two or three years, and he has a large family
of influential friends, and he has behaved himself pretty well since
he got out of jail, and they come to you and ask for a 'nulla osta'
for this man, what would you do?" "Well," he said, "if the pre-
fect of police has no objection, I don't object." After I had
obtained that statement, the Italian official who had been going
around with me saying how well the Italian government enforced the
American law, said, "Of course we enforce the American law, but
if you were a chief of police and there was a man who was making
you a lot of trouble, and you had a chance to get him away and
not come back, what would you do?" That is the way some get
away.
Of course, the crime of the Italian is assault, murder, man-
slaughter— the crime of passion. The Italian tramp is almost a
non-existent quantity. They all work, except these few from the
big cities who live from the terror and oppression of their fellow-
countrymen. There is no more vile or wicked criminal than the
professional Italian criminal, and we should be thankful they are
relatively so few in number.
The Greeks, so far as our investigation shows, are not criminals
here. They get arrested for violation of city ordinances, they sell
fruit without a license ; in New York they run a pushcart when
they have no right to. They do those things which a foreigner,
ignorant of the customs and laws, quite frequently does in an alien
country, but from the statistics the grave crimes with the Greeks
are almost absolutely non-existent. They work. They get rich.
They get rich more rapidly than any one else here except the Syrian,
who in four or five years goes back to his own country comparatively
a wealthy man. You ladies who the next summer will have come to
your doors at the seashore or other places, the poor Syrian, selling
you lace, perhaps ought to know, it ought to make some difference
in the price you pay, that the Syrian goes back in four or five years
with four, five, six, seven or eight thousand dollars in profits.
Those of you who are suffragists will perhaps be interested in
hnnii^rants and Crime 123
the knowledge that from Syria the woman sometimes comes first.
It is the only country known from which the immigration comes that
way. The women come first because they are better traders, bet-
ter salesmen, and can get better access to the home than can the
men, so the wife will come to this country and save up enough
money to bring over her husband. Mrs. Bennet and I saw the
unusual spectacle over in Syria of a woman starting to this country
against the will of her husband. Her husband jnirsued her down to
the train and attempted to take her from the train by force, but she
was a woman, and she came.
The relation of the immigrant and the criminal may be summed
up as follows : There is a great deal of exaggeration on both sides.
Do not believe that the majority of immigrants coming here from the
southern European countries are either criminals or have criminal
instincts. It is not so. Think of them not as a mass, but with the
knowledge that they are men and women, each with a separate indi-
viduality. On the other hand, do not believe that they are all
angels by a good deal, because they are not. Centuries of oppres-
sion and centuries of want and poverty have not improved stand-
ards of living or character. They are better, perhaps, than we would
be in their place, having undergone what they have undergone. On
a general average, our American people are much better than they,
as we ought to be with the opportunities that we have had.
Learn to treat the individual immigrant not as one of a nation-
ality at all, bearing in mind always that we when we came were just
as much of a problem to the people who were here as immigrants
are to us, and not allow the crime of one Italian, in a moment of
passion, to weigh for any more than the crime of an American,
perhaps in a moment of deliberation.
Last night, in New York City, a discharged bartender walked
out of a low-class saloon into the street and three men walked up to
him. One of them had a revolver in his hand, which he placed
right against the man's heart and shot him dead. The papers
chronicled the fact, and they called it what it was — a murder. None
of those men had South European names, and therefore there is no
particular frenzy about it. It is a murder, a horrible, dastardly,
brutal murder, and the police are trying their best to find the mur-
derer. That is all right ; but suppose the man had been an Italian,
and the men who shot him down Italians: would the newspapers
124 The /hiitals of the American Academy
have been as restrained in relation to it? Not at all. Some of our
newspapers would have had headings, "The Beginning of Another
Wave of Crime." It makes a difference who makes the killing, and
yet in each instance it would be a man killed and a murderer who
did it. Do not let us get wrought up about this either way. The
percentage of crime is not particularly large, even in our state, where
thirty-four per cent, of all the immigration is now stopping; not only
thirty-four per cent., but most of the least wealthy, the weakest
physically, are stopping right in New York, because they have not the
money to go out to Nebraska, where in about two months they will
be going out with lassoes to get innocent tourists to gather the crops
in. They talk about immigration in the winter and abduct the tourist
in the summer. It is not inconsistent ; it is simply American.
IMMIGRATION AND THE AMERICAN LABORING
CLASSES .
By Joiix ]Mitciii£ll.
Cliairman, Trade Agreement Department, National Civic Federation.
New York.
In discussino: the sttbject of The Relationship of Immigration to
the Condition of the Laboring Classes in the United States, 1 want
to present the matter from the standpoint of a workman. I have
spent all my life either as a workingman or as an employee of
workingmen ; hence I have had an unusual opportunity to observe
the intluence of immigration upon the standards of living among
workingmen.
At the outset I wish to lay down the fundamental ])roposition
that a low standard of living is not compatible with a high race
development. I have absolutely no prejudice against the immigrant ;
I have no sympathy with the spirit that has made a slogan of the
words, "America for the Americans." While I am an American in
all that the word implies, I believe that we should welcome to our
country all the white races from every part of the earth ; provided,
however, that in coming here these immigrants do not lower our
American standard of living; and provided further, that they be
admitted onlv in such numbers as will make it possible to assimilate
them and bring them up. within a reasonable time, to the standards
of life and labor whicli have been established here.
Those who are familiar with the migration of races from one
countrv to another know that in the early history of this Republic
everv healthy ininii^rant arriving upon our shcM'Cs was an asset to
us: btit during the pa.st ten or fifteen years immigration has in-
creased so rapidly and has reached such stupendous proportions
that manv of these immigrants, instead of being assets, are in reality
liabilities. A man is of value to this country only so long as his
presence here makes for the betterment of the people and the insti-
tutions of the country. If more immigrants are admitted than are
required to fill unoccupied i)ositions. and if. as a consequence, they
are compelled by their necessities to compete with .\mericans for
(125)
126 The Annals of the American Aeadeniy
positions, and if as a result of such competition the standard of
hving is lowered, then such immigration will not make for either the
commercial or the moral advancement of the people of our country.
During the past ten years 8,515,000 immigrants have been ad-
mitted to the United States. More people have come to America
in the past ten years than have gone from one country to another
heretofore during any one hundred years. In ten years the net
gain in our population from immigration alone has been nearly
6,000,000. I submit that notwithstanding the unprecedented de-
velopment of this country and the unusual opportunities existing
here, we cannot assimilate five or six million people every ten years.
Last December, as a result of the most careful investigation, it was
ascertained that in the United States there were some 2,000,000
men out of work. At the present time it is safe to say that there
are still approximately 2,000,000 persons in enforced idleness. Yet,
in the face of this, during the past three months the emigration
to this country has been at the rate of 1,000,000 annually. About
200,000 immigrants have been admitted during this period. They
have come at a time when 2,000.000 persons, principally Americans,
are on the streets looking for work. Surely these immigrants,
arriving under such conditions, contribute nothing to the commer-
cial, intellectual, or moral advancement of our country or its people.
We Americans are prone to speak with disrespect of the tramp ;
we characterize him as a "hobo," and frequently we call him a
criminal. When I was quite a young boy, I. with many others,
was thrown out of employment, our jjlaces having been given to
immigrants who would work cheaper. Being unable to secure work
at a living wage nearer home, I was compelled to travel, walking
most of the way, nearly 1.500 miles in search of employment. Dur-
ing this journey I saw hundreds of men w*alking from place to place
looking for work, and I have seen them forced to ask for bread.
In no case did I ever see a man ask for bread without observing
that the effect upon him was most degrading and demoralizing. In
begging for food a man's sense of pride and shame suffers a most
serious shock, and in time it is entirely destroyed. Finally he be-
comes accustomed to the new environment and often joins perma-
nently the army of tramps and mendicants.
It may not be uninteresting to observe that while looking for
work mvself and during the manv vears of niv activity as a leader
/iiniiii:;rati(>ii and the .liiicrican Laboring Classes 127
of workingmen, 1 have never seen a newly-arrived immigrant tramp-
ing the highways seeking employment. On the surface, this state-
ment may seem to be a tribute to the immigrant ; but, as a matter
of fact, properly interpreted it means that the newly-arrived immi-
grant has underbid the American workman and secured his job.
He has sent the American workman "on the road" by taking the
place he held at a rate of wages lower than ihc AiiH-rican wduM
accept. It may be said in answer that the American should work
for as low wages as the immigrant; that half a loaf is better than
no bread. lUit there is a standard of ethics among American work-
men which deters them from working for less than the established
rate ; they would rather tramp than reduce the wage scale or lower
the standard of living. In this position they are right, because
if they reduced the wage scale to keep themselves employed, it
would be a question of only a short time before the entire wage
scale would be lowered and the standard of life and labor among
all workingmen would deteriorate.
Conditions in America arc not so favorable now for a large
immigration as they were years ago. In the early times immigrants
could be so distributed throughout our cities and rural communities
that the Americans and those with American standards remain.ed in
such ascendency that they were able to assimilate the immigrants,
thus maintaining the standard of living, and no harm was done,
lint during the past twenty years the immigrant has not been dis-
tributed promiscuously throughout the country ; on the contrary,
he has been colonized, and there are many communities in which
scarcely a word of English is now spoken. We find in our large
cities, districts called '"Little Hungary," "Little Italy." the "Ghetto,"
and in these colonies the people live practically as the}- lived in the
countries from which they came.
In the coal fields of Pennsylvania, in which mining was formerly
carried on by Americans, or by English-speaking immigrants, an
entire transformation has taken place. About thirty-five years ago
emigrations were started from southern Europe and these men
were put to work mining coal at one end of the great anthracite
valley. Those of you who have read the history of the Huns and
the \^andals and how they overran the countries of Europe, can see
in Pennsylvania a peaceful repetition of that invasion. J^lowly but
surely these men from southern Europe, coming year by year in
128 The Annals of the American Academy
ever-increasing numbers, drove before them the miners and mine
workers who preceded them as workmen in the coal fields. Not a
violent blow was struck; not an unlawful act committed; but just
as surely as, in the history of nations, one race ever over-ran another,
these people from southern Europe over-ran the English-speaking-
people of the coal fields. They drove them from town to town and
from district to district, until the English-speaking miners made
their last stand at the upper end of the valley, where mining ceases
and the coal out-crops. In a few years more they will have disap-
peared altogether. They have been driven entirely from their
homes and the homes of their ancestors. The whole region is now
populated by non-English-speaking people. Cities with a popula-
tion of 20,000 are just the same as are some of the cities in southern
Europe. Children are being reared amidst surroundings which
will retard for two or three generations their, assimilation and their
development into real Americans.
Years ago the ch.ild born of foreign parents in this country
lost all characteristics of, even the resemblance to, the race whence
he came ; he took on the type of the American ; but such is not the
case in communities where immigrants are colonized. True, their
children are required to go to school and they learn to read and
write. Under proper conditions and given a fair chance, they would
develop rapidly, but the absence of the American standard of living
and the American ideals renders it impossible that children in these
districts shall make progress rapidly. The parents of these children
grew up in their own countries under conditions dissimilar to the
conditions established here ; they started to work when they were
five or six or seven years of age. It is difficult for them to
understand the necessity of having their children remain in school
until they are fourteen years of age ; yet we Americans wovtld regard
it as an outrage if our children were compelled to work in the
mines, the mills or the factories before they were fourteen years of
age.
The system of colonizing immigrants is not only destructive of
the standard of living of wage earners, but it is a menace to Amer-
ican ideals. The American workingmen — and this includes, gen-
erally speaking, the immigrants now in our country — favor legisla-
tion which will reduce the number of immigrants seeking admission
and raise the standard of those who gain admission. This legisla-
rminigralioit and the Aiitcrican Laboriti^ Classes I2(j
tion is calculated not only lu benefit the American workingman,
but it is equally in the interest of the immigrant already here. We
propose that the head tax of four dollars which an immigrant must
now pay as a condition of being admitted to our country shall be
increased to twenty dollars, and that it shall be required of a pros-
pective immigrant that he be able to read (jr write some section of the
constitution of the United States, either in our language, or in some
other language. A law of this kind would not evade or violate
our treaty obligations with other nations, because it would affect
all nations alike. I feel sure that a provision of this character
would not be regarded as revolutionary or radical, and yet it would
have the effect of excluding thirty-three per cent of those who
under the present laws seek and secure admission at our ports.
I believe that w^e could with safety to ourselves and with broad-
minded justice to the people of other countries, admit and assimilate
from 150,000 to 200,000 immigrants each year; but we cannot
continue, without injury to ourselves, to admit a million people
every year. Cosmoi>olitanism. like charity, begins at liome; and
while we must continue, within proper limitations, to be an asylum
for the oppressed and persecuted people of the world, yet in doing
this we must be mindful of our obligation to maintain a high
standard of life, labor, and civilization in our own country.
RACE PROGRESS AND IMMIGRATION
By William Z. Ripley,
Professor of Economics, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
The first impression from comparison of our original Anglo-
Saxon ancestry in America with the motley throng now pouring in
upon us is not cheering. Most of the pioneers in early days were
untutored but intelligent, rude but virile, lawless, perhaps, but inde-
pendent freemen. They were largely of one ethnic stock or, at Ai
events, a combination of the best strains. The horde now descend-
ing upon our shores is densely ignorant, yet dull and superstitious
withal ; lawless, with a disposition to criminality ; servile for genera-
tions, without conception of political rights. It seems a hopeless
task to cope with them, to assimilate them with our present native-
born population. Yet there are distinctly encouraging features about
it all.
These people in the main have excellent physical qualities, in
spite of unfavorable environments and ])olitical o])pression for gen-
erations. No finer physical types than the peasantry of Austria-
Hungary are to be found in Europe. The Italians, with an out-ot-
door life and proper food, are not weaklings. Nor is even the
stunted and sedentary Jew — the third great element in our present
immigrant horde — an unfavorable vital specimen. Their careful
religious regulations have produced in them a longevity even under
the most unfavorable environments, exceeding that of any other
large group of the people of Europe. Even to-day, under normal
conditions, a rough process of selection is at work to bring the
better types to our shores. We receive in the main the best, the
most progressive and alert of the peasantry and lower classes which
these new lands, recently tapped, are able to oft"er. This is a
feature of no mean importance to begin with.
The great problem for us in dealing with these immigrants is
not that of their nature, but of their nurture. Barring artificial
selection by steamship companies and the police, we need not com-
])lajn in the main of the physique of the new arrivals. Oiu" care
should be to protect and improve that bodily condition or, at least,
Race Progress and J iiiiiii^ratioii 131
to minimize the influences which lend to depress it. We need ihe
manual lab<:)r of these people. I'.ut we must not use them up or
permit their vitality to be unduly >apped. They are fellow passen-
gers on our ship of state; and the health of the nation depends
upon the preservation of the vitality of the lower classes. This is
especially needful under modern conditions of congestion of popu-
lation in great cities.
The preservation and upbuilding of the physique of liioe peui)le
is. moreover, distinctly an economic problem. It naturally sepa-
rates into two parts. One is the proper feeding and housing of the
present generation, the protection of a minimum standard of living;
the other, and more potent factor, is provision for the next genera-
tion. This means primarily the preservation of sound conditions of
home life. This is the only safeguard for the future. The most
alarming feature of the vital condition of the immigrant class to-
day is the threatening efifect upon the birth rate and at the same
time upon the vitality of those wdio are born — of the pressure of
industrial life upon the family. The presence of large numbers of
adult unmarried men of the lower class in any community inevitably
leads to immorality. A vicious youth too often means not only a
small number of offspring, but a tainted one as well. The sudden
change of environment is upsetting enough to immigrant youth under
any circumstances. When to this is added a prolonged bachelorhood
because of the high cost of living, and especially of rent, the danger
is increased many fold. Perhaps the most serious aspect of the
physical problem before us is that of postponed marriage. Some of
the evidence under this head I have set forth in statistical fashion in
a recent number of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Insti-
tute of Great Britain. The material is hardly suitable for presenta-
tion at this time. P.ut it is important that public attention should be
turned to it as an outgrowth of our present economic condition>.
The significance of the rapidly increasing immigration from
Europe in recent years is vastly enhanced in the United States by
a powerful process of social selection. Racial heterogeneity, due
to the direct influx of foreigners in large numbers, is aggravated by
their relatively high rate of reproduction after arrival ; and in many
instances by their surprisingly sustained tenacity of life, greatly
exceeding that of the native-born .American. Relative submergence
of the domestic Anglo-Saxon stock is strongly indicated for the
132 The Annals of the American Academy
future. "Race suicide," marked by a. low and declining birth rate,
as is well known, is a world-wide social phenomenon of the present
day. Nor is it by any means confined solely to the so-called upper
classes. It is so notably a characteristic of democratic communities
that it may be regarded as almost a direct concomitant of equality
of opportunity among men. To this tendency the United States
is no exception ; in fact, together with the Australian common-
wealths, it affords one of the most striking illustrations of present-
day social forces. Owing to the absence of reliable data, it is im-
possible to state what the actual birth rate of the United States as
a whole may be. But for certain commonwealths the statistical
information is ample and accurate. From this evidence it appears
that, for those communities at least to which the European immi-
grant resorts in largest numbers, the birth rate is almost the lowest
in the world. France and Ireland, alone among the great nations
of the earth, stand lower in the scale. This relativity is shown by
the following table, giving the number of births in each case per
thousand of population;
Birth Rate (Approximate).
Hungary 40
Austria 37
Germany 36
Italy 35
Holland 33
England, Scotland, Norway, Denmark 30
Australia, Sweden 27
Massachusetts, Michigan 25
Connecticut, Rhode Island 24
Ireland 23
France 22
New Hampshire 20 (?)
This crude birth rate, of course, is subject to several technical
corrections, and should not be taken at its full face value. More-
over, it may be unfair to generalize for the entire rural West and
South, from the data for densely populated communities. Yet,
as has been observed, it is in our thickly settled Eastern states that
the newer type of immigrant tends to settle. Consequently, it is
the birth rate in these states, as compared with that of the new-
comer, upon which racial survival will ultimately depend.
Race Progress and hninigraiion 133
The birtli rate in the United States in the days of its Anglo-
Saxon youth was one of the highest in the world. The best of
authority traces the beginning of its decline to the first appearance,
about 1850, of immigration on a large scale. Our great philosopher,
Benjamin Franklin, estimated six children to a normal American
family in his day. The average at the present time is slightly
above two. For 1900 it is calculated that there are only about three-
fourths as many children to potential mothers in America as there
were forty years ago. For Massachusetts, were the old rate <)f
the middle of the century sustained, there would be 15,000 more
births yearly than now occur. In the course of a century the
proportion of our entire population, consisting of children under
the age of ten, has fallen from one-third to one-quarter. This,
for the whole United States, is equivalent to the loss of about
7,000,000 children. So alarming has this jjhenomenon of the falling
birth rate become in the Australian colonies, that in Xew South
^^'ales a special governmental commission has voluminously reported
upon the subject. It is estimated that there lias been a decline of
about one-third in the fruitfulnoss of the people in fifteen years.
New Zealand even complains of the lack of children to fill her
schools. The facts concerning the stagnation, nay even the retro-
gression of the population of France, are too well known to need
description. But in these other countries, the problem is relatively
simple, as compared with our own. Their populations are homo-
geneous, and ethnically at least, are all subject to these social tenden-
cies to the same degree. With us the danger lies in the fact that
this low and declining birth rate is primarily confined to the Anglo-
Saxon contingent. The immigrant European horde, until recently
at least, has continued to reproduce upon our soil with well sus-
tained energy.
Baldly stated, the birth rate among the foreign-born in Massa-
chusetts is about three times that of the native-born. Childless
marriages are one-third less frequent. This .somewhat exaggerates
the contrast, because of dififering conditions as to age and sex in
the two classes. The difference, nevertheless, is very great. Kucz}ii-
ski has made detailed investigations as to the relative fecundity f>f
dififerent racial groups. The fruit fulness of English-Canadian
women in Massachusetts i> twice that of the Massachusetts born ;
of the Germans and Scandinavians it is two-and-a-half times as
134 ^/'t' Annals of the .iincrican Academy
great: of the French-Canadians it is thrice; and of the Portuguese
four times. Even among the Irish, who are characterized nowadays
everywhere by a low birth rate, the fruitfuhiess of the women is
fifty per cent, greater than for the Massachusetts native-born. The
reasons for this relatively low fecundity of the domestic stock are,
of course, much the same as in Australia and in France. But with
us, it is as well the "poor white" among the Xew England hills or
in the Southern states as the town dweller, who appears content
with few children or none. The foreign immigrant marries early
and children continue to come until much later in life than among
the native-born. It may make all the diiTerence between an increas-
ing or declining ])opulation whether the average age of marriage
is twenty years or twenty-nine years. The contrast between the
Anglo-Saxon stock and its rivals for supremacy may be stated in
another way. Whereas only about one-ninth of the married women
among the French-Canadians. Irish and Germans are childless ; the
proportion among the American-born and the English-Canadians is
as high as one in five. A century ago about two per cent, of barren
marriages was the rule. Is it any wonder that serious students
contemplate the racial future of Anglo-Saxon America with some
concern? They have witnessed the ])assing of the American Indian
and the liuffalo. and now they query as to how long the Anglo-
Saxon may be able to survive.
On the other hand, evidence is not lacking to show that in the
second generation of these immigrant ])eoples. a sharp and consider-
able, nay, in some cases, a truly alarming decrease in fruitfuhiess
occurs. The crucial time among all our newcomers from Europe
has always been this second generation. The old cu>tomary ties and
usages have been abruptly sundered, and new associations, restraints
and responsibilities have not yet been formed. Particularly is this
true of the forces of family discipline and religion, as has already
been observed. Until the coming of the llun. the Italian and the
Slav, at least, it has been among the second generation of foreigners
in America, rather than among the raw immigrants, that criminality
h.a? been most prevalent. And it is now becoming evident that it
is this second generation in which the influence of democracy and
of novel opportunity makes itself apparent in the sharp decline
of fecundity.^
'TUis topic is more fully treated by the author in the Iluxlcy Memorial Lecture
before the Royal Authropological Institute of Great Britain ; published in its
.Journal. Dec. 1908.
Race Proi:^rcss and Immigration 135
Another feature of the physical side of this problem is the
eltect of intermixture of these various peoples upon the future
population of the United States. It is inevitable that they sinjuld
intermarry, and it is best that it should be so. One cannot contem-
plate without deep concern a future in which we should be divided
permanently into groups of different nationalities, each preservins^
a large measure of its individuality intact. Such a state of affairs
has for years been the curse of Austria-Hungary and the Balkan
States. There must be a gradual amalgamation ; in time even com-
prehending all the various peoples of Europe within our borders.
That the lines should best remain sharply drawn between the white
and the yellow and black races is, however, equally clear. The evi-
dence as to the effect of such crossing of different European tyjjcs
is meagre. In a measure we must fall back upon general considera-
tions. Going back far enough, it is clear that all the peoples of
Europe are a hodge-podge of different stocks. Take Italy, for
example. In The Races of Europe I have shown in detail how the
people of this little country are compounded of two racial stocks,
as different in physical type as the poles. These two stocks arc
almost pure in the north and the south, respectively. They arc
indissolubly intermingled all through the middle provinces. Shall
any one dare to affirm that the peasantry about Rome are inferior
in any way to those of Piedmont or Sicily? It would be a mo-t
difficult task to prove it.
In addition to this sort of general evidence there is material
of a more definite kind. Who among distinguished men have an
ancestry of a mongrel sort? A number of brilliant instances can
be cited. The most extreme, of course, is Alexandre Dumas, in
whom West Indian negro blood did not prevent his attainment of
great distinction. But our evidence need not be so radical as this.
Crosses between w'hite and black races are seldom successful, physi-
cally at least. One can never be sure how far this is due to social
causes. But in cases of crossing between diff'erent branches of the
white races no such detrimental social or economic influences are
brought into play. Alexander Hamilton was certainly a brilliant
example of intermarriage between French and English stock. In
the same group may be classed such notable men as Du Maurier
and St. Gaudens. Dante Gabriellc Rossetti stands for a still greater
strain of the bonds of nationality. In the union of Greek and
136 The Annals of tJic American Academy
Irish blood in Lafcadio Hearn we have as rare an exotic physically
as he was an unusual intellectual product. It would be interesting
to gather evidence of this sort widely, but these few examples show
that intermixture is, at all events, not destructive in its effects. The
present tendency of the Irish women among us to intermarry with
all sorts and conditions of men, even of the Mediterranean stocks,
may be watched with interest in this same connection.
The mental and moral nurture of these immigrants is of equal
importance with their physical preservation — to the native-born
American it is of even more concern. For, although we might con-
ceivably struggle along under the economic burden of an overload
of physically defective people among us, the very existence of the
republic as a political and social unit is threatened by any deteriora-
tion of the mental and moral character of the lower classes. If
we permit these people to come in order to hew our wood and draw
our water we must in our own selfish interest assume the added
responsibility of caring for their minds and souls. This means the
adoption of an active programme of social betterment. Such a
programme is, of course, of primary importance for the children and
young people. It is in this class that the University Settlements,
like Hull House in Chicago, and the South End House, in Boston,
are doing their best work. There must be more and better schools,
w^ith such radical innovations as lunches for the small children, as
are now in practice provided in several places. The factory laws in
especial must be adjusted to fit the school laws. Persons of tender
age must be protected from the greed alike of employer and of selfish
parents. Humane regulation of hours, provisions for decency, sani-
tation and safety must be enforced by law. This is already, of
course, done in the more progressive states, like Massachusetts, New
York and Illinois. But a social programme for the young people
must go beyond this point. It nuist include parks and playgrounds
in the congested immigrant districts, as well as public baths and open-
air g}'mnasia. The libraries must be adjusted to the needs of the
young as well. They must devote their attention not to the supply
of the latest fiction to childless American women, but rather to the
development of neighborhood reading rooms, children's departments.
and like endeavors. Uplifting influences of these sorts to meet the
needs of the women and children of the immigrant classes are im-
perative as a safeguard for our own political existence. Of course,
Race /'ro^^ii'ss an J I luini^^ratiou 137
it will be expensive to do all these things. Rut so are hospitals,
almshouses, prisons and asylums expensive. It is surely the part of
wisdom to submit to taxation for the prevention rather than for the
cure of social evils.
\\ hat of the social programme for adult immigrant men. Xot
seeming or shrewd philanthropy, not autocratic welfare work, aimed
to bind the workman to his job, like the old Pullman establish-
ment or too many of the newer elaborate programmes, are what
is needed. Opportunity for self hcli) and improvement should be
the aim. This opportunity should meet three distinct needs of
the individual. The first is that of decent housing at a reasonable
price. The family as a social unit is absolutely dependent upon
this condition. This by implication means adequate transportation
and the strict regulation of public service companies.
The second opportunity which must be kept open to the immi-
grant is that of self help by organization. The trade union, stripped
of certain of its notorious objectionable features, has been one of
the greatest factors in the advancement of the working classes iji
the last century. It is to a far greater degree than is ordinarily
suspected a social and benevolent organization. Full scope for the
development of the beneficent aspects of the trade union must be
afforded under the law, with especial view to the protection of
the individual members against imreasonable coercion by majority
rule. The problems of minority rights in trade imions and indus-
trial corporations are akin in many respects.
The third opportunity which must be held open to the immi-
grant is that of thrift and provision for sickness and old age. This
does not mean simply savings banks ; it should extend to reasonable
facilities for insurance. The state need not directly intervene, other
than to set up agencies, such as have recently been offered in Massa-
chusetts, through which the poor may secure insurance as cheajiiy
as the rich. The elimination of the wasteful private industrial
insurance companies must be followed by the substitution of other
means by responsible agencies, either the state or j^rivate organisa-
tions under strict public supervision. The rights of the individual
against industrial loss must form a part of our sricial programme.
One of the intolerable evils of the day. except in a few progressive
states, is the unfair imposition of the entire loss in industrial acci-
dents upon the working classes. The United States in this regard is
138 TJic .liinals of the Aincn'caii Academy
a full generation behind the principal countries of Europe. It is
high time that other states awakened to a sense of their responsi-
bilities and adopted the beneficent laws for employer's liability now
in force in Massachusetts and New York. For even these states are
a full stage behind Great Britain and Germany in securing a fair
distribution of industrial losses between master and servant.
The highest obligation imposed upon the Anglo-Saxon by the
presence of the alien in America is that of political and social virtue.
The lesson must be afforded from above, that wealth is the reward
of intelligent industry and thrift, and not of graft and greed. It
must be made plain that progress results from the subjection by
man of the forces of nature and not from the oppression by many
of his fellow men. Social ostracism should be visited upon the
successful but unscrupulous financier or delinquent director of cor-
porations as it is visited upon the ordinary criminal of the lower
classes. Political corruption by corporations desiring to control
legislative bodies is as great, il not a greater, menace to our social
welfare to-day than is the personal violence of the highwayman. To
point this lesson has been the lasting service of Theodore Roosevelt
as President of the United States.
It is imperative also that the courts be kept free to dispense
even-handed justice. The dishonest director must be brought to
account as strictly as the conniving business agent of trade unions.
It is undeniable that the popular distrust of our judiciary is a
distinct source of social unrest. The injunction as a weapon of
defense for the employer is not applied in too many cases with entire
impartiality, and the immigrant, all too suspicious of governmental
agencies as a result of generations of oppression in Europe, is the
first to be inoculated with this distrust.
It is of the utmost importance that the fullest allegiance of our
immigrant population to the state should be awakened and main-
tained. No better political ideal to command their loyalty can be
imagined than the description of Athens put by Thucydides into
the mouth of Pericles in order to account for the love and devotion
of her citizens to her welfare: "She wishes all to be equal before
the law ; she gives liberty ; keeps open to everybody the path of
distinction ; maintains public order and judicial authority : protects
the weak, and gives to all her citizens entertainments which educate
the soul."
PART FIVE
The Clinical Study and Treatment of
Normal and Abnormal Development
A PSYCHOLOGICAL CLINIC
(139)
THE CLINICAL STUDY AND TRLATMILXT OF XORMAL
AND ABXOR^L\L DEX'ELOPMENT
A PSYCHOLOGICAL CLIXIC
Bv LiGHTXER W'lTMER, pH.D.,
Professor of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
I have said to the president of the American Academy that 1 would
demonstrate for the benefit of the members of the Academy, the nature of
the work which is being conducted here under the caption of the Psycho-
lop^cal Clinic.
In the time at our disposal it will be impossible for me to give you more
than a very superficial view. Some of you doubtless are interested in the
scientific aspects of the problem. You would like to know what a psychol-
ogist is doing, what are the tests which he applies. This phase of the work
I shall not be able to demonstrate. The tests which I shall make here this
morning are very simple indeed, and are intended merely to put before you
a few of the multifarious aspects of the problems with which we have to
deal. They will have the purpose of making you acquainted with some of the
physical and mental characteristics of the children in whom wo are interested.
I am going to proceed this morning just as I would in an ordinary clinic.
This little girl, whom I know quite well, has consented to come here
this morning and make one or two of these simple tests.
(Professor Witmer takes the form board, which is a shallow oblong tray
of light oak, having depressions of various shapes in its surface, into which
fit ten blocks of dark walnut shaped like the depressions,— a square, circle,
triangle, star, cross, semi-circle, and so on. He removes the blocks from
their places and throws them on the table.)
Q. I am going to give you a new name this morning; you are going to be
called Gertrude. What is your name going to be this morning?
A. Gertrude.
Q. Now if I make a mistake and call you by any other name, don't you
answer. Gertrude, will you put these blocks back again? Do it just as
quickly as you can.
It is an extremely simple test, but a very valuable one for those on the
border line between normality and abnormality. The fact that she uses her
vision and hands co-ordinately and without hesitation is proof enough in
my opinion that the child is of approximately normal intelligence. Now I
am going to ask a few questions.
Q. What is that f showing Gertrude a doll)?
A. A doll.
ri4i)
142 Tlir .liiiidls of the Atncrhan Academy
Q. What is that (showing Ikt a toy dog") ?
A. That is a dog.
Q. Have you a dog yourself?
A. No.
(Miss FJHott and Fannie enter, and th.e former is warmly greeted by
Gertrude.)
This demonstration is just as important a disclosure of character as any
test we may give.
Fannie, you take those blocks out (spoken in a low tone).
This child is deaf. I was lowering my tone in order to bring out that fact.
She seems to be hearing quite well this morning. Miss Elliott.
(Miss Elliott.) Some days she can hear very well, and sometimes not so
well. Sometimes it is normal.
It seems very nearly normal to-day.
(Miss Elliott.) In this kind of weather you might say it is all right.
Fannie, take up the doll for me. (Repeated louder and louder.)
Pick up the doll. (She does so.) Sit down in your chair. (She does so.)
Her hearing is very much better this morning than it usually appears
to be.
Fannie, would you be willing to read a little for us? I do not know
whether you have this reader in your school.
(Fannie reads.) See — my doll's — fi.nnj' — carriage.
She has a lisping voice, that is a defect of articulation.
(Fannie reads.) I — have — brought — the — doll — with — me.
That will do Fannie, much obliged.
I want to say that the appearance of this child here before this large
assembly, her ability to read before you, is really surprising to mc. When I
first saw this child about two years ago, she was one of the shyest children
I have ever encoimtcrcil, in fact part of her trouble was shyness. That
shyness was bred of continued failure, without any doubt, and the reason
this child is able to appear here this morning and read a few sentences,
meagre as the performance may appear to j'ou for a child of her age, is due
to the fact that she has had the encouragement of success; she has been shown
(hat she is able to do something.
Another cause of shyness was deafness. Originally her hearing was
about one-fourth normal, perhaps worse than that. To-day it has consider-
ably improved. Defective hearing produces shyness.
Defective hearing also produces other characteristics which were marked
in this child, — sullenness and stubbornness. It was at first impossible for us,
even in the quiet of the recitation room, with only one or two children, to
get anything out of her at all.
These fits of sullenness and stubbornness were pathological, in the sense
that they would come on apparently without sufficient cause, and would
persist for half an hour or an hour. They were overcome simply through
improvement in physical condition, and through subjection to the proper kind
of educational treatment. T mention the fact because I want you to observe
her actions here this morning. She is apparently a perfectly self-possessed
Tmitnii'iit of Xonnal and Abnormal Di^irln/'uiriif i.|_^
child, not at all shy, not at all sullen. The first time I ever showed this cliild
at a clinic of this kind, she positively refused to do anything. She is the
kind of child who, in the piihlic school, if sent to the principal simply sits
ddwn in a ch.iir or stands ahsolntely sidlen, refusinp to rnswcr any qne^tinn.
Nmv youniT man (tnrninp; to the hoy R. S.). T am U'linjir lo give yon
somethiiifT very easy to do. I am poinpj to ask yon to read somethinR for me.
(The boy reads very low and hesitatingly. The children are then all sent out
of the room.)
I am ffoinp: to speak to yon about these three children, riortnule, Fannie,
and the boy R. S. The boy yon saw last is a child who is in course of treat-
ment here. This morning is the second time I have seen him. The first
time he came here was April the tenth. He came with a statement from the
principal of the school which he was attending, that he was about to be
expelled frnni that school or sent to truant school because of persistent
stubbornness. The statement was also made that he is extremely backward
in his studies.
He is an overgrown boy of twelve years of age. Tie is only in the third
school year, so he has lost three years of the invaluable six or eight years of
school life. He is not likely to get into the high school until he is eighteen,
so he will undoubtedly be cut short in his educational work. This boy comes
to the Psychological Clinic with the request that I find out what is the
matter with him, and send some report to the principal and to his teacher.
He is brought to me by his mother, who is perfectly willing to give a com-
plete history. She has a family consisting of a number of girls. This is the
first and only boy. Apparently she has always had trouble with him. She
is one of those women who are always voluble about their troubles, and in
his presence she tells how bad and obstinate he is. — practically giving up the
task of discipline before her twelve-3'ear-old boy. She cannot manage him
any longer. This boy as I saw him for half an hour, does not appear to me
to be a cliilil who could be suspected of mental enfecblement. and docs not
look or behave to me like a boy who would be especially difficult to manage.
When a boy comes into the school and manifests obstinacy there, we
must remember that his behavior is in large part a product of his home
treatment. The discipline of the child should begin the day he is born, and
many children show lack of discipline in the schools when eight, fifteen, or
perhaps twenty years old. because the initial lack of discipline was in the
first, second, or tliird \ear of the child's life. These problems are being
turned over to the schools. The home is practically asking the school to
remedy its defects. We must assist the home in the better training and
disciplining of these children before and after they enter school. Part of our
work must be to send a competent social worker or teacher into the home.
This mother is perfectly willing to learn. Whether she is competent to
learn I do not know. Perhaps she will be very resistive of an education, as
many mothers are, but we must try to do it, and undoubtedly we shall find
some who can be instructed and assisted. The usual faidt is too much affec-
tion or too much and ill-advised discipline. Now we see in this boy certain
marks or signs which suggest the advis.-ibility of suspending judgment for a
144 ^^'^ Annals of the American Academy
while. He is an extremly shy boy, and 1 wished to say very little about him
in his presence, nor did 1 desire to put him to any test. His heart was beating
violently, without a doubt, while he was in tlie room, and I did not wish to
increase the strain in any way, so I let him go quickly.
This boy I suspected of having adenoids. I sent him over to tlie Uni-
versity Hospital, where a physician diagnosed the presence of adenoids, and
on Monday morning he will be operated on for them. In addition he was
sent to the medical dispensary, and in this work I may say that we are
assisted greatly by Miss Ogilvie, who has charge of the social service de-
partment of the University Hospital. When we tell a parent or a teacher
to take a child to a medical dispensary for adenoids or medical treatment, we
have not assured ourselves that the proper treatment will be accorded to the
child. We must follow the child into the dispensary and see that the child
really gets the necessary attention. It is a question of time on the physician's
part. He is overloaded with work in most dispensaries, and the very child
for whom we think it is most important that he should give time and atten-
tion, is sometimes the child who may be brushed aside. If I suspect adenoids,
and I get a negative report from one dispensary, I sometimes send him to
another. Corroborative opinions are particularly necessary where one sus-
pects defective action of the internal organs. It is easy to have adenoid-;
diagnosed and cut out, but it is extremely difficult to find anyone wlio will
make a careful investigation where there is some chronic digestive trouble,
and who will give the prolonged and careful treatment which is required in
these cases.
This boy seems to be on the verge of going to destruction. He is obsti-
nate, likely to be thrown out of school. He is overgrown, precocious physi-
cally. He is already beyond the control of his family. I would say that his
condition is just as critical as that of a patient who must be operated upon
for appendicitis. Some do not think so. It is a chronic state; he is not
going to suffer particularly to-day, to-morrow, or within five years possibly.
Nevertheless it is critical, if we arc interested in his taking the narrow path
in preference to the broad road. We must see, therefore, that these children
obtain the kind of medical treatment which we believe necessary for them.
This child is reported from the University Hospital to have a mild myocar-
ditis, and an arhythmia of the heart, a fibroid lesion of the heart perhaps not
active at the present time.
The redness of the hands was evidence to me of some circulatory dis-
turbance. I am not a physician. I never diagnose, — not even a case of
defective vision. My work is simply to find out what are the danger signs
displayed in the child's mental and physical make-up, and when I find these
danger signs there, I send the child to medical experts for diagnosis and
treatment. If it would not overload the dispensaries, I should send every
child for a thorough medical examination of eyes, ears, nose and throat,
nervous system and internal organs.
This boy may be a moral degenerate for all I know at the present minute,
and my work in a large number of cases means suspended judgment for a
Treatment of Xoniial and Abnormal IJciclopnwnt 145
time. 1 rust nobody's report of what tlic cliild lias been like. One mnst rely
chiefly on wliat can be fonnd from direct observation and examination.
This other child, Gertrnde, is a very interesting case illustrating just this
particular point. She was brought to the clinic one morning by Miss Cam-
pion, a representative of the Children's Aid Society in this city. She had
previously told me that the child came from a county poor-house in the state;
that she had been brought by the authorities of that county to the city of
Philadelphia with the statement tliat she was a menace to the other inmates
of the institution.
In the care of the Children's Aid Society, the child had been placed in a
hospital in this city, and the report from the hospital was that the child was
a danger to the other children and they wanted to get rid of her as soon as
they could. At the time I first saw her, the child was living in a boarding
house in this city, being boarded out by the Children's Aid Society, and the
report was made that the woman in charge of the boarding house found it
necessary to give the child valerian every day in order to keep her quiet.
Gertrude was subject to outbursts of passion, in which she was dangerous to
other children of her own age or older, and to adults. With little children
the statement was made that she was usually kind, and Miss Campion herself
made the same observation.
There was a report from a physician who had examined the child, which
warned the Children's Aid against putting her with normal children, and the
question was put to me whether I thought there was any likelihood that the
care of this child could ever be confided to some family who might be willing
to take her for adoption. On her history, no society would be justified in
getting anyone to look after the child. When Gertrude first came into the
clinic, I felt that this was a case I could dispose of in a moment. I then had
before me the physical picture of degeneracy, and at tiines, — I do not know
whether you felt so this morning. — the child's appearance is such that one
could easily suspect her of mental and mnvTl degeneracy. Rut when you
receive a report like the reports spread about this child, you may be sure your
interpretation of what you see in her face will tend to substantiate the reports.
I-'iftecn minutes' examination showed me that I had to deal with a child not
mentally deficient, but rather above than below ordinary mentality. Subse-
quent observation has confirmed that judgment.
I came to the conclusion that any retanlation the child showed in her
school work (and she was retarded, — she cannot really read at the present
time), was simply dtie to the fact that she had not l)een educated. Why. T am
not able to say, but it is lack of education, not lack of ability.
As to the existence of moral symptoms, no examination of fifteen minutes
can be conclusive. I simply said. "I will have to keep the child under obser-
vation." I put her with a woman in whom 1 had confidence, in order to try
her out. Miss Campion succeeded in raising the money for the child's sup-
port. After she had been ten days in this house, living with the little girl
Fannie, not being a serious menace but nevertheless rather troublesome, — she
^vas entered in the first grade of a public school. She staved in that grade
two months, but did not get (mi ji.irticnlarly well. The jirincipal reported that
146 The Anuals of llic American Academy
slic was troublesome and required too nnicli individual care from tlie tcaclier
of the grade who had charge of her.
T tlien took the child into the Hospital School, where she has been for
five Avceks. She is a source of great trouble to us. She is the most expen-
sive child in the school, in the sense that she takes more of the time of the
people who are taking care of those children, than do the others, and the
reason, in my opinion, that she is so difficult to handle is because she is so
normal. I am read}' to be shown that I have made a mi-lake in this case,
but 1 believe I have ninety-nine chances out of a hundred of being right. Of
course, T am expressing a prognosis, and a prognosis in regard to a child's
mental and moral future is a risky thing to make, even for a normal child.
But I say this child is normal mentally and normal morally, and I think she
has the stuff in her to make it possible for her to develop into something worth
while. For that very reason, she is difficult to handle in the institutions
in which it has pleased society to place her. The child has fight in her.
She has been fighting like a rat in a corner. Now your institution child, the
one who does nicely, is the one who stays where he is put, — apathetic, a nice
child. He is the cheapest child the institutions can possibly handle; he does
not rec|tn"re any individual attention.
This child will not stay where she is put. She is very troublesome, always
up to something. The more you punish her with violence, the more obstinate
and stubborn she becomes.
This child has good concentration of attention. \\'licn she is interested
in a bicycle or roller-skates, she has that on her mind and nothing else. That
is what we want in education. If used in the right way and developed in the
right direction, you have something which you will never have in the child
who is willing to take up one thing as well as another.
Gertrude is also an extremely imaginative child. While taking her to
school one day, she said to my assistant, '"Everybody spoils me very much. T
suppose that is the reason 1 am so much trouble." Now if any child had
not 1)een spoiled, this one had not, except entirely in the wrong sense of the
word. I-'or all I know, she may think she is some little princess. She cer-
tainly manifests intense imagination. Thus she walked lame for two or three
days at one time, imitating another child in the school, until she was put to
bed, which cured her lameness. You saw how^ well she did here. She entered
into the spirit of the occasion and did this work well. I can take a splendid
photograph of this child, because she has perfect lack of self-consciousness.
She would make a good actress. At the same time she is very emotional and
responsive. You saw how she greeted Miss Elliott. She would have greeted
Fannie in the same way except for the fact that .she has been told she must
leave Fannie completely alone.
Now this child is suffering from \vhat I suppose may be called physical
degeneracy. She has a few very slight, but yet noticeable marks of the
effects of an infectious disease, probably congenital, from which she has recov-
ered, but the effects of which have not been entirely outgrown. This is a
physical handicap of a slight sort which the child will probably carry more or
less ihrougli life. She cannot help it. It is due to the sins and misfortunes
Treatment of Xuniial and .Ibnornial Dci-clof'incnt 147
of her fatluT and iuoIIkt. but for tlic rest it remains fur society to repair
that damage, and at tlie same time to see that this child has a cliance in an
environment that is suitable for lier development.
The other case, Fannie, i> the one that I selected for presentation here
because it brings up in specific form the social and economic issue. Here is
a child, one of seven, of Russian Jewish parentage, living in two or three
rooms, brought out here to the clinic two years ago by Miss Stanley, hear!
school nurse in this city. "Is the child feeble-minded?'' That was the (|ues-
tion, practically, which was asked of me. She had been two years in the llr^t
grade and had made no progress, and there was no chance of her being
advanced into the grade above. "Is she feeble-minded?" It appeared to me
that whatever the answer to that question might be. the first thing in impor-
tance was that the child was deaf. She could not hear my questions unless
I had her right close to mc and yelled in her ear. 'i'he next thing in impor-
tance was adenoids. The next, that she was suffering from insufficient and
improper food.
Now what are you going to do with a case of this sort ? For two years
I have had her under observation. I take a case of this sort for the purpose
of illustration. I do not expect ever to have another case like Fannie. It is
too expensive, for one thing. But I do expect to finish up with this case and
place it before the community as an illustration of what can be done in certain
cases. Here is one of a large number of children. At eight years of age
this child was already hit, knocked out by the social and economic environ-
ment into which she had been born. Insufficient food and bad air gave her
adenoids. The adenoids gave her middle ear disease, and middle ear disease
made her deaf. The deafness has been largely corrected, but the child is
still deaf. To-day it is surprising to mc how well she hears, and it has
encouraged mc to think that her hearing may be restored to normal, but T
have always been very doubtful about that. More than this, the child has
been of the greatest interest and stimulus to me from the psychological
standpoint. In making out the mental status of a child we have to deal, in
the first place, with the senses and activities of the child. For one thing.
I\'umie lacked tlic sense of hearing, and she lacked articulation.
We found the first Christmas she was with us. that this ei.irht and a half
years' old cliild did not know the word "l)ird." and was absurdly ignorant in
many other respects, not because she was feeble-minded, but simply because
she was deaf. Feeble articulation increased her deafness for words. The
sensory and motor sides must be corrected simultaneously.
Every child has a group of, — instincts is about all we can call them. —
traits of character if you choose. These traits of character are a result of the
development of the child's nervous system. We cannot say whether they arc
inherited or not. They conn into the child as a part of the general inhcri-
lance. Imitation is one such instinct; curiosity is another; affection is
auollicr. This child, when she came to us, had no affection; she was sullen
and apathetic: slie was stubborn, showed no signs of vanity, and im imitation.
— a sort of cabbage wliicli yon niit^lil li;ivc arouiKi in your garden.
It was not psychological treatiueirt that was required by thi-- child.
148 The Annals of the American Academy
What was needed was psychological insight in the person who was handling
this child, but more than anything else in the world she needed good food.
That is what helped to bring her up. She wanted something in her stomacli
which she could put into her nervous system so that it could grow. Where
are you going to get it ? 1 do not know. That is for an Academy like j-ours
to decide. Do not bring social problems like this to the Psychological Labora-
tory. They do not belong here. The problem is an economic one and must be
solved outside. I may be able to put this problem clearly before the commu-
nity, in order to show that we must reconstruct the community before we can
make many a child's mind develop in the proper way.
Fannie, when she came to us. knew nothing at all about affection, ^^'hen
she saw another child cry because she was homesick, Fannie only laughed in
the most silly, idiotic way. This was an odd phenomenon. Wlien she was
petted, she laughed in the same silly way. At the present time Fannie is one
of the most affectionate and demonstrative of children. She is still shy,
though. Since she has had clothing and fairly good food she has vanity.
Vanity is a most important instinct, both in the man and in the woman.
Take the other child, Gertrude, for instance. Gertrude would go to
school washed up, nice and clean, her gloves tied to her coat, and she would
come home looking as if a cyclone had struck her. She would not take care
of her clothes. In a rich home they would be taken care of for her. It
would not be serious in a rich home, but it is serious when you are trying
your level best to have her supported at all. But this trait of character should
not be used to misjudge the poor child. \\'hen we gave her a room, good
clothes, and a bureau to put the clothes in. there was no child in the place
who took better care of her clothes. — that is. her good clothes: she does not
take much care of the others; she knows the difference. Gertrude has good
taste. She can tell whether she likes a woman's hat, and she can tell you
why she likes it. At least that is wliat the teachers report. I have not had
any conversation with her on tlio subject.
I want now to say a word or two in regard to the general aspects of our
work here. I began what I call the Psychological Clinic in 1896. I now use
the term "psychological clinic"' in three senses. The Psychological Clinic, or
dispensary, is a place I have down stairs here. On certain days I am on hand
to see children who are sent to us. We try to find out what is wrong, and
we send the child to the proper agencies. What we need more than anything
else is a number of efficient social workers who will go into the home and
show how things should be done, and see that the child goes through the
medical dispensaries.
Out of this work has come the Hospital School. That is to say, in the
case of certain children like Gertrude, there is no means of finding out what
the child's mental and moral status is unless you have had her under observa-
tion with the right kind of environment and with competent persons.
If the Psychological Clinic is going to do a large measure of service, it
must do it througii its education of the entire community. It must, through
the reporting of its work and the development of an educational department
in connection with a iniiversity like this, be able to give instruction to those
Trcatmciit of Xonual and . Ihih'riinil Dc:\'lop]nc}it T40
wlio will MibhcqueiUly continuo the wurk. I'ur tliat reason I tinploxcd the
term Psycholui^ical Clinic as tlie title of a journal which I started some two
years ago, which is yrowinu to he an extremely important factor in the
development of tliis work. 1 mu.sl y;u\. reports of the work which we are
doing here sent out into the world, and 1 mu'^t try to get people from
outside to send reports in to me, so that there may he an interchange of
experience and opinion. In this ctUTcnt number of tlie journal there are two
extremely valuable and important articles, both by teachers of special classes.
Tf we can once get the teacher of the special class to become articulate. — not
only to do good work, but to talk about it. — if we can get such teachers to
study their cases just as a physician studies and reports his cases, I think we
shall have gone a long way towards solving the problem.
The psychological laboratory which will solve the problem is either the
school room or the social settlement. If we can p\it the right people in to do
the work, and then see that we get the right kind of reports of what they
are doing. T shall feel that this work has at least been put upon a basis where
it is likely to achieve rcsidts of some importance.
Tire Psychological Clinic in the third use of the term is a course of
lectures and demonstrations similar to the one T have given you to-day. Once
a week, on Saturday mornings, T give a lecture at which I bring children here,
present them to the class, and then talk about the situation, the kind of treat-
ment indicated, the results of treatment in progress, etc. This is the educa-
tional feature of the work, as it may be carried on as a department of univer-
sity instruction.
I have said that one feature of tliis work is tlie special class in the public
schools. I am going to show you a special class, a selection of children from
a single school in the city of Philadelphia. Miss Maguire is the supervising
principal of the Wharton Combined School. Tn that school was organized a
special class. .She has in her school 1800 children. T believe that every school
with a population of a thousand has enough children to form a special class of
fifteen to twenty-five. Miss Devereux is the teacher of this special class, and
the record she has made in advancing some of these children I think is a
very remarkabU one, and I want Miss Maguire very quickly to run over a
number of the children treated in that class.
Miss Magi irk.
The fir-t case is Little Mary: sent to me three years ago from the first
grade. In consequence of scarlet fever and diphtheria she could not at that
time talk. We took her in, and mixing with sixty children in the first grade
she learned to talk a little. At the end of two years we placed her in the
second grade and she seemed to go back very rapidlj-, because everything
was out of her reach then. Mary was placed in the special class formed at
that time. Her mental and physical condition was at a very low stage.
She is now entirely dismissed from the special class, is <loing second-
year work, and will go to the tlurd cla^s in June. In e\ ery way the child's
improvement is decided.
150 The Ainials of the American Academy
II. S., three years in the first grade — practically accomplished nothing —
placed in a special class. Was a year in that class and spent part of the time
in regnlar class. Now dismissed from special class and doing good work in
second year. His eyesight was in a bad condition and had to be attended
to. This was the case of a boy whom a trained psychologist had graded as
an imbecile. He was three or fonr years in the first grade.
He lias been examined and glasses prescribed. They helped hini marvel-
onsly. The special work in the class, hand work, and stndy of his own
parlicnlar condition have made the most remarkable results. A wonderful
change has taken place in the child's physical appearance and mental condi-
tion. I am sure that if this boy had not had special training, with study of
tiie child himself, and hand work, there is no doubt that he would have
developed into a backward child of a very low type.
This little girl was sent from a school outside three months ago. Five
years in the first grade — it was not a public school, so I may speak of it frankly
in this way — five years in the first grade of a parochial school. I think in
the public schools something would have been done in five years. She had
been allowed to remain there five years, and at the end of the time was sent
home to her mother with the statement that she was developing incorrigi-
bility. She did not look like a hopeful case when she came.
Her personal appearance improved remarkably. I hesitated a good deal
in putting her into the class, but I let her go into the class three months ago.
She could not read a word, could count none at all. and we first had her do
things around the room. We have been training her mind and hand, and her
mother told me the other day that her improvement was marvelous. She
now appears to be getting some of her words, and we are gradually teaching
her to read, and we are depending very much on her hand work. I believe
we shall be able to put the child into the second year at the end of this year.
This little child is a boy in our first year. He has done up to this time
very little in the first year, so he has been put in the special class, where the
hand training appeals to him greatly. He can do very fine work with his
hand. His hand work is what we depend upon. The doctor diagnosed him
as cretinoid.
Rachel is nearly twelve years of age and she is in our second year, but
is not doing second year work. This child seems to be the most hopeless case
in our school. I do not believe we can educate her enough to have her earn
her own living. Without a great deal of care her conduct would be trouble-
some. In the special class we are able to interest her suflficiently to hold her
attention. I do not think that we can ever discharge her entirely from our
special class.
Jacob is one of our very fine specimens. He was also marked by one of
our examiners as very low grade, and T thought him right in that respect.
This child had very poor e3"esight and his physical condition was very low.
He is now one of the best boys in the second grade. I think sometimes we
make backward children. We should study the children and sec what needs
to be done. This is a good example of what can be done with a thoroughly
Trcattncnt of Xoniiiil mid .Ihiioniial Development
i^i
I..Kk\vard case. His i)liysical o<.ii(Iiti..ii wa-- mkIi lliat he cuiild nut keep np
with the class. After he Iiad been trained to think and sec he could keep up
with the class. He ^^, a good student and will go through school with very
little difticulty.
This child was sent from an outside school. He was sent to nie after
three years in the first grade. His physical condition sccnis to he normal. I
have not found ou' any reason why the child should not he doing something
in tlic first grade, Init in our first class he can scarcely do anything. ICven
;ifter three montiis of very special training his power is very limited. He
K arns a word with great effort, recalls it and forgets it alternately. Wc arc
uncertain as to the outcome. He docs take to his hand work and wc arc
able to train his mind quite considerably through his hand work, and within
a year we may be able to show why he was as he is to-day. I am sure
we can say that the work of the regular class in the school would develop a
very backward boy. He does not show any symptoms physically. He plays
and is happy. He was the pitcher on a baseball team, but you cannot teach
him to add and subtract. I brought him out to have Dr. Witmer tell me
what was the trouble.
Dr. W'it.mer.
Miss Maguire has given us an excellent presentation of the work of the
special class. It is my opinion that we need special classes in all our schools,
and the success of this class I want to say is dependent not only on the teacher
of the class, on the supervision of Miss Maguire. but it 'las also depended on
the work of Miss Stanley, the head school nurse, who. even before the class
was organized, took an interest in many of these children, and visited them
in the schools. Miss Stanley brought the child Fannie here first. The success
(it thr work with this class is therefore not only due to such work as we
may be doing here, and as may be done in the public schools, but is also due
to the associated work done by the medical inspectors and the trained nurses.
We were to have had the pleasure of having Dr. Ncff address us this
morning. T had hoped Dr. Neff would speak on the subject of luedical inspec-
tion, and especially on the institution case. Tf the public school endeavors to
take care of the institution case T believe it will make a grave mistake. .\nd
yet there are many institution cases in our public schools to-day.
Dr. Neff not being present. T shall ask District Superintendent Cornman
to say a few words in regard to a school for backward children which he has
organized, and also in regard to the feeble-minded children in the schools of
Philadelphia.
Dr. Coknm.\.\.
The Adams School, Daricn Street, below Buttoiiwood, is an instructive
object lesson of the need and value of special classes for backward pupils as
part of the public school system. It is in a semi-shun district where a con-
siderable proportion of the population is near or below the poverty line. Some
of the children have dissolute parents, many are poorly nourished an<l .ui
tuiusually large proportion are both phy-ically and mentally Mibnormal.
T52 The Annals of the .Imeriean Academy
Individual examination of the 250 children of the school was made about
three years ago. So many backward pupils were found that it was determined
to utilize the building as a special school for backward children. About 160
children of fair or good mentality were transferred to nearby schools, while
the remainder were retained for further diagnosis and educational treatment
in small classes. Backward children from surrounding schools were trans-
ferred to the Adams, so that it now numbers, in the third year of its existence
as a special school, about 190 pupils. These are under the care of two' kinder-
gartners, six grade teachers and a teacher of woodwork and other forms of
manual training. The size of class has been reduced from fifty to about
twenty-five per teacher. The classes are small enough, therefore, to permit
the teacher to assist the pupil in accordance with his individual needs.
The children vary in capacity from the very slow- or dull, who are held
under observation to determine whether they shall be placed in a regular class
or not. to the distinctly backward and even to the feeble-minded. Indeed it has
been found necessary to assign to one teacher a group of twenty of the latter
class, every one of whom is an institutional case. The feeble-minded present
a most serious problem. They should undoubtedly be under permanent
custody, but existing institutions are already much overcrowded. The true
functions of the special school are seriously hampered by these cases, and it is
a question whether they should not be refused admittance altogether. The
little that can be done for them in special school may only aid them to take a
place in the world where they almost inevitably drift into vicious and dissolute
ways of living. They are, however, happier in the special schools than on the
street or in regular classes, and their segregation in a special school is a stand-
ing object lesson of the necessity for their institutional care. If refused
admission to special school the existence of these cases is liable to be concealed
or ignored and the need of public provision for them fails to be appreciated.
The results have fully justified the conversion of the Adams into a
special school. About a dozen pupils each school year make such progress
that they are transferred to regular schools. A few of these are fourth grade
pupils (the highest grade of the school) who have earned promotion to a
nearby grammar school. The majority of the pupils, however, receive the
greatest benefit by remaining in the school until they reach the age when they
leave to go to work.
The enrollment at the Adams School represents about 4 per cent of the
number of children of school age within walking distance of the school. This
percentage, though higher than that which obtains for the city as a whole
owing to the special local c(jiiditions, is an indication of the great demand
for special classes for backward children. For the first time in the history of
public education in this city, a careful census has been taken of the mentally
subnormal children in the schools. This census has been made under the
direction of the Bureau of Health, acting in conjunction with the Department
of Superintendence of the Public Schools. Official report of the returns has
not yet been made, but the preliminary count shows about 500 denominated as
"feeble-minded" in all the schools of the city. Of these about fifty are enrolled
in special schools. >o tliat special provision is made for only about one-tenth
Trcatiiuvit of Xoniial and Abiioniial Development 15.^
of all the cases. About 1500 "■truant or incorrigible," one-third of whom arc in
special schools, arc enumerated, and 3000 "backward," one-tenth of whom are
in special schools, are reported. The number of defectives thus listed agKre-
sates al)0ut 5000, or approximately 3 per cent of the public elementary schools
enrollment. The census is an under rather than an over estimate of tlie
number of defective children in the city. If the same percentaRC obtains in
parocliial as in public schools, aljout 1500 more must be adiled. wliilc ni:iny
not attcndiiift- school at all would also swell the total.
Such provision as has been made for the subnormal children is both crude
and inaderiuatc. The buildings are, as a rule, in poor condition and not well
adapted for the work. While many of the teachers are doing admirable work,
they have not, as a class, been specially trained nor selected for it. Separate
institutions arc needed for the permanent custody of the feeble-minded. A
considerable proportion also of the truant and incorrigible class are of such a
character, or have such home environment that they should be cared for in a
parental school, and at least 100 additional special classes for the backward
should be established. It is evident that the problem of the training of the
defective child is a serious one. It is to be hoped that the report of the census
by the Bureau of Health will arouse the pul)lic to an appreciation of its
importance and result in aderiuate provision being made by the educational
authorities.
At the conclusion of Dr. Cornman's address. Dr. Witmer introduced Mr.
Otto T. Mallery, who read tlie following paper on :
Playgrmiuds as a Midiicipal Iiizrstiiieiit in Health, Character and the
Pretention of Criinc^
There may be some misguided persons, of course not among the member-
ship of the Academy, who are under the impression that play is something
trivial, something incidental, something unimportant done between hours of
work.
Such a person may be converted to the Gospel of Play by observing a
small boy standing on his head. Every muscle is under orders. His attention
is concentrated and his will issuing peremptory commands to all parts of tlu-
organism. The whole boy is very much alive, keen, alert. His head, both out-
side and inside, is undergoing quite as great a strain as though he were study-
ing a book. A moment's wool gathering at his books is possible without serious
mental prostration, but a moment's wool gathering with his feet above his head
results in physical prostration of the most ignominious sort. Play is a great
mind as well as muscle builder. Self-control under stress; loyalty, obedience
and fair play in team games and a sense of subordination of the individual to
the welfare of the team, are all not only ideals of the playground, but ideals
of character as well.
If our misguided person needs to be reinforced by observation of the
other sex, he will find an unconscious missionary of the Gospel of Play in a
girl of six, seated upon a pile of builders' sand in the street. The little girl
has found the sand plastic. She is molding the sand, impressing her character
'With noknowlfdenipnts to Afr. .Tospph I.ep.
154 ^/'^ Annals of the /hnrrican Academy
upon it. Most of the things of the street— its fihh, its standards, its diseases
— impress their character upon her, whether she wishes it or not. Over the
sand she is the commanding purpose, the arbiter of its shape. She is exer-
cising her creative, her formative instinct. The child is making something,
perhaps the first thing she has ever consciously made, and making things is an
important part of being alive. Wherever children are gathered together, on
the sands of the sea or the sands of the street, this universal creative instinct
comes into action. Creation and recreation are closely allied.
The first commandment in the Gospel of Play is : "Thou shalt play wit'a
all thy mind and with all thy strength, and with thy neighbor as well as by
thyself." This is implied in "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," for
psychologists and experience alike tell us that in group play our social afifec-
tions are first developed. So in many other directions the influence of play
upon the normal growth of the character and health of a child is traceable.
Play is as necessary to a child as light and air to a growing plant, and yet
modern industrial conditions have deprived the majority of city children of
the exercise of this imiversal instinct in its proper form. "In the planning of
our cities the children have been left out," and as a result American jnuni-
cipalities have serious social problems to .solve.
One hundred and seventy-seven American cities have opened supervised
playgrounds, and the playground movement has gained its impetus upon the
sound argument that playgrounds are a good municipal investment in healtli,
character and prevention of crime.
Chicago has spent $11,000,000 upon a system of playgroiuids which Theo-
dore Roosevelt describes as "the greatest civic achievement of the age." One-
tenth of the area of the city of Boston is devoted to parks, playgrounds and
bathing beaches. The administration has imdertaken the development of the
children with the same care upon the physical as upon the educational side.
New York demolished a block of tenements at a cost of nearly $2,000,000 and
established a playground upon the site. Where once several nuirders were
committed each week, now a thousand children are playing each day. New
standards have been set up and the influence of the playground is felt through-
out the neighborhood. Other smaller cities have made great strides towards
an adequate playground system, which shall offer healthful organized activity
to every child.
The influence of playgrounds upon civic health is obvious. The Inter-
national Tuberculosis Conference has placed playgrounds as an important
plank in its platform. Backward children are often found to be handicapped
solely by lack of physical development. The increase of vitality gained upon
the playground shows itself in increased efficiency in the school room. In
Philadelphia it is estimated that 20 per cent of the school funds are spent upon
children who are going over the same work for the second or third time.
The cost of the repeater Is great. The playground reduces the number and
cost of the repeater.
When England underwent an industrial transformation at the end of the
eighteenth century the population flocked to the towns and were herded in
unsanitary and deteriorating congestion. No municipal care was undertaken.
Tri'atiiii'nl of Xtiniuil ami .IhiidiiHiil Pi:.'rlii/>iiii'nl 155
According: to the individualistic tlicory. tlic fittest would survive. The sub-
merged tenth, however, had its orij^in. Rreedinfi; took place from lower and
lower physical and moral levels. As a rcsnlt, when the dchilitated city dwell-
ers marched upon the plain of South Africa, they dra^Ked out the Boer War
and threatened the fall of the Britisli I'uipire. The same city congestion is
an American problem to-day. Playurnunds provide a means of raising the
average vitality of the community. Hospitals will always be necessary, but a
playground opened to-day saves the opening of a hospital to-morrow. On the
score of economy of money and industrial efficiency playgrounds are a good
municipal investment.
The games of the street teach shrewdness and cunning. F.very boy is fur
himself. There are no rules except to win at all costs. On the playground,
under proper supervision, new standards are inculcated. In team games a boy
learns to work for the welfare of the team, rather than for himself. It is a
great step forward to fight as a member of the team for the honor of the
neighborhood, rather than for oneself against every one else in the neighbor-
hood. The ideals of the playground are fair play and self-government. The
relation to the ideals of good citizenship is not difficult to see.
When a certain playground was first opened the bats and balls began to
disappear, leaving that many less for use. Searching parties were formed and
one by one recalcitrant offenders were rounded up and the bats and balls
ferreted out. Now the community sense has so far developed that the bats
and balls are guarded as community property with a greater vigor and success
than transportation and lighting franchises are retained for the community's
benefit bj^ those who have lived longer in this world.
So much of a human being's character is formed in play that it is quite
to be expected that much character is deformed, degraded and twisted and
perverted where wholesome play is prevented. A boy is much like a boiler —
full of restless energy which mtist find an outlet. The boy's safety valve is
play, and much of what we call juvenile crime is merely play energy gone
wrong. Give the boy the game to play, give him exciting feats to perform on
the flying rings and trapeze and the jnvenile court will be deserted for the
pid)lic playground.
The boy in the street who throws most energy into knocking out a window
or a policeman is the same boy who on the playground throws the most energy
into knocking out a home run. The boy who most successfully steals a cab-
bage from the corner grocery is the same boy who most successfully steals
a base in the ball game. The stolen cabbage is a test of wits and legs
against the policeman, who in his capacity of catcher is apparently provided
for that very purpose. The stolen base is a test of wits and legs, with no
after effects on the runner or catcher in the Juvenile court, reformatory or
prison. The boy who leads the gang of hoodlums against the blue-coated
symbol of the law is the same boy who. under other conditions, leads the
playground to order and fair play. The personal force is the same. The
difference lies in the direction of its application.
In a certain district in Chicago the number of cases in the juvenile court
1^6 T//f Annals of the Aiiicricaii Academy
decreased one-half after a playground had. been estabUshed. Everywhere the
testimony of judges, supervisors and social workers is to similar results.
The test of economy again holds good. A playground is cheaper than a
jail. Play is more attractive than vice, and the prevention of crime by the
provision of a preferable substitute is a demonstrably sane and practicable
nnmicipal investment.
When public opinion intelligently and forcibly demands, the funds are
always forthconn'ng. The cost of an adequate playground system is a large
item in the budget, and agitation must now concenti-ate upon this phase in
order that the foundations may be laid for a robust motherhood and a vigorous
citizenship for the next generation of city dwellers.
Dr. Witmer introduced Miss Ogilvie. head of the Social Service Depart-
ment of the University Hospital, who said:
This hospital service is very new, so new as not to be known by many of
the other hospitals in this city. It was started three years ago in the out-
patient department of the Massachusetts General Hospital, and has become
almost indispensable and so popular as to be established in at least fifteen
of the large hospitals in the East. T do not know of any of the western
hospitals, except one in Chicago, which has it.
We started the work in the University Hospital just eighteen months ago,
as an experiment, and after twelve months we decided it was of sufificiont
account to be made a permanent department of the hospital. During the first
twelve months we spent most of our energy in what was most important to
us, the tuberculosis work. Nearly a third of our patients were cases of
tuberculosis. We gave instruction in hygiene, arranged lor home treatment
where we could, and where it was possible and the cases were suitable we
sent them to sanatoria or hospitals.
Another department of that work was securing proper employment for
people who have tuberculosis. Just this morning I had a letter from a certain
sanitarium askin;; if I could not send them a probationary nurse who might
have tuberculosis in an incipient stage. They wrote that the nurse we sent
three months ago had done such good work that they wanted another. While
the work along this line seemed at times rather hopeless, we have accomplished
a good deal.
We have a great many neurotic cases and a great many cases with the
simple request that we cheer them up. Sometimes the doctor could find no
reason for the symptoms they had. Only yesterday we had a case of hysteria
at the office. We tried to give her some good cheer. .
We have not really established that part of the work known as social
therapeutics, in the way that Dr. Worcester is doing it in Massachusetts in
the Emmanuel Church Movement, and yet I may say that we do a great deal
of good right along the line of suggestion. It is of course impossible to state
just how much good we have done, sitting in the office and giving advice to
the people, instilling some hope into them and helping them along in the
journey of life.
To me the most interesting part of the work is the "steering" or conduct-
ing patients through the dispensary, sent from other sources. Last year we
Treatment of Xoninil and Abtionual Developineiit 157
had only 366 cases altogotlicr. but 131 of thcni wore patients sent in by other
agencies to be conducted tlirough, with the request that we send a report back.
A good many were children and came mostly from the University Settlement
House, the Society for Organizing Charity and Dr. Witmer's Psychological
Clinic. There were al.so some cases from the S. P. C. C. Perhaps you do not
know, most of j'ou, what it means to take a child so sent in, make a special
case of him, and sec that he gets the very best medical attention. I always
try to see that the chief of a medical dispensary examines the child and gives
the treatment. It is a little hard to get hold of the chief. He is always busy,
but if possible I have Dr. Fussell see the child. We get his very expert diag-
nosis, treatment and advice, and we then take the child to the next dispensary,
if necessary. For a long time doctors dealt with these cases with a feeling of
hopelessness, because there was no one interested in them. Now that there
are several persons interested in these cases, the doctor is willing to do his
best, with the assurance that he will have intelligent co-operation, whereas
before this bureau was established he had no means of knowing whether his
orders would be carried out or not. If the patients were able to pay $25.00
for the advice of a specialist they could not be better attended to than they
are at the dispensarj\
Last year a boy was sent to us by Dr. Witmcr. Like most of the cases
he sends us, this boy was about twelve years old. We sent the boy through
five dispensaries, four in one day. It took a good deal of work to see that he
was examined first at one dispensary, and in the last he waited a little later
and was seen. After he had been examined in five dispensaries, it was found
in four of them that he had some positive defect or ailment, for which he
received treatment.
This boy had quite a remnrkabic propensity for lying and stealing, and it
is hardly necessary to say that his morals have improved to a great extent.
As for this little girl Fannie, I cannot tell you how many dispensaries she
has been through, but I went with her to many.
She has a sister (Rose) sixteen years old. From her attitude and the
hopeless expression on her face you would think her a woman of 60 or 65,
that she had a dozen diseases and had lost her last child. When she came into
the dispensary people remarked about her, saying, "Who is that poor girl?"
She had been through at least five dispensaries and is always talking about her
ailments. T found her living in the rear of a squalid tenement house, with no
open space excepting an alley about eighteen inches wide. Her famdy might
have a little air. but they keep the windows almost hermetically sealed, and
three, four or five people sleep in one room. They have throe rooms, one
above another.
We succeeded in enlisting the interest of the Jewish Young Women's
l^nion, and one of their workers is now arranging to place this girl, if the
consent of the parents can be obtained, in a country home for a term of years.
Unless we go into the homes, in most cases we do not accomplish much.
When we are asked either by the patients or by the doctors to go into the
home we go, sometimes co-operating with another agency. Only yesterday I
secured groceries from another agency for a destitute family.
158 The Annals of the American Academy
Dr. Witmer: There has been in the City of Philadelphia for some years
a psychological clinic. It was not called that, but the Magistrate's Office. We
have with us Magistrate Gorman, who made his work, in connection with the
Juvenile Court, the work of a clinical psychologist.
Magistrate Gorman.
I must say this in answer to the very complimentary and eulogistic intro-
duction of Professor Witmer, that it shows how necessary the branch of study
in which he is the pioneer is to the community, when I tell you that notwith-
standing the efforts that I have made in this direction, after I have done all
I can, I am still compelled to send cases to Dr. \\'itmer.
I believe that I was to talk upon the Juvenile Court. I doubt very much
whether you could spare me the time even to speak briefly on that subject.
You have heard much that pertains to the good of the children, in all its
various branches, and the Juvenile Court, as it was demonstrated in the two
years and nine months when I had the honor of presiding, shows the real
reasons why these children should be the subject of our special attention.
If you sat with me in the magi.strate's office at the House of Detention,
and saw day after day the cases of unfortunate children, I doubt very much
whether you, like myself, would not be willing to devote your life to them.
You might find there four or five small children with a fatlner taken away
by death, the mother bound to her children by natural affection, and willing
to make any sacrifice to keep that flock together — locking them in in the day-
time— sometimes not locking them in but permitting them to run the streets,
and taking the chances of their going to school or not.
If we do not take up the child in his youth and give him what it was
intended every child should have, that care, physical, moral and religious,
we are neglecting a duty; and I have maintained again and again that the
hundreds of thousands of adult prisoners who travel around in that terrible
circle before the magistrates to-day are nothing more nor less than the
neglected children of past generations. Are we going to have this dreadful
line continued indefinitely and interminably?
It is greatly to be hoped that we are approaching the time when we will
not have recorded, as we had at the beginning of this year in the annual
report of the superintendent of our police, that there were 50,000 arrests made
in Philadelphia during the year 1908. I am prepared to say with authority,
that there would not have been 10,000 persons arrested by the police of Phil-
adelphia were it not for the fact that they were the neglected and unfortunate
children of past generations.
If I were to discuss the Juvenile Court, I would have to speak of its
history, of its purposes and of its achievement. Its history in Philadelphia
is like its history all over the United States. It is indeed a compliment to
us as American citizens that we have had among us during the past four
years, representatives from almost every foreign country coming to study
and investigate the Juvenile Court System of the United States.
The Juvenile Court idea was practically first conceived in Philadelphia.
The first thought was of a separate house, where these little children could
Treatment of Xoniuil and Abiuniual Peielapnteiit 159
be kept apart from adults. It was not conceived by any public orticial, but
by the Rev. Mr. Camp, wlio went to the prisons of Philadelpliia and saw there
sights which could not fail to elicit his charity. Ik- gathered together a
number of people in Philadelphia, Mr. Barnes of old Christ Church and
several other equally philanthropic men, and they had a bill passed establish-
ing the House of Detention, providing $25,000.00 was subscribed. I'p to
1903 there was not $_>5,oco.oo to provide for a House of Detention. .After
a second bill passed, we connnenced operations in 1906.
From 1906 to the present time I have had the pleasure to stand as tiic
attorney and friend of the boy, and that is the only pleasure there was about
it. It was an honor also to represent a new system. In the two years and
nine months I was there I heard everj' boy. — who was not discharged by
the lieutenant or "a friend," — every boy that was arrested and sent to the
House of Detention. During tliose two years and nine months I had 14,000
boys and girls before me in the House of Detention, and out of that 14,000
I had :il)nut loo bad boys and girls; the rest were the victims of causes over
wiiich the child had absolutely no control. Out of the 14.000 who were in
the Magistrate's Court, less tlinn 4000 were returned to tlie Juvenile Court,
and r am proud of it. If I were back there again there would not be so
many.
Less than 4000 — and here is something to which 1 wish to devote a
thought, because it is important. While we were the first city in tlie world
to attempt to make history in this magnificent movement, we are the la^t
and least efificient in developing that movement. We have a system in the
city of Philadelphia such as exists nowhere else in these United States. It
is without logic, without system and without result. In this city, after the
case is heard and sent into court, it is sent before the judge of the Juvenile
Court. \\'e have fifteen judges and one sits each month. When I tell yon
that each of these judges sits but four out of the 365 days to hear the cases
of children sent from tlie Juvenile Court, what good can you expect to be
done for the child ?
The judges do their duty wonderfully well. This complaint is against
the citizen. It is necesary that the judge should go along with the child
from his first appearance in the Juvenile Court until he finds a place in
some worthy home, or institution, but to sit but four days in the year and
think j-on are accomplishing some good, does not appeal to me as being a
very systematic, efficient or logical way of clearing up this problem.
What is the result? A boy appears before me and is discharged. He
appears a second time in a month. He might be discharged. A third time
he returns, and now I am quite sure he means to be bad. He is sent into the
Juvenile Court and is sent home on probation. Sometimes it is good for
him and sometimes it is not. It is good when there is a probation officer
to follow up the child, but if the child is meeting the probation ofiicer once
a week and is enjoying pink tea. while the probation officer does not know he
has run away from home, you could not consider that good probationary
work.
Then after that he is in for the fourth time. The court tliinkv him a
l6o The Aiiiials of the American Academy
very bad boy, and says, "Wc will send him to the Protectory,'' or "We will
send him to the House of Refuge,'' or some other reformatory institution.
He may stay three or six months. If he runs away it is nobody's business
to look after him. He comes back to the city, and after three or four months
he gets in trouble again and goes before another judge, who sends him home
once more on probation.
I want to say one word about our school system, since three have
spoken about it. They have spoken about the special school, and I think
this will be of interest to everyone connected with this movement. I believe
with tliose who know anything about these unfortunate children, that
there is but one grand defect in our school system. I do not agree with
Mr. Cornman that much good is done by our special schools. I think they
are breeding spots for crime. While they were originally intended to be
schools for backward children or truant children, now those who are
mentally deficient and morally deficient arc sent to these schools, so that
the backward children are mixed up with a lot of bad boys, and it does not
require much thought to see what way those truants and backward boys are
going. Afy experience is from the number I have dealt with, that the
morally delinquent models the character of the other boys, and where you
have one moral dcliquent you have five others made so because of contact with
him. i\Iy statistics show that within one j'ear I have had 200 boys from
special schools before me. There are 1200 in the sp-^cial schools. That is
just one-si.xth, or 16"/:; per cent, whom T have had in the magistrate's office,
arrested for some delinquency, wlio were members of a special school.
This proves the charge T make that special schools should be restricted, or
else they should be done away with altogether, and other schools put in their
places. Miss Maguire has solved it as far as it can be solved without the
Board of Education. — that is. to have a special class where the backward
boy or truant is put under special care such as Dr. Witmer has explained this
morning, instead of making new morally delinquent boys out of the others
in the same class.
I hope that your good work will residt in the redemption, rejuvenation
and repair of all our poor unfortunate children.
Mr. Edwin D. Solenberger was then introduced and spoke as follows :
The Pennsylvania Children's Aid Society in common with other child-
caring agencies finds that the homes from which its children come are much
below the standard of the average home in the community. It is the rule
rather than the exception to find that the physical, mental and moral develop-
ment of children from such homes has been neglected to a greater or less
extent. If the father has died leaving the mother with the burden of the
support of the children or if the mother has died leaving the father a
widower under the necessity of employing a poor housekeeper or placing his
children to board with irresponsible persons, the children are likely to be
still further neglected. The same result is likely to follow if the domestic
life is shattered by the separation of the parents or by the immorality or
desertion of one or the other. If either parent is stricken with a disease
resulting in chronic illness of greater or less duration, the chances for proper
Treatment of Xoniial and Abnormal Development i6i
parental attention to the childn.ii arc greatly lessened. An industrial de-
pression resulting in the idleness of th« bread winners of the family still
further decreases the chances of the children for proper care. The very fact
that children are brought to the attention o' child-caring agencies of any
kind is often evidence in itself that the parents are lacking in intelligence or
efficiency in the proper care of their own children. Unfortunately we have
usually to add to the lack of proper care on the part of the parents, bad hous-
ing conditions and unfavorable neighborhood surroundings.
These untoward conditions for the proper development and training of
children are unfortunately not of short duration. Children are not usually
made dependent, destitute, delinquent or reduced to a state of neglect in a
day. It is generally a long and gradual descent downward until the family
is finally so demoralized as to call for intervention on the part of some
public or private child-saving agency.
From such sources as these, boys and girls come through the juvenile
courts, from the almshouses, from the societies to protect children from
cruelty, and from charitable associations, to be placed out in family homes
by children's aid societies or cared for in institutions. Is not this statement
of sources from which the children are received a sufficient and urgent
reason for making use of every available facility to help to arrive at a com-
plete knowledge of the physical, mental and moral development of the child
as a basis for wise action in providing care and treatment? Some method
of examination, observation and study of the child such as is made possible
through the Psychological Clinic conducted by Dr. Witmer at the University
of Pennsylvania is of great value in a large number of cases. It is needed to
supplement and complete the physical examination of the child made by the
doctor. It is only by some such method as this that we can secure the proper
interpretation and understanding of many of the physical defects which the
doctor notes in his examination. On the other hand, after an examination,
study and observation of the child by a trained psychologist, a further ex-
amination and study of the child by a doctor in the light of what the
psychologist has discovered is frequently of great help to both in their
treatment of the case. Surely it is important in order to deal properly with
the child to have a diagnosis made with respect to its memory, judgment,
reason and general mental development. This is particularly true in view
of the fact that such a large number of children dealt with by child-caring
agencies are abnormal or subnormal by predisposition on account of their
bad inheritance and unfavorable environment. The study and observation
of children by the psychological clinic methods enables the child-helping
agency to adapt its care and training to the needs of the child. It helps
us to distinguish between permanent and temporary abnormalities; between
characteristics of deficiency and characteristics of backwardness; and, be-
tween deficit and surplus in the mental development of the child.
Progressive children's agencies have long since recognized the value of
a careful investigation by which they mean chiefly a study of the social and
industrial relations of the family whose children are to be the objects of
their care. There has also been a recognition to some extent of the vahic
i62 The Annals of the American Academy
of a doctor's examination of sucli cliildren in order to guard against conta-
gious disease and to protect the institution or society from receiving into
its care the physically unfit. Should \vc not recognize the necessity of
dealin-T with the child as a whole and considering not merely the social and
industrial aspects of the family from which he comes and the more obvious
physical conditions of the child, but also the finer and subtler question of
his mental and moral development? Universities have already established
experiment stations for the study of domestic animals and vegetation of all
kinds. Bulletins of information are sent out to stock-raisers and farmers.
Biology, chemistry and geology and other sciences have made some contribu-
tion toward the improvement of live stock, fruit and grain. May we not
reasonably demand and expect some help toward the improvement of our
methods of care and treatment of children from the psychologist, as well as
from the doctor and the social worker.
REPORT OF rilE AXXUAL MEETISC COMMITTEE
THIRTEENTH ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
American Academy of Political and Social
Science
Philadelphia, .Ipril lo, and 77, tqoq
It is a source of much gratification to your committee to be able to present
an enthusiastic report on the proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Meeting
of the Academy. In addition to the scientific importance of the sessions, the
Annual Meeting attracted members from all sections of the country. The
opportunity was thus offered to members of the Academy to become acquainted
with one another, a feature of much importance in the development of the
spirit of co-operation within the Academy membership.
All the sessions attracted large audiences. At each meeting a distinct con-
tribution was made to our knowledge of the important questions involved in
race improvement in the United States. At the opening session the Academy
enioycd the co-operation of the Committee on Congestion of Population in
New York. A special exhibit was arranged for and through the courtesy of
the City Club of Philadelphia : this exhibit was hung in the rooms of the club.
Mr. P.enjamin C. Marsh, secretary of the committee, explained in full the
significance of the charts, diagrams and pictures on Friday morning (April
16th). and at the luncheon gave an informal address on the importance of
the movement.
Your committee desire to take this opportunity to express its cordial
appreciation of the co-operation of the committee and especially for the con-
tribution of Mr. Marsh to the success of the .Annual Meeting.
The Academy was also fortunate in securing the co-operation of Professor
Lightncr Witmcr. of the University of Pennsylvania, who arranged for a
special psychological clinic on Saturday morning. April 17th. At this clinic
Dr. Witmer dealt with "A Clinical Study and Treatment of Normal and
Abnormal Development." Dr. Witmer's remarks were followed with deep
interest by the members of the Academy.
The thanks of the .Academy are also due to the members of the Committee
on Program, the local Reception Committee, of which Mr. Samuel F. Houston
was chairman ; and to the Ladies' Reception Committee, of which Mrs. Charles
Custis Harrison was chairman. ^Ve desire to make our acknowledgment to
the University Club and the Manufacturers' Club, both of Philadelphia, for
the courtesies which they extended to visiting members of the .Xcademy.
We also wish to express our obligation to Major Joseph G. Roscngarten
(163)
164 The Annals of the American Academy
and Mr. Stuart Wood, whose entertainment of the speakers on Friday and
Saturday evenings constituted one of the most delightful social occasions of
the Annual Meeting. The Academy is also under deep obligations to those
^vho contributed to the Special Annual Meeting Fund, which the Academy
must raise in order to defray the expenses of the Annual Meeting.
In addition to the formal papers contained in the proceedings, we append
herewith the briefer remarks made by Mr. Marsh, and those of the presiding
officers at the various sessions. Mr. Marsh said :
City planning in America may be characterized as chiefly an aesthetic
development until within a few years, while the citj' planning of German
cities is primarily social and economic. Foreign cities have standardized the
conditions of housing of their working population and have attempted to
enforce these standards whenever possible. This they have done through the
unique system of districting the cities into zones or sections in which only
buildings of a certain number of stories and covering a certain proportion of
the site may be erected.
American cities have not as yet standardized housing conditions and have
been prevented from enforcing building laws which they thoroughly appre-
ciate are necessary and feasible owing to the fear that such regulations will
be considered unconstitutional ; since the owner of property in one part of the
city, it is alleged, should be given equal right to develop his property and to
secure all the income possible, as has been permitted to owners of property
in the most congested parts of the city. So long as this opinion prevails it
will be impossible to secure any normal development of American communi-
ties. The American law says that a city that has once permitted too intensive
building is eternally committed to that policy; and that, if any change is
made, it must be such as can be uniformly enforced.
The standardizing of .\merican cities should, unquestionably, be similar
to that of English cities, except, of course, the congested centers, where prop-
erty rights would unquestionably be confiscated by attempting to enforce any
healthy standards. In England the minimum ideal for the average working-
man's family is a cheap, but well-built, house with four or five suitable rooms,
together with a quarter-acre garden, or at least with a fair-sized courtyard.
The site should be a healthy one and the house perfectly sanitary, well-
lighted, well-ventilated and well-drained. And this accommodation must be
supplied at a low rental, or it will be found beyond the means of the working
classes. It behooves American cities to adopt such a system at once in
sections where it is possible, since every year of delay will increase the
difficulty of establishing such a normal standard.
The value of abundant provision of fresh air and sunlight surrounding
each house not only to lower the death rate, but to improve the general health
and physique of the people, and particularly of the children, is clearly
evidenced by the following figures:
Proceedings of I'lurteoiih Annual Meeting 165
Death rale Infantine mortality
per 1,000. pur 1,000 birtli^.
Letch worth (Garden City) 4-8 38.4
Bournville 7-5 80.2
Port Sunlight 90 65.4
Bethnal Green 191 155
Shoreditch 20.6 163
Wolverhampton 14.8 140
Middlesbrough 20.3 169
Average for twenty-six large towns 15.9 145
In order, however, to preserve areas where working people can afford the
conditions essential to their maximum efficiency, emphasis must be put upon
the importance of adapting transit facilities to the development of the com-
numit\\ An expensive means of transit means expensive land. Expensive
land means high rents. High rents mean, generally, overcrowding; and thu<
a vicious circle of exploitation is started.
The location of factories is, also, an important factor in the developnu'it
of a community, since workingmcn will not live where they will have to spend
more than half an hour from the time they leave their homes until they reach
their place of work. Hence, it is of the greatest importance that the city
should be harmoniously developed.
At the session of Friday afternoon, April i6th. Dr. Abraham Jacobi, of
New York City, presided. Dr. Jacobi spoke as follows :
If I were to present an address to the American Academy of Political
and Social Science I should wish to select as my text a sentence culled from
Benjamin Franklin, who declares philosophy to be useless unless it leads to
some practical good. Never has anybody expressed the quintessence of indi-
vidual and collective civilized life more pointedly than that shrewd and wise
man. The combination of science and its practical application was never
better understood and interpreted ; though science was in its infancy at his
time and its application limited accordingly. Since then the discovery of the
globe has been going on ; electricity and steam have been rendered subservient
to human needs, the structure of the human body has been revealed and its
normal and morbid functions have been studied ; the declaration of the inde-
pendence of physiology from metaphysics has been declared, so that each may
find and follow its own road ; industry, production, and commerce have
enriched and revolutionized the world; wealth has increased to an unthought-
of degree, and the material required for universal well-being multiplied a
hundred-fold ; the microbic enemies of our race have been discovered and
many of them conquered ; the duration of life has been doubled. — and still
the happiness of mankind is an unsolved problem.
That happiness depends on the conscientious application of all sorts of
knowledge to the physical, intellectual, and moral wants of man. Both
knowledge and general culture are slowly growing plants which Schiller said
demand a blissfid sky. much careful nursing, and n long number of springs.
T think T behold here one of those -springs seen by the poet's eye. Men
i66 The Annals of the American Academy
and women have met to add and to listen to new stores of knowledge and the
report of their application in the interest of all. A diversity of subjects will
be discussed; not one of them unconnected with the present and the future
needs of mankind. It is true that the United States is mentioned in manj' of
the themes proposed for your consideration ; but our country is only one of
those to be benefited by the study of biology and sociology. Ignorance of
them is particularly criminal in a democratic people whose mutual duties and
responsibilities are uniform and general, because it is ourselves that are
punished for our shortcomings. When a practitioner of medicine is ignorant,
it is his patient that is punished ; when the citizens of the republic, it is the
nation.
This association was founded for the study and advancement of social
and political science. Tlie very fact that this study is inscribed on your flag
proves the warmth of your democratic inclinations and interests, and your
wish to transform the results of your knowledge into reality. It exhibits
your interest in all classes of our people, of the people. Human anatomy and
physiology, men's minds and morals, are not governed by classes or class rule.
We in America know perfectly well, and are quite proud of the fact that,
like Napoleon's marslials, many of our so-called aristocrats come from the
ranks of newsboys and workmen ; and are also aware that indolence and
idleness and vice sap families and their ill-spent millions. Unless the laws
of physical and moral hygiene are obeyed, and unless these laws of heredity
are minded, any people, any class of the people, will suffer like the hundreds
of prominent reigning families of Europe that have disappeared, and like so
many of the present figure-heads whose physical and esthetic and ethical
standards are below the average of the middle-class, — making ready for
extinction.
The future of every nation, of this republic, will forever depend on the
interest taken by all classes in the physique and the intellect of all classes.
In the actual life of the nation there arc no classes destined either for bad
or for good. It is easily proved that your ailments, yo\ir infectious diseases,
the mortality of your homes and of your class arc controlled by those on
whose labor you depend. Your tailor and seamstress, your coachman and
maid, your stableman and postman, your nurse and teacher, the schoolfellow
of }'Our child, your railroad employees, the district telegraph boy, — they are
your dangers and thereby your masters and control your destinies. Therefore,
what you do for them you do for yourselves. Their tuberculosis, their diph-
theria, their scarlatina, influenza, meningitis, are liable to become yours also.
And as there is a contagion in the physical atmosphere, so in the moral and
intellectual. The study of individual and collective hjgiene when correctly
and systematically carried on, leads both to the demand for and the practice
of popular and racial improvement. The mutual interest displayed and the
results gradually obtained lead to mutual understanding. That is why those
luiropeans amongst us who fifty years ago believed in no popular progress
except through revolutions could, by the determined American efforts in behalf
of the study and teaching of dangers and their removal, be taught to pin
their faith on evolution. What you are accomplishing in your Academy in
Proccri/iir^s of TJiirtccntli Annual Mcctiw^ 167
tlic way of learning and of the dissemination of knowledge yoti arc doing
for mutual forbearing and co-operation. There is no country in whicli the
people are more intent on learning, on teaching and mutual aid than America.
Mutual help is as much a natural phenomenon with us as mutual warfare has
always been believed to be irropressiiile. So what you are contriiniting to by
jour endeavors is peace and harmony, both here and elsewhere.
That is much more logical than it looks in the presence of strife, and
extortion, and murder, which is not all alien. Crime is individual, rarely
epidemic, while the ethical progress of the nations, like their industry, is
slow but persistent, in both its social and political bearings, the study of
which is your object. The two belong together. They condition each other
and more than to-day,— though I am not given to prophesy.— when our
politics will have become purer, the twin studies will no longer be in our
present meaning political, but more and more physical and social. The
political existence of the nations and their governments will more than ever
become dependent on social conditions, rational and free. The politics of the
people at large must become more than ever social. Some call them social-
istic. Even to-day the people do not enjoy bosses and partisan animosities.
They need and gradually lean more to humane tendencies, with the cares
both financial and intellectual, theirs and their children's. While expecting
obedience to our self-made laws, this republic recognizes that, and no hard
words dictated to high or low by prejudice or ignorance must sway public
opinion. The terms social, socialistic, socialism, will lose their terror when
we consider that the very socialists construe the ineaning of their gospel dif-
ferently, in a country of free speech and free press. Indeed we should not
wonder when the configuration of future society cannot be determined by
hard and fast rules laid down in our decade. Free speech may be sadly
abused, however,— that is true; for thunder and lightning have been fired
against what was prestnned to be ''socialism*' without an attempt at definition,
and without carrying conviction or other beneficial result. T have been told
that though a man displays both thiuidcr and lightning.- he is not nccessarilv
a Jupiter.
But I do know that when intelligent and public-spirited men and women
club together all over the country for the scientific discussion, with altruistic
ends, of questions concerning the physical, mental, and moral interests of all
classes, rich and poor, old and young, nothing will follow excepting what is
creditable to their cfTorts and good for the .American people such as it is and
will be. Your problem is very far from hopeless. Its significance will be
discussed by Professor Carl Kelsey. the sociologist of the University of
Pennsylvania.
Remarks of Dr. Walter Wyman, Surgeon-General, United States Public
Health and Marine Hospital Service, who presided at the session of Friday
evening, April i6th :
In reviewing the program of this Thirteenth .Annual Meeting of the Amer-
ican Academy of Political and Social Science, one can but be impressed with
the breadth of character of the subjects which have been and are to be dis-
cussed—their importance viewed from both an academic and a practical
l68 The Annals of tlie American Academy
standpoint. Race improvement in the United States is the general topic of
the session, and "Tlie Influence of City Environment on National Life and
Vigor" is the special subject for consideration this evening. The program as
a whole relates principally to physical conditions as affecting himian welfare.
Human welfare may be described under three heads : physical, mental, and
spiritual. These three elements are co-related, each bound closely with the
others, and together they represent the scope of all human endeavor. With-
out minimizing in the least the other two, it seems to me that at the present
time our principal needs relate to the physical.
Physical welfare is the foundation of race welfare in its broadest sense.
It may be likened to the constitution in our legal system. The constitution
is the foundation of our laws. There is not a state law, nor a city ordinance,
nor police regulation, that does not rest upon it or is not in conformity
therewith, unless it be one that is voidable. Yet we think little about the
constitution, as we are enacting or enforcing our local ordinances, because
we take the constitution as a matter of course, or because it is so intimately
connected with our political system that is requires no special thought.
Again, we look upon the beautiful dome of the National Capitol at
Washington, and the legislative chambers beneath, and have scarcely a thought
of the foundation upon which it all so securely rests; j-et it is there, and
without it the dome and the chambers could not meet our vision. So physical
welfare seems to me to be the necessary foundation for the general welfare;
and we should so perfect it that we may lose sight of it and give our con-
templation and efforts to higher welfare. In other words, physical welfare
is only a means to welfare on a higher plane.
A sound mind in a sound body, iiicits saiw in corporc saiio, is an aphorism
that has come down to us from antiquity, expressing both a truth and a goal
to be attained; but in the light of modern thought it is insufficient as a
guiding sentiment, since it contains no mention of the spiritual, and this
latter is included in the modern thought of human progress.
Just what human progress is, just what it means, cannot be defined.
Writers of the day speak frequently of the uplift of the race, but there is no
definition in this term, and yet, without understanding it, there is no doubt
that we are all engaged in furthering human progress — the uplift of humanity.
There is in astronomy what is known as the true stellar motion. By this
is meant that while the stars are revolving in their orbits, and the planets are
also revolving upon their a.xes, and some stars seem fixed, there is a general
movement of them all, a progress through space ; where they are going and
where they are from, we do not know, but we do know that they are moving.
So with human progress and the uplift ; it exists. We do not understand it,
and the best we can do is to catch its trend and keep ourselves in proper
relation to it.
In this movement, the physician, the sanitarian, and the hygienist endeavor
to keep the individual in line — in his correct place as an individual in the ranks
of humanity, as humanity is pressing forward to its destination. If the
individual weakens, or meets with accident, the physician discovers the cause
of the weakening and applies the remedy, or applies his surgical skill to repair
Proceedings of Thirteenth .iinnial Mcctiui^ 169
the results of accident. The sanitarian looks to the individual's environment
and the hygienist to his physical development.
Analogous service is rendered by the lawyer, whose ideal function is to
preserve justice in the ranks, and by the minister of the gospel or priest, who
promotes morality and spirituality, these also being essential to human pro-
gress. All belong to an organism representing human progress, in which each
part is a means and at the same time an end to every other part.
The physician, then, or the sanitarian or the hygienist, while ministering
to the physical, is also contributing to the mental and spiritual, performing his
part as others are performing theirs, absolutely necessary to the general wel-
fare, yet only one of several units.
These thoughts are suggested by an effort to understand the correct posi-
tion of those interested in physical welfare in their relation to the world's
work and progress, for with an understanding of our proper relation wc are
better able to perform our allotted part.
Sanitation and hygiene, representing physical welfare, are essential to the
fullest development of the mental and spiritual. I necessarily speak from my
own point of view, but feel impelled thus to speak as one privileged with a
special viewpoint.
IIow closely this subject of sanitation and hygiene is associated with the
topics discussed by this Academy will be perceived, I am sure, in listening to
the papers that are to be read by gentlemen distinguished for their philanthropy
and research and their achievements in uplifting endeavor. In their discus-
sions upon "Recreation and Morality," "Race Degeneration," "Race Improve-
ment and a Children's Bureau," and "The Influence of City Environment,"
they will give contributions of value, not only to the physical, but to the
general welfare.
It is not my purpose to delay the program by extended remarks, and I
will at once, therefore, begin the introduction of the essayists of the evening.
Remarks of the Very Rev. Thomas J. Shahan, Pro-Rector of the Catholic
University of America, who presided at the session of Saturday afternoon.
April 17th :
In a land of great political freedom, the chief obstacles to human progress
are not found in the constitution of the state, but in the individual and the
family; they are also seen to be partly physical and partly moral. The proper
and natural growth of the individual is too often arrested by the introduction
into his system of certain poisons that work incalculable evil both in the
present and the future, since on the one hand they quench the light of the
intellect and on the other light the fires of passion. Taken all together they
represent a gross undue worship of the body which they slay insidiously
while they seem to pamper and to flatter it. From these poisons, excessive
alcoholism and the no less destructive drug habit, flows an ugly current of
crime, insanity and unnatural disease, with all their fatal progeny. Through
the spread of these poisons we soon behold the repulsive face of primitive
barbarism leering at us from amid the highest social refinement ; we behold
reason itself dethroned incessantly from innumerable human temples, while
the credulity of suffering mankind is so variously fed by manv selfish interests
170 The Aitiials of the American Academy
that it "seems doubtful if the physical evils popularly laid up to medieval
ignorance or superstition were really as great as the human damage rightly
chargeable to the enormous abuse of drugs in modern times. Despite its
incalculable advantages, modern society is everywhere face to face with this
unhappy trinity of woes, whose tendency to increase has not yet been checked
by all the efforts of a laudable philanthropy.
Another class of obstacles comes from the perversion of the family,
physically and morally the primitive cell of human society. Its precincts are
too often invaded in an unnatural way by many kinds of industry. In too
many places the family ceases to be a little earthly heaven. Its calm dignity
and sweet comfort are impossible amid certain surroundings of a mercenary
industrial character. The mother has no nursery to adorn with her virtues,
the father no haven of security and peace to return to after his day of toil,
the child no training-ground for body and soul. All the tender, delicate
sanctities of the home vanish before a selfish intensity of coarse toil, with all
its implements and appliances. Moreover, the families that suffer most by
this cruel conquest of their inferiors are usually the poorer ones, those whose
share of natural and municipal advantages is the smaller and meaner one.
whose surroundings at the best do not make for a' rich development of the
higher life of the spirit. No wonder that the family unit disintegrates easily
and quickly amid such circumstances, and that the ancestral roof seldom
shelters a second or a third generation. The children of such families tend
to become a kind of social Bedouins, forever moving from place to place,
having lost or never having known those tendencies of social conservatism
that were or perhaps yet are so characteristic of the plain common people in
many parts of the Old World. The evils that threaten the family have often
been denoiuiced by eloquent voices and by men in the highest places, but
perhaps never in language so authoritative and far-reaching, so sober and
grave as that of Leo XTII in his famous letter (1891) on the condition of the
working classes.
However, the American mind is generously constituted, and to generous
natures obstacles are usually a call to success, an incentive to action. In the
words of Charles Sumner the American people have attained through repre-
sentation and federation the mastery of this continent. And it is only fair
to suppose that if they have solved the political problem on a scale unknown
to all former nations they will in due time solve the social problem in a
marvelously new and final way. With regard to this country, said Daniel
Webster in 1849, "there is no poetry like the poetry of events, and all the
prophecies lay behind the fulfilment." What the American man has accom-
plished in the way of free yet responsible government, is itself a great moral
victory that permits us to hope for a still greater victory, the victory over
selfishness, whatever form it assume, pleasure for its own low sake, pitiable
unmanly fear, the passion of gain, social barbarism. All the obstacles to the
development of character concerning which we shall hear this afternoon are
quite certainly the outcome of selfishness. And it is precisely because the
American people are pre-eminently an unselfish people and therefore a teach-
able, studious, inquiring people, that we may look forward in the future to a
Proceedings of rhirtcenth Annual Meeting 171
race that shall justify splendidly the ways of God to His children of the N^ew
W orld. After all, it was not only to the individual and the family, but in a
special manner to all Western mankind, that He gave on the one hand new
and boundless opportunity, while on the other He anchored deep in their
hearts a sacred instinct of religion that to not a few wise men seems th.
surest uphft and prop in the battle that stretches before us for whatever is
good and de.,rabl.. fair and becoming in the social order, whose highest
perfection, however. ..„, never be reached tmless both the individual and the
family are hr.t secured in all the native elements of their well-being
BOOK DEPART^fENT
NOTES
Allen, Horace N. Things Korean. Pp. 256. Price. $1.25. New York;
Fleming H. Revell Company, i<x>g.
Twenty-two years' experience in Korea as a medical missionary, and con-
sular and diplomatic representative, especially qualify Dr. Allen to interpret
Korean customs and politics. This little volume is arranged in the form
of a series of sketches on different phases of Korean life. Intt-resting epi-
sodes of the period when Korea was being opened to western influence
occupy most of the pages. Dr. Allen is a sympathetic interpreter and finds
much to praise where the average traveler has found only incompetence and
corruption. The latter portion of the book gives some wholesome advice
to newly arrived missionaries, outlines the difficulties under which foreigners
labor in Korea, and presents a brief sketch of the extinction of Korean sov-
ereignty. There is a veiled criticism of the inaction of the United States
during the period when Japan was completing her control. The book is
attractive not only because of its contents, but also because of the pleading
style which at times recalls Lafcadio Hearn.
Andujar, Manuel. Spain of Tn-day from Within. Pp. 220. Price, $1.25.
New York : F. H. Revell Company, iqoO-
Travel and religion divide the pages of this easily read volume. The author
was born in Spain in the Catholic Church but was later converted and joined
the Methodist branch of Protestantism. About one-fourth of the book is
taken up with the story of the change of belief. Past training and tem-
perament explain many highly prejudiced statements made throughout the
book, for no opportunity to have a fling at the mother church is lost. The
last three-fourths of the book tell of a journey through the Spanish peninsula,
in which interesting descriptions of men, events and places are presented.
The title leads one to expect an interpretation of one of the most interesting
countries of Europe by one who has long lived within it and feels the pulse
of the national life, but there proves to be little material of this sort at the
author's command.
Anson, William R. The Laiv and Custom of the Constitution. Vol. II. Pp.
XV, 283 and xxiv, 347. Oxford : Clarendon Pres«;.
In the two parts which constitute Volume II of Mr. .\nson's monimiental
work on '"The Law and Custom of the Constitution," he devotes himself
(173)
174 '^^'^ A)nials of flic American Academy
exclusively to the development of the power of the crown. No existing work
gives so clear an idea of the present position of the executive in the English
political system. The author traces, step by step, the development of the
prerogatives of the crown and of its powers.
Probably the most illuminating chapter in the book is tlie one dealing
with the crown and the courts. The study of this chapter enables the student
to see clearly how the liberty of the citizen was acquired through the minor
judiciary. The courts of inferior jurisdiction were the first to emancipate
themselves from executive control. The legal fictions resorted to in accom-
plishing this purpose furnish one of the most fascinating chapters in English
history, and illustrate the real genius of the English people for self-govern-
ment. Another portion of the work which throws a flood of light on the
operation of the British system is Chapters II and III. In his treatment
of the historical development of the Privy Council, the Ministry and the
Cabinet, the wide gap between legal form and constitutional practice, so
characteristic of the English system, is clearly brought out.
This work is so full of material that it is impossible to summarize the
contents of these two volumes. It is sufficient praise to say that they are
indispensable to the student of English political institutions, and of hardly
less value to students of American political development.
Bainbridge, William S. Life's Day. Pp. 308. New York: Erederick A.
Stokes C<5m])any, 1909.
It has become a very necessary part of medical efifort and teaching to popu-
larize for the layman the principles of hygienic living and more widely and
speedily to disseminate among those who have little time for deep study, the
sensible, ordinary knowledge requisite to a good physical and mental condition.
In this volume of "guide posts and danger signals to health" is found a most
comprehensive and instructive compilation of suggestions, covering the vari-
ous periods of human lifetime from birth to death, prefaced by a concise,
elementary discussion of the influences of heredity and environment. The
critical periods, those of childhood and adolescence, are treated with unusual
care. The characteristic note is one of moderation In all things, whether
it be diet, exercise or parental guidance.
Barnett, Canon, and Mrs. S. A. Tozivrds Social Reform. Pp. :>,-,2. Price,
$1.50. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1909.
It is a rich experience that Canon and Mrs. Barnett have had in their lifetime
of work and thought in East London, of which period a full quarter century
has been spent in Toynbee Hall. An earlier volume embodied some of the
conclusions derived from that experience. The present one, in the same
general style, is made up of a scries of essays, many of them previously
published elsewhere, dealing with social reformers, poverty, education, recrea-
tion and housing. The authors write as those who, guided by an ideal,
yet realize the painful slowness of progress toward it. The book necessarily
deals with things from the English point of view, but its problems are uni-
versal, and the reflection? of these lifelong students have their interest for
Book Department 175
all thinking men. The point of view is sanely nnd progressively conserva-
tive, as befits those who have long dealt at first hand with the difl'iculi task
of social reform.
Becu, Carlos A. I. a Xeiitralidad. P.nenn<; .-Kires : Arnold. Moen & Her-
niaiKi.
In a monograph on neutrality, Dr. Becu has made a very important contri-
bution to the subject. The author has given special attention to the practice
of the American nations, and in this respect his book presents material which
is not to be found in any other publication. It is to be hoped that at some
time or other this work will be translated for the use of .American students.
Beveridge, W. H. Uiiciu/^loyinriit — .1 I'loblciii of liuiustry. Pp. xvi, 317.
Price, $2.40. New York : Loiigman>, firoen & Co., 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Blandin, Mrs. I. M. History of Higher llctiication of Women in the South
Prior to ]S6o. Pp. 327. Price. $3.00. Washington : Xeale Publishing
Company. IQOQ.
Mrs. I. M. Blandin's "History of Higher Education of Women mi the South"
presents an accumulation of data concerning the southern schools that would
probably be difficult to' duplicate. Several hundred schools, in the various
southern states, are described. Most of the descriptions are very minute,
some of them practically amounting to a catalogue of the school, academy
or institute, as the case may be, enumerating the branches of study taught
there, the faculties of successive years, the graduates, and their respective
degrees. The curricula described in mo.st cases provide an education far
different from higher education as we now conceive it, and come rather under
the head of elementary education. Tlie book disintegrates rather tlian in-
tegrates the data presented, and gives no definite conclusion concerning the
result of this education. As a whole, it is rather a detailed history of the
schools themselves, than of the resulting education.
Bordwell, Percy. The Law of War liitwern Brlligcrcn;:;. Pp. 374. Chi-
cago : Cailaghan & Co.
Reserved for later notice.
Bruce, H. A. The Romance of American Expansion. Pp xiii. 246. Price.
$1.75. New York: Moffat. Yard & Co., 1909.
This book is the appearance in book form of an engaging series of articles
which were originally published in the Outlook. The style in which they
are written shows that the author has tried to popularize certain typical
events of American foreign policy — the romance is always in the foreground.
The chapters are devoted to the work done by eight men prominent in the
growth of our country — Boone, Jefferson. Jackson, Houston. Benton, Fre-
mont, Seward and McKinley. The author's enthusiasm in his description
of these men leaves him in little less than hero worship. But it would be
unfair to judge the work strictly from the standpoint of the historian —
176 The Annals of tlic AnicriciDt AcaJctny
fnr it docs not aim to be a hi>tory. The man wlio finds history dull will
not JKue to discard this volume. The personal element is given such eni-
jiliasis that events serve only as a setting. A brief chapter, on further read-
ing, gives useful lists of books. The emphasis here also is placed upon
volumes the first object of which is to entertain.
Burns, J. A. Tlw Catholic School System in the United Stutcs. Pp. 415.
Price, $1.25. New York: Benziger Bros.. 1908.
Tlie author, who is president of the Holy Cross College, in Washington,
D. C, traces in this volume the history of the school system down to about
1840, which he looks upon as the period of the establishment of the schools.
Treatment of their subsequent history is reserved for another volume.
The book abounds in condensed statements of the educational develop-
ment in the various communities and states of the country. Thus a great
number of facts are presented which will be of value to students. Unfortu-
nately, however, there is comparatively little evidence of critical use of the
material presented. The account is purely descriptive. However, as a sum-
mary of the facts in the history of the educational policies of the Church.
the volume deserves notice.
Burstall, Sara A. Impressions of American Education in IQ08. Pp. xii,
329. Price, $1.25. New- York : Longmans, Green & Co., 190Q.
As mistress of the Manchester (Eng.) High School for Girls, and as writer
and university lecturer on education, the author of this appreciative but dis-
criminating study of our educational system is splendidly qualified to ex-
press opinions that shall command the attention of American educators and
the public generally. Her survey runs the gamut from primary school to
university. But her chief interest lies in the high school, and particularly
in the leaching of history and in the newer departures in the way of do-
mestic science and of commercial and industrial training for girls.
In a general contrast of American with English education, our points
of superiority are stated as the following: ( t) the general interest and
belief in education for the many, not for the privileged few; (2) the "ex-
traordinary excellence" of our school buildings and apparatus; (3) the
comparative absence of "sanction and stimulus,'' in the way of either pun-
ishments or rewards, — possible because of the self-restraint and ambition
of the average pupil; (4) the self-reliance of our pupils in preparing their
lessons without the constant oversight of the teacher; (5) the care taken
not to differentiate one child from another too early by specialization of
studies, thereby hindering the development of individual tastes and capaci-
ties later ; (6) the "unity of education and of the teaching profession" ;
(7) the confidence felt by educators that their profession is one held in
high esteem.
Points of English superiority noted are: (l) the non-secularization of
the English public school; (2) the greater "freedom and variety" of the
English system, without the American "despotism of the oflficial"; (3) the
fuller opportunities open to English women on the administrative side, as
principals and as members of school boards of directors.
Hook Ih'l'urhiiciif 177
Calvert, A. F. Madiid. Ip. 4'>o. I'ricc, $i.rjO. New York: John I. .-me
Company, kjckj.
Mr. Calvert's scries of vohiincs dcscriUinj; iIk' citio of Si»;iin hiil^ fair to
give a detailed description of tlic country such as has been presented for
lew if any of the oilier countries of luirope. The description of the city
of Madrid occupies about half of this volume. Court life and society are
sketched with intimacy, then follow discussions of the art of the Capital,
Spanish literature and the drama, the churches ami tiie pubHc buildings;
.^idc excursions are taken to the Kscorial and Alcaia de llenares. Rather
disproportionate attention is given to the national sport — bull lighting, wliich
monopolizes almost a fifth of the text.
The latter half of the book, as in the others of the series, is taken up
with an exhaustive and excellent collection of pictures. The streets, daily
life, pastimes, religion and architecture of the capital pass successively in
review. A large number of reproductions of the treasures of the Prado gives
the volume especial value to those interested in art. The type work is ex-
cellent and though the style of the text is popular and at times diffuse, the
prospective touri>t to Madrid will find the book of great value.
Chamberlain, Arthur H. Standards in Education. Pp. 265. Price. $1.00.
New York ; American Book Company. T908.
This book deals primarily witli elementary education : with its Theses. Topics
for Study and Bil)liography. It is admirably suited to class work in normal
schools. Throughout there is a regard for social conditions and social
needs. European experience is freely drawn upon l)y way of illustration
and suggestion. It is a hopeful sign that this sort of book is available to
take the place of the earlier vague and impracticable studies of education.
It is to be regretted that the book is published without an index.
Channing, Edward and Lansing. The Story of the Great Lakes. Pp. viii.
398. Price, ?i.50. New "^'ork : Macmillan Company. lyoQ-
Chapin, R. C. The Standard of Living Among ]]'orkinginen's Pa>nilie.< n»
A'rtv.' York City. Pp. xv. 372. Price. $2.00. Xew York: Charities Pub-
lication Committee, 1909.
This book is a refinement of the figures originally presented in the report
of the special committee, appointed by the New York State Conference of
Charities and Corrections, to investigate the slaudanl nf living. The same
schedules are worked over in infniite, painful detail, and the results pre-
sented in two hundred pages of printed matter, charts and statistical tables.
The whole report is based on about four hundred schedules, and while these
four hundred schedules fin-nish a very good basis for a modest sununary
such as that presented by the Committee of the State Conference, it is wholly
inadequate as a basis for the author's broad statements and ■•onclusinns-
I'or example, on page 128. a table is given to show under-feeding in vari-
ous occupations. The number of uiulerfed families in one group is eight
and these eight families con-titute 30.7 per cent of the tocd luider cou'^idera-
tion, which was twenty-six. I'nquestionably. figures so small cannot form a
178 The .iiiiials of llic American Academy
scientific basis for percentages. They are loo minute to justify percentage
generalizations.
Had the four hundred schedules been collected by the same person in
the same spirit, with the same point of view, there would have been more
reason for the publication of a book based upon them, but collected as they
were in part by volunteers, in part by trade unionists, and in part by paid
agents, they do not represent a consensus of thought nor a unified idea, and
the series of generalizations, deductions, percentages and conclusions which
the author draws are unwarranted in view of the smallness of his source
material and the diversity of its origin, although the technique of the work
is splendidly scientific, the tables well organized and the charts graphic in
their presentation of the facts. The conclusions which appear in the last
six pages of the main work present no thought in addition to that of the
original report of the Committee on the Standard of Living.
Cleveland, F. A., and Powell, F. W. Railroad Promoiion and Cafiializalion
in the United States. Pp. xiv, 368. Price, $2.00. New York : Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Cooley, Charles H. Social Organization. Pp. xvii, 426. Price. $1.50. New
York : Scribner's Sons. 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Crawford, William H. TJtc Church and the Slum. Pp. 146. Price, $0.75.
New York: F.aton & Mains. 1908.
A representative group of English Wesleyan mission halls and the work
which they engage to accomplish are described in this little volume. One
illustration is added from Edinburgh, Scotland. The activities of the mis-
sions are manifold and arc a considerable departure from the method of
the old mission. Success in evangelizing men has depended in part upon
tlie initial use of various expedients for attracting them and discreet minis-
trations to bodily comfort. In at least some of these missions long-sighted
methods along the lines of social service arc in vogue: work tests are ap-
plied to lodgers and employment secured for the deserving. The lx>ok is
very informal, the contents having originally appeared as a series of letters.
The style perhaps is not so pleasing as is desirable, but the hook is sug-
gestive for American mission workers.
Daish, John B. Procedure in lutcr.'slalc Coiinnrrcr Casr.<;. Pj). xiv, 494.
Price. $5.25. Washington: W. H. Lowdermilk tK: Co., 1900.
Reserved for later notice.
Davidson, John, and Gray, A. Scottish Staple at Veerc. Pp. 453. New
York : Longmans, Green & Co. 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Dawson, William H. The German Workman. Pp. xii. 304. Price. 6s.
London : P. S. King & Son.
This tittle book on "The Gerniau \\'orknian." \:hicli the author styles a
Ih}ok Dcpariiiicut \J'j
study in naliunal cfticicncy, gives the bot account existing in Knglish ul
the manifold social activities of imperial, state and municipal government
that have made over the life of the working classes of the fatherland
during the last quarter century. The problem of unemployment has given
rise to various kinds of labor registries and employment bureaus, to out-
of-work municipal insurance, to systems of relief for wandering workers,
to labor colonies and to extensive relief works. The ever-pressing hous-
ing problem has been boldly attacked by municipal buildings and shelters
for the homeless combined with municipal activity in renting houses. Sick-
ness is combatted with all the resources of the cities, backed by the state
insurance funds, while the school doctor does much to prevent disease, and
the convalescent home makes unnecessary a too early return to work. Muni-
cipal pawnshops and information bureaus, the workmen's secretariat, work-
ingmen's insurance, and poor relief — such are a few more of the bewilder-
ing array of activities carried on by the German government in behalf of
its working people. Whatever the reader's judgment of paternalism, many
uf the results must command admiration, and Mr. Dawson's book presents
them with admirable clearness and conciseness.
Dealey, James Q. Tlic Development of the State. Pp. 343. Price, $1.50.
New York: Silver, Burdett & Co., 190Q.
Reserved for later notice.
Denison, G. T. The Siniggle for Imperial Unity. Pp. x, 4-22. Price, $2.25.
New York : Macmillan Company, 1909.
Imperialism is the keynote of this record of the movement to keep the colo-
nies, and Canada especially, in close union with Great Britain. The author
is extreme in his enthusiasm. Indeed so sensitive is he to any suggestion
that Canada should lie joined to the United States that he considers the
commercial union movement to have been a conspiracy of treasonable na-
ture supported by contril)utions from Andrew Carnegie, Charles A. Dana
and other prominent men in the United States operating with the disloyal
in Canada itself. Mr. Goldwin Smith is regarded as the arch traitor. .Xfter
a long friendship the author broke with him, declaring that he never would
speak to him again and that he would answer such a man only with the
sword. This indicates the general tone of the book.
Mr. Denison, who has had a wide experience in the Imperial Federa-
tion Movement, presents an interesting description of the inception and
growth of the movement, the beginnintr of which he credits to the loyalists
of the American Revolution. The I'nited States is branded as "unscrupu-
lous" in the methods adopted in bring about a closer relation of the English
peoples of North America, but it is asserted tliat the annexation movemeiit is
now so thoroughly discredited that it is no longer a subject for serious
consideration. The personal animosities which appear throughout the work
mar a story otherwise well told.
Devine, Edward T. Misery and lis Causes. Pp. ^74 Price. $1.25. New
York: Macmillan Company, tqcx;.
Reserved for later notice.
i8o Tlie AniHils of the American Academy
Dcwe, J. A. Jlistoiy of Ecuiwniics. Pp. 334. Price, $1.50. New York:
Ijciiziiiger Bros., 1908.
Dodd, Walter Fairleigh. Modern Constitutions. 2 Vols. Pp. xxxvii. 685.
Price, $5.4-'. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1909.
The University of Chicago Press has done a real service in placing at llie
disposal of students of political science careful translations of the con-
stitutions of the more important countries of Europe and America. The
great difficulty \\ith which American students heretofore have had to con-
tend has been the fact that the compilations of constitutions could not be
depended upon for strict accuracy, and in most cases, therefore, it was
necessary to refer to the originals. This will no longer be necessary.
It is to be hoped that at some future time Mr. Dodd will supplement
these two important volumes with translations of the constitutions of the
states of Peru. Venezuela, Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia. Such a third
volume would be gratefully received by teachers and students. In the
meantime they have been placed under deep obligations to Mr. Dodd for the
painstaking care with which he has accomplished a very difficult task.
Evans, Lawrence B. Writings of George Washington. Pp. xxxiv, 567.
New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1908.
Writings of great men bring the student into close touch with the person-
alities and times he is studying. This volume is the first of a series on
the writings of American statesmen. Its purpose is to present in conven-
ient form the most important docinnents written by each of the statesmen
whose writings are treated.
There arc already two editions of the writings of Washington, neither
of which the present editor believes is dctinitive. Objection is raised to
that of Jared Sparks that too great editorial liberties were taken with 'the
original letters. He omitted passages of which he did not approve without
stating that the document thus presented was incomplete. The other edi-
tion, under the editorship of Worthington C. Ford, presents the letters ex-
actly as they left the hand of Washington, but on account of its size is not
available to as large a public as is desirable. These reasons justify the ap-
pearance of the present volume. The most important of the documents
chosen ma>» be divided into three classes, first, documents which are im-
portant state papers, such as the Farewell Address : second, accounts of
important events in which the writer was a leading participant, such as the
description of the capture of Boston : third, papers setting forth his opin-
ions on various public questions, such as the settlement of the West. The
texts of the documents of this volume, with a few exceptions, are taken
from Ford's edition. Both Ford and Sparks are drawn upon for a con-
siderable number of notes; others are added by the editor.
Ferrero, G. L'luirncters and Ez'ents of Roniau [[istory. Vol. V. Pp. 275.
Price, $2.50. New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Book Drf'di linriii i8i
Fillebrown. C. B, llw .1 B C of Taxation. Pp. 2J9. Price, $1.20 New
York: 1 )iitilili(la.\ . Page & Co., 1909.
Keberved for later notice.
Finley, John H., and Sanderson, John F. . The American Executive and
lixccHtivc Methods. Pp. 352. Price, $1.25. New York: Century Com-
])aiiy, 1908.
IvL served for Inter notice.
Foltz, E. B. K. The Federal Civil Service as a Career. Pp. vii. .325. Price.
$1.50. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Various phases of the civil service rules have been discussed at length, but
this is the first manual which attempts to show in a general way the advan-
tages and disadvantages of government employment, methods of entering
the service and the limitations of the service as a career. The opening chap-
ters give a general sketch of the government's business methods. Then
follows a discussion of the merit system with a rather detailed considera-
tion of the examinations, salaries and the chance for advancement. The
author is enthusiastic over the opportunity offered to the young man by the
public service for getting an education in one of the universities of the
capital, while at the same time supporting himself. The service, as at pres-
ent organized, hardly offers opportunities which will permanently attract
the ablest young men. If the higher offices outside the so-called civil ser-
vice proper are desired, a political career must be entered. If the interests
of the candidate are chiefly scientific rather than for a money return, there
are many liranches which give promise of substantial honors. From the
standpoint of money, the service certainly does not pay, but in opportunity
to give worthy service to mankind, the author believes the federal civil
service is exceptional. The book is written in a popular style, while at
the sanie time it brings together a mass of information useful for any one
contemplating entering the service of the government.
Fry, William H. Acti' Hauif^shire as a Royal Province. Pp. 527. Price,
$3.00. Xc'.v York: Columbia University Press. 1908.
Graves, Frank P. .1 History of Education Before the Middle .Iges. Pp. xiv,
304. Price. $1.10. New York: Alacmillan Company, 1909.
The author, who is Professor of the History and Philosophy of h'ducation
in the Ohio State University, attempts a very ambitious program. In the
three hundred pages of this volume he seeks to summarize tlie ci\ilization
as well as the educational policies of savages. Egypt. Babylon. Phoenicia.
China, India, Persia, the Jews, the Greeks, the Romans, and the early
Christians. Nor is the atithor content with the wide licld covered in the
title of his work. He tries to bring the history of the educational policies
of China, for instance, down to the present time.
The volume has the merit of statini: sncciiictly (he acbiexemeiil^ <>l tlic
various nations. The field is too big. however, for one man to cover satis-
factorilv in one volume.
i82 The Annals of iJic Aiiicricaii .icademy
Hart, Albert Bushnell. .Iciual Government as Applied Under American
Conditions. Third edition. Pp. xxi, 599. Price, %2.2^. New York :
Longsmans, Green & Co., 1908.
This book was reviewed and criticised in The Annals upon its first appear-
ance in 1904. The first edition contained a large number of errors of fact,
which impaired to some extent its usefuhiess as a text-book. In the two revi-
sions which it has since undergone, many errors have been eliminated and
new bibliographical material added. A careful reading, however, shows
that it is still by no means free from errors ; but they are not important.
As was said in the review of the first edition, Professor Hart's book is a
unique and interesting work. All in all. it is the best college text-book yet
published dealing with the general American system of government — national,
state and local. It represents a new departure in text-book writing, treating
as it does the political system of the United States as a whole, emphasizing
the actual workings of government and providing the student with a large
body of bibliographical material, both original and secondary.
Hepburn, A. B. ArtHieial Waterzvays and Commereial Development. Pp.
115. Price, $1.00. New York: Macmillan Company, 1909.
The greater part of this volume deals with the development and life of the
Erie Canal. Its title is misleading, as there are but three brief chapters on
matters aside from the canals of New York. One of these makes brief
mention of the canals of China, India, Continental Europe and the United
States as a whole. Another discusses the Panama Canal, and the last con-
tains a very general discussion of the relation between tlie waterways ques-
tion and the conservation of resources. The minor chapters do not add to
the author's main theme, namely, the need for improved inland canals.
There is little similarity between the .Suez, Panama or Sault Ste. Marie, which
connects large bodies of water, and a canal such as the Erie.
In discussing the Erie Canal, however, much interesting historical data
is presented in a readable form. Its early effect upon New York City,
upon the trunk-line railways and upon western commerce is emphasized,
and the relative decline of New York City is cited as evidence why the
inland canals should be enlarged. While many deny any actual decline in
the commercial position of New York, they may agree with the author that
waterw^ays should lie improved, and that their fiuiction is "to supplement
and complement, ;nid not to rival the railwaxs."
Higginson, Ella. .IhislAi: The Great Country. Pp. ^j,j. Price, $2.50. New
York: Macnn'Ilan Company, 1908.
The nature of this book is pcrhap> indicaied best by tlic facts that il has
no table of contents and the chapters have no individual headings. The
ordinary reader is so much accustomed to having definite topics put before
him. that the absence of these creates a feeling of hopeless bewilderment.
The book is an entertaining, rambling account of Alaska, related largely
from personal observation. It gives many intimate touches of Alaskan life
and conditions which can be gained only at first hand, and suggests the
delights of summer journeys to this northern country. Numerous illustra-
tions of hi^rli quality aid in presenting the attractive side of .\laskan scenery.
Book Lh'l^artmcitt 183
Hillquit, Morris. Socialism m Theory and Practice. Vi>. ix, 3^,1. I'ricc.
$1.50. Xcw York: Macmillan Company, 1909.
If anyone writes authoritatively on American socialism it is Morris Hillquit.
As student, writer, propagandist and political leader, lie has stood for years
ill the forefront of that movement. The author studies socialism in all its
phases. In Part I, on the socialist philosophy, he contrasts socialism with
individualism as a system of social organization, and discusses the relation
of socialism to present and future ethics, politics and the state. Despite a
commendable effort to clothe his ideal with flesh and blood, he is necessarily
vague as to the future, but he does at any rate correct misconceptions of
the aims of his party. If anyone hopes for much softening of Marxian
dogmas from Mr, llilKiuit, however, he will be disappointed. The labor
theory of value, subsistence wages, absolute and irreconcilable class struggles
—all the old revolutionary bravery appears unmodified. This is as though
the orthodo.x economist should offer Ricardo's formulas as a satisfactory
explanation of present economic life. Economic students to-day have got
beyond Ricardo and Marx.
The second part of the book deals with socialism and reform. The
author discusses summarily the principal modern reforms, most of which he
welcomes because, as he thinks, they strengthen the workers in the class strug-
gle, though he contemptuously dismisses them as insuflicient except as they
lead to radical change in the industrial basis of society. This socialist theory
of reform has become familiar to all students during recent years. Whik
such a lofty attitude may at times be irritating to the humble social reformer,
doubtless he will not refuse the help of the socialist in achieving his ends.
The book is a good one, and shows clearly both the strength and the weak-
ness of .\merican socialism.
Holdsworth, W. S. A History of Eui^lish Law. Three vols. Pp. 1564.
Price, $12.00. Bo-ston: Little. Brown & Co., 190S.
Reserved for later notice.
Holland, T. E. The Laz^'s of il'ar on Land. Pp. 149. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1908.
Laws of war have been set for their own armies by several of the important
countries. Mr. Holland in this short compilation aims to codify such usages
as have by general acceptance become recognized as binding on civilized
nations in time of war. Even now after the declaration of the Hague Con-
ference of 1907 it must be admitted that there are many important points
upon which no declaration has as yet been made.
The Hague declarations are made the groundwork about which the
discussions of less generally accepted practices are grouped. There are valu-
able cross-references to the chief authorities. The latter half of the book
contains a republication of the more important national instructions as to the
laws of war on land, the text of the Hague declarations and an historical
review of the chief diplomatic notes relating to the laws of war. Due credit
is given to the United States for the forward step taken in issuing, in 1861,
its instructions fur the government of armies iu the field.
iS4 The Annals of Ihc American Academy
Iiitcniational Tax .Issociutioii : Addresses and Proceedings of — State and
Local Taxation. Pp. 636. Columbus, O. : Inlcniational Tax Associa-
tion, 1909.
One of the most interesting movements of the day and one with enormous
possibilities for the speedy solution of taxation problems is the movement
which has crystallized in the formation of the International Tax Associa-
tion. This body of thoughtful, pu1)lic men from both Canada and the United
States representing not only the tax-paying group but also state officials and
teachers of the theory as well, are earnestly endeavoring to bring order from
the chaos of inequalities found in the present system of taxation, and to
formulate some well-defmed working basis upon which tax gatherer and
taxpayer may mutually agree. The volume of addresses and proceedings
of the second annual conference, held in Toronto last October, contains
many contributions of real value, covering a wide range of subjects and
submitted by individuals whose experience in these matters commands
deserved respect.
Of special interest are the topics on the taxation of forest lands and
mineral properties, coming at a time when the Conservation of natural
resources is engaging the increased attention of the public mind. Inheri-
tance taxes, both as a means of income and for purposes of social regula-
tion are thoughtfully analyzed, and it is signilicant. in view of the present
agitation for a national inheritance tax. that the addresses on this sub-
ject emphasized most clearly the fact that such a form of revenue should
be logically left to the states and provinces. The importance of equitable
and precise assessments of city property was unanimously recognized, theory
and practice being compared in order to show definite results of attempted
reforms. Public service corporations and life insurance companies as objects
for taxation were made the subjects of several careful investigations, the
former bringing up varioiis ])oints of interest regarding franchise regula-
tion and capitalization of public industries. A paper on the history of
constitutional provisions relating tn taxation affords a good comparatire
outline of the tendencies in the different financial systems, as regulated by
the local constitutions. A valnal)le report on Canadian methods of taxing
corporations contains a digested account of laws and practices in the
Dominion, illustrating the present tendency towards complexity. The volume
is admirable, both i i suggestion and in detailed exposition of one of the
present problems.
Jenks, J. W. Principles of Polities. Pp. xviii, 187. Price, $1.50. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Jones, L. A., and Bellot, H, H. L, 'The La^c of Children and Young Persons
in Relaiion to Penal OfTenses. Pp. xxv, 383. London: Buttcrworth &
Co., 1909.
In view of the great interest tiow manifested in the welfare of children in
this country this digest of the penal law of England in so far as it concerns
Booh Dcf^art incut 185
children will be helpful. It aims to be useful lo the lawyer as well as read-
able Id the layman. The protection affortled the young against the cruelty
or neglect of parents, ihe laws regulating their employment in industrial
life, and their arnuseuuiUs in public places as well as the law dealing with
the punishment of yomlifnl i>tTeu(ler>. their training and education, are lure
set forth.
To legislators or those interested in securing legislation for the protec-
tion of children this will be a most valuable reference book. L'nfortunately.
the wide differences in laws in the American states make a similar compila-
tion practically impossible for this country.
Jordan, David Starr. The l-'atc of Iciodontiii. Pp. in. Price. 90 cents.
New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1909.
The allegorical interpretation of an economic problem is rare enough in
this day and generation to call for comment. But when the allegory pos-
sesses not only the attributes of a prophecy which finds its own fulfilment
but also a keen satire that reveals all weaknesses by its very humor, the
subject itself takes on a new iiUerest. .\s a treatise on the workings and
incidence of the policy of protectionism, this little story of the French
"Octroi" is thoroughly delightful, the fallacies of the adherents of this
'ism" being cleverly exposed. To show the parallels occurring in American
life, notes are appended as a means of translating certain recent events in the
light of the allegory.
Kennedy, James B. Bciicficiury Pratitrcs of Anicrican Trade Unions. Pp.
U.S. llahiniore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1908.
.\n excellently worked out intensive study of the benefit features of .Ameri-
can trade unions is presented. The work describes systems of insurance
against death and disability, sick, out-of-work and superannuation benefits,
and the methods of administration of these various forms of relief. The
author has made a valuable addition to the literature on the .American trade
union by presenting a detailed stu<ly of a phase of union a tivity. which has
been over emphasized in Great P.ritain and neglected in the I'nited States.
de Las Cases, P. I.r Choiiiaoc. Pp. 191. Price. 2 francs. Paris; \'.
Lecoftre, J 909.
This interesting little volume on unemployment has been highly commended
by the Academy of Social and Moral Sciences. It deals but slightly with
the statistics of unemployment, though it is evidently based on wide study
in the leading countries of Europe. It discusses briefiy the causes of unem-
plovment and proposed methods of doing away with it. The body of the
work, however, is devoted to a careful study of all the various systems of
unemployment insurance. This comparative view will be valuable to students
of the question of mitigating the hardships of those out of work.
MacDonald, Duncan B. TJic Religious Attitude and Life in Islam. Pp. xiii.
317. Price, $1.88. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1909.
To most of us the great world of Islam is hardly more than a name. The
author makes us his debtors by this illuminating discussion of the inner
i86 TJie Annals of the American Academy
life of the adherents of a reUgion different from ours. He bases his discus-
sion largely on the works of the historian, Ihu Khaldun, and the mystic
Al-Ghazzali. The dogmatic, utilitarian character of the religion is empha-
sized. The reality of the next world, of the myriad spirits, good and bad,
is made clear. Altogether the volume is an excellent work. The contents
were given as the Haskell lectures on comparative religion at the University
of Chicago in 1906. The author is Professor of Semitic Languages in Hart-
ford Theological Seminary.
Maitland, F. W. Tlie Constitutional History of England. Pp. xxviii, 547.
Price, $3.50. Cambridge: University Press, 1908.
Written before the time of his great contributions to English constitutional
history, the author in this series of lectures lays no claim to original research.
Reliance is placed upon Hallam. Stubbs, Dicey, Anson and similar classical
text-books. The volume, therefore, lacks the evidence of mature scholarship
that characterizes the author's special studies in mediaeval law. Those who
are just beginning the study of English constitutional history will w'elcome
the book, however, because it puts in brief form and popular style the frame-
work of the subject. It is an excellent introduction and one which is readable
without being superficial.
The first chapters on the early period of English law make the most out
of the scant materials at hand. They show the author's union of high specu-
lative power with thorough command of the sources. Throughout the book
there is a wealth of illustration from the life of the time and examples of
the survival of early institutions in later law which give a good perspective
of the general development. Tn the latter portion of the book, dealing with
the public law of the period in which the lectures were written (1887-88), an
opportunity is taken to review the field in the light of the facts already pre-
sented. The work lacks the polish which would doubtless have been given it
if the author had lived to apply to its revision the results of his maturer
scholarship. Nevertheless in its present form it furnishes the student an
excellent picture of the trend of development in the English constitution.
McConnell, George M. Presidential Campaigns from Washington to Roose-
velt. Pp. 245. Price, $1.50. Chicago: Rand. McXally & Co.. 1908.
Presidential campaigns are complicated by so many issues that the author
who undertakes to describe them in two hundred and fifty pages must neces-
sarily touch upon only a few of the chief characteristics of each. The chapters
of this book characterize each campaign by its most prominent feature. The
style is rather that of the newspaper than of the more serious text, but the
discussions are uniformly interesting and will doubtless bring the book on
that accomit a popular acceptance which the more scholarly treatise would
lack. The presentation of the period from Jefferson to Van Buren is the
best portion of the work. The discussion of the newer campaigns neces-
sarily leaves a rather indefinite impression, as the events are too fresh in
our minds to have assumed their proper perspective. The last chapter dis-
cussing campaigns as intended and as conducted is one of the most valuable
in the hook.
Book' Depart inoit 187
Montgomery, H. B. fiic Jinif^iir of tlic East. Pp. 307- Price. $2.50. Chi-
cago: A. C. McClurR, 1909.
Reserved for later imtice.
Mijnsterberg, Hugo. I'sycliothrrapy. Pp 101. Price, $2.00. Xcw York:
MotVat, N'anl iV Co., 1909.
Noyes, Alexander D. T'nrty Years of Aincriciin Fiiianc,'. Pp. 41K. Price,
$1.50. Bo.^ttm: (i. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Otis, William Bradley, .{nwriian I'crsc, idjyiSo;, A History. Pp. xiv,
303. Price, $1.75. New York: Moffat, Yard & Co., 1909.
A decidedly novel nutiiod in the interpretation of American history is
presented in tliis hdok of tlic seventeenth and eighteenth century verse.
Without attempting an anthology, or biographical review, an arrangement
has been made of the product of "the poetic mind,'' with due regard to
subject matter and clironology in a way that accurately portrays the spirit
of the time. The historical, religious, political and satirical contributions
are each studied in order to discover the social conditions and sentiments
of the particular period which brought them forth. Beginning with the
landing of the Pilgrims and the settlement of New England, up through
the various stages of colonization and the Revohilion to the first decade
of the nineteenth century, the activities and thoughts of the different races
and sects, forming the nucleus of our nation, are vividly mirrored in the
virile, somewhat crude, but none the less characteristic verse of the pioneer
epoch. Somewhat to the reader's surprise, there is found throughout an
essentially "American" note, an originality that represents an independence,
a pride in a new world with new and freer conditions, — all disproving the
popular idea tliat early American poetry was wholly nnitative.
Reeder, Robert P. Rate Regulation. Pp. 44. Xcw York: T. and J. W.
Johnson Co., 1908.
As a rule it is not difficult to review a book, much less a monograph. Either
its good points are so striking or its bad points stand out so prominently that
even the casual reader is impressed with the quality and the extent of the
author's effort. There are books, however, particidarly those purporting
to deal with legal subjects, that fail to yield up the secret of their being
because their theme is too deeply buried in a mass of citations. Others
of a similar character follow the beaten path of some great writer on
jurisprudence, rearranging his outline and using his citations. This rarely
is a compliment to the writer who has blazed the way and almost never
results in more than passing notice of the plagiarist.
The monograph by Mr. Reeder strangely enough belongs to both classes.
He shows a remarkable acquaintance with writers (to whom he accords
credit) and a most unusual study of cases. If for no other reason the
monograph ought to be remembered for its long list of cases. The prep-
aration of such an extensive digest covering so few pages marks the extent
of the author's service to the public.
The author is evidently opposed to the control of anything by commis-
i88 Tlic .iiDtals of tlw AimriiUii Acadoiiy
sions. Court rulings t'nrcc liim in atlmit tlint ihc lcgi<;hiurc mny name rates
and may even delcgatL- iliis power to another body (p. 14). This admission
is made with reh\ctance. The long intro(hictory argument, covering about
two-thirds of the monograpli, could well have been omitted. Then the
startling queries on the last page (,44) would have reached the eyes of
those quite outside of the student class. The author's purpose cannot be
better shown than by quoting his closing paragraph. "'Indeed, if the legis-
lature may constitutionally grant a broad discretion to a railroad commis-
sion where must it stop? May not Congress delegate to a commission
similar power over the tariff or over taxation in general? JNIay not the
state legislatures delegate to commissions similar power over the criminal
laws? May not the power which is granted to seven men or five or three
be granted to one man, and not upon one subject only, but upon every
subject which now comes before the legislatures?'"
Rivarola, Rodolfo. Del Rrgimcii fcdcratk'o al Uiiitorio. Buenos Aires:
Jacob Peuser, 1908.
This volume, by the dean of the law school of the. National University of
La Plata, has aroused widespread attention owing to the fact that the main
thesis of Dr. Rivarola's book is that while the Argentine Republic has a
federal system in form, it is tending so strongly toward a unified system
in fact, that it is desirable to have such condition recognized in the consti-
tution. This question of the relation of the federal to the unified system
of government has been discussed by Argentine publicists for nearly a
century. The failure of the provinces to develop a distinctive local life,
together with the tendency of the federal government constantly to inter-
fere in local affairs, has prevented the growth of a vigorous federal system.
Dr. Rivarola's work brings out these defects with great clearness.
It is true that the views advanced by Dr. Rivarola are not shared by
anj- considerable section of the population, and that there is at the present
time no tendency to make any changes in the existing constitutional system.
Dr. Rivarola's book, nevertheless, is an interesting study of the actual
operation of the Argentine system, and as such is indispensable to every
student of Latin-American political institutions.
Ruhl, Arthur. 77;^ Olhcr .hiirricans. Pp. xi, 321. Price, $2.00. New ^'ork :
Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1908.
The chapters of this book appeared in Collier's and Scribner's magazines,
and contain the observations of a skilled journalist during a prolonged tour
through South America. The author's excellent style, his appreciation of
the picturesque, combined with a keen sense of humor, make the work
delightful reading, and will certainly arouse the interest of many persons
to whom South America is at present a closed book. The author could
not hope and does not pretend exhaustively to examine any phase of Latin-
American institutions, but simply gives the first impressions of a North
American during a hurried tour through the leading Latin-American repub-
iContributed by Ward W. Pierson.
Book Department 189
lies. Judged by this standard. Mr. Riihls book is a most suggestive series
of notes on Latin-.\inerican affairs.
Schouler, James. /,/.•.,/.- of the Rrfuhli,: Pp. xi. 304. Price. $1.50. Bos-
ton: Little, Broun & Ca, 1908.
This volume consists of a collection (.f lectures given by Dr. Schouler at the
Johns Hopkins University during the past two years. It is of especial
interest as it forms the valedictory of this distinguished author to the general
public.
The preface states that "the purpose of the present volume is to trace
out those fundamental ideas, political and social, to which America owes
peculiarly her progress and her prosperity, and to consider the application
of those ideas to present conditions." In carrying out this plan, Dr. Schouler
presents in an interesting and lucid manner the political and social ideas
embodied in the early American consiitution and bills of rights and traces
their subsequent development and present trend. In addition, other subjects
treated include the union of the states and centralizing tendencies, the civil
service, parties and party spirit and the need of a new federal convention
to propose amendments to the constitution. This last paper was first pre-
sented as the presidential address before the American Historical Asso-
ciation in 189;. suggesting the idea that has been urged by several promi-
nent political scientists more recently.
The author's presentation of his subject is sane and just, and his views
will generally command acceptance. It must be admitted, however, that
the treatment is stronger upon the historic side than in its application of
these ideals to present-day conditions. Again, the political ideas are more
adequately presented than the social ones. The discussion of the struggle
between labor and capital and the duty of the government to maintain social
equality is presented from the point of view of one who was reared in the
school of individualism, and whose philosophy has been only partially modi-
fied by recent tendencies, but not sufficiently so as to cause him to favor the
modern drift in the direction of paternalism. This volume will prove of
value as a helpful historical resume of the origin and development of the
political ideals which have prevailed in this country. Unfortunately there is
no index.
Scott, Colin A. Social Education. Pp. xi, 300. Price. $1.25. Boston: Ginn
& Co., 1908.
Social education is a term to conjure with, but the realization of a plan
which will prove satisfactory for the training of our boys and girls for
efficient service in the life of to-day may require the work of years of
experiment. In this book the author— a psychologist— approaches the prob-
lem from the point of view of the task of the school in preparing children
for "effective social service of a self-organized and voluntary character."
Efficiency tests are now applied to the work of the schools, but judgments
can more easily be formed in regard to the work of the special, trade and
professional, than the public school. Furthermore, the work of the public
school is so comprehensive as to make tlio application r.| rigid tests difficult
190 The Annals of the American Acade)ny
while the service of other schools may be easily tested because judged from a
narrower point of view.
The author proceeds to discuss three types of schools in which the
social spirit has manifested itself; the school organized along monarchical
lines, a certain English school being used as an example ; the George Junior
Republic, in which the principle of self-government dominates ; and the
Dewey School, with its pronounced social characteristics. The purpose,
methods, achievements and limitations of each type are analyzed, and in
subsequent chapters the importance of, and some experience in, self-organized
group work in the average grade school are treated with ample illustration.
In the chapter on Manual Arts many valuable suggestions are given and the
social mission of the common school is set forth. Training in leadership,
in social effectiveness and in honor are values which it should conserve. In
the "Education of the Conscience" the author braves a new theme and
charges the school with its measure of responsibility. The methods of school
work suggested above would have a distinct value in this connection.
The author indicates the needs of both the school and society and offers
the plan of self-organized group work as a partial .solution because of its
integrating effects as well as its incentives to individual development. In
parts of the book, however, it seems that the subject discussed is "Effective
Education" ratiicr than '"Social Education."
Seager, H. R. Ecoiwiiiics. Pp. xii, 476. Price, $1.75. New York: Henry
Holt & Co., 1909.
One of the most interesting tendencies in technical school instruction is the
increasing demand for economic teaching — both theoretical and practical.
To meet this. Professor Seager has written a text-book which more briefly
sets forth the theories and problems of political economy than is considered
adequate for a university lecture course. Though based upon his well-
known "Introduction to Economies'' appearing six years ago, he has made
some decided cuts in his table of contents and condensed the remaining topics
for purposes of convenience. His aim is to clarify the theory and to bring
the statistical information up to date, thus meeting the necessity of a shorter
course for those who are primarily interested in the practical business prob-
lems of the day. Though considered by the author as an independent work,
it cannot be said to contain anything very novel or radically at variance
with views already cited. Its admirable arrangement as an elementary book
for students of technical schools is its greatest merit.
Sheldon, Henry C. Sacerdotalism in the Nineteenth Century. Pp. ix, 461.
•price, $2.00. New York: Eaton & Mains, 1909.
Professor Sheldon has given us in this volume a concise statement of the
systems of faith which exalt the priestly hierarchy, and bases his criticisms
of them upon the principle that "so far as a church is controlled by
sacerdotalism, it has turned away from the spiritual ideal of Christianity."
The first half of the volume is concerned with the Roman type of
sacerdotalism. Ecclesiastical authority, which represents the church as the
Hook Departincnt 191
infallible organ of truth, is criticised as logically demanding the pre-eminence
of the church as a governing power, and consequently the subordination of
the state. The development of papal absolutism is traced and the dogma of
papal infallibility questioned. In the Greek Church sacerdotalism is of the
aristocratic type, investing the ecumenical council with the highest authority,
and is shown to fall below the Roman monarchic type in its control.
The Anglo-Calholic or High Church movement is traced in the Church
of England. Patristic authority in interpretation and apostolic succession
are discussed. The trend of this movement is claimed to be toward a more
compact sacerdotalism with an aversion for Protestanisni and an inclination
to Rome. Less important developments of sacerdotalism are represented by
the radical Neo-Lutherans, the Irvingites and the Mormons.
In conclusion the author urges evangelical Protestanisni to recognize its
great task of maintaining itself against the sacerdotal attempts to subjugate
the world to the dominion of priestly sovereignty, which is already menaced
by increased intellectual activity. As a work in polemics this volume is
generally strong and is of value to the student of the relations of church
and state as well as to the tlicologian.
Sinclair, U., and Williams, M. Cnod llcallh and How ]\\- Won It. Pp. 302.
Price. $1.20. New York: F. A. Stokes Company, IQ09.
St. Maur, Kate V. The Juirtli's Bounty. Pp. x. 430. Price $1.75. Xew
York: Macniillan Company, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Towier, W. G. Sucialisin in Local Government. Pp. xiii, 7,2,6. Price, $1.50.
Xew York: Macniillan Company, 190Q.
This book, a companion volume to "The Case Against Socialism," and, like
it, issued by the London Municipal Society, is a sane and dispassionate
account of the results of the municipalization of water, gas and electric light-
ing plants, telephones, tramways, the drink traffic, and various other matters
of a like nature by the cities of Great Britain. Statistics and data from
recent and reliable sources are presented, to show that for the most part
such activities have been highly unsatisfactory, not only when considered
from the standpoint of the price and quality of the service rendered, but
also from that of the general effect upon industry and the people as a whole.
The author admits that "unrestrained private venture is too likely to become
tyrannical and contrary to public interest," but advocates a system of control
and regulation as the only advisable alternative. Especially interesting is
his chapter dealing with "Labor and Politics," wherein he shows the alnise
of political power by municipal employees.
Van Rensselaer, Mrs. S. History of the City of New York in the Sezeii-
tecntli Century. 2 vols. Pp. xl, 1173. Price, $5.00. New York: Mac-
millaii Company, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
JVar in the Far East. By a military correspondent of the "Times." Pp.
656. Price, $5.00. New York : E. P. Dutton &• Co.
Reserved for later notice.
192 The .liiiials of the American Academy
Webb, Sidney and Beatrice (editors). The Minority Report of the Poor
Laiv Commission. Part I. The Break Up of the Poor Law. Pp. xvii,
601. Fart II. The Public Organization of the Labor Market. Pp. xiii,
345. London and New York : Longmans, Green & Co., 1909.
It is universally recognizxd in England, as well as on the outside, that the
recent Blue Book containing a report of the Poor Law Commission which,
for several years, has been studying the administration of public relief in
luigland. is one of the most important social documents of recent time. Tlie
commission found itself divided when it came to the question of recommenda-
tions for the improvement of the situation. The majority of the board
favored certain moditications of the existing plan, while the minority advo-
cated rather radical sweeping changes.
The volumes now under consideration are a popular edition of the
minority report containing the exact text of the report but lacking the
references to investigations and authorities cited in the original. Space
prohiliits any detailed mention of the contents of these volumes, to say noth-
ing of any attempt to estimate the comparative value of the suggestions
made by the majority and minority groups, or any attempt to estimate the
feasibility of the measures proposed. It must suffice to call attention to the
uniform recognition of the failure of the old system to adequately meet the
needs of to-day. It is found that in spite of the efforts to abolish outdoor
relief, it is widespead ; that, in spite of the efforts to keep the able-bodied
out of the almshouses, large and probably increasing numbers of able-
bodied men and women are therein sheltered ; and finally, that along with
the existence of this workless population is a steady demand for the employ-
ment of children. The minority firndy believes that this situation is too
complex and too widespread to be dealt with by any local authorities irre-
spective of their powers. The gist of the minority report contained in these
two volumes is that there must be an organization of the national labor
market under a cabinet minister, to be called perhaps the ^Minister of Labor.
The department should be organized in six divisions: (i) The National
Labor Exchange, (2) the Trade Insurance Division. (.3) the IMaintenance
and Training Division, (4) the Industrial Regulation Division, (5) the
EmigratioTi and Immigration Division, (6) the Statistical Division. To this
new department shall be transferred all the functions now performed by the
various agencies dealing with the poor.
It is a matter of congratulation that this minority report should be
reprinted in this form. No more important volumes can be secured by
libraries frequented by students of social problem.s — unless perchance it is
the complete Blue Book itself. No student of American conditions can
afford to neglect the evidence here presented or to consider the feasibility,
in our minds, of the suggestions offered, for we must clearly recognize that
the same problems exist here and that our own system is none too satis-
factory.
Weller, Charles F. Neglected Neighbors. Pp. 342. Price. $1.50. Philadel-
phia : The John C. Winston Company, iqoq.
The hook is divided into two parts, the first of which discusses life in the
Book Dcpariincut 193
alleys; the second, in the tencnient>. The most notable things about the alky
life are its iniinoraiity. the adver>e surroundings of the children, the insanita-
tion of the alleys, and the undesirable character of the social life there. The
alleys are largely inhabited by negroes, a^id the picture painted by the author
of the life there is as soul harrowing as tlie description of the English
factory towns, during the early part of the nineteenth century. I'he insanila-
tion in the Washington tenements, as depicted, is not exceeded by the worst
conditions of New York. From the standpoint of Washington, the picture
is not a bright one. Three remedies are offered for the alley condition —
condemnation, commercialism and the opening of minor streets.
The remedies advocated for a change in tlie tenements are the typical
ones centering about tenement house legislation. The pliotograplis wli-ich
fill the book are most excellent, but the descriptions of conditions show a
lack of intimacy with the people. They are about things and about people,
but they do not interpret sympathetically the alley and tenement humanity.
The reading of the book leaves in the mind the impression that the author
is gfuilty of groundless optimism. This criticism is based on his own facts
which were gathered in 1905 and confirmed in 1908. During the intervening
years, when he and his helpers had supposedly been working for the removal
of the conditions, they had. according to his own statements, grown worse
rather than better. The book draws a terrible picture, and fails to present
any adequate method of relieving its horrors.
Wells, H. G. First and Last Things. Pp. .^07. Price. $1.50. New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1908.
It is needless to say of any book written by Mr. Wells that it is interesting.
This one is unusually so, because its author has undertaken to set out here
without reserve just what he believes, and what is his rule of life. The
complete niodernness of it all strikes one first ; it is utterly skeptical, yet
wholly reverent and full of faith : it is intensely serious, yet never too serious,
always irradiated with irrepressilile humor.
In an introductory section on metaphysics. Mr. Wells pays his compli-
inents to those dried-up persons who believe that they can explain the whole
of life in terms of a yardstick and a test tube. Classification is at best only
a necessary vice of the human mind, and everything is in the last analysis
unique, individual, and hence significant in the scheme of things. Such
mysticism grafted on to the tree of modern science yields a rich fruit of
faith, and where the author has no reason for his faith other than that
he chooses to believe as he does, he is frank enough to say so.
A system of conduct in which secrecy is the greatest sin is no less
tmusual than one in which man's chief duty is to educate, and firstly and
chiefly himself. Of course that duty includes the spreading of socialism,
but it is a socialism no more mischievous than "the awakening of a col-
lective consciousness in humanity, a collective will and a collective mind
out of which finer individualities may arise forever in a perpetual series
of fresh endeavors and fresh achievements for the race." Marriage in
something like its present form i^^ a social necessity, yet Mr. \\"cll-- has no
194 ^'/'<^' Annals of the A)nerican Academy
harsh condemnation for those individuals who cannot conform exactly to
the established standards. His tolerance is large, yet he has a keen percep-
tion of the need for law and conformity to it.
Nothing could give a better idea of the charm of the book than the
chapter on immortality, in which we read of Stevenson : "If he lives, he
lives as I knew him and clothed as I knew him and with his unalterable
voice, in a heaven of daedal flowers or a hell of ineffectual flame, he lives,
dreaming and talking and explaining, explaining it all very earnestly and
preposterously, so I picture him, into the ear of the amused, incredulous
principal person in the place.'' The whole book is a rare refreshment in
its frankness, its large, generous faith, its broad tolerance for those who
disagree, its hopefulness and outlook.
Williams, Charles D. J J'alid Christianity for To-day. Pp. 289. Price,
$1.50. Now York: Macmillan Company. 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Williams, W. M. J. The King's Rczu-niic. Pp. xvi. 221. Price. 6s. London:
P. S. King & Son, 1908.
The title of this "Handbook to the Taxes and the Public Revenue" of Great
Britain is at first glance misleading, but the author in his introductory
chapter gives a clear and historical explanation of the phrase, which is
meant to embrace all revenue, both from taxable and non-taxable sources.
The volume is a compilation of financial statements and schedules of duties
which are annotated and analyzed for the easy comprehension of the lay-
man. A short history of the different indirect taxes laid from time to time
is included as well as a careful discussion of the income tax. All revenue
is divided into revenue from taxation (which includes customs, excise
duties and taxes of all sorts) and non-tax revenue, compromising post-office
and telegraph service, crown lands and miscellaneous revenue. The treat-
ment is objective and practical, with no attempt to theorize or compare the
various sources of revenue according to taxation principles. Its wealth of
legal citation is conveniently arranged, and the mode of subject arrangement
makes the volume specially valuable as a reference for students of the prob-
lems of national revenue.
Wright, Carroll D. Outline of Practical Sociology. Pp. xxvii. 431. Price,
$2.00. New York : Longmans. Green 8z Co., igog.
The late Dr. Wright's outline of Practical Sociology is now in its seventh
edition. It has been again revised with such additions of statistics as were
made necessary by the latest material brought out by the census bureau
of the United States. The changes in the method of taking the census
have made accurate comparisons in some parts difficult because of the inclu-
sion in 1900 of the white persons in the Indian Territory, Indians on reserva-
tions and the population of Alaska and Hawaii. There are also additions
made to the general bibliography and to the lists of references at the heads
of chapters. With these exceptions, the text remains the same-
Tlie chief subjects treated arc the basis of practical sociology: units of
Book Dcpartiiiciit 195
social organization — political and social ; questions of population — immigra-
tion, urban and rural population; social problems of city life; questions
of the family — marriage and divorce, education, employment of women
and children ; the labor system, social well being — wealth and poverty ;
defense of society — criminology, the punishment of crime and the liquor
question. There are numerous maps, diagrams and tal)los tliroughout the
book whicli make available the results of the best statistical researches on
each subject.
Allen, William H. Cirics and Health. Pp. \1. 41 r. Boston: Cinn & Co.
1909.
The steady advance of the medical world in tiie understanding of disease
has been accompanied by an increase in popular demand for elimination of
its causes. No subject is to-day of wider interest than public health.
As a graduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, Dr. .Mien
studied rural sanitary administration. Later as head of the State Chari-
ties Aid Association of New Jersey, and as head of the .\ssociation for
Improving the Condition of the Poor of New York City, he came into
immediate and constant contact with many phases of the health problem.
More recently as the secretary of the Bureau of Municipal Research he ha-^
dealt with the question of civic control and efficiency. The reputation justly
gained from his earlier work is well maintained in this volume.
He begins by defining the "health rights" of a community and finds the
best inde.x thereto in the physical welfare of school children. In the next
section he discusses means for studying school children and developing them
physically. Part III deals with the measures adopted at home and abroad
to meet the ends revealed, while Part IV describes the necessary ofTicial
machinery.
In the last section Dr. .Mien discusses the method of teaching health
lessons. His emphasis on the necessity of truth in dealing with problems
of alcoholism, the avoidance of exaggeration, is very timely. His sugges-
tions as to effective measures deserve attention. This is a most readable
book, of great value to any public-spirited citizen. There are many good
illustrations,
Carl Kklsf.v.
University of Pciinsyhania.
Angier, A. C. The Far East Rczisitcd. Pp. xiv, .^64 Price. los. 6d. Lon-
don : Witherby S: Co.. 1908.
Millard, Thomas F. America and the Far Eastern Question. Pp.
xxiv, 576. Price, $4.00. New York: Moffat, Yard & Co.. 1909.
Both of these authors arc especially qualified to discuss the problems of the
Far East and have brought together important material showing the eco-
196 The Annals of the Ajiieriean Academy
nomic rivalries which make the East a center of international interest. The
viewpoint of each volume reflects the chief interest of the author. Mr.
Angier is the editor of the London and China Express. He is well acquainted
with the commercial politics of the Orient. Problems of colonial adminis-
tration and possibilities of influencing the course of trade receive his first
attention. Mr. Millard's book emphasizes the importance of politics as an
element in determining the future control of the trade of the East. He has
the advantage of a more intimate personal acquaintance with eastern affairs
A\hile Mr. Angier has made a more detailed study of the economic factors.
Both books at times show newspaper style, indeed the material has to a
large extent appeared before in the periodicals.
"The Far East Revisited" in its arrangement is a travel book. The
first third presents a favorable report of what has been accomplished in the
British Malaysian colonies and in Netherlands India. The last part con-
tains the author's real contributions. He finds the trade of Chinese ports
growing and efficiently conducted. Praise is especially given to the German
activity in Tsing-Tao. The recent edicts intended ultimately to bring the
maritime customs back into Chinese control the author thinks ill advised.
The opium legislation also is treated in a way which recalls the opium war
and the present interest of England in poppy culture in India, but at the
last the author puts himself on record in favor of helping China curb the
use of the drug.
There are two excellent chapters on present railway development in
China. The Chinese desire to repurchase the "concession lines" is approved,
but it is pointed out that foreign capital must be encouraged to invest heavily
in Chinese railroads if the rapid development so necessary for China in the
present crisis is to occur. Manchuria and Korea are reviving in trade, it is
insisted, and the Japanese so much criticised for discrimination are on the
whole acting for the best commercial development of the country. Japan's
ambitions receive much more synipatlietic treatment than is accorded by
most recent writers.
Mr. Millard's book in this respect stands at the opposite pole. Japan
to him is the disturbing factor of the Far East which all powers interested
in the open door must be prepared to restrain. The United States espe-
cially should adopt an aggressive policy in maintenance of the principle of
equal opportunity. Other nations have tentative spheres of influence marked
out, but we will be read out of the Oriental market if the sphere policy
should come to fruition. Japan's ambition is asserted to be the concentra-
tion of all the national energy to secure commercial supremacy in the East.
Railways, industry and steamboat lines are subsidized for that purpose. All
the acts of the government indicate the determination to keep control of
more than Korea, which now is virtually a colony. The San Francisco
school episode was conjured up by Japan to distract attention from her dis-
criminations in Manchuria. Japan is already preparing for another great
struggle, one greater than the war with Russia.
This part of the work, as the author admits in his preface, will meet
criticism by many. But no one who reads the facts that are brought together
Book Dcpartinciit i*jj
can fail to revise sonic of his opinions as to the present status of the open
door. The military expenditures of Japan, the oppressive taxation and the
methods adopted on the mainland are analyzed in a way which raises a
strong presumption that at least a part of' the author's thesis can be main-
tained. Manchuria is the "danger spot " of Oriental politics. It will be the
scene within the next decade of another great war. li no new factors
enter upon the scene the next conllict may sec the aljandomnent of the open
door and Japan in control of all north China. To check such a move the
author relics on the new China and upon the I'nitcd Slates acting as her
friend.
The last third of the book is devoted to the Philippines- The author
is a warm friend of the administration but admit? that even now the islands
are the shuttlecock of politics. The Philippine Assembly has not yet proven
its efficiency but has done all that could be expected. As a base for our
future trade and on their own account the islands have justified their acqui-
sition. They are already self-sustaining and in time it is asserted they will
develop a trade with the United States valued at eight hundred millions. Tn
these chapters the author certainly does not err on the side of pessimism.
Mr. Angier and Mr. Millard liave written books which bring out many
contrasts of opinion. Both illustrate how difficult it is to form a correct
judgment of the shifting factors of eastern politics, both show also how-
important it i- that we should have such a judgment. The student of inter-
national affairs cannot afford to neglect cither of these works.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
i'niz'crsify of J'cniisvlz'ania.
Baddeley, John F. The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus. Pp. xxxviii.
518. Price, $5.00. New York: Longmans. Green & Co.. 1908.
For over a century Russia was occupied with subduing that country 01
heterogeneous population which goes under the general name of the Cau-
casus. There was practically incessant warfare going on for decades. So
the Caucasus served as a training school for Russian officers and soldiers,
and some of Russia's most eminent generals were sent down to conduct the
operations against the stubborn resistance of the Mnrids.
IMany Russian writers served in the army corps stationed in the Cau-
casus and later left in their writings classical descriptions of that country-
Lcrmontov gave us "The Hero of Our Times." It is said that Tolstoy has
prepared a book to be published after his death, which deals with the last
period of the conquest of the Caucasus.
Official reports of generals supplemented by personal memoirs have
been published and furnish a voluminous literature on the Caucasus. But
no complete history of the conquest has ever been published, even in Russian,
and this work of Mr. Baddeley is therefore a most important and useful
contribution.
Mr. Baddeley is a non-niifitary man and himself apologizes for dealing
with military affairs, disclainn'iv.; nil export knowledge. Mis interest in the
198 77/1' Ainials of the American Academy
subject was aroused by frequent and intimate relations with the native tribes-
men, among whom the memories of fighting days were still most vivid.
The material which he thus gathered locally from word of mouth he supple-
mented from ofificial and other written authorities, and has given us here a
carefully documented but most readable account of that long strife between
the various Caucasian tribes and the '"imperial" Russia.
The writer is quite frank in condemning many of the measures adopted
by Russia in this w'ork of conquest. But he is fair to both sides and does
not hesitate to point out that Russia had to deal with a people who also
showed no mercy and gave no quarter.
The character of that extraordinary man Shaniil is carefully and min-
utely studied. A drawing of Shamil is the frontispiece of the book. It
was because of his remarkable energy and his clever ability that IMuridism
became so important an clement in the history of tlic Caucasus. It took
years to shake the invincible belief in Shamil's power. He was '"fired by
religious enthusiasm and the love of libertj', or, as the Russians have it, by
fanaticism and license." But conditions were all against him — the strength of
his adversary, the partisan dissensions among the various tribes made his
ambition unrealizable ; and, as the author states, it was essential to the
security of the people of the Caucasus that Russian authority be established
there.
Since 1859. tlie date at which the conquest was complete and with whicli
this book ends its narrative, the Caucasus has become rapidly Russianized,
but the former spirit still prevails, and the former race antagonisms. In the
recent political movement these "traditions" reappeared, and the Caucasus
became, as of old, the scene of dramatic but tragic events, and again one
traveled at one's risk and preferably under escort.
The Russian system of colonization, made possible by tlie existence of
a farmer-soldier class — the Cossacks — is particularly exemplified in the his-
tory of the Caucasus — the plough accompanied the sword. Cossack stations
formed the so-called "line" which was gradually pushed forward. When
not fighting, these Cossacks devoted themselves to cultivating the soil. All
the details of this effective method of colonization are worked out by the
author.
Though dealing to a large extent with military operations, the book
gives much space to a general description of the Caucasus, and its inhabitants,
and to the social, political and economic problems involved in its conquest.
It is therefore a book that should appeal to a general reading public and not
merely to those interested in military affairs.
S.\MUEL N. Harper.
Uuivcrsity of Chicago-
Beaulieu, Paul Leroy. Collectivism. Pp. xi, 343. Price, $3.00. New York:
E. P. Button & Co., 1908.
This abridged translation of Leroy Beaulieu's book on "Collectivism," by
Arthur Clay, contains much useful material. There is scarcely an argument
Book Department 199
for or against socialism that is not at least nicntionc-d, and the case for capi-
talism is presented with enthusiasm, and in some respects with skill, though
a greater readiness to admit its defects would strengthen the author's
argument.
The first division of the book is an argument against land nationalization,
which Leroy Beaulieu regards as mere limited collectivism. The second
section is a hostile criticism of the theories of Lasallc and Mar.x, and of the
scheme of socialistic organization outlined in SchaefHe's ■■Quintessence of
Socialism." Such criticism, in view of the progress of economic theory, is
an eas\' task, though perhaps even yet a necessary one. It is not necessary,
however, to paint the highly colored picture of socialist tyranny that M.
Leroy Beaulieu's imagination conjures up. Notwithstanding this exaggera-
tion, most of the stock criticisms of collectivism are presented witii force
and point.
The tiiird part of the work, in wiiich the present position of s(5cialist
doctrine and policy is taken up, is the most useful division of the hook.
The outlines of the Bernstein controversy and of the revisionist discussion
in France arc well presented, and the opinions of important representatives
of contemporary socialism are fairly set dow^n. In his anxiety to demon-
strate the essential similarity of the purposes of these writers, the author
appears to us to have minimized perhaps unduly their differences. None the
less, he gives a good idea of the present divergent state of socialist opinion.
The distinguished name of Leroy Beaulieu, so well known as a stout
defender of the existing order, will attract many readers to this book who
have never seen it in the original. While it is not a profound or sympa-
thetic presentation of its subject, it is nevertheless a virile, well written
criticism, and one adapted to set to thinking any who would thoughtlessly
abandon the advantages of our present form of economic organization.
Henry Raymond Missey.
Unh'crsity of Pennsylvania.
Bruckner, A. ./ Literary History of Russia. Translated by H. Ilavelock.
Pp. xi, 588. Price, $4.00. New York : Scribner's Sons, 1908.
Professor Bruckner's original work in German has been and still is the
authoritative book of Western Europe on Russian literature as a whole.
His work is now made more accessible to the English-speaking public by
this carefully prepared translation.
The editor of this English edition very justly notes in his introduction
that as a Pole, Mr. Bruckner has found it difficult to be quite fair to old
Russia with which old Poland was in constant conflict. Thus he passes
over the early period of Russian literature rapidly. The general reader is
less interested in this period however, and it is the treatment of the later
periods that forms the principal part of the work.
Russian literature more than any other has reflected economic, social
and political conditions. The reaction of politics particularly upon letters
is admirabh- traced by the author. Tlie social purpose of literature in Russia
200 The Annals of the Ajiicrican Academy
is properly emphasized, for one cannot understand the development of Rus-
sian writing unless one bears in mind this constant intrusion of "purpose."
The book is for popular usage, and is therefore not encumbered with
constant indications of sources, but the best English translations of the
Russian classics and of more modern writers are given. An appeal is made,
however, to learn Russian in order to be able to study this enormous litera-
ture at first hand, for. as is stated, the difficulty of tliis language has been
greatly exaggerated.
By reason of being most imperfectly known Russia has been much
maligned, exploited by writers of sensation, and generally looked down upon.
One is often dumbfounded at the absolute ignorance of Russian literature.
Tolstoy is of course known to the reading public, but the other great lights
of the same period and of earlier and later periods are often not known
even by name. Yet Russia has produced some of the most eminent writers
of the last century. If wc must still wait for a satisfactory up-to-date
political history of Russia we have here an admirable history of its litera-
ture, or more exactly, as the title indicates, the history of Russia in the
matter of literature.
During the confusion uf a vast i)olitical movement the "true lines of
literary movement have been obscured,'" so that the last chapter does not
bring us beyond 1905. though it points out tlie prevailing tendencies as
presented in Gorky and Andreiev.
A word must be said of the scholarly and admirable preparation of this
English edition by Mr. Minns, who has been for years a thorough student
of the Russian language and literature.
Samuel N. H.\rper.
University of Chicago.
Chancellor, William E. Our City ScJwols, Their Direction and Mano'^cmcni.
Pp. XV. 338. Price. $1.25. Boston: D. C. Heath & Co.. 1908.
This W'Ork is supplementary to an earlier one entitled "Our Schools. Their
Administration and Supervision." The former dealt with communities of
from five thousand to fifty thousand inhabitants : in the present volume the
discussion treats of larger cities.
The author accepts the social welfare of the democracy as the ultimate
aim of the school and looks to education as the universal panacea for the
evils existing in our great municipalities. "The city, the great city ever
tending to become yet greater, is the insoluble problem of civilization ; its
degeneration and collapse have hitherto been inevitable. Universal education
may be the missing factor by which mankind is to solve the problem." Tn
this work, the establishment of proper system, the handling of physical
details, what Thring called "the almighty wall," is considered the greatest need
of our schools. "In the poor school system, the good school is an accident
and is always in peril of destruction. Tn the good school system, the poor
school is an anomaly and is certainly in process of reform and of improve-
ment. In other words, I know that a good teacher cannot evolve a good
Book PcfHiitiiiciit 2QI
school everywhere, and. that a poor teacher ,. »,ouinR better or i, removed
where the riRht system prevails." rcmo\ea
The treatment of the size of hoard, of ed.,cation. of ,he rdttion of th.
board to the superintendent, the need of and fnn.-.ions of tl e "pe a \chooI
>s on a sane and workable basis; though as a contributiort he s^:
ct the work would be of more value if discussion with proof w re
ing uh.ch. by givmg detads of methods, records forms etc :,in. ,. i
u.nfy„,g educational processes throughout the nati t' * "'^ '"
Germautoi^n, Pa. ^''^'^^ ^ '^'■^"•
Conyngton, Thomas , Manual of Corporate Mana.n.eut. Third cdin-on
Pp. xvu.. 4- Pnce, $3.50. New York : Ronald Press 1909
Th.s compendious volume, furnishing a vast quantity of useful infornraion
marks a deeded uuprovement over previous editions of the sam i k
Whde wntmg for the most part with strict legal accuracy, its autho has
nuanaged to avo.d bemg technical. As the title indicates, the purpo e of the
Trate" '^ '"""' "'''" "" ""^"''''^'^ ^^"^^^^^ ^ P^^^'-' ha,Klbook of cor-
porate management.
The book is divided into eight parts. The first five deal with matters
of substanfve corporation law. The last three contain variou ef" nd
well-chosen forms. The following outline indicates the scope of he book
Part r. The Corporate System; Part 11. Stock; Part III. Stockholders Part
IV, D,rectors and Ofhcers ; Part V, Miscellaneous Corporate Matters' Pa
VI, Forms Relatmg to Incorporation; Part VII, Forms Relating to Me
.ngs; Part VIII Miscellaneous Corporate Forms. 'Almost ev y Is io.' t t
m.ght anse m the ordinary management of corporate affairs is'nsweed con
asely w.thm the hmits of a single volume. Xot the least valuable fea ur of
the work ,s the number of forms, two hundred and two in all
States Mr"r ""':' r'l^\^^^' -'^^ the law throughout the entire United
States, Mr. Conyngton's book can do little more than give the majority rule
.n matters wherein the practice of corporations and the law rTguIati^J
them vary „, the different states. In this country, corporations are a toget "r
of statutory ongm, and the legislatures of many of the states have annar
ently sought to outvie each other in the number and novelty of thir statutes
to try tn brief pace to chrontcle the vagaries, constitutional and otherwise
of Texas, Oklahoma a.ul Arkansas lawmakers. One has no easy task Tn
ta u"tes nnd ^ H' "T '/ f^'-P^''^^'^- ^^ '^^ down in any single state; the
utlr , ,J"^"^''''V'''''"^"^ ^f ''''" f^'-^y states are in many matters
"tterly discordant and cannot be exhaustively summarized in a single volume
A general work of this kind, therefore, while it will lighten the labor
of corporation officials and give them an intelligent appreciation of what
might otherwise seem meaningless red tape, cannot be regarded a. an inox-
202 The Annals of the .■hneriean Academy
pensive substitute for a lawyer's advice. But even a corporation lawyer may
find much that is helpful in Mr. Conyngton's manual.
John J. Sullivan.
University of PeiDisyh'aiiia.
Crichfield, George V^. .liuericaii Sitlyrciiiacy. 2 vols. Pp. xvi. 1244. Price,
$6.00. iS'cw York : Brentano's, 1908.
From internal evidence it appears that the author is an engineer who has
had wide experience in construction work in Venezuela. His life there has
furnished him with many examples of the faults of South-American govern-
ments. As a consequence, the whole tone of his volumes is one of acrid
criticism. South Americans, as a whole, are criticised as semi-barbarians
and liars. They can never achieve responsible self-government. The United
States should assume control over the ill-ordered republics. One of the great
impediments to this course is the Monroe Doctrine, which the author
criticises as a national superstition, a bar to civilization and a menace to
our peace and safety. Peru, Chile and the Argentine and Mexico
should for the present be left to themselves. Costa Rica, Brazil, Uruguay
and Paraguay, are governments not worthy of recognition, but not wholly
bad; all the other countries "have sinned away their day of grace."
An author who writes with so much animus, seriously limits the licaring
which he will receive. These two large volumes contain, however, a mass
of valuable information. The extended quotations from various works on
South America give us material not elsewhere easy of access, but lack of
orderly arrangement and digressions covering dozens of pages swell the
volumes far beyond what should be their size. Among the latter are an
attack on the Supreme Court; a discussion of the naturalization law of the
United States, containing numerous misstatements of fact, and a summary
review of European colonization.
The interpretations of fact are in so many places unfair that the criti-
cisms in unfamiliar fields cannot be accepted without question. For example
the author thinks the most we can hope for in the United States is that
the good accomplished by our courts will exceed the evil. The defects of
South-American cities and of Chicago and New Orleans, in matters of
sanitation, the author holds are not far different in degree. "It is time
that the cities of these countries and Chicago and New Orleans should be
cleaned up."
Secretary Root's visit to Brazil is discussed in detail. The author con-
cludes, "The shouting of frenzied crowds . . . the clamor of bands, the
booming of cannons, the cut-glass and bouquets may fool Elihu Root, but
they cannot deceive me." Unfortunately, such estimates as these are almost
typical of the author's attitude. Even discounting the manifest bias of the
discussion the books present material which makes a strong impeachment
of many of the governments. There is so much imstinted praise of Latin-
American advance that a presentation of the other side, even though ex-parte,
is welcome.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
University of Pennsylvania.
Booh l)cf>ar(iiHiit 203
Crozier. John B. My Inner Life. J vols. Pp. .xxiii, 531. Price. $2.50.
Xew Norl<: Longmans, Green & Co., 1908.
This book, as its title indicates, is more of a description and explanation
of .1 personal evolution than an autobiography in the ordinary sense of the
word. We have a detailed account of the successive steps by which the
writer's system of thought grew and took place in his mind. Instead of giving
his ideas of the world and life a< abstract propositions, he shows them as they
passed through his own mind which was modified l)y them and which in
turn reacted upon them.
Beginning with liis boyhood in Canada he takes us with him along the
course of his life. While still a boy he becomes much interested in
phrenology. This, to him, is tlie index and measure of the human intellect,
but it soon fails. Religion does not solve the world problem for him. His
questioning is not answered by reading Buckle, Mill, Carlyle and Emerson.
Turning from books, he tries to rely upon his own inner consciousness.
His years in a medical school open before him a new horizon. The read-
ing of Darwin, Huxley and Spencer makes him question all the more.
In Volume II he tells us of his life in England and of his further search
after the explanation of the world and the human mind. There are inter-
esting criticisms of many writers and philosophers, among them Carlyle.
whom he visited in iiis home in Chelsea. The modern metaphysical thinkers
repel him because in explaining the phenomena of the world and human
life, they fail to grasp the idea of the dependence of mind upon matter.
The "Poetic Thinkers" — Carlyle, Goethe, Bacon, Newman — do not explain
the Universe nor give a practical solution of the world problem.
The Avriter finally solves his problem by demonstrating to himself the
existence and progressive realization of the Ideal — the Divine — in the
human mind and in the world. He throws out physical science as a method
for solution of the problem of existence and supports in detail what the
"Poetic Thinkers" had seen in a general way but had not fully demon-
strated. He believes that the laws and tendencies of the world are working
slowly and surely toward an ideal and the expulsion of evil. This evil
he shows is an instrument of the principle of individuation, a necessary
instrument if the world is to reach its own goal through the play and
interaction of individual things and not as a total entity.
LuREXA Wilson Tower.
Philadelphia.
Dutton, S. T., and Snedden, David. The Administration of Puhlie Educa-
tion in the United States. Pp. viii. 601. Price, $i.75- N'cw York: Mac-
millan Company, 1908.
The importance of administration, both as a science and as an art, is far
better understood in this country than it was a decade and a half ago,
when Professor Goodnow brought it to the attention of the .American public
by his treatise on comparative administrative law. Moreover, education, both
as science and as art, has gained immeasurably during that time, especially
204 The Annals of the ADiericaii Academy
on the administrative side. School administration, whatever else it may be,
has come to be recognized as a great business enterprise, calling for much
the same sort of intellectual qualities as are to be found in the successful
entrepreneur. Most timely, then, is this first attempt to give an extensive
survey of the field of educational administration in the United States; and
fortunate is it that the work has fallen into such competent hand'^. As
professors of school administration at Teachers' College, Columbia, the
authors have had rare opportunities to make first-hand studies of the prob-
lems involved.
All phases of the complicated subject are touched upon in this work,
suggestively rather than exhaustively, and witli no desire to be dogmatic.
The various administrative imits — state and local, rural and urban — are
brought into relief, each with its respective set of functions and its cor-
responding financial status. Two chapters are devoted to city school sys-
tems, for the school department of an American city "is easily the first
in importance of all nuinicipal functions." Succeeding chapters are con-
cerned with the schoolhouse, text-books and supplies, courses of study,
grading and promotion, the teaching staff and the. special features of the
high and the normal school.
Now- follow chapters of more general interest to the student of social
problems. Rational physical development : vocational training ; education for
dependent, defective and delinquent children ; compulsory education and
child labor ; continuation schools ; the school as a social center. In the super-
vision and administration of these varied activities — all of them educational
in the best sense of the term — the state is to play a role of increasing im-
portance. In fact, tlie authors would have the state take a distinct step in
advance, by using its public school system as a clearing house of information
and guidance for every child, normal and abnormal. '"There should be a regis-
tration of every child in the community, and to some central authority,
perhaps the public schodl, shouUl be assigned final responsibility for ac-
counting to society for every individual. Under this central authority the
various agencies (public and private) should work in co-operation. The
public school should segregate unmanageable or defective children; it should
follow up the truant ; it should proceed against negligent parents ; it should
procure the commitment to institutions of those whose homes are no longer
sufficient; it should work hand in hand with the juvenile court; it should
direct agencies to aid in the employment of children: and it should organize
probation and parole. Its registration and other records should show the
disposition of every child of the community within the ordinary years of
education." An ambitious program for the public school — but why not?
Mention must be made of the two adinirable chapters on educational
statistics, one relating to the purely financial side, the other having to do
with school records and reports. The authors rightly argue that the public
school system, like any other department of public administration, not only
must be socially efficient, but must seek to demonstrate that efficiency statis-
tically to the public that pays the bills — so far, that is, as figures are capable
of measuring a work not all of whose results lie in the realm of material
Booh Dcf^arfincnt 205
things. Among the facts easily cap;il)le of statistical discovery, in order
to make possible a remedy, are those relating to retardation '.md withdrawals
in both elementary and secondary schools.
With its wealth of systematized material, including well-selected bibli-
ographies at the end of each chapter, aiul its progressive, scholarly view-
point, the work will serve admirably as a text-book for normal school
or college. And equally indispensable will it prove as a hand-book and
work of reference for the school expert, for the social worker or the non-
professional student of the child problem, and for the young teacher who
would know the metes and bounds of the field wherein he has chosen to
do his lifework.
J. Lynn Barn.\rd.
School of Ft'dagogy. PhihidclpJi'ui.
Ferrero, G. The Greatness and Decline of Route. Translated by A. E.
Zinnnern. Four vols. Pp. 1350. Xew York: Putnam's Sons, 1907-1908.
Not since tlio publication of Mommsen's History of Rome more than fifty
years ago has a work appeared in this field that has excited so much interest
and discussion both among scholars and the public generally as Ferrero's
new book. He docs not treat in <letail the earlier period covered by Momm-
scn, but after a brief survey of it in his first five chapters, begins his real
narrative with Caesar's debut in politics. Yet these preliminary cliapters
indicate the peculiar method of the author and suggest the points wherein
his treatment furnishes us with so important a contribution to Roman his-
tory. No long array of new facts is brought to light. This is not to be ex-
pected in a field where the sources are so scanty and have been so assiduously
worked over by generations of scholars. P»ut the material has been sub-
jected to interpretation by one who comes to the task with an equipment
and with interests quite different from those of the average historian. Fer-
rero began his career as a student of sociology and economics. He was
known as a collaborator with Lombroso in an important work on criminology.
The IVouian Criminal, and as author of Militarism, Tlie Psychology of
Symbolis)n, etc., before he took up historical work. In fact, it w^as his in-
terest in the problems of modern society and a desire to understand the
workings of social forces in the past that first led him to make investigations
in the field of Roman history. He approaches the task, therefore, in a
somewhat diflfercnt spirit from that of his predecessors, and his chief claim
to consideration is that his interpretations are based on a greater variety of
facts and bring into view the play of more complicated influences than is
the case with other works on the subject. This is not to say that he has
neglected the more immediate business of the historian to determine the
truth of events and their sequence. He appears fully abreast with the most
recent investigations of French and German scholars in this field, and is
capable of rigid treatment in the use of the sources, as is seen in his handling
of the letters of Cicero, but few writers have been at so much pains to show
2o6 Tlie Annols of the American Academy
ihe influence of intellectual, economic and social forces; to understand the
significance of the literary activity of the time both as a cause and an effect
of public sentiment ; and to analyze and interpret the character of the indi-
vidual actors in the drama so as to defme and limit their influence on the
progress of events.
It is, in fact, in the psychological analysis of the chief figures of Roman
history that one of the most important features of the work lies. It is
here that a curious contradiction may be noticed between the earlier and
later volumes, between the author's theory and his practice. He holds firmly
to the view that the individual counts for little or nothing in determining
the course of events. "Human history," he says, "like all other phenomena
of life and motion, is the unconscious product of an infinity of small and
unnoticed efforts" ; and he has applied the theory to Caesar, in the first two
volumes, to correct the exaggerated hero-worship of Moiumsen and to re-
duce the destroyer of the old Roman constitution to human proportions and
make him more comprehcnsil)le. On the other hand, Ferrero clearly indicates
that the history of the last years of the Republic was dominated by Cresar's
genius, and that his views and plans determined the whole subsequent career
of Antony; while the peculiar character and personality themselves of
Augustus fixed the form of the new government after Actium. Had Augustus
possessed the genius and energy of Caesar or the restless ambition of An-
tony, the subsequent history of the empire would have followed quite differ-
ent lines. Thus in his actual treatment of events Ferrero somewhat modifies
his fatalistic theory and successfully holds the balance between the spirit of
the age, the "unconscious product of unnoticed efforts," and the action and
reaction of great personalities thereupon.
As a socialist, Ferrero seeks a thoroughly materialistic interpretation of
history and finds in economic forces the final explanation of the growth
and decline of Rome. The narrow, aristocratic and agricultural society of
ancient Rome was broken up and transformed by the coming in of a mer-
cantile era following the destruction of Carthage. The old discipline disap-
peared before the new wealth and luxury, as did the agricultural organization
of Italy. Wealth accumulated in a few hands, but not always in those of
the old aristocracy. The new standards of life required new conquests to
maintain the flow of wealth to the centre and thus a deliberate imperialistic
policy was forced upon the leaders to ineet the needs of the Italian popula-
tion. The discontent of those excluded from their share of the plunder
furnished the support for revolution and the old constitution was over-
thrown. The decay and exhaustion that accompanied the civil wars led
ultimately to the establishment of an equilibrium between Italy and the
provinces. Industry was revived in the peninsula in new forms and a long
era of comparative peace came in with the empire. At the same time new
eleiuents of discord were being introduced through a deep but silent social
transfonnation that was taking place — the orientalizing of the West. Greek
culture, the luxurious civilization of the East, better suited the new material-
istic society and gradually conquered the West in spite of much opposition
imtil finally a uniform orientalized culture pervaded the whole empire, ac-
Booh Department 207
counting, among otiier tiling";, f<>r the spread of Christianity. Finally the
West and East began once more to differentiate, tlie two parts of the empire
fell apart and this tendency found expression in the reorganization of
Diocletian. Thereafter the West went its own way to the Middle Ages,
ami at this point Ferrero proposes to hring his work to a dose.
The four volumes tliat have sn far apjic-ired in ICnglish translation (tht*
translation of the fifth and last voUune to appear, as yet, in the original
is promised for tiiis spring) bring the history down only ti) the year 22, B. C.
A work on such a scale and one, moreover, that is so permeated with the
individual theories of the author, has naturally given rise to great con-
troversy. It has been received with much enthusiasm in France, with more
reserve in Germany and, strange to .say, has found its most bitter opponents
among the writer's own countrymen. It is the general opinion, however,
that the work is a most important contribution to our knowledge of Roman
history and it steadily improves as it goes on, the author showing a con-
stantly increasing command of his sources and mastery of historic method.
So, too, his interpretations seem to become less a priori opinions in support
of which facts are cited than concUiNions flowing naturally from a narrative
toM for its own sake.
Few will lay down the work without feeling that it has thrown light on
many obscure points in the period. An English sciiolar has spoken of the
book rather contemptuously as merely a series of brilliant guesses regarding
the history of Rome. In a sense this is true. In the same sense it is equally
true of all the good histories of Rome ever written. The sources for the
elucidation of the period are so meagre that anyone who undertakes to write
its history is compelled to fill in the innumerable gaps in our direct knowledge
by conjecture and inference regarding many events and the prol)able forces
at work. What distinguishes the work of Ferrero is precisely the brilliancy
of his guesses — the satisfactory manner in which they make the epoch live
again. So far, they suggest to the mind a fairly adequate explanation of
the building up of the Roman empire and the overthrow of tlio ri-publican
constitution.
A. C. lIoWL.XXD.
University of Peunsylz'aiiia.
Henderson, Charles R. Industrial Insurance in the United States. Pp.
429. Price, $2.00. Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1909.
Although this volume is in the main an English version of a German
book on this subject much new matter has been added. As far as possible
it is an up-to-date discussion of tlie history and problem of industrial
insurance — a piece of work badly needed because of the absence of recent
literature on the subject.
The author, in a single chapter, surveys industrial insurance in Europe
and Australia, giving a brief description of the difterent systetns in vogue,
anil the present tendency toward insurance in Great Britain. In discus>ing
2o8 The Annals of tlic American Academy
the subject for the United States. Professof Henderson sets forth the
fundamentals on which a sound insurance policy should rest. The problem
of accidents is considered, but unfortunately the paucity of data makes a
satisfactory discussion of trade life impossible. Our advancement is epito-
mized in the following sentence : "America has no system of industrial
insurance, but a beginning has been made from various starting-points —
local societies, trades-unions, fraternal societies, employers' initiative, private
corporations, casualty companies, and municipalities.'* In subsequent dis-
cussion the mutual benefit associations organized in many mercantile and
manufacturing establishments receive considerable attention and an entire
chapter is devoted to the benefit features of the trade unions. The insur-
ance features of fraternal societies are briefly stated and the plans of
certain corporations and railway companies are given with considerable
detail. The interesting movement in favor of pensions for public school
teachers calls for a brief outline as well as our national and state pension
system.
The author gives some attention to preventive work and effectively
analyzes the subject of employers' liability. .Additional subjects included
are: factory inspection, legislation against accidents and disease, against
long hours, and laws protecting women and children. The book contains
a number of valuable appendices, these consisting largely of rules and
agreements of various benefit associations. An English book on this im-
portant subject is timely and for the present this voltnne supplies the
deficiencv
George B. M.xncold.
St. Louis, Mo,
Key, Ellen. The Century f>f the Child. Pp. .■^,'^0. Priop. $1.50. New York:
Putnam's Sons. 1909.
In this book the author discusses a topic of vital importance to our devel-
opment as a nation. The rights of the child have too long been unrecog-
nized, the right to choose his parents, to have a home, to secure the proper
kind of education. Not only the duty of all parents to so order their
lives that their offspring may be of the highest possible type is excellently
brought out by Miss Key, but also the special duty of the mother to the
unborn race. She is correct in saying that the participation by women in
most unskilled trades unfits them for the duties of motherhood, but she
rather overlooks the fact that the exchange by an ever-increasing number
of our more highly-educated women of their former unskilled domestic
tasks, for skilled, extra-domestic occupations may not only not injure them
physically, but vastly improve their mental and moral capacity for child
training.
The right of the child to expand freely rather than be molded by our
present repressive education, and his right to a real home in which to expand
are also further developed. In conclusion, Miss Key's program for an ideal
Book Di-f>art)ucut 209
education, tlxnit'Ii .Kkiinwlcdj^cd as a ■'niorc dream."' is an interesting fi^rc-
cast of the education of the future.
Nellie Marguerite Seeds Nearino.
Philadclth'hi.
Kuropatkin, A. N, The Russian .Inny and llir Jaf^anrsr JJ'ar. Translated
by A. B. Lindsay. 2 vols. Pp. 657. Price. $7.00. New York: F.. P.
Dutton & Co.. 1909.
The memoirs of a man who h;id tlie courage to asstime as his own the
responsibility for the Mukden disaster could not be tame commentaries.
Kuropatkin is the general who, in spite of failure, came out of the Japanese
War with the highest esteem of the Russian people and of military men
the world over. His criticism of the Russian situation, therefore, deserves
especial consideration. The two volumes here presented are chiefly a trans-
lation of the fourth voliune of a large work which was at once suppressed
on its publication in Russia.
The first volume points out what the foreign policy of Russia is and
sliould be. -An historical review of the growth of Russia shows that her
chief interest before the war should have been to protect the Gcrman-
.Xustrian frontier. Every reason was present for avoiding a conflict in
Asia. Money, men. public opinion and means of communication, none were
ready for the struggle. The War office was determined on peace in the
East as early as 1898. It was difficult to follow this plan because of the
increase of Russia's interest in the Far East di.e to the activities in that
section carried on under the administration of Witte. Finally Japan
was able to bring on a conflict through brusque diplomacy aided by the
stubbornness of Alexeieflf. Evidence is given to show that the break was
hastened through the scheme of a promoter. Bezobrazoflf. who interested a
group of the nobility, including the King, in the Yalu Timber Company
operating in Korea. Millions of roubles are said to have been invested in
the enterprise. This view behind the scenes is supposed to be one of the
reasons why the book was suppressed in Russia.
The disadvantages under which Russia labored in the war are re\ iewed.
They include civil dissensions, unpreparcdness. the weakness of the Siberian
Railway, the failure of the cavalry, the failure of water communication and
most important the fact that the war was unpopular. Tn spite of all this
the author asserts that the defeat could have been turned into victory and
that Russia w-as at no time in so favorable a position as at the making
of peace. The railway had been made efficient, there were plenty of
arms, an abimdance of supph'es and a remarkable improvement in morale.
Japan, on the other hand, was weakening imdcr the strain. Old men were
found among the prisoners, her credit \\ould not allow further borrowing
and public opim"on was beginning to turn against the war. Peace under
such a condition is only a truce.
The second volume details the organization of the Rus-ian War ofllcc
with suggestions for improvement of the army in personnel and arms. One
2IO The Antmis of the American Acodemy
hundred pages siininiarize the war. espcciallj^ the battles of Liao Yang, the
Sha Ho and Mukden. An intef csting series of letters is published which
sheds light on the affairs of the Yalu Timber Company. Though there
are passages that are hopelessly profuse this work makes a decided con-
tribution to our knowledge of the war. It brings us nearer to an under-
standing of Russia's defeat and to a realization of her future ambitions
in the Far East
University of Pennsylvania.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
Lownhaupt, F. Investment Bonds. Pp. x, 253. New York: G. P. Put-
nam's Sons, 1908.
As stated on the title page, this is "a book for students, investors and prac-
tical financiers." In treating the subject of bonds as investments the usual
method is to divide them into several great classes according to the char-
acter of the organization which issues them, such as governmental, municipal,
railroad, street railway, intcrurban and industrial. Each of these classes is
given special treatment, the important considerations in the investigation of
a bond of each being set forth. Mr. Lownhaupl's work, however, proceeds
along quite different lines.
The method followed is to isolate in turn each of the important features
of a bond, features which tend to give it investment strength or weakness,
and to discuss it at considerable length; many of these features, of course,
are common to bonds of all classes. Thus, to use the author's own words,
"the contents of this book have been developed with reference to two prin-
cipal ideas, that of the relation of the bond to its issuing corporation and
the general investment aspect of the instrument. These central ideas have
been developed to treat of classification of issuing corporations and specific
issues ; processes of issue and the practice of negotiations ; market, in its
extent and general conditions ; interest, in its definition, methods and times
of payment: security, in its relationship to various types; default and its
effects; reorganization and how accomplished, etc.. together with other
important features,"' such as legality, guaranties, taxation features, privileges
of exchange and conversion, voting power, sinking funds, serial features and
so on. In his discussion and illustrations the author displays a comprehen-
sive and up-to-date knowledge of the facts of financial history.
Thomas W. Mitchell.
University of Pennsylvania.
Moody, John. Moody's Analyses of Railroad Investments. Pp. 551. Price,
$12.00. New York: Analyses Publishing Company, 1909.
The author of the "Analyses of Railroad Investments'' has undertaken, along
somewhat original lines, to demonstrate in an intelligent and scientific way
the relative values of the different railroad securities. The subject of rail-
Book Department i2ii
road operation and management is considered in a series of introductory
chapters that endeavor to develop sound principles for the intelligent use of
the investor and banker in judging the approximate values of the different
issues. These principles are then applied to the ditYerent railroad systems
in the series of analyses in the remainder of the volume. On the basis of
these deductions the different issues of railway securities are given as appro.xi-
mate rating to reflect their values. Mr. Moody has particularly emphasized
the importance of considering the earning power of the properties over a
long series of years as the primary factor in passing upon the values of the
different securities. The entire decade, ending with 1907. is considered in
all cases: and. in the tables presented, the average results for the decade arc
considered to be the controlling vital factors. For the investor or other
person who buys securities or acquires an interest in railroad properties for
other than mere speculative purposes, the demonstrations made in this book
should be of great value. As pointed out in the introduction, the question
of permanency in a railroad enterprise is a most important one, and the
record of a railroad during the preceding decade should, at least to some
extent, indicate the probable trend in business and earning capacity of the
property during the coming decade.
The author states that the manuscript of the book was submitted for
criticism and comment to many bankers, accountants and other experts, and
the judgment of practically all who undertook to pass upon the work was of
a most favorable nature. The volume is. indeed, of high merit. It is essen-
tially different from the ordinary statistical or financial publications. It is
a book Avritten to present deductions, not merely to tabulate information. It
will doubtless be appreciated both by individual investors and also by others
who arc interested in railroad values. Students of transportation will like-
wise be grateful to Mr. Moody for including in the volume the uniform
accounting requirements for steam railroads as prescribed by the Interstate
Commerce Commission. These "requirements" occupy sixty quarto pages.
Emory R. Johnson.
University of Pennsylvania.
Rasmussen, K. The Penfyle of the Polar North. Pp. 357. Price, $5.00.
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. 1908.
In the compilation of this book from the Danish originals and editing it
in the English language, the translator, M. Herring, has done a good ser-
vice for all who are interested in the study of the human race. The book
is especially interesting because it deals particularly with the most northerly
branch of mankind, the Polar Eskimos, who live a more or less nomadic
life, nearly a thousand miles beyond the Arctic circle. Two other distinct
branches of Eskimos arc included, the civilized and Christianized natives
in west and southwest Greenland, and the natives of the east coast. Less
interest, however, is attached to these latter groups since they are not in
the same degree extreme outposts of the northern world, hence rather
more than two-thirds of the volume is devoted to the most northcrlv tribe.
212 The Annals of the American Academy
TIic volume is especially significant in at least three respects. In the
first place it appears as a great relief from the usual type of Arctic explora-
tion, the object having been to learn something definite about the life,
religious beliefs, customs and legends of a little known race. Secondly,
the author, as the son of a Danish missionary to Greenland, speaking the
Eskimo language from boyhood and with a touch of Eskimo blood in his
own veins, was peculiarly fitted for a sympathetic understanding of these
people. Finally, the Polar Eskimos are disappearing so rapidly before the
ravages of disease and the hardships of nature, that this first research
into their folklore will probably be the last. It is particularly fortunate,
therefore, that the records have been utilized before it was too late.
The most attractive part of the work is in the real folklore of the
Polar Eskimos especially in their fables and legends regarding animals,
the heavenly bodies, traveling adventures and meetings with strange tribes.
In this same class are to be included also the elaborate system of
religious beliefs, the A-arious effects of different acts on the doer and the
preventive measures which are imposed on individuals. It is interesting
to trace here ideas found among other primitive peoples, such as the idea
of a f^ood. the ascent of the dead to become luminous heavenly bodies, the
passage of souls to animals in certain cases, and the customs associated
with childbirth. The book is not only a valuable contribution to the study
of primitive folklore, but is at the same time highly interesting as a por-
trayal of Polar life.
The entire book is fascinating reading, and is superbly illustrated with
colored prints and charming sketches, the work of Count Harald Moltkc,
who accompanied the author.
Walter S. Tower.
University of Pennsylvania.
Ray, P. Orman. The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Pp. 375. Price,
$3.50. Cleveland : Arthur H. Clark Company. 1909.
Frontier conditions and influences are fascinating phases of American
history which have afforded explanations for many of the important devel-
opments of our national life. Professor Ray now uses them to correct what
he believes to be a wrong interpretation both of the causes of the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise and of the authorship of the bill. Historians
have placed various interpretations upon the motives of Senator Douglas
— the reputed author of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, but they have been
almost unanimous in ascribing the authorship of the measure to him and
holding that he believed it would be the means of placing him in the Presi-
dency. Douglas himself was anxious to claim the credit. Professor Ray
has gathered a surprising array of facts to show that the real cause was
the peculiar conditions existing in Missouri politics in the decade 1844-54.
The real originator of the measure he insists was the Senator from that
state, David R. Atchison. He proves that the project was repeatedly
Book Depart inoit _>, ^
advocated by Atchison in speeches in Missouri and tliat Douglas intro-
dnced the bill only after it had been repeatedly urged upo.i hin,-that he
became connected with the movement o,dy at a verv late period tliough
he claimed to have advocated it for "eight long years."
The book emphasizes two facts as to our wr'iting' of American history
-that there are still important factors shaping our national legislation which
have not been given their proper prominencc-though this is less true of
the frontier than of some other innuences; and that state politics and sec-
tionalism are influences which it is only too easv to overlook or under-
estimate.
• . ^^\ ^T^Z ''^' ^^''''^'^ "^ ^^""'^ ^° S'^^ together all the available mate-
rial and fortifies his statements with abundant footnote references to tlie
authorities on which he relies. The latter part of the book presents the
chief documents on the subject, a selected bibliography and an excellent
index.
... . Chester Llovd Jones.
University of Pnnisvl-vuia.
Schurz, Carl. Tlic Rnniuiscrucrs Of. 3 vols. Pp. xi. i^W Price. $6.00.
New \ork: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1909.
Few men meet such varied and interesting experiences as were the fortune
of Carl Schurz, and few men who attempt autobiographv are masters of
so pleasing a style. The three volumes in which the tale of this long life
IS told keep the attention of the reader as few novels do. The first treats
the authors youth, the second the prime of life, the third, the period during
which Mr. Schurz stood prominent as the leader of independents in
national politics and as a political sage. The latter part of this volume was
written by Mr. Frederick Bancroft and Prof. W. A. Dunning after Mr
Schurz's death. This portion covers the last three decades of the nineteenth
century during which occurred the greater part of Mr. Schurz's political
activity. The authors are to be complimented upon the svmpathetic and
thorough presentation of Mr. Schurz's public service but one cannot but
regret that this, the most interesting period of his life, could not have been
described by the great statesman himself.
Volume one is chiefly valuable to the American for its literary charm
and the intimate touch it gives with a civilization now rapidiv disappearing.
I he feudal relations of the German peasant classes with their lords the
simple home life and curious village customs are described with a dct.iil
and wealth of illustration which makes the book as vivid as a spoken narra-
tive. fc..specially interesting are the descriptions of student davs in the
German universities and the thrilling times of the Revolution' of 1848
ronnection with wdiich caused the author's abrupt departure for America"
VVith this portion of the first volume begins the real contribution which
the volumes make to history. The student of the struggles for freer gov-
ernments will find in these pages a fascinating picture of the trials of the
leaders of a cause lost at that time, but the principles of which were to
triumph a generation later,
214 TJic Annals of the American Academy
The second voiume covers the period from the arrival in New York
in 1852 to the darkest period of the Civil War — the spring of 1863. During
this time Mr. Schurz mastered the English language and won his way into
the front rank in public affairs. He knew most of the great men of the
time, and his criticisms of them presented here are always trenchant, inde-
pendent and judicial. Douglas, Sumner, Chase, Lincoln, Grant, and a host
of lesser men are passed in review. The life of the time, campaign incidents,
the political issues and personal anecdotes enliven the story of the tense
period Avhen the storm of the rebellion was gathering. Interesting digres-
sions treat such subjects as freedom of speech, party allegiance, the Dred
Scott Decision, and the necessity of emancipation. The importance of
the latter in its bearing on the relation of Europe to the war was first urged
upon President Lincoln by Mr. Schurz.
The last volume covers the period from the Gettysburg campaign to
Mr. Schurz's death. Only Mr Sohurz's war experience and his work in
connection with reconstruction are presented by the author himself. The
latter portion of the book, as already noted, is written by others aided by
the papers of ]\Ir. Schurz. No recent autobiography so fully deserves the
I'ttcntion of those interested in the development of our national life. The
lives of few men furnish so adequate a picture of the times in which they
lived.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
University of Pennsylvania.
Seligman, E. R. A. Progressive Taxaiian in Theory and Practice. Pp. 334.
Price. $1.25. Princeton, N. J.: American Economic Association, 1908.
The second edition of this work, which originally appeared some fourteen
years ago, illustrates no new or startling principle of taxation, nor has the
author's viewpoint changed with the added legislation and discussion of the
subject. On the contrary, his assumption that the progressive principle is
slowly, but surely, obtaining universal favor, finds support in the more recent
modifications in the different taxing systems throughout the world. A care-
ful and statistical study has been made of the principal countries as to the
funds for revenue and the means employed for raising them^the analysis
being confined to those cases where graduation, either progressive or di-
gressive, existed, or where proportionality was the basis. Following this,
the whole theory of progression is elaborated from several viewpoints —
including the Socialistic, benefit and faculty theories. A classification of
authorities upon the subject, relative to their attitude toward the different
theories of progression not only brings out more clearly a fair conception
of each argument advanced, but also serves to sliow the increasing inves-
tigation a!id discussion of what is now considered in many ways to be the
most logical and equitable basis of taxation.
Of special interest to American readers is the application of the prin-
ciple of progression to taxation within this country. The general property
tax, income, inheritance and corporation taxes receive consideration as
Book Department 215
popular sources of revenue for wliicli progression might be used to advan-
tage and in eacli case the arguments arc weighed in the light of existing
administrative conditions. Though a prophecy is ventured as to the future
scheme of national taxation, based on. a clearer understanding of local,
state and federal revenues, yet liardly more than a hope is expressed that
the progressive tax, tliough ideal from the standpoint of ability, will in the
near future be embodied in the American Iniancial system mainly on account
of the difticulties of general and uniform ai>plication. In other words,
though public opinion tends to favor progression, justice in individual cases
still demands proportionality.
C. Linn Seiler.
Vnivosity of Pcnnsylvunia.
Shaw, Charles S. The Piccinci of Rcliiiion in the Cnltiac of Humanity.
Pp. xiii, 279. Price, $2.00. New York: Macmillan Company, 1908.
With a strong bias for the subject — the Philosophy of Rcligi'^n — the writer
of this slight notice is constrained to utter a protest against the many poly-
syllaI)lod w(^r(I-. the long disquisitions which seem to lead nowhere, the
arguments which fall short of the mark and prove nothing. This is the
more to be regretted, as in many parts of the book, notably the latter part,
the reasoning is forcible and well sustained, the thought well brought out,
the statements clearly put, and instead of a woeful waste of words, the phrases
are clean-cut. almost epigrammatic in their terseness.
The author is of the opinion, tliat though religion is as old as man. as
a philosophy it dates no further back than the enlightenment, the autlvlarung
of the eighteenth century. Much is said of the co-ordination and inter-
dependence of Religion and Historj'. .\t times, one is almost led to believe
that the author is influenced by the Ritschlian theology', as for instance.
"Religion is not a mystery to be explained by theology, but is rather a
product of the human soul, and sucb as can be apprehended directly in
introspection." But. a few pages further on we read. "Zeal for moralisni
must not confuse our minds, so that we shall be led to say. religion is simple,
ethical activity; nor must a contrary spirit betray us into thinking that religion
is mere passivity. Religon is neither energism nor quiescence, but a care-
fully directed form of doing. . . . Viewed both phenomenally and ideally,
religion is related to the conduct of life."
It is to be noted that there is no confusion of ideas, no metaphyMcal
subtlety involved whenever religion is considered as a direct issue in life,
or in the culture of humanitv.
M.\RY Lloyd.
Phihuh-lphia.
The Social Application of Religion. Pp. i.^Q. Price. $1.00. Cincinnati:
Jennings & Graham. IQ08.
These lectures were delivered by Charles Stel/le. Tanc .Addam-^. Charles P.
Ncill. Graham Taylor and George P. Eckman. The names of the lecturers
2i6 The Annals of the American Academy
constitute a sufficient guarantee of the quality of the addresses, which make
up a rather unusually interesting series. The perpetual freshness of Miss
Addams' contact with life is seen again in her lecture on "Woman's Con-
science and Social Amelioration," in which she shows how women are being
forced willy-nilly into participation in the larger social struggle. Commis-
sioner Neill's address on "Some Ethical Aspects of the Labor IMovement"
displays a rare grasp of the economic forces and the ethical principles under-
lying the movement he discusses. It might be read with profit by both
friends and critics of unionism. While the book as a whole has the merits
and defects of such compilations, the lectures are worth preserving in this
permanent form.
Henkv R.wmonu Mlssey.
University of Pciiiisykaiiia.
Steiner, Edward A. Tolstoy — The Man and His Message. Pp. 35.^. Price,
,$1.50. New York: Fleming H. Revcll Company. 1908.
The author has seen and kjiows Tolstoy and those who read his book see
and know him also. He is described not as the old. decrepit man, but as the
real Tolstoy, living in the thought of the world, and in the hearts of his
friends and followers. The book is a very sympathetic interpretation, from
an American viewpoint of the great Russian prophet of social progress.
Accepting the general American attitude. Mr. Steiner takes issue with Tol-
stoy's work because he has not been more practical. His reforms, says Mr.
Steiner. have consisted in theoretical discussions and dissertations. Only
once in all his life did he help directly to alleviate the conditions whicli he
so deplores, and that was in the case of a famine when he journeyed from
village to village, in the depths of winter, and organized relief societies
which saved thousands from starvation. This work, the author thinks,
should have occupied more of Tolstoy's life. He should have done less
talking and thinking and more acting.
In this contention, the author undoubtedly voices modern American
opinion. Thought and discussion do not. as a rule, form a part of the
American's philosophy of life. He must act. and secure quick and decisive
results, and this attitude is well shown in "Mr. Steiner's criticism of the
Russian thinker.
The book is well worked out, clearly written and gives one a distinct
picture of Tolstoy, the thinker. While the criticisms of Tolstoy show a
decided American bias, they are. on the whole, able and fair.
Scott N earing.
University of Pennsylvania.
Taylor, Hannis. The Seienre of Jurisprudence. Pp. Ixv. 676. Price, $3.50.
New York : Macmillan Company. 1908.
This book is devoted not. as its title might indicate. *o an analysis and correla-
tion of the fundamental legal concepts, but to a broad survey of the chief
Book Def'artiiicHt 217
cliaractcristics of the two important systems of law which the world has
developed. The central fact about which the argument is built is that at
present a gradual growth in law is in process which tends toward the adanti-
tion of the best features of the English an.l Roman law. This development 'is
to furnish the basis for a true science of jurisprudence.
Roman law through its wide adoptio.i as the basis of private law bi.ls
fair to monopolize that held. From Western Europe it has .spread to the
rortuguese, l^rench, Spanisli, Dutch and German colonies. More or less closely-
connected with it are the private law systems of Russia, Scandinavia and
Japan. Even in English speaking countries Roman private law Ins been
adopted to a great extent. Roman law materials are found in the equitable
canonical, admiralty and commercial branches to an extent only recently
realized. ^
No less significant is the spread of the English system in the field
o public law. 1 his has been especially marked since the French Revolution
The English model reappears in the United States. Thence it has passed to
Latin America. The English system of public law was made adaptable to
world-wKle conditions, the author holds, by the change made in the Con-
stitution of the United States. Credit for this invention is given to Pela-
tiah Webster. The author lays claim to being the first to do justice to the
claims of this man who "gave to the world as his personal contribution to
the science of government the 'wholly novel theory' of Federal govern-
ment as adopted in the United States. It is perhaps needless to say that
he claims Mr. Taylor makes for himself and for Pelatiah Webster many
historians would not allow to pass unchallenged. Due to the invention of the
federal type of government now in use in the United States, '-everything now
points to the conclusion that out of a combination of English public law as
the outer shell with Roman private law as the interior co<le is to arise the
typical state law system of the future."
Tw^o-thirds of the book are devoted to an historical review of the
external history of the Roman and English law systems. Special emphasis
IS placed on the phases which illustrate the supremacy of each system in
Its separate field. The most suggestive chapters discuss English law in the
United States and the combination of English and Roman law The last
third Part II, is analytical. The nature of law properly so called is dis-
cussed, a chapter is given to the consideration of rules to prevent conflict of
laws and one to International law. The author chiefly follows the Austinian
definition of law and therefore decides that International law is law only by
analogy. •' ■'
The chief value of this book lies in the first portion. In it Dr Taylor
has given us a clear survey of the legal systems of greatest importance in
the world s history. He is able to marshal facts which amply justify his open-
ing generalizations.
,, . Chestek Llovd Jones.
University uj- Pt-nnsylvauia.
2i8 The Annals of the American Academy
Wallas, Graham. Human Nature in Politics. Pp. xvi, 302. Price, 6s.
London: A. Constable & Co., Ltd., 1908.
This book is an attempt to connect psychology with the questions of practical
politics in much tlie same way that it is being connected with business, with
judical procedure, and, in short, with all of the intricate affairs of human
experience by such authors as Miinsterberg. Scott, Angel and others. The
keynote of the book is perhaps best expressed by a paragraph in which
exception is taken to an observation occurring in Air. Bryce's preface to
Ostrogorski's "Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties."
'• "In the ideal democracy', says Mr. Bryce, 'every citizen is intelligent,
patriotic, disinterested. His sole wish is to discover the right side in each
contested issue and to fix upon the best man among competing candidates.
His common sense, aided by a knowledge of the constitution of his country,
enables him to judge wisely between the arguments submitted to him, while
his own zeal is sufiicient to carry him to the polling booth.' What", says
Mr. Wallas, "does INIr. Bryce mean by 'ideal democracy.' If it means any-
thing, it means the best form of democracy which is consistent with the facts
of human nature. But one feels on reading the whole passage that Mr.
Bryce means by those words the kind of democracy which might be possible
if human nature was as he himself would like it to be and as he was taught
at Oxford to think it was. Tf so. the passage is a good instance of the effect
of our traditional course of study in politics. No doctor would begin a medi-
cinal treatise by saying, 'The ideal man requires no food, and is impervious
to the action of bacteria, but this ideal is far removed from the actualities of
any known population.' No modern treatise on pedagogy begins with the
statement that the ideal boy knows things without being taught them and his
sole wish is the advancement of science, but no boys at all like this have ever
existed." (Pp. 126. 127.")
By an abundance of quotation and criticism. Mr. Wallas tries to point
out that progress in political reasoning can only be made by dealing with
men and situations as they are rather than as perhaps they ought to be. On
the whole, his thesis is well worked out, and. considering the mass of details
and variety of side lights which he attempts to throw upon his subject, his
matter is effectively presented. In one or two places, however, the use of
terminology is not as clear as might be desired. For instance, his exposi-
tion of "quantitative" over against "qualitative" reasoning, while in the
opinion of the reviewer absolutely logical, gives the effect of pedantry in its
presentation (143 ff.).
The second part of the book entitled "Possibilities of Progress," includes
four chapters. "Political Morality." '"Representative Government." "Official
Thought," and "Nationality and Humanity." They are wholesome in their
reasonable optimism.
WiLLARD E. HOTCHKISS.
Northzvestern University,
Book Dcf'iutnicut 219
Westermarck, Edward. The Origin and Development oj {he Moral Ideas.
V'ulmiK.' 1 1 'l^- -^^'' ^5-- f'ri^-'t*. $3 50. Xew Yt^rk : Macmillaii Company,
1908.
Tlie [niblication of the sccoikI voluino marks tlic completion of another
nionununtal piece of work by Professor Westermarck. The fact tliat tlie
list of authorities quoted in the two volumes covers seventy-eight closely-
printed pages shows the range of his researches. Freely using fjuotations,
which are not garbled extracts, but are fairly representative of the ideas
of the various writers Dr. Westermarck weaves them into a readable and
generally convincing whole.
The main topics of discussion in this volume are "Rights of Property,"
"Regard for Truth and Good Faith," "The Development of the Altruistic
Sentiments," "Suicide," "Duties towards Self," "Restriction in Diet,"
"Asceticisin," "Marriage," "Relation of the Sexes," "Regard for Lower
Animals," "Regard for the Dead," "Cannibalism," "Duties towards Gods,"
"The Gods as Guardians of Morality."
The reviewer cannot discuss so many subjects. At best he can but
indicate the author's standpoint. One naturally turns to the chapter on
marriage to see the effect of the criticisms of the author's "History of
Human Marriage." He still holds that it is "by close living together that
prohibitory laws against intermarriage arc determined. I am inclined to
think that consanguinous marriages are in some way detrimental to the
species." The sentiment against intermarriage of blood kin did not always
exist among the ancestors of man so must have arisen — as a result of
natural selection — Dr. Westermarck suggests, though his thought is hazy.
He discusses the objection raised, but concludes, "I find no reason to alter
my opinion."
In the final chapter is given a general survey of the study. The moral
sentiments are not the emotions of an individual, but are born in society.
Pain and pleasure, the starting points, give rise to the retributive emotions.
Sympathy tends to produce disinterested retributive emotions. As public
standards grow "these public emotions are characterized by generality, indi
vidual disinterestedness and apparent impartiality. Moral Judgments are
passed on conduct or character and only ignorance or lack of reflection per-
mits the judgment to be warped by events or conditions independent of the
agents' will.
"The general uniformity of human nature accounts for the great
similarities which characterize the moral ideas of mankind." Diltorences
are due largely to environment. The chief difference between standards of
savage and civilized peoples is in the larger social unit of the latter. In-
telligent reflection plays an even larger part. We discriminate more care-
fully as regard motives, negligence, etc. Religion and superstition have
everywhere been very powerful. They have caused many variation? — been
productive of evil as well as good. Primitive man knew more of magic
than of religion. Religion seems to reach its zenith at a middle stage of
culture. The author believes that the altruistic sentiment will expand;
that the influence of reflectinn on moral jud2;mcnt will increase; that senti-
220
The Annals of the American Academy
mental likes and dislikes will diminish ; that religion will have more to do
with moral rules and less with special duties to the Deity.
So far as the reviewer knows this is the most exhaustive comparative
study of human morals ever made. The personal conclusions of the author
may be wrong or right. He has rendered social students a tremendous
service. The average man knows nothing of systems of morals other than
his own— or at least despises all others. So much the worse for him.
Professor Westermarck gives us a broader view,
Carl Kelsey.
University of Pennsylvania.
CHINESE AND JAPANESE IN AMERICA
THE ANNALS
AMERICAN ACADEMY
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
ISSUED BI-MONTHLY
VOL. XXXIV, No. 2 SEPTEMBER, 1909
Editor: EMORY R. JOHNSON
Assistant Editor: CHESTER LLOYD JONES
Associate Editors: G. G. HUEBNER. CARL KELSEY L S ROWE
WALTER S. TOWER. FRANK D. WATSON. JAMEs't. YOUNG '
PHILADELPHIA
American Academy of Political and Social Science
36th and Woodland Avenue
1909
CONTENTS
PART I
THE ARGUMENT IN FAVOR OF ORIENTAL
EXCLUSION
PAGB
CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS— A COMPARISON 3
Chester H. Rowell, Editor "Fresno Republican," Fresno, Cal.
THE SUPPORT OF THE ANTI-ORIENTAL MOVEMENT 11
John P. Young, Editor San Francisco "Chronicle"
OPPOSITION TO ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION 19
Walter Macarthur, Editor "Coast Seamen's Journal," San
Francisco, Cal.
ORIENTAL VS. AMERICAN LABOR 27
A. E. Yoell, Secretary Asiatic Exclusion League of North
America, San Francisco, Cal.
MISUNDERSTANDING OF EASTERN AND WESTERN STATES
REGARDING ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION 37
Hon. Albert G. Burnett, Associate Justice, District Court of
Appeals, Third Appellate District, Sacramento, Cal.
THE JAPANESE PROBLEM IN CALIFORNIA 42
Sidney G. P. Coryn, Of "The Argonaut," San Francisco, Cal.
A WESTERN VIEW OF THE RACE QUESTION 49
Hon. Francis G. Newlands, United States Senator from
Nevada.
PART TI
THE ARGUMENT AGAINST ORIENTAL EXCLUSION
UN-AMERICAN CHARACTER OF RACE LEGISLATION 55
Max J. Kohler, A.M., LL.B., Formerly Assistant United States
District Attorney, New York.
REASONS FOR ENCOURAGING JAPANESE IMMIGRATION 74
John P. Irish, Naval Officer of Customs for the Port of San
Francisco, Cal.
Ciii)
iv Contents
PAGE
MORAL AND SOCIAL INTERESTS INVOLVED IN RESTRICTiyG
ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION 80
Rev. Thomas L. Eliot, S.T.D., President, Board of Trustees of
Reed Institute, Portland Ore.
WHY OREGON HAS NOT HAD AN ORIENTAL PROBLEM 86
F. G. Young, Professor of Economics and Sociology, University
of Oregon, Eugene, Ore.
PART III
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE
EXCLUSION MOVEMENT
THE TREATY POWER: PROTECTION OF TREATY RIGHTS BY
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 93
William Draper Lewis, Ph.D., Dean of the Law School, Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
THE PROBLEM OF ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION IN THE STATE
OF WASHINGTON 109
Herbert H. Gowen, F.R.G.S., Lecturer on Oriental Literature,
University of Washington, Seattle, Wash.
THE EFFECT OF AMERICAN RESIDENCE ON JAPANESE..... 118
Baron Kentaro Kaneko, Tokio, Japan.
CHINESE LABOR COMPETITION ON THE PACIFIC COAST 120
Mary Roberts Coolidge, Formerly Associate Professor of
Sociology, Stanford University, Cal.; Author of "Chinese
Immigration" (in press).
THE LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF EXCLUSION LEGISLATION... 131
Chester Lloyd Jones, Ph.D., Instructor in Political Science,
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
HOW CAN WE ENFORCE OUR EXCLUSION LAWS? 140
Marcus Braun, Immigrant Inspector, Department of Commerce
and Labor, Washington, D. C.
ENFORCEMENT OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW 143
James Bronson Reynolds, New York.
Contents „
PART IV
THE PROBLEM OF ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION
OUTSIDE OF AMERICA
SOURCES AXD CAUSES OF JAPAXESE EMIGRATION M?
Yosaburo Yoshida, University of Wisconsin. Madison, Wis.
ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION INTO THE PHILIPPINES 168
Russell Mcculloch Story, A.M., Harvard University. Cam-
bridge, Mass.
ORIENTAL LABOR IN SOUTH AFRICA j75
L. E. Neame, Johannesburg, South Africa; Author of 'The
Asiatic Danger in the Colonies."
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION INTO KOREA 1S3
Thomas F. Millard, New York City; Author of "The New Far
East and "America and the Far Eastern Question."
THE EXCLUSION OF ASIATIC IMMIGRANTS IN AUSTRALIA 190
'''^Ihnn^; f '/'■^'^^' ^-A" ^"d P. P. Olden, University Law
School, Sydney, New South Wales.
BOOK DEPARTMENT
203
BOOK DEPARTMENT
Conducted by FRANK D. WATSON
Notes pp. 205-212.
REVIEWS
CooLEY — Social Organization (p. 212) C. Kelsey
Dawson — The Evolution of Modern Germany (p. 214) C. L. .Tones
Devine — Miserif and Its Causes (p. 21.") F. D. Watson
Hasbach — A History of tlie English AgriruHural Labourer
(p. 21G) II. C. Taylor
Lecky — Historieol and Political Essays (p. 21(i) W. E. Lingelbacb
McDouGALL — An Introduction to Social Psychology (p. 2lS) E. A. Ross
Williams — A Valid Christianity for To-day (p. 218) S. E. Rupp
LIST OF CONTINENTAL AGENTS
France: L. Larose, Rue Soufflot 22. Paris
Germany: Mayer & Miiller, 2 Prinz Louis Ferdinandstrasse, Berlin, N. W.
Italy: Direcione del Giornale degli Economisti, via Monte Savello,
Palazzo Orsini, Rome.
Spain : Libreria Nacional y Extranjera de E. Dossat, antes, E. Capdeville,
9 Plaza de Santa Ana, Madrid.
Copyrlgbt, 1909, by the American Academy of Political and Social Science
All rights reserved
PART ONE
The Argument in Favor of Oriental
Exclusion
CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS— A COMPARISON
BY CHESTER H. ROWELL,
EuiTciR, "Fkksno Rkpuhmcax," Ekksn'o, Cal.
THE SUPPORT OF THE ANTI-ORIENTAL MOVEMENT
BY JOHN P. YOUNG,
Editor, San Francisco '"Chroxicle"'
OPPOSITION TO ORIENTAL lALMlGRATION
BY WALTER MACARTHUR,
Editor, "Coast Seamen's Journal," San Francisco, Cal.
ORIENTAL VERSUS AMERICAN LABOR
BY A. E. YOELL,
Secretary, Asiatic Exclusion League of North America, San Francisco,
Cal.
MISUNDERSTANDING OF EASTERN AND WESTERN STATES
REGARDING ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION
BY HON. ALBERT G. BURNETT,
Associ.\te Justice, District Coi'rt of Appeals of California, Third Appel-
late District, Sacramento. Cal.
THE JAPANESE PROBLEM IN CALIFORNIA
BY SIDNEY G. P. CORYN,
Of "The Argonaut," San Francisco, Cal.
A WESTERN VIEW OF THE RACE QUESTION
BY HON. FRANCIS G. NEWLANDS,
United States Senator from Nevad.\
(221)
CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMMIGRANTS—
A COMPARISON
By Chestkr H. Rowell,
Editor "Fresno Republican," Fresno, Cal.
If an off-hand comment on the more obvious facts of Chinese
and Japanese immigration as they strike the average Californian is
considered a sufficient response to the request of the editor of
The Annals for an article on this subject, it must be because
precisely this off-hand view is one of the essential factors in any
race problem.
It must always be remembered that the white American's
standard of judging strange peoples is personal and unobjective.
The average southern white man, for instance, is most favorably
disposed toward a type of Negro objectively inferior, — the type,
namely, which best fits the inferior status which the white man
prefers the black man to occupy. In a part of California very
familiar to the writer, there is a large Armenian and a large Russian
immigration. The Armenian, who is generally a superior person, is
unpopular because his success is for himself, in his own business.
The Russian peasant, who is often an inferior person, is popular
because his labor is useful to us, in our business. The same stan-
dard of judgment is applied to the Chinese and Japanese. Pinned
down to an objective judgment of the races as such, the Californian
would doubtless place the Japanese in the higher rank. He judges
the Chinese by their coolie class, and regards them as an inferior
race. But it is almost impossible to get the Californian to look at
the question thus objectively. Ask the question. "Which race is
superior?" and you get the subjective answer. "I find the Chinese
more useful to me. in my business." Also, the American business
man insists on judging men by business standards. The Chinese
virtues are business virtues and the Japanese faults are business
faults. Therefore, the Chinese are judged by their virtues and the
Japanese by their faults.
Taking for the moment this biased viewpoint, we find the Chi-
nese fitting much better than the Japanese into the status which the
(223)
4 The Annals of the American Acadlniy
white American prefers them both to occupy- — that of biped domestic
animals in the white man's service. The Chinese coolie is the ideal
industrial machine, the perfect human ox. He will transform less
food into more work, with less administrative friction, than any
other creature. Even now, when the scarcity of Chinese labor and
the consequent rise in wages have eliminated the question of cheap-
ness, the Chinese have still the advantage over .all other servile labor
in convenience and efificiency. They are patient, docile, industrious,
and above all "honest" in the business sense that they keep their
contracts. Also, they cost nothing but money. Any other sort of
labor costs human effort and worry, in addition to the money. But
Chinese labor can be bought like any other commodity, at so much
a dozen or a hundred. The Chinese contractor delivers the agreed
number of men, at the agreed time and place, for the agreed price,
and if any one should drop out he finds another in his place. The
men board and lodge themselves, and when the work is done they
disappear from the employer's ken until again needed. The entire
transaction consists in paying the Chinese contractor an agreed
number of dollars for an agreed result. This elimination of the
human element reduces the labor problem to something the employer
can understand. The Chinese labor-machine, from his standpoint,
is perfect.
But there are, of course, the additional standpoints of the mer-
chant and the white laboring man. To the merchant the chief
function of humanity is to "keep the money at home" and in circu-
lation. The Chinaman spends his money with his own merchants,
for Chinese goods, or sends it back to China directly. Therefore
he is not a mercantile asset. In the old days, when tlie Chinese were
sufificiently numerous and cheap to be real competitors, there was
of course a violent labor-union opposition to them, most of which
is now diverted to the Japanese, as the more immediate menace.
But all this is academic and historical. The Chinese are a
disappearing problem. Most of those still remaining in America
are old men. The few born in this country, and the more numerous
ones smuggled in, are only a handful, and there are not now in
California enough Chinese to do more than a small part of the
servile labor which our transitional industrial condition could absorb.
So long as California undertakes to do intensive farming on large
estates, with a small population, so long will there be a demand for
(224)
Chinese and Japanese I nnni^^rants 5
much more farm labor, at certain seasons, than the local industries
can support or the local population absorb during the remainder of
the year. Fortunately, there is a harvest of some sort going on in
some part of California almost every month in the year, so that it is
only necessary to organize the migration of this temporary labor to
keep it continuously occupied. The problem of meeting this condition
with organized white labor is difficult and has not yet been solved.
Meantime, the Chinese have met ideally the requirements of the em-
ploying white farmer. But there are not enough of them left, and in
their search for a substitute the farmers have turned to the Japanese.
The Japanese are a very different people. As laborers they are
less patient but quicker and brighter than the Chinese. In certain
industries, particularly the thinning of sugar beets and the picking
of raisin grapes, their short legs and ability to squat make them the
most efficient workers in existence. A white man's efficiency is
reduced very greatly when he has to squat. A Japanese can do as
much work squatting as standing. Under the stimulus of "piece
work," the Japanese work rapidly, but not carefully.
These differences, however, are minor. The one overshadowing
contrast is this : The Chinese will keep a contract ; the Japanese will
not. Chinese business, like American business, is based on the
assumption of the inviolability of contracts. Therefore the Amer-
ican and the Chinese can understand each other, on this point. But
the Japanese seems to have no comprehension of the contract as a
fundamental obligation, while the American cannot understand how
a man can have any virtue who lacks this one. The Japanese con-
tractor buys the fruit on the trees, as the Chinese used to do. The
price goes down, and lie refuses to understand liow he could be
bound by an agreement which has now ceased to be profitable.
Japanese grape-pickers agree to pick a crop at a certain jjrice.
When the work is half done, there comes a chance to get a higher
price elsewhere and they all decamp. There comes a sudden threat
of rain in the drying season, and the trays must be "stacked" at
once or the crop will be irreparalily damaged. Instantly the cost of
Japanese labor rises to blackmail prices, regardless of previous con-
tracts. Of course there is such recourse as the law gives, but that
is very little on a labor contract, and. generally, no legal obligation
is worth much in business unless it is recognized also as a moral
obligation. The Japanese does not recognize a contract as a moral
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6 The Annals of the American Academy
obligation, and the American therefore assumes that he has no sense
of any moral obligation. In an industrial system based on contract
the Japanese must acquire a new sort of conscience, or he will
remain an industrial misfit.
This of course is only the narrowly industrial view, chiefly that
of the employing farmer. Socially, it is necessary to consider both
the actual condition produced by the presence of Chinese and Japan-
ese in moderate numbers, and the possible condition which would
result if the bars were thrown down to the free immigration of either.
The Chinese live both by preference and by compulsion in
"Chinatown," where they conduct their own affairs, independently
of our laws and government, much as they do in China.
Adjoining Chinatown is usually the "tenderloin," and the whole
district is the plague-spot of a California city. There is no law in
Chinatown. The slave traffic is open and notorious, and slave pens,
with bought slave girls peering through the barred windows, are a
familiar sight. The most respected occupations of the leading
Chinese citizens are gambling and lottery. As the laboring Chinese
have become fewer, older and poorer, the games have turned to
white men and Japanese for their victims. The Japanese rarely run
gambling houses, but they are the chief frequenters of them, and
lose much money. Chinese lotteries hold drawings twice a day, and
tickets can be bought as cheaply as ten cents. Sometimes one small
city will support a dozen lotteries. The tickets are peddled secretly,
by the Chinese and by white cigar dealers and others, to American
men and boys. In Chinatown the opium den or "hop joint" flour-
ishes, and the opium-smoking white men who infest Chinatown are
the dregs of creation. The governing bodies of Chinatown are the
rival companies or "tongs," which enforce their decrees and settle
their feuds by murder. There is a caste of professional hired mur-
derers, or "highbinders," who are the executive arm of this peculiar
government. The writer has seen the bodies of dead highbinders,
after a tong war, stripped of actual chain armor, knife-proof and
hatchet-proof. Chinese are sometimes convicted of murder, but
there is never any telling whether you have convicted the right
man. The Chinese whose word in a business obligation would be
as good as a government bond, will perjure himself unblushingly
on the witness stand. The jury-box estimate of Chinese testimony
is that no Chinaman can be believed under oath. Chinese gambling
(226)
CItiiicsc and Japanese IniDiii^raiits 7
joints are actual fortresses, with steel doors, sentries, and a laby-
rinth of secret exits. They are an open, fortified defiance of law,
and are a source of almost universal police graft. An honest
"Chinatown squad" is an iridescent dream. Sanitary conditions
are unspeakable and sanitary rej^ulations are unenforceable. Re-
ligion is represented by joss houses, where the coolie w^orshipper
seeks which god will most cheaply grant his prayer for a winning
lottery ticket.
There are decent men in Chinatown, but no moral leaders, and
no civic sentiment, to enforce any moral obligations but business
ones. These are absolute, and every Chinese pays all his debts by
the time of the annual New Year festivities. Superstition is uni-
versal and gross, and the numerous devils are the only power feared,
except the tongs. Dead men are greatly honored, but a dying man
is thrust hito the dead-house to starve, supplied with opium, but
with nothing else. Chinese clothing, food, customs and standards
are universal, and a Californian Chinatown is simply a miniature
section of Canton, transported bodily. The Chinese are not part of
American life, and conform to American standards only in the
single respect of recognizing the obligation of a business contract.
The Japanese in the beginning congregate on the borders of
Chinatown, but they build better and cleaner houses and admit some
air to them. They adopt American clothing at once, and American
customs very rapidly. As they grow in numbers and prosperity,
they provide themselves with recreation — good and bad. They go
to the Chinese gambling houses and to the Buddhist temples and
Christian missions. Pool and billiard rooms, with their good and
bad points, are liberally patronized. The general aspect of life is
cheerful and attractive, and the Japanese themselves, from the
highest to the lowest, are a delightfully polite and genial people.
Even the "cockyness" that has followed the Russian w-ar has not
obliterated their personal likableness. In every relation but a busi-
ness one they are charming. They develop a civic sense, public
spirit, and moral leadership. When the Chinese gambling joints
debauch the Japanese young men. the Buddhist priest, the Christian
missionary and the president of the Japanese Reform Association
call on the mayor to protest. But when asked whether the Japanese
houses of prostitution should not be suppressed also, they shake
their heads. Prostitution is a most characteristic Japanese industry,
(227)
8 The Annals of the American Academy
and there appears to be no moral sentiment against it. The women
themselves are under less social ostracism than the women of cor-
responding class of other races, and they appear also to be less per-
sonally degraded. You seen no obscene pictures and no flaunting of
vulgarity in a Japanese house of prostitution. In some places, these
facts are giving the Japanese an approximate monopoly of this evil.
But the Japanese do not confine themselves to "Japtown," nor
permit the white man to determine the limits of their residence.
They buy up town and country property, and wherever they settle
the white man moves out. In Sacramento they have completely occu-
pied what was formerly one of the best business districts. The
process is simple. A Japanese buys a fine corner location, paying
for it whatever price he must. Then he gets all the rest of the
block very cheaply, for the white owners and tenants will not stay.
In the country, wherever the Japanese rent or buy land in any
quantities, white men evacuate. The Vaca Valley, one of the richest
and most beautiful spots in California, is the most notable example.
Similiar beginnings have been made elsewhere. In business they do
not confine themselves to their own people. In Fowler, California,
for instance, one of the leading department stores, doing a general
business with Americans, is owned by Sumida Bros. In San Fran-
cisco there is a Japanese daily newspaper, with a modern plant and
a large circulation and business. It was the first newspaper in San
Francisco to resume publication with its own building and plant
after the fire.
The Japanese are energetic, versatile and adaptable. Many of
them attend the high schools and universities, to secure a first-class
American education. These students frequently work, after hours,
as house servants in American families, partly to support themselves
and partly to supplement their American academic education with an
American domestic education. As servants they are intelligent,
accommodating, competent and unstable. As in everything else,
their one weakness is their failure to recognize the obligation of a
contract. They will leave, without notice or consideration, on the
slightest provocation. Chinese servants, such of them as there are
left, are more generally professional servants, who make the work a
permanent business, and expect high wages.
Magnify these conditions indefinitely, and it is not hard to
foresee the result of any general admission of immigrants of either
(228)
Chiiii'sc and Japanese Iinniii^raitts 9
race. Chinese will not assimilate with American lite, and Americans
refuse to assimilate with Ja])anose. The j^^reat dancjcr of the "yellow
peril" is its enormous size. With los than two million white men in
California, and more than four hundred million Chinese in China,
just across the way. the very smallest overflow from that limitless
reservoir would swamp our Pacific Coast. If it is im]:)ossihle for
two million white men. in an American state, to enforce American
laws on a dwindlin<^ few thousand Chinese, American institutions
would he simjily ohliterated hy any considerable influ.x of Chinese.
A very few years of unrestricted Chinese immi,!T;'ration would leave
California. American only in the sense in which 1 lonc^kong is Eng-
lish. Fortunately, on this question, .\mcrican policy is fixed, and is
for the present in our hands. China is powerless to protest, whether
we deal justly or unjustly, and the dwindling renmant of Chinese
present few occasions for personal or diplomatic friction. The Chinese
problem is easy, so long as our present policy continues. Under any
other policy, it would straightway overwhelm us. Xo possible
immediate industrial demand could justify letting down the bars
to Chinese immigration in even the slightest degree. Those industries
which cannot be developed and those resources which cannot be
exploited without Chinese labor must simply be left undeveloped and
unexploited — unless we are willing to sacrifice .\merican civiliza-
tion permanently to industrial exploitation temporarily, on the whole
Pacific Coast.
The Chinese problem is approaching its end, unless we reopen
it. The Jajianese problem is only beginning, and the end is not
wholly within our control. For the present, there are no more
Japanese in the country than we can safely utilize, and the number,
under the restrictive policy of Japan, appears to be decreasing.
This is excellent, so long as it lasts. r)Ut it can last, in peace and
amity, only so long as Japan wills, and Japanese sensitiveness con-
stantly tends to magnify the smallest provocations into interna-
tional issues. Industrially, we can utilize some Japanese, but inter-
nationally we cannot guarantee even one Japanese against the
possible chances of American hoodlumism. With the issue, not
probably of peace (for war is the remotest of contingencies"), but
of amity in the hands of any rowdy boy who chooses to smash a
Japanese window, the present Japanese exclusion arrangement is in
the unstablest equilibrium. A momentary wave of demagogy, in
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lo TJic Annals of the American Academy
Japanese politics, a chance street fight in the San Francisco slums,
and the whole agreement might be jeopardized. Then we should be
forced to the alternative of Japanese exclusion by our own initiative,
with all its difficulties and possibilities of complication.
But let no American who realizes what it would mean to the
South to turn back the wheels of history and decree that there
should never have been a race problem there, consider for a moment
the possibility of importing another and harder one on our Pacific
Coast. There is no right way to solve a race problem except to stop
it before it begins. Every possible solution of the Negro problem
is a wrong one, but we can at least let each generation determine
which wrong it will commit, and take the consequences, with respect
to that permanently impossible problem. No such possibility opens
with respect to a race problem where the other race would determine
its own view of its own rights, and be backed by a powerful and
jealous nation in maintaining them. The Pacific Coast is the fron-
tier of the white man's world, the culmination of the westward
migration which is the white man's whole history. It will remain
the frontier so long as we guard it as such ; no longer. Unless it is
maintained there, there is no other line at which it can be maintained
without more effort than American government and American civili-
zation are able to sustain. The multitudes of Asia are already
awake, after their long sleep, as the multitudes of Europe were
when our present flood of continental immigration began. We
know what could happen, on the Asiatic side, by what did happen
and is happening on the European side. On that side we have
survived, and such of the immigration as we have not assimilated
for the present we know is assimilable in the future. But against
Asiatic immigration we could not survive. The numbers who
would come would be greater than w^e could encyst, and the races
who would come are those which we could never absorb. The per-
manence not merely of American civilization, but of the white race
on this continent, depends on our not doing, on the Pacific side, what
we have done on the Atlantic Coast. For the present, the situation
as to both Chinese and Japanese immigration is satisfactory. But
to relax the present policy, even for a brief interval, would be to
load ourselves with a burden which all eternity could not again
throw ofif and all our vitality could not withstand. There is no other
possible national menace at all to be compared with this.
(230)
THE SUPPORT OF THE ANTI-ORIENTAL MOVEMENT
Bv John P. Young,
Editor San Francisco "Chronicle."
It is occasionally necessary to remind the people of the Amer-
ican Union who live on the eastern side of the Rocky T^Iountains
that they have the bad habit of forming hasty judgments concerning
matters with which they are not particularly familiar. They have
done so repeatedly in cases in which they might have fairly deferred
to the experience of the Far West. A notable instance was the atti-
tude of the Fast on the subject of Chinese immigration. At first
the sentiment of the older section of the Union was averse to any
restriction being placed on the importation or immigration of Chi-
nese laborers ; but in the end, after extended investigations, Congress
decided that expediency and justice demanded that the unassim-
ilable Oriental be excluded.
A brief reference to the agitation which finally resulted in the
passage of what is known as the Chinese exclusion act will help the
reader to divest himself of the opinion prevalent in the Eastern
States that the objection to Oriental immigration is due to the
machinations of the labor unions on the Pacific Coast and does not
represent the sentiment or wishes of the people at large. This
assertion was freely made during the period when exclusion was
being discussed by Congress. It was based on assertions made by a
small number of interested persons, who believed that the interests
of California would be best subserved by maintaining intact the
large individual holdings of land which could only be profitably
worked by cheap and docile laborers, such as experience had taught
them the Chinese would be if they could be brought into the country
in suflRciently large numbers, or by the small contingent which
thought that a servile class was needed to make life endurable.
So confused was the evidence regarding the desirability of ex-
cluding the Chinese that as early as July 27. 1868. Congress passed
a joint resolution directing a thorough investigation of the subject.
A Congressional committee visited the Pacific Coast and made ex-
haustive inquiries and subsequentlv made a report which while in
(2/1)
12 The Annals of the Auieriean Academy
the main favoring the contention of those urging exclusion did not
produce any affirmative legislation until 1879, when Congress passed
an act excluding Chinese laborers, which was vetoed by President
Hayes.
How largely he was influenced to take this adverse course by
the mistaken belief of Eastern people that the opposition to Chinese
immigration came wholly from the followers of Dennis Kearney it
would be difficult to say, but it is a fact that the opinion was gen-
erally entertained at the East that the demand was the result of the
Sand Lot agitation, and that there was no unanimity of sentiment in
favor of putting up the bars. This belief was fostered by the publi-
cation of articles in the Eastern press asserting that the develop-
ment of California was absolutely dependent upon Chinese labor,
and that without an abundant supply of it there would be an end to
the progress of the state.
To put an end to this false impression the Legislature of Cali-
fornia directed that a test vote should be taken at a general election.
In conformity with this resolution, at an election held on September
3, 1879, the voters of California cast their ballots "For" and
"Against Chinese Immigration." The result was that in a poll of a
little over 162,000 votes, 161.405 were "against" and only 638 "for"
Chinese immigration. As the ballot was absolutely secret this over-
whelming vote "Against Chinese Immigration" showed that the
people of California were practically a unit in favor of exclusion.
The evidence was so conclusive that further resistance on the part
of the East ceased and in 1882 an act was passed suspending Chinese
immigration for ten years. This was subsequently amended, mak-
ing the exclusion of the Chinese laboring class perpetual.
The recital of these facts ought to warn the Eastern critics of
the anti- Japanese immigration movement on this coast that they may
be in error in assuming that the attitude of the Pacific Coast on the
subject has been inspired by labor agitators, and that the demand
for exclusion does not represent the sentiment of all classes in Cali-
fornia and of the other states on the Pacific Coast. As a matter of
fact, such an assumption is wholly erroneous. The movement did
not have its origin in labor circles. As will be shown, the labor
leaders had to be taught that they were confronted with a graver
menace than that which the Chinese exclusion law averted. They
did not take up the matter actively until the legislature had unani-
(232)
Support of the .iiiti-Orioital Movement 13
mously adopted a resolution memorializing Congress on the subject
and asking that body to adopt laws to stem the threatened flood of
Japanese coolies.
The first warning note came from the San Francisco "Chron-
icle." On February 23, 1905, that journal began the publication of
a series of articles the scope of which was stated in the introduction
to the opening paper of the series which was prepared by a writer
after an extended inquiry which covered the ground fully, embrac-
ing every phase of the question subsequently discussed. These were
the words used :
In the accompanying article the "Chronicle" begins a careful and conserva-
tive exposition of the problem which is no longer to be ignored — the Japanese
question. It has been but slightly touched upon heretofore ; now it is pressing
upon California and upon the entire United States as heavily and contains
as much of a menace as the matter of Chinese immigration ever did, if,
indeed, it is not more serious, socially, industrially and from an international
standpoint. It demands consideration. This article shows that since 1880,
when the census noted a Japanese population in California of only eighty-six,
not less than 35,000 of the little brown men have come to the state and
remained here. At the present day the number of Japanese in the United
States is very conservatively estimated at 100,000. Immigration is increasing
steadily, and, as in the case of the Chinese, it is the worst she has that
Japan sends to us. The Japanese is no more assimilable than the Chinese
and he is not less adaptable in learning quickly how to do the white man's
work, and how to get the job for himself by offering his labor for less than a
white man can live on.
In entering upon this crusade the "Chronicle" did not do so
without deliberation. Nine years earlier the writer of this article had
prepared for the "Chronicle" a monograph on the subject of Japanese
competition, in gathering data for which he had become deeply
impressed with the capabilities of the people of the island empire
and took the liberty of presenting their claims to be considered
seriously. At that time the people of the East had not overcome
the habit of regarding the Japanese in the light in which they were
presented in Gilbert and Sullivan's opera of "The Mikado," but to
the author the facts presented themselves differently and he re-
marked :
It would be a gross blunder to class a people as barbarous who had
reached such an artistic and industrial development as that attained by the
Japanese. It is unwise to underrate the qualities of a competitor. . . . The
(233)
14 The A)uials of the American Academy
Western invader did not find a semi-civilized people in Japan ; he merely
found a civilization differing from his own, and with the customary contemptu-
ousness of a conquerer he underrated it.
The monograph sketched tlie progress made in the various
industrial arts and the writer unhesitatingly predicted that Japan
would become a formidable rival of Western manufacturing nations.
It attracted the attention of a United States Senator, who found
something in its argument to support a contention he was making
at the time and he caused it to be printed as a Senate document.
Curiously enough, the chief facts and the predictions concerning
the development of the Japanese manufacturing industry were
ignored, while a mere side issue, that relating to the advantages
possessed by Japan while on a silver basis, was animadverted upon
and disputed. At the time Britons and Americans were so en-
grossed with the idea that the Orient was especially created for them
to exploit that they were inclined to treat such predictions as vain
imaginings. Since then they have had abundant evidence that the
predictions vrere not unwarranted, for Japan has become a formid-
able competitor in many fields which Westerners luitil recently never
dreamed would be invaded by the race they assumed to be inferior.
The '"Chronicle" never had any illusions on this score. The posi-
tion of San Francisco in relation to the Orient made its editors
observant of the transpacific peoples and qualified them to form a
more accurate judgment than that inspired by a desire to exploit,
and the arrogant feeling of superiority which make publications
like the New York "Independent" reproach Californians with being
cowardly because they shrink from the possibilities of a competition
with a race fully as capable as our own and having the added ad-
vantage of being inured by centuries of self-denial to a mode of
life to wdiich we do not wish to conform, even if we had the ability
to do so.
When the "Chronicle" on February 23. 1005, sounded its warning,
it did so because it believed that an inundation of Japanese would
result in a competition as eflfective domestically as the output of its
manufacturing industries is becoming internationally. It did not
assume that the laborer was the only person affected. It recognized
that the introduction of large numbers of the working classes would
result in edging out the white worker, but it perceived that the
victory over the latter would pave the way to a complete orientaliza-
(234)
Siif^f^orl of tlw Anti-Oriental Movement
15
tion of the Pacific Coast states and territories. TIic recognition may
be reo:arded as an admission of infcric^rity : it has been sneeringly
alhuled to as a confession of tliat kind. But sneers do not chaiTj^c
facts, and if it is true— and experience teaches us that it is— that the
Japanese, by superior virtues or the practice of economies to which
we cannot or will not accustom ourselves, can drive us out of busi-
ness, wc would ])e fools to refuse to take precautions ai^ainst such a
result.
It is necessary to dwell on this phase to show that Pacific Coast
antipathy to Japanese immioration is not the result of the fear of
workingmen. and that the agitation was not the inspiration of labor
unions. It was sound arguments and columns of facts that aroused
the people to action. The first publication on the subject, as already
stated, appeared on February 2t,, 1905. On the ensuing ist of
March, the Senate of California, by a unanimous vote, passed the
following concurrent resolution:
Resolved, by the Senate, the Assembly coucinriiig, That in view of tlic
facts and tiie reasons aforesaid (recited in the preambfe). and of many others
that miglit be stated, we. as representatives of the people of the State of
California, do earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as
it may be proper, demand, for the protection of the people of this state
and for tlie proper safeguarding of their interests, that action be taken
without delay, by treaty or otherwise, as may be most expeditious and advan-
tageous, tending to limit within reasonable bounds and diminish to a marked
degree the further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United States.
That they, our Senators and Representatives in Congress, be and are hereby
requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid to the attention of the
President and Department of State.
On the 4th of ^^arch the assembly, without a dissenting voice,
concurred, and the resolution, as adopted, was sent to Washington.
The representatives of California in Congress complied i)romptly
with the demand of the legislature. Up to the date of the adoption
of the concurrent resolution by the Senate no labor organization in
Sail Francisco or on the Pacific Coast had expressed itself on the
subject. The first intimation that the public had that labor was
interested was the passage of the following resolution bv the San
Francisco Labor Council on the night of March 2d:
Resolved, That we earnestly request the L.abor Council to take such
steps as it may deem necessary to promote agitation of this question among
i6 The Annals of the American Academy
the unions' of the city and state by resolutions and mass meetings if neces-
sary, for the purpose of strengthening the hands of our representatives in
Congress and impressing upon them and all other representatives the neces-
sity of passing adequate laws, and that the agitation be kept up until the
object is attained.
There was nothing incendiary in this resolution ; it was a mat-
ter-of-fact pronouncement made by men who understood the subject,
and who acted promptly when their attention was called to the
menace. At the time it was made there was no excitement, nor
were there any exhibitions of race prejudice. The first mention of
a possible o|3Jection to the presence of Japanese in the public schools
was made in an article published in the "Chronicle" on March 5,
1905, which contained these words : "Precise statistics do not seem to
be available, but a careful estimate made some six months ago showed
the presence of over 1,000 Japanese pupils in the schools of San
Francisco alone." In the same connection attention was called to
Article X. Section 1662. of school law of California, which pro-
vided for the establishment of an Oriental public school for Japan-
ese, Chinese or Corean children.
On the 5th of Alay, 1905, two months after the adoption of the
concurrent resolution by the legislature, the Board of Education of
San Francisco made the following declaration :
Resolved, That the Board of Education is determined in its efTorts to
effect the establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese pupils,
not only for the purpose of relieving the congestion at present prevailing in
our schools, but also for the higher end that our children should not be
placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be affected by
association with pupils of the Mongolian race.
This declaration attracted very little attention at the time. If
the Japanese protested against it. the fact was not made public. It
is probable that they recognized the justice of some of the argu-
ments urged in favor of segregation, and if they had not been
inspired to act otherwise it is reasonably certain nothing would have
been heard from them on the subject. At any rate, nothing came
of the declaratory resolution, and it might have been completely
ignored by the board making it had not the conflagration of 1906
destroved many of the schools in the city and made it a difficult
problem to take care of the white children of San Francisco. It was
not until October 11. 1906, that active steps were taken to carry
(236)
Support of the Anti-Oriental Movement 17
out the provision of the state law. On that date the Board of Edu-
cation of San Francisco adopted the following:
Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section 1662, of the School
Law of California, principals are hereby directed to send all Chinese,
Japanese or Corean children to the Oriental Public School, situated on the
south side of Clay street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after
Monday, October 15, 1906.
It is doubtful whether this declaration w^ould have incited the
Japanese to i)rotest had not the authorities at Washington objected.
Immediately after its publication Victor H. Metcalf, then Secretary
of the Xavy, was sent to the coast to make an investigation, and
he made a report to the President, the effect of which was to create
the impression at the East that the Japanese on the coast were the
objects of continuous persecution. Trifling affairs, which scarcely
merited the attencion of a police court, were magnified into matters
of international importance. The "Chronicle" at the time took occa-
sion to comment on the unfairness of his presentation, and it has
since been explained that he was only expected to see one side of
the case. In short, ex-President Roosevelt appeared to be seeking
for matter upon which to base the most extraordinary attack ever
made upon a section of the American Union. In his message to
Congress, delivered in December. 1906. he threatened California
with an armed invasion if it did not abandon its recalcitrant atti-
tude, and he pictured a condition of affairs as existing here which,
had it really existed, would have been shameful ; but as it did not,
he merely convicted himself of adding another to the long list of his
hasty judgments.
It is not the purpose of this article to disprove the assertion that
the Japanese in California are the victims of race hatred, or that
they are oppressed because they are Japanese. It would be a waste
of space to dwell on the subject, for the evidence is overwhelming
that in all their ordinary relations with the people they are as well
treated as any other foreigners in our midst. Hoodlums mnke
assaults upon other foreigners, but nothing is heard of them, but
the Japanese insist upon converting: everv difficuUv in which they
become involved into an international affair. During the waiters'
strike in this city. Frenchmen. Germans. Italians and other foreign-
ers suffered, but they did not appeal to their government"; for redress.
(237)
i8 The Annah of the American Academy
It is only the Japanese who do so, and they make their appeals
becauses they considered themselves as subjects of the Mikado,
whom they have been led to believe exercises as much influence on
this side of the Pacific as he does in his own empire.
IMy object is merely to make clear that the anti-Japanese immi-
gration movement in California did not originate in labor circles,
although, as is quite natural, the workingmen are a unit in their
opposition to the introduction of a non-assimilable race. Despite the
impression to the contrary which has been produced by the ill-con-
sidered assertions of a few men, the opposition is very general, and
there is not the slightest doubt that if a vote on exclusion were taken
it would, after a brief campaign of education, be as nearly unani-
mous as that cast against Chinese immigration in 1879. when less
than four-tenths of one per cent of the qualified electors of Cali-
fornia voted in favor of continuing the admission of Chinese
laborers. The motives that contributed to that result would again
operate in the case of the Japanese and in a much more powerful
manner, because the people are profoundly convinced that only by
their exclusion can the white man's civilization be preserved on the
Pacifix coast.
But meanwhile we pay the Japanese the compliment of being
reasonable beings and not desirous of becoming involved in a con-
flict with the United States. They have shown this disposition from
the beginning, despite the attempts to exaggerate certain political
movements into professions of hostility. The people of the Pacific
coast understand the situation, and do not seriously regard the war
talk so frequently indulged in by Washington correspondents. They
believe that President Roosevelt used the alleged grievances of the
Japanese as a bogy to secure consideration for his plans for a
bigger navy, and while he from the wilds of Africa is sending out
warnings and advice to get ready to repel an invasion of Japanese
warships the people of San Francisco and of the Pacific coast gen-
erally, have been showering courtesies on visiting Japanese ships,
fully convinced that pleasant international relations can be maintained
with Japan even if we do insist that it is unwise to bring two un-
assimilable races in close and dangerous contact.
(238)
opposrnox to oriental lmmkjration
By Walter Macarthur,
Editor "Coast Seamen's Journal," San Francisco, California.
The opposition to Oriental immigration is justified upon the
single ground of race. Whether the incompatibility of the peoples
of Asia and America can be attributed to race repulsion, race
antipodalism, or race prejudice, one indisputable ground of race
conflict remains, namely, that of race difference. The race differ-
ence between these peoples is radical and irreconcilable, because it
reaches to the most fundamental characteristics of each. It is not
a matter of tongue, of color, or of anatomy, although in each of
these respects the difference is very clearly marked, but of morality
and intellect.
Only upon the race ground can we comprehend the real nature
and dimensions of the subject. Considered from this standpoint,
exclusion follows as the inescapable law of our national safety and
progress. Considered from any other standpoint — that is, with any
other point as the basis of reasoning — the subject becomes involved
in matters of detail, which, being in themselves matters of dispute,
lead only to interminable discussion. Recognizing the race aspect
of the subject as the main ground of exclusion, the minor grounds,
such as those of an economic or political nature, serve to reinforce
the argument as so many corollaries.
The instinct of race preservation is the strongest impulse of
mankind in the aggregate. Xo incidents in history are more fa-
miliar than the successive Asiatic invasions of Europe. The in-
fluence of these invasions, persisting to the present day. is equally
well known.
Nearly five hundred years before the birth of Christ the Asiatic
invasion of Europe was successfully challenged by Miltiades on the
field of Marathon. Ten years later Leonidas died at Thermopylae
while defending the "ashes of his fathers and the temples of his
gods." The success of the Persian king. Xerxes, on that occasion
was but the forerunner of his defeat in the same year by Themis-
tocles at Salamis,
(239)
20 The Annals of the American Academy
"When on these seas the sons of Athens conquered
The various powers of Asia."
The two great battles between Alexander and Darius (334-331
B. C), resulting in the destruction of the Persian monarchy, are so
many incidents in the same great struggle. The conquest of a great
part of southeastern Europe by the Huns in the fifth century, the
defeat of Attila at Chalons, and the settlement of his followers in
the country now known as Hungary, left the world the heritage of
a mixed race that forms a constant menace to its peace. The
invasion of Asia Minor and the Balkan States by the Ottoman
Turks in the eleventh century laid the fairest region of Europe
under tribute to Asia and demoralized the Caucasian race in that
region, thus giving rise to that admixture of peoples, the type of
which is commonly referred to as "unspeakable."
The best known and most far-reaching of these invasions is
that which began under the leadership of Genghiz Khan, in the
thirteenth century, followed by that of Timur, in the fourteenth
century, and continuing at intervals until the sixteenth century.
For 224 years, namely, from 1238 to 1462, the Mongols were
supreme in Russia. The immediate result of the struggle to drive
the Mongols back over the Urals was the establishment of an auto-
cratic government, of which the present reigning house of Russia is
the lineal descendant. A further result is seen in the Tartar strain
that runs through the people of southern and eastern Russia, the
utilization of which, as in the case of the Cossacks, is responsible
for much of the cruelty perpetrated upon the people of "White
Russia."
Of a kind with these historical race wars is the Arab invasion
of Spain, in 711, and the subsequent incursions into France. Until
1492, a period of nearly eight hundred years, the Moors remained
in control of almost the whole of Spain. The success of the IMoorish
invaders in France was short-lived. They were met and defeated
by Charles Martel, at Tours in 732. In a few years they were
driven to the southward of the Pyrenees, and thus a limit was set
to the advance of Asia in Europe.
The persistence of these invasions, and the ferocity that marked
their conduct, indicate quite clearly the irresponsible nature of the
conflict between the races. The conflict is irrepressible because it
(240)
opposition to Oriental hnmigration 21
arises from a difference in tiie nature of the races. To describe
this difference in so many words is a task the success of which
must, of course, be Hmited by the abihty to define and express the
respective race instincts. Certain characteristics of the Asiatic and
Caucasian races are sufficiently manifest to permit of contrast in
terms of general comprehension. Such a contrast was drawn by
United States Senator Perkins, in a speech on the Exclusion Law,
in 1902, in which he said:
Personal freedom, the home, education, Christian ideals, respect for
law and order are found on one side, and on the other the traffic in human
flesh, domestic life which renders a home impossible, a desire for only that
knowledge which may be at once coined into dollars, a contempt for our
religion as new, novel and without substantial basis, and no idea of the
meaning of law other than a regulation to be evaded by cunning or by
bribery.
As exemplifying^ the attitude of the Chinese toward Christianity,
the following, from a letter written four years ago by Ambassador
Wu, is significant :
There is no objection to Christianity as a theory, but as something
practical it is entirely out of the question. We tried such a system in China
five or six thousand years ago, but we had to get a philosophy that the
people could live up to. No people ever obey the precepts of the Christian
religion; the whole system is a failure. Theoretically it is all right, but
practically it is a failure.
A distinguished Japanese recently described Christianity as
"not a religion, but a commercial system." This attitude of mind
may account for the fact that the number of Chinese converts to
Christianity amounted to little more than 1,000 after sixteen years'
labor of about a hundred missionaries at the five treaty ports. ^
The number of such converts is still hardly more than nominal. It
is authoritatively stated that not more than one per cent of the
Japanese have embraced Christianity.
It is the superstitious that need religion, says the Japan "Mail." With
no god to worship and no immortal soul to think about, educated people
can pass their lives very pleasantly in the enjoyment that nature and art
have bestowed upon them. Of what use to them is the religion that satisfies
the uncultured mind?
'"Rolipioiis CorKHtlon of the Chinese," bj Rev. .To-oph Edklns. 18."ift.
22 The Annals of the American Academy
United States Senator Money, in a recent speech on the Negro
question, thus describes the race from which the American people
have sprung:
The characteristics of these people were their personal love of liberty,
their high spirit of adventure, their willingness to take all responsibility,
their ability to rise to the demand of every occasion, and one of the grandest
features of it all was their profound respect and love for women.
The well-known views of Herbert Spencer, concerning the
effects of race admixture, are highly pertinent at this juncture. In
his letter to Baron Kentaro Kaneko, Spencer said :
/ have for the reasons indicated entirely approved of the regulations
which have been established in America for restricting Chinese immigra-
tion, and had I the power I would restrict them to the smallest possible
amount, my reasons for this decision being that one of two things must
happen. If the Chinese are allowed to settle extensively in America they
must either, if they remain non-mixed, form a subjective race standing in
the position, if not of slaves, yet of a class approaching slaves, or, if they
mix, they must form a bad hybrid. In either case, supposing the immigra-
tion to be large, immense social mischief must arise and eventually social
disorganization. The same thing would happen if there should be any con-
siderable mixture of European races zvith the Japanese.
Lafcadio Hearn, in his "Life and Letters." casts a strong
light upon the alleged assimilability of the Japanese, as follows:
Here is an astounding fact. The Japanese child is as close to you as
the European child — perhaps closer, and sweeter, because infinitely more
natural and naturally refined. Cultivate his mind, and the more it is cul-
tivated the farther you push him from you. Why? Because here the race
antipodalism shows itself. As the Oriental thinks naturally to the left where
we think to the right, the more you cultivate him the more he will think in
the opposite direction from you. . . . My conclusion is that the charm
of Japanese life is largely the charm of childhood, and that the most beau-
tiful of all race childhoods is passing into an adolescence which threatens
to prove repulsive.
Speaking of the difference in the circumstances of race admix-
ture in the United States and in other countries, and noting the
advantage of the former in the fact that "a single language became
dominant from the time of the earliest permanent settlement," Pro-
fessor John R. Commons, of the University of Wisconsin, says '}
*"Races and Immigrants in America."
(242)
opposition to Oriental Inunignition 23
This is essential, for it is not physical amalgamation that unites man-
kind; It IS mental community. To be great a nation need not be of one
blood, ,t must be of one mind. Racial inequality and inferiority are
fundamental only to the extent that they prevent mental and moral assim-
1 at.on. If we thmk together we can act together, and the organ of common
thought and action is common language. Through the prism of this noble
mstrument of the human mind all other instnmieuts focus their powers
of assmulation upon the new generations as they come forth from the dis-
united .mmigrants.
It is precisely in "mental community" that the Asiatic is most
lackmg. It is said that the Japanese lanffuage contains no words
synonymous with "sin" and "home." presumably because the Japa-
nese have no conception of either. They do not think in terms of
Caucasian or Christian morality.
The economic and political grounds of opposition to Asiatic
immigration have their bases in the race question. The Asiatic is a
cheap laborer because he lacks the racial impulse that makes for the
maintenance of a high standard of living. He is a menace to free
government because he lacks the inspiration of personal liberty.
Referring to the attitude of the American working class toward
the labor of alien races, Professor Commons says -.^
They were compelled to admit that though they themselves had been
immigrants, nr the children of immigrants, they were now denying to
others what had been a blessing to them. Yet they were able to set for-
ward one argument which our race problems are every day more and more
showmg to be sound. The future of American democracy is the future of
the American wage-earner. To have an enlightened and patriotic citizen-
ship ive must protect the wages and standard of living of those who con.
stitute the bulk of the citizens. ... For it must be observed in general
that race antagonism occurs on the same competitive level. What appear
often to be religious, political, and social animosities are economic at bottom
and the substance of the economic struggle is the advantage which third
parties get when competitors hold each other down. Tt was the
poor white who hated the negro and fled from his presence to the hill, and
the froritier. or sank below his level, despised by white and black. In times
of freedom and reconstruction it is not the great landliolder or emplover
that leads in the exhibition of race hostility, but the small farmer or wage-
earner^ 1 he one derives a profit from the presence of the negro-the other
loses his job or his farm.
Wliilc it is true that ordinarily "race antagonism occurs on
'"Racos and Immigrants in .Vmorio.n."
(243)
24 The Annals of the American Academy
the same competitive level," thus lending color to the assumption
that the race problem is "economic at bottom," too great emphasis
is placed upon the economic phase. Of course, Oriental immigra-
tion is induced largely by economic conditions. But were Orientals
attracted to this country by other reasons entirely, and were they
to occupy a different place in the social and economic order, the
race problem would still persist.
It is frequently contended that an illimitable supply of Asiatic
labor would be a good thing for the American workman, by reliev-
ing him of those forms of labor which are in their nature disagree-
able and poorly paid. This view is sometimes expressed in the
form of an analogy between the cheap laborer and the labor-saving
tool. This contention is a complete reversal of the tradition con-
cerning the "dignity of labor." The American workman, skilled or
unskilled, is not yet ready to accept the classification of labor of
any kind as a "tool" in the hands of other men. The American
people are not yet ready to assume that certain forms of labor are
less honorable, or "dignified," than others, and therefore less entitled
to share the responsibilities and enjoy the respect of common citizen-
ship.*
The number of Japanese at present in the United States is esti-
mated at 130,000, of whom 60,000 are located in California, a
decrease of 5,000 in that state during the past year, due to eastward
migration.^ The number of Japanese in Hawaii is 72,000.° The
number of Chinese in California is estimated at 35,000; in the
United States, 300,000.'' The Japanese own and control several of
the most fertile parts of California and are rapidly making them-
selves felt in almost every branch of trade and commerce, not
merely as cheap-labor "tools," but as active business competitors.
The Asiatic population of Hawaii now exceeds that of the combined
Caucasian and native elements.^ The same condition exists among
the children in the public schools,^ and the increase of native-born
'Cheap labor may hinder Industrial development. "Great estates ruined Italy."
On the same principle it is said that "Spanish grants and coolie labor" have
hindered the development of California.
^Statistics of Asiatic Exclusion League, San Francisco.
"Report of Governor Frear, 1909.
'United States Senate Report 776, February, 1902.
^Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor, No. 66, September, 1906.
•J. Kuhlo Kalanlanaole, Hawaiian Delegate to Congress.
(244)
Oppositio)i to Uriciital hnitiigration 25
Asiatics in that territory already threatens American supremacy in
the poHtical field.
With the progress of industrial development in Asia, involving
a radical change in the national habit of life, from that of "sacrific-
ing production to population," as under a hand-labor system of
industry, to one of "sacrificing population to production," as under
a machine system of industry, it is inevitable that the struggle for
an outlet for the surplus population must constantly become more
severe. Unless checked by exclusion laws, the forced migration of
the disemployed of Asia will follow the line of least resistance,
namely, toward the western shores of the United States.
The demand for Asiatic exclusion originated in the earliest
period of American development on the Pacific Coast. In 1852, the
California legislature imposed a tax upon Chinese miners. Subse-
quently other state measures were adopted as a means of protecting
American labor from competition with Chinese. These measures
were declared invalid, as being beyond the authority of the state.
In 1877, the California legislature passed an act calling for a vote
of the people on the question of Chinese immigration. The vote
was taken on September 3, 1879, and resulted in 833 votes in favor
and 154,638 against the admission of Chinese. The adoption of the
r.urlingame Treaty, in 1868, followed by various acts of Congress
enacted in 1882, 1884, 1888, 1892 and 1902, marks the respective
stages of the federal legislation culminating in the total exclusion
of Chinese, other than "merchants, teachers, students and travelers
for pleasure or curiosity."
In 1854, Victoria and New South Wales, Australia, enacted
Asiatic restriction laws. At present Asiatics are practically ex-
cluded from Canada, Australia and New* Zealand by a prohibitive
head tax of $500. In the two last-named countries this tax is im-
posed upon all persons not of white color and blood, even though
they be British subjects.
The principles of exclusion and the means of attaining that
object are very well set forth by United States Senator Newlands,
in the following terms :^°
History Icacltcs that it is impossible to make a homogeneous people hy
a juxtaposition of races differing in color upon the same soil. Race toler-
ance, under such conditions, means race amalgamation, and this is unde-
"Letter of Senator NVwlands to the Legislature of Nevada, February 3. 1909.
(24.0
26 The Annals of the American Academy
sirable. Race intolerance means, ultimately, race war and mutual destruc-
tion, or the reduction of one of the races to servitude. The admission of
a race of a different color, in a condition of indu ♦^rial servitude, is foreign
to our institutions, which demand equal rights to all within our jurisdic-
tion. The competition of such a race would involve industrial disturbance
and hostility, requiring the use of a large armed force to maintain peace
and order, with the probability that the nation representing the race thus
protected would never be satisfied that the means employed were adequate.
The presence of the Chinese, who are patient and submissive, would not
create as many complications as the presence of the Japanese, whose strong
and virile qualities would constitute an additional factor of difficulty. Our
friendship, therefore, with Japan, for whose territorial and race integrityf
the American people have stood in active sympathy in all her struggles,
demands that this friendship should not be put to the test by bringing two
such pozuerful races of such differing viezi'S and standards into industrial
competition upon the same soil. . . .
Our country should by law, to take effect after the expiration of
existing treaties, prevent the immigration into this .country of all peoples
other than those of the white race, except under restricted conditions
relating to international commerce, travel, and education. . . . Japan
cannot justly take offense at such acti'>n. She wou^'' be the first to take
such action against the white race were it necessary to maintain her insti-
tutions. She is at liberty to pursue the same course. . . . Thus, upon
the expiration of the present treaty with Japan and without attendant attacks
upon Japanese sensibilities, public opinion will be so shaped as to force a
calm and rational solution of the question by purely domestic and national
legislation.
The conclusion of the whole matter then is that exclusion is
the only alternative of race degeneracy or race war.
(246)
ORIENTAL vs. AMERICAN LABOR
Bv A. E. YoELL,
Secretary Asiatic Exclusion League of North America, San Francisco, Cal.
For a proper comprehension of the dangers threatening- the
wage earning classes in Cahfornia through the competition of Asiatics
it is necessary to take a view of the c(>n(htions prcvaihng in Hawaii,
brought about by the predominance of the Asiatic element in the
population of that territory. With a population of 170,000 of all
races, there are 72,000 Japanese, 25,000 Chinese and about 8,000
Koreans, making the Asiatic element 61 per cent of the whole.
The orientalization of the Hawaiian Islands and the resulting
character of the working population by the elimination of white
mechanics and laborers have created an acute labor problem, and the
white laborer of California fears that the presence of large numbers
of Asiatics in that state will bring about conditions similar to those
existing in Hawaii. I'or the wage earner and small merchant, the
problem is one of survival in the face of an increasing, irresistible
and disastrous competition.
Less than 50 per cent of these Asiatics are engaged in plantation
work, and other agricultural pursuits ; the remainder are in domestic
service, trade and transportation, manufacturing and mechanical
pursuits. In some of these lines Asiatic competition is of early
date, but during the past five or six years every trade has been
invaded, in some instances to the absolute exclusion of the Cauca-
sian element. There arc practically no white wage earners engaged
in making men's and women's garments and shoes, though a few
earn a precarious living by repairing and cobbling. The Japanese
are strong competitors in the plumbing trade, and in some places
have practically monopolized the work of making tinware for planta-
tion stores, and for sale among working people. The whites are
being driven from all the miscellaneous trades very rapidly.
The building trades have also been aggressively invaded by the
Japanese, and white mechanics are steadily giving up and forming a
procession back to the coast. .\ white contractor, who used white
and Hawaiian labor only, recently said that he had not had a contract
(247)
28 The Annals of the American Academy
of any importance for nearly a year and a half, because he had been
ruinously underbid, either by Japanese contractors or white con-
tractors using Asiatic labor exclusively. He called attention to a
large building being constructed, upon which thirty-five workmen
were employed, and although there were plenty of w-hites and
Hawaiians idle, not a single workman was found on the building
except Asiatics. Every detail of the building — carpentering, plas-
tering, plumbing, painting — was done by Asiatic labor. The only
city occupations not yet subject to keen Japanese competition are
the English printing trades and some forms of machinery and
metal working.
There is an aspect of the Japanese question in Hawaii which
also affects the planters, and it arises out of the preponderance
among the laborers of a single nationality, which, to a certain
extent, takes out of the hands of owners the control of administra-
tion. The Japanese have learned their power and use it unmerci-
fully. Evidence, both direct and indirect, presented itself in 1905.
showing that plantation owners fear the power of their Japanese
laborers, and endeavor to placate them by concessions not dictated
primarily by regard for efiicicnt service. At this writing, June i,
1909, some 10,000 Japanese plantation laborers are on strike for
higher wages, and though the planters are, to some extent, filling
their places with the labor available, it may safely be predicted that,
as half of the sugar crop remains unmilled. the Japanese will win
the day.
The wages paid Orientals in Hawaii on the plantations is about
one-third of that paid to whites for the same class of employment.
In the miscellaneous trades in Honolulu the difference is not so
great, being about 50 per cent, but it is in the mechanical and build-
ing trades that the keenest competition by means of reduced wages
is felt.
Average Wages Per Day.
American. Japanese
Carpenters $3-59 $i-54
Foreman Carpenters 5.75 2.43
Engineers 4.72 1.66
Foreman Painters 4.00 2.50
Painters 3.25 1.50
Sheet Metal Workers 3.16 1.50
Tinsmiths 3.50 1.50
(248)
Oriental vs. A)iiericaii Labor
29
The foregoing tabic should be convincing evidence that Amer-
icans cannot compete with Asiatics and maintain the present standard
of living. That the building trades of California have also been
invaded will be seen further on.
In several parts of California conditions prevail closely parallel-
ing those existing in Hawaii, and though the number of Asiatics
here is but 89,000.' against 105,000 in the islands, the thin edge of
the wedge has entered and is being driven home. Mercantile and
mechanical pursuits have not, however, been invaded to such an
extent as in Hawaii, but the danger is a real one, and will be pre-
sented in detail later on.
Wages, Hours of Labor and Conditions in San Francisco
On March 13, 1906, Hon. E. A. Hayes delivered a speech in
the House of Representatives, in which he paid particular attention
to the competition of Chinese and Japanese in various lines of indus-
try in San Francisco. Since then conditions have grown from bad
to worse, until in some lines they have become almost unendurable.
The following is compiled from the latest available information:
Seamen: The number of Asiatics sailing between Pacific Coast
and trans-Pacific ports is estimated at 3.500, their wages averaging
from $5.00 to $7.50 United States gold, against $30.00 paid to the
white seamen for similar services. The Pacific Mail Steamship
Company, employing Chinese seamen, is virtually being driven out
of business by the competition of Japanese liners, and though oper-
ating at a considerable yearly loss, is kept in existence through the
patriotism of Mr. Harriman, who refuses to haul down the flag
from the only line flying the American flag in the Oriental trade.
Butchers: Tliere are employed in the pork trade 200 Chinese,
who work sixteen hours per day, against the ten hours of the white
butcher. The Chinese handle about 75 per cent of all the pork
slaughtered. In consequence of this competition, the white pork
butcher has to work for 24 to 50 per cent less wages than those in
other branches of the business. Wages,- — white butchers, $20 per
week; Chinese, $35 per month.
Broom Makers: The Chinese have destroyed competition in
this industry by cheap methods and inferior workmanship. The
'Japanese. 55,000 ; Chinese, 30.000 : Koreans, 2,000 ; Hindus. 2.000.
^tilling wages are given in this compilation.
(240)
30 The Annals of the American Academy
white broom maker works nine hours for $2.50 per day. The
Chinese work from ten to fourteen hours for $6.00 to $9.00 per
week.
Garment Workers: Including both Chinese and Japanese, there
are about 150 estabhshments employing- about 1,000 hands working
from ten to twelve hours per day for $4.00 per week on ladies'
wear, to $50.00 per month on gentlemen's goods. White workers
have a day of nine hours and are paid $9.00 to $20.00 per week,
according to the class of goods.
Laundry Workers: There are in San Francisco over 100 Chi-
nese hand-washing laundries and eighteen modern equipped Japanese
steam laundries, employing in the aggregate, with Japanese appren-
tices, about 1,000 hands. These Asiatic laundries are doing at least
five-eighths of the laundry work of the city, and the white worker
is being constantly reminded by the employer. of the difficulty ex-
perienced in competing with Mongolians. Before the advent of the
Japanese steam laundry (1905) there were 1,650 white union laun-
dry workers; to-day there are only 1,050. The white laundry
worker's time is fifty hours per week, wages $6.00 to $18.00 per
week. The Japanese time is ten to fourteen hours a day, wages
$6.00 to $9.00 per week. The Chinese works as long as he can
endure; wages $3.00 to $15.00 per week.
This competition has caused the establishment of Anti-Jap
Laundry Leagues throughout the state, and this action has been met
by the Japanese by a still further reduction in their price lists, which
now stand at about 50 per cent less than that of the white laundries.
Cooks: The number of Asiatics employed varies according to
the season. Chinese, 200 to 300 ; Japanese, 400 to 750. Hours of
labor, — white, from 10 to thirteen hours per day ; Chinese and
Japanese, from fourteen to sixteen hours per day. Wages, — white,
$15.00 to $25.00 for six days; Cliinese and Japanese, from $25.00
to $35.00 per month, without any day off. The Chinese and Japan-
ese serve meals for ten cents, which entices a certain class of men
to extend them their patronage.
In railroad construction throughout the state 200 to 300 Chinese
and from 400 to 600 Japanese camp cooks and helpers are employed,
the number varying according to the time of the year.
Walters: The Chinese restaurants, of which there are twenty,
employ about 180 of their own countrymen. Of Japanese restau-
(250)
Oriental vs. .liiu-rican Labor 31
rants there arc sevcnt}', in which tlierc are possibly 300 Japanese.
In the white restaurants tlie hours of labor are nine for women,
with a wage of $7.00. and ten for men. with a wage of $10.50. The
Chinese average thirteen hours for $6.00. and the Japanese fourteen
hours for $5.00. In boarding houses and saloons there are probably
more than 1,000 Japs employed as cooks, porters and maids-of-all-
work, to the exclusion of that luunbcr of white workers.
Domestics: In this occupation, that of house servant, the Japan-
ese have supplanted the Chinese, as they have supplanted the white
domestic. Mr. Walter \'. Stafford, who was state lalxjr commis-
sioner, 1902-190^), declared that 5,000 white girls had been roblxMl
of their employment as domestics by Japanese. This was accom-
plished by several methods: (i) By the student domestic, who gave
his services for board and the privilege of going to school ; (2) by
the organization of Japanese house-cleaning companies, whose mem-
bers go out by the hour or day. working betw-een times at shoe
repairing and other industries, working at a rate and living under
conditions to which no self-respecting white girl can submit. The
manager of one of the leading female employment agencies recently
said: "Any woman who will pay decent wages and treat her help
like human beings can get all the girls needed. People have become
so accustomed to Orientals that they forget an American girl cannot
live like an Asiatic."
In this connection, it may not be amiss to call attention to a
statement made by Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, in reply to a speech by
Mr. Hayes upon the Asiatic question :
They arc- the choice of all the domestics of the gentleman's own state.
I do not hesitate to say that 500,000 could be absorbed into the labor field of
the United States and not displace a single .\merican.
The trouble is that there are no Americans to displace because,
as has been said before, no self-respecting American girl will enter
into competition with Mongolians. It is said by some of our philan-
thropic publicists in California that the American girl is too hard to
please ; that she expects too much from her employer ; but be that
as it may, the following excerpts should be sufficient proof that
with all her faults the white girl should be preferred to her Asiatic
competitor.^ Mr. J. D. Putnam, Chinese Inspector at Los Angeles,
Cal., says :
•Report of United States Industrinl romniisslon. Vol XV. pajre 700.
32 • The Anuah of the American Academy
Those not acquainted with Chinese and their habits and customs, cannot
realize the demoralizing effect they have upon the young and rising genera-
tion. I venture to say that more girls are ruined by the wily Chinese, as
few of them as there are, comparatively, than all other criminal classes
combined. Stop and think of the Chinese at the wash tub with a young
girl's wardrobe, then as her chambermaid, with his head shaved and his
white apron, and with that bland smile on his face, and then turn and look
at the ladies who visit their places. Can you believe that the Chinese are
more than human? The Chinese as a class are a born set of bribers, gam-
blers, polygamists and perjurers, and when anyone will show me one actually
converted Chinaman among them, then it will be one I have not met. You
may have evening mission schools for young Chinese men for young ladies
to teach, and you will have no lack of pupils ; but take the ladies away and
put young men equally capable and religious in their places, and in a short
time you will not have a Chinaman attending school.
If in the above yoti substitute the word "Japaiiese" for Chinese,
and then underHne each word, you will still have but a faint con-
ception of the conditions with which the American girl has to com-
pete if she wishes to earn a living by domestic service.
Building Trades: For the purpose of securing information
concerning the inroads likely to be made by the Japanese on the
building trades, Dr. Carl Saalfield submitted plans, for a house he
contemplated building, to Japanese architects f.nd contractors, with
the following results : He found that the Japanese have entered
into all the thirty-four trades connected with the building of a
modern house. He found that they would build a fine house for
$2,000 less than the lowest bid from an American firm. That bid
was $5,800. The Japanese offered to build it for $3,800. They
would do everything, from the excavating to the plumbine, gas-
fitting, painting and decorating, — turning over the keys for a finished
house. The doctor, thinking there had been some mistake, went
over the plans with them, even to the tile laying, but they stood by
their figures. They pay their carpenters $1.50 per day and their
laborers about 60 per cent less than a white laborer receives. The
item for common labor has been figured by the white American at
$700 — the Japanese figured it at $250. In various parts of the state
they have done much cement and concrete work, and good work,
too, but at a figure which a white man cannot touch and live.
The fio^ures following were compiled from the reoort of the
Twelfth Census, 1900, and while we cannot go behind them, we are
convinced, through reports emanating from the Treasury Depart-
(252) '
Oriental I's. .hiwrican Labor 33
ment officials, that a larj^e number of Mongolians, both Chinese and
Japanese, succeeded in evading the enumerators. Keeping that
statement in mind, the following should certainly be of interest:
Mongolians Enc.xgeu i.\ the Building Industries, 1900.
Occupation. Chinese. Japanese. Total.
Carpenters 417 666 1,083
Masons (brick and stone) 4 49 S3
Painters and Varnishers 105 56 161
Plasterers 4 4
Plumbers and Gas Fitters i i
Marble and Stone Cutters 33 33
Tin Plate Workers 116 12 128
Cabinet Makers 16 7 23
Saw and Planing Mill Workers 76 165 241
734 993 1.727
It is thus seen that there were 734 Chinese and 993 Japanese
building mechanics in 1900. but how many of them were in Califor-
nia we have no means of finding out. We do know, however, that
since 1900 over 50,000 Japanese have come to the mainland of the
United States from the Territory of Hawaii, and that the Japanese
population of California has increased over 600 per cent ; and it
would be the height of folly to assume that there was not more than
a fair sprinkling of building mechanics among them. We know
further that during the years 1901 to 1907, both inclusive, 109,406
Japanese entered the United States through legal channels, and of
that number 4,446 were skilled mechanics. It is not reasonable to
believe that they will be content to work as field laborers and domes-
tics when the opportunity is afforded them to invade the building
industries.
Farm Labor: The employment of Japanese upon the farms of
California is a measure which, though apparently necessary at one
time, is now a source of regret to those responsible for their intro-
duction.
In 1895 a labor contractor in Honolulu ottered to place 30,000
Japanese laborers in the agricultural districts of California, who
would w'ork for $12.00 per month and board themselves. This
proposition was taken up with avidity by the farmers, who were
always short of help in the harvest season, and the records of the
steamship companies show that many thousands came. In a very
i*
34 The Annals of the Amerieaii Academy
short while the white farm laborers were driven to the large cities,
and the Japanese had the field of agriculture to themselves. It was
not long before the farmers discovered that they had created a
"Frankenstein." Instead of having "cheap" labor, they soon had
to pay the Japanese more wages than they formerly paid the white
workingmen. By working in gangs under a head man, and by
combination through the various Japanese associations, they have
advanced their wages to $2.00 a day and upward. In many cases,
the farmer becoming discouraged by the continual raids upon his
pocket, leased his ranch to Japanese on shares, to be again outwitted
by his Oriental "friends." The last resort was to lease or sell
outright, until the Japanese own and lease in the aggregate some
150,000 acres of the most fertile land in the state. The result is
that to-day the potato crop of the state is controlled by George
Shima, the "Potato King," who compels us to, pay five cents per
pound for potatoes at retail.
In Southern California the celery crop and other vegetables
are controlled by Japanese, the white growers being helpless against
them. In the Santa Clara \'alley, one of the most beautiful parts
of the state, the berry crop is almost entirely in the hands of the
Japanese.
Recently, however, the Farmers' Educational and Co-operative
Society has taken the matter in hand, and is seeking the co-opera-
tion of organized labor to aid in marketing farm products raised
and packed entirely by white labor. The following excerpts from
the Twelfth Biennial Report of the California Bureau of Labor
Statistics illustrates in a vivid manner the conditions existing in
several of the districts dominated by the Japanese:
WatsonviUc. — Men of standing in the community who employ Japanese
and have no race prejudice, apparently, and who are distinctly opposed to
labor unions, largely on account of the opposition of the latter to Orientals,
declare the Japanese dishonest and inferior in this regard to the Chinese.
When the Japanese arrived in the Pajaro Valley they were welcomed by the
merchants ; to-day the merchants bitterly complain that the Japanese have
become their very close competitors. They run restaurants, barbershops and
ready-made clothing stores in the City of Watsonville and operate busses and
delivery wagons in the adjacent territory. One bank positively refuses to open
any account with the Japanese because of their absolute dishonesty, the same
bank welcoming business from the Chinese. The local po.'-tmaster places the
Jap in a class by himself, and will not cash his money orders without other
evidence than the possession of the order, and there is a large postoffice money
(254)
Oriental is. .liiicricaii Labor 35
order business with the Japanese on account of the fact that certain banks
dechne to do business with them.
Vacaville. — The Japanese came to Vaca Valley, Solano Count}-, about
eighteen years ago and commenced working- for very small wages. Their
number increased until they not only displaced about all the white labor, but
almost entirely ran out the Chinese. They then began to rent orchards, payinu;
cash in advance, thereby undermining the Chinese, who generally paid with
a share of the crops. The Jap outbid the Chinaman until he ceased to be a
factor. This condition developed until the Japanese control, by lease and
ownership, half of the fruit farms in the valley at this time.
Latterly their handling of leased ranches has been less satisfactory. They
cultivate indifferently, or for immediate results, to the serious detriment of
the property. Prior to the advent of the Japanese, Vaca Valley was renowned
for its orchards, which attracted wide attention, especially on account of the
superior methods of pruning and cultivating. To-day there can be no boasting
in this respect. Large shipping firms give the Japanese credit and backing, and
aid them in obtaining leases, etc., on account of their ability to obtain labor
in the fruit season. The white rancher can scarcely obtain such aid, on
account of his lack of assurance of sufficient help. In other words, the
Japanese have the best organization.
It is generally conceded that 90 per cent of all the people met, walking or
driving on all the country roads around Vacaville, are Japanese. One of the
prominent fruit growers and shippers in the valley estimates the fruit orchards
of Vaca Valley and adjoining foothills at 15,000 acres, more than half of which
are in the hands of Japanese lessees, or owners, principally leased. He
declared the Jap is an expert at drawing all the vitality out of the land and
the trees. Land values have shrunk one-third in the past fifteen years.
The Japanese stores, of which there are six in Vacaville, are doing more
than 50 per cent of the general merchandise business of the town, and 90 per
cent of the farm supply business.
Fresno. — In Fresno, as at other points, it is generally conceded that the
Jap is merciless when he has his employer at a disadvantage ; that he will work
cheaply until all competition is eliminated, and then strike for higher wages,
totally disregarding any agreement or contract.
There is no place in the state where the problem is so grave, from the
fact that the raisin territory (and Fresno is the greatest producer of raisins
on the planet) depends almost entirely on the Orientals. Last year over 4,000
cars of raisins were shipped from Fresno. The more intelligent citizens realize
the gravity of the situation both from the economic and racial sides. Similar
conditions in a lesser degree exist in the different berry and sugar beet sec-
tions of the state. The general persistency with which the Japanese are
breaking into many industries, their frugality, their ambition and their lack
of business morality, render them more formidable than the Chinese.
It is astonishing that in the light of this evidence so many
public men, in and out of Congress, declare that the labor necessi-
(255)
36 The Annals of the American Academy
ties of the Pacific Coast demand the presence of these Asiatics.
They say that our fruit orchards, mines and seed farms cannot be
worked without them. It were better that they never be developed
than that our white laborers be degraded and driven from the soil.
The same arguments were used a century and more ago, to justify
the importation of African labor. I assert, most emphatically, that
there is no demand for labor on the Pacific Coast that cannot be
fully met with white laborers if conditions are made such that they
will wish to come and remain here. As it is now, no self-respecting
white laborer will work beside the Mongolian upon any terms.
The proposition, whether we shall have white or yellow labor on
the Pacific Coast, must soon be settled, for we cannot have both. If
the Mongolian is permitted to occupy the land, the white laborer
from east of the Rockies will not come here — he will shun Cali-
fornia as he would a pestilence. And who can blame him?
Note. — The authorities consulted for this paper were:
Hawaii : Third Report on Hawaii, published as Bulletin 66 of U. S. Bureau
of Labor, September, 1906.
California: Reports of California, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1898-1908.
Report of U. S. Industrial Commission. Vol. XV.
Correspondence of County Oflficials of California and the voluminous files
of the Asiatic Exclusion League of San Francisco.
(256)
MISUXDERSTAXDIXG OF EASTERN AXD WESTERX
STATES REGARDIXG ORIEXTAL IMMIGRATIOX
By Hon-. Albert G. Burnett
Associate Justice. District Court of Appeals of Califo'rnia. Tlurd Appellate
District, Sacramento, Cal.
The people who for sixty years have been building for them-
selves hon.es on the Pacific slope have in their veins, as have their
kin m the East from whom they parted, the blood of the Puritan and
the Cavaher, mtermingled by the infusion from European countries
The short space of time during which they have lived apart and the
few rrnles which separate them from each other have not caused
them to become strangers. The pioneers of the West carried thither
and their descendants have inherited, the traditions, the laws the
customs, the ideals of their ancestors on the Atlantic If ihen
there is a d.flference of opinion or a misunderstanding between the
people of the East and those of the \\-est on the subject of Oriental
immigration to the United States, it must be due solelv to environ-
ment.
The people of the Xew England and Middle States have for
more than half a century been accustomed to seeing the great flood
of European immigrants pouring through their gates. While notes
of warning have frequently been uttered against this invasion, the
people at large have noticed that in the second or third generation
the newcomers have generally become assimilated with our own
population and in the main the country has benefited by their coming
The easterners have not, as yet, faced the problem of an influx of
aliens unassimilable with ourselves.
But on the shores of the Pacifi^c the white man, at first curiously
noticing the incoming advance-guard of the Asiatic races soon took
genuine alarm at the thought that untold millions of these people
might domicile themselves with us, introducing to our people dan!
gerotis forms of vice and creating a labor situation which it was
feared would banish the white laborer from the coast; and it was
also perceived that this vast exodus of coolies would not appreciably
(2S7)
38 The Annals of the American Academy
diminish the supply in the over-populated Orient. It was compara-
tively easy to stem the tide when it was the Chinese who were
coming; the problem nov/ is, in many respects, an entirely different
one. While we are grappling with the question of the influx of
Japanese and are uncertain as to the final outcome — or, at least, as
to the method of achieving the only solution which will be conceded
on the coast — we are threatened with an invasion of England's half-
starved, superstitious, caste-bound Hindus, whose evil propensities
in certain directions seemed delightfully interesting fiction coming
from the fascinating pen of Kipling, but are now discovered to be
none too truthfully portrayed by him. The West is alarmed.
The antipathy existing in the states beyond the Rocky Moun-
tains to the natives of Nippon is due partly to racial, partly to
economic causes. While the few may dream of the coming Utopia
where the "Brotherhood of Man" has become an assured fact, the
masses in every nation are still governed largely by inherited prej-
udices, and of all these race prejudice is, perhaps, the strongest.
When an occasional marriage of a white woman to a Japanese raises
a storm of protest among the white people of the community, it is
no greater than that raised by the Japanese themselves, and for the
same reason ; each race is opposed to the intermarriage because it
thinks its own member is degrading himself or herself by becoming
a party to it.
There exists no prouder or more sensitive race than the Japan-
ese, and to this fact is due, in great degree, the difficulty of dealing
with the situation. The methods pursued in the exclusion of the
Chinese, if followed in the case of their island neighbors, would
undoubtedly lead to serious trouble, if not to open hostilities. De-
spite certain warlike utterances in some of the western newspapers,
the great majority of the people on the Pacific Coast are fully alive
to the horrors of war and do not wish recklessly to provoke one with
any nation.
Again, the experience of the southern states in dealing with an
alien race, even though domiciled there for centuries, has served as
a vivid warning to the people of the West to avoid the perplexing
questions which have for so long harassed the South. They
believe that one such race problem should be sufficient to cause us
to forever guard against the introduction of another.
The economic questions involved in the employment of Japanese
(258)
M Isioidcrstaiu/iiii:; of Oriental I niDiii^ratioii 39
labor arc complex, and there is no unanimity of oi)inion on this
subject among^ the iieo])le of the Pacific states. There are two
prominent interests desirins^ more or less freedom of entry for the
Asiatic races — the steamship companies and the horticulturist and
farmer. The reasons actuatint^ the former are obvious and need
not be adverted to. lUit the question of labor in the orchards and
vineyards and on the farms is of vital interest to the men by whose
efforts there are j^roduced annually in California alone fruit crops
valued at thirty millions of dollars. On account of climatic and
other conditions, many white inen are averse to performing' certain
portions of the farm and orchard work. Tn many cases where they
have been employed, there has been a tendency among" them to quit
their employment when the first pay-day arrived and to find con-
g'enial company in the saloons of the nearest town. It is not a
question of low wages altog^ether. for Japanese frequently earn from
three to five dollars per day in the harvest season. The crying need
of the orchardist and farmer is reliable labor, and it is claimed that
the only laborer who has yet come up to the requirements is the
Chinese. He is as a general rule patient, reliable and uncomplaining^,
and will faithfully perform any contract he may enter into even at a
pecuniary loss to himself, but he is barred by the exclusion act.
The Japanese laborer is not as honest as the Chinese. He has no
scruples about violating a contract with his white employer when
he sees that by so doings he can place the owner at such disadvantage
that, in order to save his crop, he will submit to demands that are
extortionate. Nor is the Japanese content to remain an employee,
but by cunning^ and trickery lie forces the white land owner either
to lease or <;ell to him his land. A favorite method of dealing with
a white lessor is so to prune his orchard that in two or three years
it will produce no revenue, and the discouraged owner will sell for
any price.
The fruit-growers of California, in convention assembled, have
officially memorialized Congress demanding that the Chinese exclu-
sion law be modified and that a fixed and liberal number of Chinese
and an equal number of Japanese be permitted admission annually.
Their claim is that it is practically impossible to secure white men
to perform certain work necessary in the orchards and on the farms
— the primary processes, so-called — and that Asiatic labor in that
particular is, therefore, non-competitive.
(259)
40 The Annals of the American Academy
Opposed to the comparatively few who can profitably utilize the
labor of the Orient are the white workingmen, who believe that the
presence of large numbers of Japanese and Chinese laborers will
tend to a reduction in wages and a lowering of the general standard
of living. The leaders of union labor are particularly active in
denunciation of Asiatic immigration. To the student of labor con-
ditions on the Pacific Coast, it seems undeniable that the unrestricted
entry of Japanese laborers would eventually destroy the home of the
American workingman. They live together thickly in violation of
all sanitary rules, and where they settle in numbers the American is
forced to vacate. If he would, the white man could not live as do
these aliens. Nor do the immigrants remain in the country districts,
engaged in farm work ; large sections of cities and towns are occu-
pied by them and in many branches of labor they are in direct com-
petition with the whites.
For the above and many other reasons there is rapidly crys-
talizing a sentiment, not only in the western part of the United
States, but to an even more intense degree in British Columbia, that
this portion of North America must remain "a white man's country."
Californians are at present content to accept the assurances from
Washington that this end can be attained by diplomacy. In the
meantime the state government is taking steps to ascertain how
many Japanese there are within its borders and whether they have
ceased coming, as has been stated more than once.
There has been in the eastern states a very great misconception
of the i)osition of California with reference to the admission of
Ja])anese to the public schools. Many of the hostile criticisms in
the newspapers are predicated upon the assumption that the benefits
of education were being denied children of Japanese parentage.
This is erroneous. Boys born in America of Asiatic parents will
eventually become voters, and California realizes, as fully as do
any of its sister states, the necessity of having an intelligent, edu-
cated electorate. It is desirous of giving to them the same educa-
tion that it does to white children. But the people of the state do
object seriously to "Japanese school-boys" of eighteen years and
upward attending the primary and intermediate grades and studying
with white children many years their juniors. The Japanese code
of morals is constructed on an entirely dififerent principle from ours.
The radical difference in the standards of morality may be illus-
(260)
Misuiidcrstaudini:, of Oriental Iviniiiinilinii 41
trated bv reference to the case of a Japanese l)oy w ho was criminally
prosecuted last year for sending through the mails to a white girl
schoolmate an objectionable letter. While such matters may be
entirely proper in Japan, California does not intend to tolerate them,
nor would any other state in the Union do so.
For many years the city of San Francisco has maintained a
separate school for the instruction of Chinese children, with white
teachers and the same course of study as in other schools of the
city. Chinese parents have made no protest, but have generally
agreed that separate schools are preferable. But when a proposi-
tion is made to have Japanese attend so-called Oriental schools a
storm is raised which causes extreme agitation in Tokyo and in
Washington and column upon column of denunciation in the press
of both countries.
California claims that the governmetit of its public schools is a
subject purely within state control ; that the federal government has
no power to exercise any supervision over the matter ; and the state-
proposes to regulate the schools so as to confer the greatest good
upon the greatest number. There is no desire, except upon the
part of a very few persons, to stir up race hatred. On the contrary,
it is believed that separate schools would assist very materially in
arriving at an intelligent solution of the problems involved, by re-
moving one very serious cause of irritation.
The West is not unduly or at all excited over the question of
immigration from Japan ; it is only determined. It has heard from
Washington that the ^likado's government is going to refuse per-
mission to its subjects to come to the United States. It hopes this
will be done, but it is somewhat dubious when it hears rumors from
day to day of the vast numbers of Japanese who are debarking in
British Columbia and stealing their way across the border. If the
influx cannot be stopped in one way it can in some other, and the
West is insistent in the demand that it be done by some means, and
soon. The Pacific states comprise an empire of vast potentialities
and capable of supporting a population of many millions. Those
now living there propose that it shall continue to be a home for them
and their children, and that they shall not be overwhelmed and
driven eastward by an ever-increasing yellow and brown flood.
(261)
THE JAPANESE PROBLEM IN CALIFORNIA
By Sidney G. P. Coryn,
Of "The Argonaut," San Francisco, Cal.
The object of the present paper is rather to state a problem
than either to suggest a remedy or to assume the position of arbi-
trator between the conflicting interests. For many years the Japan-
ese have been an irritation in CaHfornia. For many years the news-
papers of the state — and notably the San Francisco "Chronicle," a
journal of responsible conservatism — have drawn attention to the
increasing numbers of Japanese immigrants and the consequent
injury to the interests of the country. Some five years ago these
complaints came energetically to a head. Statistics were compiled
from the scanty material at command, opinions were collected, and
grievances stated, with the result that the Japanese question became
an issue of magnitude.
California had already passed through a race agitation against
the Chinese that at one time threatened a formidable convulsion.
Was she upon the high road to another and a more dangerous protest
against a people flushed with the successes of a great war and in
no mood to tolerate adverse discrimination? The gravity of the
issue made it difficult to halt between two opinions. The last legis-
lature was nearly equally divided between the anti-Japanese who
wished to impose various restrictions upon the Asiatics, and those
who may not have been pro-Japanese but who were at least un-
willing to do anything that might embarrass the federal govern-
ment. The governor of the state and the speaker of the assembly
threw their weight against the proposed legislation. Even the anti-
Japanese press admitted that the time was inopportune for restric-
tions, and so the agitation temporarily subsided. That it will be
renewed there cannot be the slightest doubt.
The discussion served many good ends. It gave cohesion and
a voice to the interests that believed themselves to be specifically
threatened by the Japanese invasion. It brought to the front also
those other interests that held themselves to be directly benefited.
It had the effect of arousing the serious interest of the Japanese
(262)
Japanese Problem in California 43
govefnlTient and persuadincf it to energetic measures for the abate-
ment of a nuisance dangerous to itself. The activities of the great
immigration companies of Japan were discouraged and a system of
passports was imposed upon the emigrating classes. Whether as a
result of these measures or from other causes, it is certain that the
incoming stream has been substantially lessened, — we shall presently
see to what extent.
That there are classes who favor a? well as disfavor the Japan-
ese is an important point, and we have no right to assume selfish or
unsocial motives either in one case or the other. If it can be urged
against the labor unionist of San Francisco that he keeps exclu-
sively in view his own wage scale and his class domination, so in the
same way can the fruit grower be charged with an indifference to
the well-being of the community at large so long as he can always
find a sufficiency of underpaid Asiatics to do his w^ork and to save
him the expense of sanitation and of hygienic conditions. It is
better to avoid the assumption of sinister motives.
San Francisco has had to stand the brunt of the Asiatic invasion
and her voice is naturally the loudest. In many instances we need
no deep research to see that the complaints are well founded.
Japanese shoe repairing shops, for instance, are to be found dotted
all over the city. Japanese laundries are nearly as numerous. There
are hundreds of Japanese janitors, and Japanese house cleaners,
while the invasion of other branches of activity is steady and per-
sistent. Divisions of the city are becoming know'n as Japanese
quarters, and Japanese stores in a chronic state of "selling off" are
to be found everywhere. All these things mean the dispossession of
white men. The Japanese shoe repairing shops are said without
contradiction to be controlled and financed by a capitalist of Tokyo,
who requires that each of his beneficiaries shall take an apprentice
who will in due time start his own shop with his own apprentice.
And all these things mean not merely competition, but underselling.
The Japanese will enter into no trade agreement, he will respect
no standard of prices. He is a law unto himself, and his only rule
is to get the business at any and every cost. It is not surprising that
the opinion among the wage earners of San Francisco is nearlv
unanimous. The presence of the Japanese trader means that the
white man must either go out of busines or abandon his standard of
comfort and sink to the level of the Asiatic, who will sleep under
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44 T/'^ Annals of the Anierican Academy
his counter and subsist upon food that would mean starvation to
his white rival.
A glance at statistics, so far as they are available, will help us
to understand the situation and to measure the danger. Conserva-
tive estimates of the number of Japanese now in California vary
from 45,000 to 50.000. The general census report of 1900 gives the
number at 10.151. The records show that the Japanese landed from
foreign ports from October, 1899, to September, 1904, numbered
10,524. During 1903 and 1904 7,270 Japanese arrived from Hawaii,
but there are no figures for Hawaiian arrivals for the two years end-
ing December 31, 1903. During 1904 Japanese to the number of
672 arrived from Victoria, but there is no record from this source
for the previous three years. For the two years ending September
30, 1906, the net increase of arrivals over departures at San Fran-
cisco was 13.658, and for the subsequent two years the increase was
1,213. These sadly incomplete figures represent a total of 43,488.
Even were they complete there would still be no inclusion of the
Japanese who enter unregistered or surreptitiously from Canada
and from Mexico. They are certainly mnnerous.
The distribution of these people affords an explanation of the
louder complaints emanating from San Francisco. Assuming the
total to be 45,000 — certainly underestimated — we find 12,000 in San
Francisco, 6,000 in Los Angeles, 9,000 in the vicinities of Sacra-
mento and Fresno, and 18,000 in all other parts of the state.
The year 1908 witnessed a marked decrease in the Japanese
population, due partly to the numbers who returned to their own
country and jiartly to the eflforts of the Japanese government to
restrict emigration. From October i. 1906. to October i, 1907, the
net increase was 3,719, while from October i, 1907, to October i,
1908, we have a decrease of 2.506, the net result for the two years
being an increase of only 1,213.
While opinion in San Francisco is nearly unanimous as to the
undesirability of the Japanese as residents and traders, it must be
admitted that there is by no means such unanimity among the fruit
growers of the country districts. Labor is always hard to obtain
upon the fruit ranch, and the Asiatic is frequently welcomed as an
alternative to a partial loss of the fruit crop. The Bureau of Labor
statistics furnish us with the opinions of 132 farmers upon the
advantages of Japanese labor. Nearlv all of them employ Asiatics,
(264) '
Jaf^aiicsc Problem in California 45
hm while some of them do so wiUiii^ly the majority seem to make
a virtue of necessity. Here are some half-dozen quotations froni
the reports, taken almost at random :
Whites, we regret to say. arc tlie least dependable, and Japanese arc only
half as good as Chinese.
I find that the Japanese as a rule take care of tlieir nmiuy and work
steadier than the white laborer.
They (Asiatics) are very poor help to employ hy ilie day or inontli.
I do not employ any Japanese. Vou cannot depend on them.
I have no use for Japanese. I like the Chinese better. You cannot depend
on the Japanese : they will strike when you arc- busy and a coiuract with them
don't amount to anything.
I have employed both the Chinese and Japanese on my ranch, and find
that I like the Chinese the better, for if you are exceedingly rushed a China-
man will not strike for higher wages and leave you in the lurch, as the Jap
surely does.
I am opposed to the exclusion of the Japanese. We would be in a bad
fix without their help. I prefer them to the kind of white men who apply
for work.
Wherever we find comparison? between the Japanese and the
Chinese it is always to the disadvantage of the former. A common
practice is to rent the fruit orchard to the Japanese or to sell to
them the standings crop, leaving all the responsibilities of harvest
and market to the purchaser. Opinions as to the morality and
reliability of the Japanese are nearly always adverse. Many of the
reports complain that the Japanese never loses an accidental advan-
tage, and never allows contract or promise to stand in the way of
attainment. The need of the white man is the opportunity for the
Japanese, and he never fails to take it.
It may be supposed that the 132 farmers who furnished their
opinions to the Bureau of Labor are too few in number to form a
basis for an adequate estimate of the general sentiment. That fact
was doubtless taken into consideration by the last California legisla-
ture when it ordered the preparation of a census of all tiie Japanese
in the state and the collection of information concerning them. These
instructions are now being carried out and in the fullest way. "\\'ithin
a few months we shall have not only adequate statistics, but a very
large mass of information upon well nigh every point of interest.
We shall know how many Japanese are employed, the reasons for
their engagement, the nature of the labor that thev displaced, how
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46 Tlic Annals of the American Academy
they are paid, lodged, and fed, their progress in social usages, their
effectiveness, tractability, sobriety, and reliability. It is upon these
returns that the action of the next legislature will be based, and it is
certain that action of some kind will be proposed and vigorously
sustained, although a continuance of the present decrease in the
number of arrivals can hardly fail to have a modifying influence.
A word as to the school situation may not be amiss, for there
can be no doubt that the effort to exclude Japanese pupils from the
public schools has done more to wound Oriental susceptibilities than
anything else. Moreover it has been effectively used in the East to
show that the action of California was oppressive and unreasonable.
It may be said at once that the Japanese children are well behaved
and that there has been no criticism of their deportment, intelligence,
or behavior. Indeed it is probably true that if all the Japanese
pupils in the common schools had been bona-fide children there
would be no complaint registered against them and we should never
have heard of the schools question. But a great many of the
Japanese pupils are not children in any sense of the word. They are
grown men whose status in the schools depends of course upon their
knowledge and not upon their age. The Japanese boy of eighteen
or twenty years of age who can neither read nor write English
must necessarily be assigned to the lower grades and placed in
association with white children of a tender age. That fully grown
boys, whether Japanese or not, should be placed in daily contact
with girls many years younger than themselves is obviously unde-
sirable. In the case of Asiatics it is felt to be still more undesirable,
and this without any reflection upon the morals of the Asiatic, but
with a recognition that his point of view is radically different.
The white parent is unwilling that his little girl shall associate upon
terms of comradely intimacy with a boy who may presently welcome
from Japan the wife whom he has wedded through the kindly
mediation of a photograph.
From such considerations, and not merely from a racial spleen,
arose the first protests against the Japanese in the public schools.
Popular ignorance helped of course to swell the chorus, and indus-
trial jealousies played their accustomed part, but it is hardly sur-
prising that the parents of San Francisco and of California in
general should feel their primal rights to be infringed when they are
told that they are not at liberty to invoke legislation for the pro-
(266)
Japanese Problem in California
47
tection of thc.r own children in the schools that they themselves
support at enormous cost. With the lack of such a power the
prmciple of seh-government would seem to have no meaning-
Up to the present time we have looked mainly at those classes
of the community that are brou-ht into direct contact with the
Japanese, either sufferin.^ from their competition, or availincr them-
selves, wilhngly or unwillingly, of their aid. But there is another
class of the community whose opinions, more slowly aroused and
perhaps less noisily expressed, must ultimately prevail. I mean that
class whose training and environment enable them to take a compre-
hensive survey of the situation and to reach conclusions but little
dependent upon the economic stresses of the moment. From this
class come certain considerations worthy of grave attention
According to the terms of the present laws of the United
States Constitution the Japanese cannot be naturalized. Tliey can-
not become American citizens. An amalgamation, entirely forei-n
as It IS to their own ambitions and perhaps to their potentialities
is expressly barred by the fundamental law of this country It will
be seen at once that a portentous situation is created by" the pres-
ence in our midst of a large and increasing body of aliens of marked
mtelhgence and ambition, who will not and can not merge with
their environment, and whose natural clannishness serves still fur-
ther to accentuate a dividing line traced alike bv law by nature
and by inclination. Is there not good reason to fear that a demar-
cation already marked by antipathy and by iealousy mav speedily
become one of hostility, and that we mav even creaie ^n imperiuin
in vnperw dangerous to ourselves and fruitful of discord and dis-
sension ?
It is hard to determine what the status of such a caste must
become. The precedent of the Chinese now in California does not
help us at all. The Chinese exclusion law is rigidly enforced and
the number of Chinese is decreasing, but it must be remembered
that the Chinese temperament is wholly unlike that of the Japanese
The Chinaman dreads competition with the white man, and avoids
It ; the Japanese courts it. The Chinaman is entirely content to do
those kinds of labor that the white man shrinks from ; the Tapanese
wishes to meet the white man on his own ground, and to mist him
from it. The Chinaman is willing to be a hewer of wood and a
drawer of water : the Japanese has no aptitude for menial ta<;ks nor
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48 TJic Annals of flic American Academy
any intention of performing them except as stepping stones to his
own high ambitions.
The Japanese in Cahfornia must be either a successful com-
petitor with the white man, or must be beaten in such competition
by a lowering of the white man's standard of living, or he must be
placed in a menial caste and kept there. Which choice is the greater
evil? From the first two we shrink as we would from ruin. The
third is perhaps the most insidious evil of them all and the most
corrupting, and it is one moreover from which the Japanese himself
will save us by his own ambitions. Xo community can remain free
if it tolerates a clearly marked menial caste, if it allows the exis-
tence of such a caste to place a stigma upon any form of honorable
labor. Already we see the marks of that stain upon the industries
that the Asiatic has made his own. Already we see something like
a "poor white" caste in the orchards and fruit fields of the state.
The Japanese problem is a thorny one. It will be solved not by
popular clamor but by clear-headed statesmanship, and upon a basis
of recognition that a moral principle is here involved and that our
standard of right must be the ultimate benefit of the social organi-
zation that is our own.
(268)
A WESTERN' \IE\V UV THE RACE QUESTION
By Hox. 1'rancis G. Xewlanus.
United States Senator from Nevada.
It is apparent that a change is necessary in our methods of
deaHng with the problem of undesirable immigration and the occa-
sional disturbances growing out of it. The characteristic inertia
of a great mass of people, naturally optimistic and easy-going, is
nowhere more strikingly manifested than in their treatment of what
is really one of the most vital and far-reaching problems with
which wc have to deal. If there is one question more than any
other which rocjuires the elimination of every consideration of
opportunism, it is the one which involves the strains of blood that
are to mingle in our descendants' veins, the competition which our
laboring men must meet, and the maintenance of our high standard
of comfort and social efficiency. \'iewed in this light it is to be
regretted that wise anticij)atory action, of a character which might
prevent the occasional outbreaks of race prejudice recently pre-
senting such difficulties, has not been taken.
The race question is the most important one now confronting
the nation. .As to the black race we have already drifted into a
condition which seriously suggests the liniitatic^n of the political
rights heretofore, perhajis mistakenly, grained them, the inaugura-
tion of a humane national i^olicy which, by co-operative action by
the nation and the southern states, shall recognize that the blacks
are a race of children, requiring guidance, industrial training, and
the development of self-control, and other measures designed to
reduce the danger of that race complication, formerly sectional, but
now rapidly becoming national.
Rut as a resident of the Pacific Coast region, the problem of
Asiatic immigration comes nearer home, and it is upon that sub-
ject that I will say a few word^. Entertaining no prejudice against
any foreign race, and particularly admiring the vigor, courage, and
patriotism of the people of Japan, and disposed to advance rather
than to thwart her career of national greatness, we of the West
are vet ])rof<.undIy impressed with the view that Mie I'nited States,
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50 The Annals of the American Academy
possessing a vast territory as yet undeveloped and capable of sup-
porting many times its present population, with natural resources
unrivaled anywhere, with climates adapted to every people, will,
with the cheapening of transportation, draw to itself the surplus
population of all nations. Nature has classified the peoples of the
world mainly under four colors : the white, the black, the yellow
and the brown. Confronting us on the east lies Europe, with a
total poulation of about 300,000,000 white people. We are finding
it difiicult to assimilate even the immigrants of the white race from
that continent, and have been obliged to restrict such immigration.
Confronting our Pacific Coast lies Asia, with nearly a billion
people of the yellow and brown races, who, if there were no re-
strictions, would quickly settle upon and take possession of our
entire western coast and intermountain region.
History teaches that it is impossible to make- a homogeneous
people by the juxtaposition upon the same soil of races differing in
color. Race tolerance, under such conditions, means race amalga-
mation, and this is undesirable. Race intolerance means, ultimately,
race war and mutual destruction or the reduction of one race to
servitude. The admission of a race of a different color, in a condi-
tion of servitude, is foreign to the spirit of our institutions, which
demands equal rights to all within our jurisdiction.
The competition of such a race would involve industrial dis-
turbance and hostility, requiring the use of a large armed force to
maintain peace and order, with the probability that the nation repre-
senting the race thus protected would never be satisfied that the
means employed were adequate. Tlie presence of the Chinese, who
are patient and submissive, would not create as many complications
as the presence of the Japanese, whose strong and virile qualities
would constitute an additional element of difficulty. Our friendship
with Japan, therefore, for whose territorial and race integrity the
American people have been in active sympathy in all her struggles,
demands that this friendship be not put to the test by bringing two
such powerful races, of such differing views and standards, into
industrial competition upon the same soil.
This can be prevented either by international treaty or by
national laws regulating, restricting, or even preventing immigra-
tion. International negotiation and treaty is, in my judgment, an
unsatisfactory method. It requires a nation with which we have
(270)
Western J'ie^c of the Race Question 51
treaty relations to prevent its own people from going where they
will — a restriction which we would never apply to our own people
in any treaty. We would, therefore, be asking another nation to put
a restriction upon the movements of its people which w-e would
refuse to prescribe regarding our own. There is but one consistent
position to assume, and that is, to relegate the whole question to
domestic legislation in each country, permitting each to make such
regulation, restriction, or prevention of immigration as it sees fit.
Japan cannot justly take ofifense at such restrictive domestic
legislation upon our part. She would be the first to take such action
against the white race, were it necessary to do so in order to main-
tain the integrity of her race and her institutions. She is at liberty
to pursue a similar course. Such action constitutes no implication
of inferiority of the race excluded ; it may even be a confession of
inferiority by the excluding race, in its ability to cope economically
with the race excluded. It involves neither insult nor the possibility
of war, for Japan could not possibly sustain a war, even were her
finances in better condition than they are, without the sympathy of
the world as to the justness of her cause.
I am opposed to sporadic legislation, here and there, by the
various states, intended to meet only local phases of what really
constitutes a national peril, phases which will necessarily have to be
covered by broad national legislation. I am opposed to terms of
opprobrium and of insult. Japan deserves from us only respect and
admiration, and we deserve from her a proper regard for the in-
tegrity of our race and institutions. The time has come, in my
judgment, when the United States, as a matter of self-protection
and self-preservation, must declare by statutory enactment that it
will not tolerate further race complications upon our soil. Our
country, by law to take effect upon the expiration of existing trea-
ties, should prevent the immigration of all peoples other than those
of the white race, except under restricted conditions relating to
international commerce, travel, and education. It should start imme-
diately upon the serious consideration of a national pohcy regardincr
the people of the black race now within our boundaries, wliich. with
a proper regard for humanity, will minimize the danger which thcv
constitute to our institutions and our civilization.
(27^^
1
PART TWO
The Argument Against Oriental
Exclusion
UX-AMERICAX CHARACTER OF RACE LEGISLATION
BY MAX J. KOHLER, A.M., LL.B.,
Formerly Assistant Uxited States District Attorxev, Xeu- Yof
REASONS FOR ENXOfRAGIXG JAPANESE IMMIGRATION
BY JOHN P. IRISH,
Naval Officer of Customs for the Port of Sax Francisco, Cal.
MORAL AND SOCIAL INTERESTS INVOLVED IN RESTRICTING
ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION
BY REV. THOMAS L. ELIOT, S.T.D.,
Prf,sidext. Boar., of Trustees Reed Institute, pIrtland. Ore.
WHY OREGON HAS NOT HAD AN ORIENTAL PROBLEM
BY F. G. YOUNG,
Professor of Economics and Socioloov. University of Oregon, Eugene.
Ore.
(vz)
UN-AMERICAN CHARACTER OF RACE LEGISLATION
By Max J. Kohler, A.M., LL.B.,
Formerly Assistant United States District Attorney, New York.
The above title is designed to express condemnation of legisla-
tion discriminating against particular races, and hence the objections
to special legislation, commonly called by the ambiguous phrase
"class legislation," as far as based on race distinctions, will be here
considered. Proper classification, and not race discrimination, ought
to underlie legislation. As applied to immigration laws, this objec-
tion seems to have been first authoritatively formulated by President
Roosevelt and his able Secretary of Commerce and Labor, Oscar S.
Straus, in official messages presently to be considered, but in prin-
ciple such legislation is really inconsistent with the fundamental
basis on which our government rests.
The war against negro slavery in the United States was con-
ducted upon this same principle. At the Republican National Con-
vention of i860, before Lincoln was nominated, Joshua R. Giddings
moved that the proposed party platform be amended by incorpo-
rating therein the preamble of the Declaration of Independence, in
order to indicate clearly that the anti-slavery campaign was merely
in harmony with that great declaration of human rights and human
eouality, and after this resolution had failed on account of ultra-
conservatism, George William Curtis renew^ed the motion in slightly
modified form, "daring," in the language of his biographer,^ "the
representatives of the party of freedom meeting on the borders of
the free prairies in a hall dedicated to the advancemnt of liberty,
to reject the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, affirming
the equality and defining the rights of men ; the speech fell like a
spark upon tinder, and the amendment, was adopted with a shout of
enthusiasm."
Similarly, Charles Sumner, the father of our "Civil Rights"
legislation, constantly invoked the principles of the Declaration of
Independence in support of his proposed measures, as also in his
'Gary's Curtis, pp. 134-5 : compare Carl Schurz's Memorial Address in lionor of
Curtis, December 7, 1903.
(275)
56 The Annals of the American Academy
appeal to strike out color distinctions from our naturalization laws,
when the negro was being enfranchised, but the Mongolian was
still being discriminated against. "It is 'all men,' and not a race or
color, that was placed under protection of the Declaration, and such
was the voice of our fathers on the 4th of July, 1776," he argued in
the United States Senate t)n July 4, 1870.- So, also, in the leading
case of Yick Wo 2's. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, the Supreme Court
of the United States, with Justice Stanley Matthews as its spokes-
man, followed the utterances of the fathers of the republic, in re-
versing a decision of the California Supreme Court, and determined
that a San Francisco ordinance was violative of the fourteenth
amendment of the federal constitution in providing that it should
be unlawful for persons to engage in the laundry business within
that city, without having first obtained the consent, of the board of
supervisors, except the same be located in a building constructed
either of brick or stone, under cover of which Chinese laundrymen
were forbidden to transact their business, unlike those of other races.
Said the court: "The fundamental rights to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness, considered as individual possessions, are
secured by those maxims of constitutional law which are monu-
ments showing the victorious progress of the race in securing to men
the blessings of civilization under the reign of just and equal laws,
so that, in the famous language of the Massachusetts Bill of Rights,
the government of the commonwealth 'may be a government of laws
and not of men.' . . . Class legislation, discriminating against
some and favoring others, is prohibited, but legislation which in car-
rying out a public purpose is limited in its application, if within the
sphere of its operation it affects all persons similarly situated, is not
within the amendment." Even the form of the ordinance, which
concealed its ulterior anti-Chinese purpose, was penetrated by the
court, in ferreting out its illegal, discriminating character.
Curiously enough, little has been written even upon class legis-
lation in general, much less concerning legislation based upon race
discriminations. The agitation against such special legislation,
though it has found expression within certain limits in the four-
teenth amendment to the federal constitution, in federal statutes
and treaties, and in constitutional provisions in various states, for-
-See works of Chas. Sumner, Vol. XIII, p. 482. See also XIV, 286, 301 ;
XV, 355.
(276)
Un-Auicvicaii Character of Race Lci^islation 57
bidding anything except general legislation, upon various subjects,
is, however, comparatively recent in origin, despite such isolated
utterances as have been cited. Mr, Bryce, in his "American Com-
monwealth," writing in 1888, well points out that such prohibitions
began to be adopted only during fifteen years preceding that date,
approximately, and the fourteenth amendment was of course framed
in consequence of our Civil War. The federal "civil rights" acts
were passed to carry this amendment into effect, and various states
thereafter adopted similar laws themselves. These restraints, such
as they are, apply almost exclusively to our state governments
merely, and do not afifect the federal government or its agencies.
Our "Bill of Rights" provisions were aimed at abuses with which
the fathers of our republic were familiar, and excessive, unwise,
discriminating legislation, was not then prominent among the evils
thus to be avoided. In fact, we are all too prone, in these days of
never-ceasing legislative activity, to overlook, in the language of
Henry Sumner Maine, "how excessively rare in the world was
sustained legislative activity till rather more than fifty years ago"
(written in 1885), "that the enthusiasm for legislative change took
its rise, not in a popularly governed country, not in England, but in
France," and was quickened particularly by Rousseau's conception of
the "omnipotent democratic state, rooted in natural right, which has
at its absolute disposal everything which individual men value, their
property, their persons and their independence," and by Bentham's
plan of lodging legislative direction in the greatest number of the
people, in the expectation that in employing this power in accord-
ance with their will, they will legislate for and effect the greatest
happiness of the greatest number.-''
In fact, with the exception of discriminations against the negro,
we had extremely few enactments based upon race distinctions upon
our statute books until our Civil War period, and those that existed
were nearly all survivals of the common law. Even our "Alien and
Sedition Laws," adopted in 1798, largely through fear that we
would be embroiled in the intense foreign wars then raging, which
were proving so injurious to us and our commerce, were denounced
in the Kentucky and Mrginia resolutions drafted by such statesmen
as Jefferson and Madison, and resulted in large degree in encom-
passing the ruin of the unpopular party which stood sponsor for
•Maine: "Popular Oovornment." 2d ed., p. 127 ct seq.
(277)
58 The Annals of the American Academy
them, and did not encourage our chief political parties to attempt
further legislation against aliens in general nor individual races in
particular, even in the days of "Know-Nothingism."* It is in fact
true, generally speaking, that our legislative race discriminations
have been confined almost entirely to enactments against the negro,
against the Chinese, and latterly also against the Japanese. Though
to-day our anti-Chinese laws happen to be largely federal in char-
acter, the structure of our government, with its checks and bal-
ances, has made the federal government the chief bulwark against
such discriminatory legislation, thanks to constitutional provisions
in the shape of the fourteenth amendment and treaties which under
the constitution are the "supreme law of the land." Again and again
have federal treaties with foreign governments been successfully
invoked, from the beginning of our history on, to override state
discriminations against aliens, including such common law disabili-
ties as made an alien incapable of owning land.
The anthropologist tells us that the formation of the tribe or
race was a step in the progress of man. and that originally, each
tribe or race protected only its own members, and viewed all outside
of its fold not merely with suspicion, but with dislike and hatred. In
the progress of civilization the laws were recast so as to remove
racial discriminations, and to protect all classes. This progress was
effected largely through treaties with particular countries, granting
their citizens and subjects full rights, until nearly all civilized men
became united together by such ties, and race discriminations became
rare exceptions. In fact, our own country, above all, has been in
the van in combatting race antagonisms. Says Professor Shaler in
his extremely suggestive book, "The Neighbor:"^ "As soon as
an ethnic society is organized, it takes on many of the character-
istics of the primitive animal individual, it lives for itself alone.
Other groups of like nature are its enemies to whom no faith of
any kind is owed. To plunder them is not theft, to slay those who
are of them is not murder, they are outside of the pale of all obliga-
tions whatever. . . . The most significant peculiarity of the
American people, that which in my opinion sets them more apart
from the rest of the world than any other, is the relative absence
*See the interesting summary by John Bach McMaster of "The Riotous Career
of the Know-Nothings," in his collection of essays entitled "With the Fathers."
epp. 42, 43-4.
(278)
Un-American Character of Race Legislation 59
of the tribe-forming motive among them. While in Europe there is
a general tendency to disbeheve in all men, even of the same race,
who are not well known — a humor which is least, but still discern-
ible in Great Britain, and increases to the lands about the Mediter-
ranean— in the United States there is hardly more than a trace of
this humor and that appears to be steadily lessening. In general,
the American is characterized by an almost unreasonable belief in
the likeness to himself of the neighbor, however far parted by race,
speech or creed. This is so strong that even the Civil War did not
shake it ; it served rather to afifirm the mutual confidence." Even
Professor Shaler, however, notes certain exceptions to this ten-
dency, notably in our attitude towards the negro, and to these should
be added our anti-Chinese and anti-Japanese enactments.
As already indicated, the discriminations against aliens and
particular alien races were originally removed chiefly by means of
treaties with different foreign nations, but for most purposes, such
treaties had become so general, prior to the organization of our
country, that most of the common law disabilities had been regarded
as removed, even independently of specific treaties, because of the
growth of commerce and friendly relations between states. This
circumstance is clearly indicated by such an early leading case as
Ormichund vs. Barker," decided in 1775, where the right of a Gentoo
residing in the East Indies to be sworn in an English lawsuit
according to the ceremonies of his own religion, was sustained,
despite early authorities to the contrary, because required by the
modernized common law, which considers the requirements of an
expanding foreign commerce. Despite Lord Coke's statement that
"all infidels are in law perpetual enemies, for between them, as with
the devils, whose subjects they are, and the Christians, there is
perpetual hostility and can be no peace," Justice Willes remarked :
"But this notion, though advanced by so great a man, is, I think,
contrary not only to the Scripture, but to common sense and com-
mon humanity. I think that even the devils themselves, whose
subjects he says the heathens arc, cannot have worse principles ;
and besides the irreligion of it, it is a most impolitic notion, and
would at once destroy all that trade and commerce, from which this
nation reaps such great benefits."
'Willes Hepts., 53S. Compare the very able recent opinion of the New York
Court of Appeals written by Judge CuUen In Brink vs. Stratton, 176 N. Y. 1.50,
holding it to be a violation of the Constitution to ask a witness if he is an agnostic.
(279)
6o TJie Afiiials of the America}} Academy
There was, however, an occasional disabihty on the part of
aHens which survived, such as incapacity to own land, and this was
removed as to most foreign nations by treaties which our govern-
ment entered into from time to time. These treaties, as will be
further seen hereafter, have also nullified numerous state laws and
even constitutional provisions, which have been enacted from time
to time, to curtail the rights and privileges of various races which
ha])pened to become unpopular for one reason or another, notably
the Chinese. INIany of the decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States and other tribunals to this efifect may be found col-
lated in such works as Professor Moore's "Digest of International
Law,"' Butler's "The Treaty Power" and the numerous articles and,
treaties called forth by our recent Japanese separate school agita-
tion, notably papers contained in the "Proceedings of the American
Society of International Law at its First Annual Meeting, April 19
and 20, 1907." So common have treaties safeguarding rights of
alien subjects become, that we have been compelled to insert in
many treaties provisions according to subjects of particular coun-
tries all the rights of the most favored nation, with resulting com-
plications with respect to particular "reciprocity" treaties or the
like, which the courts have been compelled to hold granted special
privileges for special considerations, and were not intended to be
embraced by grants of all the "rights of the most favored nation."
But this particular form of "race legislation" scarcely falls
within the scope of the present paper. Of course, our Supreme
Court has held that our treaties cannot reasonably be construed as
preventing the enactment of general statutes for the exclusion of
alien paupers likely to become public charges or alien convicts or
diseased persons.^ We have also, on occasion, made special pro-
vision in our treaties for the naturalization of aliens who are not
covered by our general naturalization laws, for the latter were,
curiously enough, limited to ivhite persons originally, and the only
other classes added thereto are persons of "African nativity or
descent," so that the yellow races, including Chinese. Japanese,
Burmese, Indians and others (but not the copper-colored native
Mexicans), are generally regarded as incapacitated from naturaliza-
tion," though this discrimination was doubtless intended originally
'Vol. IV, Sections 534-578.
"The .Tapaoese Immigrant Case. 189 U. S. 86.
•Rev. St. U. S., Sec. 2169.
(280)
Un-American Character of Race Legislation 6i
only aj^ainst Xegroes aiul^ Indians in tribal organization.'" This
item further indicates how indefinite and uncertain the meaning of
some of this race discriminatory legislation is, in view of ever-
changing opinions as to anthropology and ethnic classification. Note,
for instance. Professor Wigmore's scholarly article in the "American
Law Review" (1894), "American Naturalization and the Japanese,"
denying that the Japanese are Mongolians, which would itself have
disposed of the controversy on the California law for separate
schools for Mongolians.
Reference has already been made to the fact that the leading
exceptions to our general policy against race discriminations in
legislation have been furnished by the negro, the Chinese and the
Japanese races. As regards the negro, we built up a mass of dis-
criminations running counter to our English common law of the
most far-reaching and serious character which it required the sacri-
fice of blood and treasure of the Civil War to overcome. Many of
these discriminations may be conveniently studied in Hurd's "Law
of Freedom and Bondage." The fourteenth amendment to the fed-
eral constitution had the efifect of making the most serious of these
null and void, not merely in favor of the negro, but in favor of
other races and classes also.
Following in the wake of this amendment, civil rights bills were
enacted by our federal congress and in several of the leading states
of our country, affirmatively forbidding, under heavy penalties, dis-
criminations on account of race or color, even in the use of inns,
conveyances, theatres, etc., clearly indicating our national attitude
towards such discriminations, even on the part of quasi-public
agencies. But some of these federal provisions were declared un-
constitutional as an encroachment upon state power, '^ though as
state enactments they have been quite generally sustained in juris-
dictions which enacted them.^- Numerous state enactments, dis-
criminating against certain races, particularly the three designated
"Compare paper by the writer on "Naturalization and the Color Line" in the
"Journal of Am. .\siatic Association. " February, 1007.
"The Civil nights Cases. 100 U. S. 3.
"See People vs. Kint,', 110 N. Y. 418: Baylies vs. Curry, 128 111. 287; Commonw.
vs. Sylvester, 13 Allen (Mass.), 247; Ferguson vs. Gles, 82 Mich. 3.58; Cyclopedia
of Law and Procedure, Vol. 7, p. 158, et scq., "Civil Rights;" Vol. 8. p. 1073-4.
Constitutional Law, "P^qual Protection of Law;" General vs. Special Acts. Vol. 14.
Lawyers' Reports Annotated, 583 ; 2 L. R. A. 577 ; 7 : 194 ; 11 : 492 ; 14 : 566 ; 6 :
621 ; 21 : 789.
(281)
62 The Annals of the American Academy
ones, have been held to be unconstitutional in state or federal courts
because of the federal constitutional and treaty provisions referred
to, or because violative of state constitutional provisions against
special legislation and denials of equal protection of the law.
The fact remains, however, that a large number of statutory
distinctions on race lines, particularly as applied to the negro, have
been sustained, chiefly in southern states, on the theory that illegal
"discriminations" are not involved, if equal but separate and distinct
facilities for different races are afforded, with respect to street and
railroad cars, steamships, restaurants, theatres, schools and the like.
In justification of such enactments, applicable particularly to the
Negro, reference has been made to alleged differences in education,
character, standing and habits of the two races, and fear of endan-
gering white man's control of our institutions and government, if
any different course were pursued. The post-bellum cases are being
analyzed and collated in an extremely interesting series of articles
on "Race Distinctions in American Law," by G. T. Stephenson, in
the "American Law Review," beginning with the January-February,
1909, issue, and one of them has also appeared recently in the
"American Political Science Review" for May, 1909, entitled "The
Separation of the Races in Public Conveyances." It is difficult,
however, to escape the conclusion that they are inconsistent with the
spirit of American government.
Our federal Chinese exclusion laws date from 1882 on, though
w'e have had federal enactments against enforced, involuntary intro-
duction of "coolies" from China, Japan or other Oriental countries
from 1862 on.^^ The decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States have repeatedly and emphatically recognized what
was conceded in our diplomatic negotiations and in our legislative
debates, that "it is the coming of Chinese laborers that the act is
aimed against"^* merely, and the danger of competition from cheap
coolie labor is the sole attempted justification for such laws requir-
ing serious consideration.
Even in legislating for the exclusion of Chinese laborers, treaty
faith and moral obligations required exemption of those who had
bona ade come over in reliance upon the express provisions of the
Burlingame Treaty of 1868 with China, whether laborers or non-
»See Rev. Statutes U. S., Sections 2158 to 2164.
"U. S. vs. Mrs. Gue Llm. 176 U. S. 459, 467.
(282)
Un-American Character of Race Legislation 63
laborers. By that treaty we had welconied such immigration in
express terms not paralleled in any convention with any other coun-
try, having even employed the opportunity to preach a text to Ciiina
and the world concerning, to use the language of Article \ , "the
inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and alle-
giance, and also the mutual advantages of the free migration and
emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one
country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as per-
manent residents." We also guaranteed, in Article \'I, to "Chinese
:;ubjects visiting or residing in the United States, the same privileges,
immunities and exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may
there be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored
nation.'"
Exemption under the constitution also had to be made of
persons of Chinese extraction born here. Alleged difficulties in
the enforcement of these laws and attempted evasions thereof —
scarcely sustained, however, by our official government census,
which recorded 105,465 Chinese residents in 1880, 106,000 in 1890
and only 93.000 in 1900, with 70.000 the present official estimate
of the Department of Commerce and Labor — led to legislation for
the registration of all resident Chinese laborers, under heavy and
previously unheard-of extra-constitutional penalties, and danger
of arrest of all Chinese, on the claim that they should have reg-
istered, and stringent, often unobtainable, proof on the part of
all non-laborers was demanded. The law was administered on the
theory that only "teachers, students, merchants or travelers from
curiosity" may enter. The exclusion of "bankers," "traders."
physicians, actors, etc., because not affirmatively enumerated, was
ordered. The determination by administrative officers of all appli-
cations to enter was made final, with no right of resort to the courts
on the difficult and important questions of law and fact involved,
even with respect to claims to American citizenship. Uncontradicted
evidence was disregarded in a way not sustained in any other class
of cases; arrest and detention and a shifting of the burden of proof
upon defendants, wholly abhorrent to our Anglo-Saxon system of
jurisprudence, was practiced and held to be constitutional, despite
bills of rights, on the theory that the right to exclude and expel
aliens may be pursued by extra-constitutional methods. In short,
there was instituted a constant reign of terror for all Chinese or
C283)
64 T}ie Annals of the American Academy
alleged Chinese residents, laborers or non-laborers. Their liberty
is constantly jeopardized by harsh and oppressive laws, and their
property is accordingly also endangered under the sentiment thereby
engendered that they are beyond the protection of our laws. Only
one who. like the writer, has become familiar in practice with the
injustice and barbarity of these laws in their actual practical work-
ings, can realize that such practices can exist amid our boasted
American civilization. The Chinese have little access to our public
prints and have substantially no votes, and when even their officials,
vehemently but righteously decline to join in doing honor to a mili-
tary officer who had made an unauthorized extension of these anti-
Chinese enactments to our new Asiatic possession, to breed such
race prejudice on that continent, too, they become persona non
grata !
ISlv. Bryce, in his "American Commonwealth." published an
interesting chapter entitled "Kearneyism in California," in which
he showed how the unfortunate Chinaman became a victim of
political exigencies which enabled his economic rivals, or rather
persons who were led by interested leaders to believe that they were
his rivals, to "deliver" control of the State of California to those
who would most effectively discriminate against him. Already in
1855 and 1858 California passed laws to exclude Chinese immigrants,
which its courts declared unconstitutional," and in 1878 the United
States Supreme Court was compelled to declare unconstitutional a
California statute, passed some )^ears before, covertly aiming to
exclude Chinese persons by state agencies,^® and both parties in
the national election of that year demanded Chinese exclusion.
Federal treaties and constitutional provisions annulled many hostile
discriminatory state statutes and municipal ordinances, and it
became obvious that federal legislation alone could accomplish this
purpose.
President Hayes declined to yield to this clamor, in the absence
of Chinese consent to a modification of the subsisting treaty, which
would have been thereby violated, and vetoed a bill to restrict Chi-
nese immigration for this reason on March i, 1879.^'' In his able
veto message he said, even as to the time anterior to the Burlingame
^'People vs. Downer, 7 Calif. 169.
"Chy Lung vs. Freeman. 92 U. S, 275.
"Veto Messages of the Presidents, p. 414.
(284)
Un-Auicncan Character of Race Legislation 65
Treaty: "Up to this time our uncoveiiaiitcd liospitalitx' to ininiiejra-
tion, our fearless liberality of citizenship, our equal and comprehen-
sive justice to all inhabitants, whether they abjured their foreign
nationality or not, our civil freedom and our religious toleration had
made all comers welcome." but, in the light of the new conditions,
he pointed out that a remedy could properly be found only in the
negotiation of a new treaty, to permit the restriction of Chinese
immigration consonant with international faith. China was there-
ujion induced to enter into the treaty of 1880, by which she con-
sented to measures by which the United States was permitted "to
regulate, limit or suspend such coining (of Chinese laborers), but
. . . not absolutely prohibit it," "the limitation or suspension
shall be reasonable, and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to
the United States as laborers, other classes not being included in
the limitation."
Under authority of this treaty we passed our first Chinese ex-
clusion act, dated May 6, 1882, after President Hayes, on April 4th
of that year, had vetoed another bill which violated the treaty, but
the agitation did not cease. In 1884, under cover of "protecting"
non-laborers, we violated the treaty by prescribing a statutory certifi-
cate for non-laborers, which is difficult to obtain, will not suffice if
the officials made it out incorrectly in any way, or did not also authen-
ticate a translation, and may be demanded as exclusive method of
proof at any time, under penalties of arrest and deportation. Soon
the theory of exclusive enumeration of non-laborers in this treaty
of 1880 was developed, to bar "traders." "bankers," "manufactur-
ers." etc., on the theory that they are not non-laborers.
The violations of treaty efifected by the act were carried still
further by the act of October t. t888. which invalidated our official
return certificates, armed with which Chinese laborers or alleged
non-laborers had gone to visit China on business or pleasure, and
also prevented Chinese wives or children from joining or rejoining
husbands or fathers.
This was followed by the well-known "Geary Uaw." with its
requirements for registration under heavy penalties, and extra-con-
stitutional methods of expulsion in addition to exclusion. It author-
ized arrest without warrant or oath, by methods unconstitutional in
all other cases, and shifted the burden of proof to the defendant,
in violation of our whole .Vnelo-Saxon methods of jurisprudence.
' (285)
66 The Annals of the American Academy
Then there came the act of November 3, 1893, giving an arbitrary
and unjust definition of "merchant," and requiring white testimony,
commonly impossible to secure, and proof of non-laboring by a
"universal negative," which logicians teach us it is always impos-
sible to establish. The act of 1894 made the decisions of the im-
migration officials — commonly ignorant, biased petty officials, acting
as both advocates and judges — on the complicated questions of law
and fact involved in applications for entry, whether right or wrong,
non-reviewable in the courts, with the result that thousands of
Chinese persons were unjustly dealt with, before the courts could
decide some of these questions, in collateral proceedings, in their
favor. Next the act of 1902 legalized the then subsisting situation
as to the enforcement of these harsh laws in our insular possessions
also.
The treaty with China of 1894, by which China is supposed to
have consented to the Geary law provisions in a clause in uncon-
scious irony describing them as passed for the benefit of Chinese
laborers "with a view of affording them better protection," in return
for authorization of return of Chinese laborers resident here, visiting
China for brief periods under onerous condition, was terminated by
China pursuant to its terms in 1904, making the violations of treaty
faith guaranteed by the subsisting treaties of 1868 and 1880 worked
by subsisting statutes, now still more glaring. As to the much-dis-
cussed exclusive enumeration theory of classes of non-laborers, who
alone are permitted to enter, it is interesting to turn to the treaty
negotiations themselves and to the testimony of Chester Holcombe,
secretary and interpreter to this very treaty commission, to learn
that no such result was intended, and the decision of Judge Ross to
the contrary^^ in California in U. S. vs. Ah Fawn, 57 Fed. Rep. 591,
approved by the Circuit Court of Appeals of that Circuit in Lee Ah
Yin vs U. S., 116 Fed. Rep. 614, is of extremely doubtful correct-
"Holcombe : "The Question of Chinese Exclusion," "Outloolj," .July 8. 1905, and
"Coolies and Prlvileg'^d Classes," by the present writer, in "Journal of Am. Asiatic
Association." March. 1906 ; on the general question of Chinese Exclusion, see also the
present writer's paper in the "New Yorlj Times," Nov. 24 and 25, 1901, reprinted in
Senate Document No. 106, 57th Congress, 1st Session ; also his papers "Our Chinese
Exclusion Policy and Trade Relations with China," "Journal Am. Asiatic Associa-
tion," June, 1905, and July, 1905. See also Moore's "International Law Digest."
Vol. IV, Sections 567-568 ; Butler's "The Treaty Power" and U. S. Senate Report
and Testimony on Chinese Exclusion, No. 776, 57th Congress, 1st Session, 1902, as
well as Letter from Minister Wu Ting Fang, printed as Senate Document No. 162,
57th Congress, Ist Session.
(286)
Un-American Character of Race Legislation 67
ness ; the U. S. Supreme Court has never passed upon the question,
and in fact seems to have thrown doubt on the correctness of the
contention. (U. S. I's. Mrs. (iue Lim, 176 U. S. 459, 463.)
Both President Roosevelt and Secretary Straus have offi-
cially condemned the principle as unwise. Of course, however,
both executive and law officers of the government find them-
selves compelled to follow these unreversed judicial decisions, es-
pecially in a matter having: such important political bearings, even
when against their own judgment. This circumstance accounts for
much oppression in the enforcement of these laws.
It should, moreover, be remembered that even the Supreme
Court is bound to enforce a statute, though it be clearly inconsistent
with a prior treaty, despite our responsibility in the forum of inter-
national law and the resulting moral obliquity, and the court has
several times contented itself with placing the responsibility where
it belongs. One of the most serious consequences of such legisla-
tion is, moreover, the spirit it engenders of breach of national faith
at the behest of supposed temporary expediency. Moreover, in
making these laws peculiarly racial, by expressly making them
applicable even to persons of Chinese extraction who are subjects
of other nations,^^ we have violated treaties with other countries as
well, and run the risk of further international entanglements.
A reference in passing to recent statutes authorizing the ex-
pulsion, within three years after landing, of any aliens for alleged
specified causes by mere administrative action, with right denied of
judicial review, indicates how invidious is the atmosphere which
engenders such legislation. It creates a dangerous condition for all
aliens and alleged aliens, in placing their rights on an administra-
tive footing inferior to those of citizens, contrary to the American
spirit.^** On the other hand, as regards Chinese residents, it should
not be forgotten that the statutory discriminations against them and
their testimony and their subjection to irresponsible petty executive
officers, has created a spirit of disregard for their persons and prop-
erty of a very far-reaching character, and has resulted in their often
becoming the victims of official bribery and extortion, to which Ori-
ental r:ices may be peculiarly susceptible. This cannot be measured
"Sec. 15 of the act of July 5, 18S4.
'"The Japanese Immigration Case. 1S9 U. S. 86, Justices Brewer and Peckham
dissenting.
(287)
68 The Annals of the America)! Academy
merely by the already appreciable number of convictions and dis-
missals of government officials for these causes, that happen to have
taken place. It is but fair to say, in this connection, that there have
been but comparatively few wholesale arrests of resident Chinese
under our exclusion laws since the famous Boston raid of Sunday,
October ii, 1902, when about 250 Chinese persons, in fact all the
Chinese residents of Boston who could be found, were simultane-
ously arrested, nearly all to be subsequently discharged, after sus-
taining gross hardships and injuries. Hon. John W. Foster has ably
described this contemporary imitation of the "Black Hole of Cal-
cutta," and the large public meeting of protest in Fanueil Hall fol-
lowing it, in an article on "The Chinese Boycott," in the "Atlantic
Monthly," January, 1906.
It was thought by the present writer than an account of the
conditions created by these legislative race discriminations by one
like himself, familiar with them for fifteen years might be more
effective than any generalizations and abstract arguments.
Fortunately, the dangers from attempting to include the Japanese
in these same special measures at the behest of a recently aroused
anti-Japanese sentiment on the Pacific Coast have, for the time at
least, been averted, by securing friendly action on the part of the
Japanese government at home in the direction of preventing Japan-
ese laborers from immigrating to the United .States. This is accom-
panied by an enactment of general applicability, adopted February
20, 1907, for the exclusion of persons covered by Presidential procla-
mation, who are required by their own laws to secure passports to
come to the United States. The reports of the Commissioner Gen-
eral of Immigration for the years ending June 30, 1907 (pp. 72-76).
and June 30, 1908 (pp. 125-128), and of Secretary Straus for 1908
show how effective these regulations have been, not simply in
excluding applying aliens of the class in question, but in preventing
them from even applying or attempting to enter. In connection with
proposed Japanese exclusion. Professor Royce's recent suggestive
and ironical words are extremely apt :^^ "The true lesson which Japan
teaches us to-day is that it is somewhat hard to find out, by looking
at the features of a man's face or at the color of his skin or even
at the reports of travelers who visit his land, what it is of which
his race is really capable. Perhaps the Japanese are not of the
"Race Questions and Prejiulices .nnd Other .\merican Problems, 1008, p. 14.
(288)
Uh- American Cliaractcr of Race Legislation 69
right race ; but we now admit that so long as we judged them
merely by their race and by mere appearance, we were judging them
ignorantly and falsely. This, I say, has been to me a most inter-
esting lesson in the fallibility of some of our race judgments." So,
also, in his extremely interesting and suggestive paper, "The Causes
of Race Superiority," included in the Ann.vls of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 18. 1901, Pro-
fessor Edward A. Ross well said, before emphasizing the real ele-
ments of race superiority : "We Americans who have so often seen
the children of underfed, stunted, scrub immigrants match the native
American in brain and brawn, in wit and grit, ought to realize how
much the superior effectiveness of the latter is due to social condi-
tions."
To return, however, to the Chinese exclusion problem: It is
apparent that the desire to exclude the Chinese laborer has worked
incalculable harm both to them and to us, at least in excluding non-
laborers and causing much unnecessary and unintended hardship.
If cheap pauper labor, competing on unequal and unfair terms with
American labor be involved, such labor can be excluded under gen-
eral laws, tiot applicable to the Chinese merely, and not making
exclusion the rule and a few enumerated classes of non-laborers the
exception. It must be apparent, however, to justify even such re-
versal of our established beneficent and satisfactory American pol-
icy of a century and more, that the danger be general and continu-
ous, and not temporary and spasmodic, and that it is one that cannot
be cured by effective distribution, so as to deprive sections needing
such labor badly, of the benefits to which they also are entitled. It
should take reasonable form, and not be oppressive, unequal and
confusing. Xor should it be dictated by spite and caprice, unworthy
of a great state or nation, and designed merely to vex and annoy or
to discriminate. --
Fortunately. President Roosevelt, his Secretary of Commerce
and Labor. Mr. Straus, and President Taft. while Secretary of War,
have all expressed themselves emphatically on this subject in the
'*Xote ralifornin's famous nntl-queuc law (IIo Ah Kow rs. Nunon, .' Saw.vor,
552) ; her anti-Chinese disinterment law (In re Wong Yung Qay. 2 Fed. Rep. 624> ;
her special Chinese tax law (Lee Ging vs. Washburn, 20 California, 534 K and con-
stitutional prohibition of employment of Chinese by corporations (In re Tlburrlo
Parrot, 1 Fed. Rep. 481), and compulsory removal requirement to new sections (In
re Lee Sing, 4:5 F. R. 3.")0), and antiCbinescfishins law iln re Ah Chong. 2 Fed.
Rep. 733).
(289)
70 The Annals of the American Academy
direction of amelioration of our subsisting Chinese exclusion acts,
and the substitution of general laws on the subject, and their utter-
ances accord on this point with those of his Excellency Wu Ting
Fang. In the course of an interesting address delivered by the last-
named at Ann Arbor University more than eight years ago, the
Chinese Minister well said: "The exclusion of Chinese is brought
about, you are probably aware, by special and not by general laws.
It is a discrimination against the people of a particular country.
. . . If, however, it be considered advisable to legislate against
the coming of laborers to this country, let such a law be made appli-
cable to all Asiatics and Europeans as well as Chinese. . . . The
Chinese immigration question is a complicated one. To solve it
satisfactorily is not easy. It is necessary to look deeply into the
subject, and not allow oneself to be swayed by prejudice and bias.
Prejudice is the mother of mischief, and injustice; and all intelligent
men should guard against it."-^ In any event, however, it is only
the Chinese laborer that the laws are even intended to exclude, and
the laws should obviously be recast so as to exclude merely this
particular class and not the whole race, with only a few specified
exceptions, making admission the rule, not the exception.
The Chinese boycott of 1905 against American goods called
attention forcibly to China's deep resentment of our exclusion policy
and of the serious injury it had wrought to our commerce and the
imminent danger of reprisals. Our mercantile interests were there-
fore enabled to compel new and independent consideration of this
policy on the part of President Roosevelt and his advisers. On
June 24, 1905, President Roosevelt directed a vigorous letter to the
State Department, requiring more humane treatment for the Chinese
and caused the Department of Commerce and Labor to issue a cir-
cular to its subordinates to the same e^ect. The following October,
in an address at Atlanta, he outlined his own policy in the matter,
but pointed out that he cannot do all that should be done without
action by Congress, action which has not yet been taken. In his
message to Congress of December 5, 1905, he said: "In the efifort
"This address contains a very valuable discussion of the services rendered by
the Chinese to America, and combats the economic arguments against Chinese
exclusion. I quote it from a pamphlet entitled "Truth versus Fiction, Justice
vprsTis Prejudice," also reprinted in Senate Document No. 106, 57th Congress. 1st
Session. See also his letter. Senate Document No. 162, 57th Congress, 1st Session,
and also the able article by Ho Yow, late Chinese Consul-General at San Francisco,
in the "North American Review," September. 1901.
(290)
Vn-Ainerican Character of Race Legislation 71
to carry out the policy of excluding" Chinese laborers, Chinese
coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by this nation to
the people of China and therefore ultimately to this nation itself.
Chinese students, business and professional men of all kinds — not
only merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors,
travelers and the like — should be encouraged to come here and be
treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students, business
men, travelers and the like of other nations. Our laws and treaties
should be framed, not so as to put these people in the excepted classes,
but to state that we will admit all Chinese, except Chinese of the
coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled laborers. . . . There
would not be the least danger that any such provision would result
in the relaxation of the law about laborers. These will, under all
conditions, be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see
that both justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown,
to other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested."
Secretary Taft was the first official spokesman of the Roosevelt
administration to express similar views, on the occasion of an ad-
dress at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, on June 15, 1905. He
stated that we cannot escape the charge of having broken Chinese
treaty rights by our legislation. In the effort to catch in the meshes
of the law every coolie laborer attempting illegally to enter the coun-
try, we necessarily expose to danger of contumely, insult, arrest
and discomfort the merchants and students of China who have a
right to come to this country under our treaties. We must con-
tinue to keep out the coolies, the laborers ; but w^e should give
the freest possible entry to merchants, travelers and students,
and treat them with all courtesy and consideration. Two years
after the boycott, Mr. Straus, in his first report as Secretary of
Commerce and Labor for 1907, said even more specifically : "It
has never been the purpose of the government, as would appear
from its laws and treaties, to exclude persons of the Chinese race
merely because they are Chinese, regardless of the class to which
they belong. . . . The real purpose of the government's policy
is to exclude a particular and well-defined class, leaving other classes
of Chinese, except as they, together with all other foreigners, may
be included within the prohibitions of the general immigration laws,
as free to come and go as the citizens or subjects of any other
nation. As the laws are framed, however, it would appear that the
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j-z . The Annals of the American Academy
purpose was rigidly to exclude persons of the Chinese race in gen-
eral, and to admit only such persons of the race as fall within certain
expressly stated exemptions — as if, in other words, exclusion was the
rule, and admission the exception. I regard this feature of the
present law as unnecessary and fraught wdth irritating conse-
quences. . . . Laws so framed can onl}' be regarded as involv-
ing a discrimination on account of race, and it is needless to point
out that discriminations on account of race, color, previous condi-
tion or religion are alike opposed to the principles of the republic
and to the spirit of its institutions."
In his annual report as Secretary for 1908 he said: "The in-
vidious distinctions, to use an apt phrase, now so apparent on com-
paring the treatment of necessity meted out to Chinese with the
treatment accorded to aliens of other nationalities, in my judgment
would not exist but for the fact that the subject of Chinese immi-
gration is distinguished from all other immigration by being dealt
with in a separate code of laws, involving a wholly distinct mode of
procedure — a mode, moreover, w^hich is at once cumbersome, ex-
asperating, expensive and relatively inefficient. . . . Essentially
the entire question involved in the admission or exclusion of Chinese
is not a distinct and independent matter of legislative regulation,
but in reality is merely a part of the larger problem of immigration."
I cannot conclude better than to quote a stimulating passage re-
cently written by Professor Royce, that distinguished psychologist
and student of races, as to the dangers of race discrimination, in a
paper on "Race Ouesions and Prejudices:" "Let an individual
man alone, and he will feel antipathies for certain other human
beings very much as any young child does — namely, quite capri-
ciously— just as he will also feel all sorts of capricious likings for
people. But train a man first to give names to his antipathies, and
then to regard the antipathies thus named as sacred merely because
they have a name, and then you get the phenomena of racial hatred,
of religious hatred, of class hatred and so on indefinitely. Such
trained hatreds are peculiarly pathetic and peculiarly deceitful, be-
cause they combine in such a subtle way the elemental vehemence of
the hatred that a child may feel for a stranger, or a cat for a dog,
with the appearance of dignity and solemnity and even of duty
which a name gives. Such antipathies will always play their part
in human history. But wdiat we can do about them is to try not to
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Un-.lutcricLiii Character of Race Lei:,islatioii 73
be fooled by tbem, not to take them too seriously because of their
mere name. We can remember that they are childish phenomena in
our lives, phenomena on a level with the dread of snakes or mice,
phenomena that we share with the cats and with the dogs, not noble
phenomena, but caprices of our complex nature."
(293>
REASONS FOR ENCOURAGING JAPANESE
IMMIGRATION
By John P. Irish,
Naval Officer of Customs for the Port of San Francisco, Cal.
Whether the United States should any longer encourage any
immigration is doubtful. That the United States should treat all
immigration alike is far less doubtful, since it implies a policy that
makes for international peace and our own national dignity. Agita-
tors, themselves of alien birth, originated opposition to Asiatics in
California prior to i860. In the legislative session of 1861 a com-
mittee that had been previously appointed to that duty, reported
upon an exhaustive investigation of the effect here of the presence
of Chinese. After a statistical statement and an array of economic
facts, the committee said:
"We are confident that these facts will deeply impress you and
our constituents, and it will be Avell to ponder them before any
action shall be proposed that will have a tendency to disturb so
important an interest, and drive from our state a class of foreigners
so peaceful, industrious, and useful. Your committee trust that no
more legislation will be had calculated to degrade the Chinese in
our state."
That report settled the question for many years, until it became
the subject of agitation on the "sand lot" late in the seventies.
When that report was made the population of California was
379,994, of which 50,000 were Chinese, the only Asiatics then here.
Carrying out the proportions of our present population we should
have 300,000 Asiatics, but we have only 55,904 Chinese and Japan-
ese combined.
Since the agitators have directed their efforts against the
Japanese almost exclusively, it is noted that favor for the Chinese
has risen. All of the arguments formerly made against them are
now directed against the Japanese. It is of historical interest that
these arguments are all taken bodily from the campaign of persecu-
tion of the Jews in continental Europe from the Middle Ages down
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Reasons for Encouraging Japanese Immigration 75
to modern times, when civilization and enlightenment effected the
emancipation of that mistreated race.
As for immigration in general, we have acquired the habit of
saying that none should be admitted with which we cannot assim-
ilate. This has put upon our Anglo-Saxon blood the mighty task
of assimilating the alien peoples of Southern and Southeastern
Europe, and we are recently learning that assimilation is a bilateral
process, and that the vast influx of those peoples who are in semi-
racial accord with us, is diluting our original stock and that instead
of assimilating we are being assimilated. Economic pressure has
expelled European immigrants from their native soil, and they have
resorted here in such numbers as to overcome our prepotency and
even threaten changes in our institutions.
In view of this it is well to consider whether the charge that
the Japanese are non-assimilable, and therefore should be excluded,
has any merit. The Japanese are, like us, a temperate zone race,
with a form of civilization high in its essentials and much older
than our own. It is doubtful whether the term "coolie" in its usual
sense applies to them. The common people of Japan, as we know
them here, more nearly resemble the Irish peasantry than the East
Indian coolie. They are very industrious, frugal, temperate and
orderly, with quick wit and intellectual alertness. By the standards
established by our immigration laws and the regulations for their
enforcement, the Japanese are desirable immigrants, judged by the
amount of money they bring with them, the percentage that seek
aid in public hospitals and eleemosynary institutions, and their per-
centage of illiteracy. Upon these points the official immigration
records give the following testimony:
MoxEv Pf.r Capita
Japanese $3109 Polisli .■ $ii-5i
South Italians 10.96 Scandinavian 26.52
Irish 26.42 Slovak 13.75
Hebrew 15-36 Magyar 14.03
Per Cent Receivixg Public Aid
Japanese 007 Greek 8r
Sonth Italian 7Z German 99
Irish 52 Polish 1.04
Hebrew 1.62 Scandinavian 3
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^6 The Annals of the Anicrican Academy
Percextage of Illiterates
Japanese 22. Polish 36.
South Italian 54. Hebrew 23.
Greek 24. Russian 26.
Portuguese 68. Lithuanian 54.
Labor and Wages
The Southern European immigration inveterately congests in
our cities. The Japanese take kindly to rural life and productive
farm labor. In California the Latin races are numerous in the coast
cities. They skip the great valley, which is the seat of varied agri-
cultural and horticultural production, and reappear in the Sierra
foothills and mountains, arovmd the mining towns and lumber
camps.
In the delta of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, and in
the Great A'^alley of California, is the demand for rural labor which
the Chinese formerly supplied, and, as their number decreases under
exclusion, the demand is now met by the Japanese. The production
of raisins, sugar beets, asparagus, onions, and other low growing
field crops, and the fruit harvest, call for reliable labor, resistant to
climatic conditions and able to sustain the stooping posture in which
much of this work must be performed. So far American labor has
not proved efficient or reliable in these occupations, and European
labor is but little more so. But the short-backed, short-legged
Asiatics have proved reliable in all this squat work which must be
performed in a temperature of 100 to no degrees. They execute
the needful primary processes in these forms of production, and
thereby furnish commerce with merchandise which in its transmuta-
tion, transportation and exchange provides for American labor occu-
pation at its own high wages, and for commerce its profit. This
fact is recognized by the fruit growers of California, who, in their
annual convention in 1907. by unanimous vote, demanded such
modification of the Chinese exclusion law and of the anti-Japanese
policy as would permit a certain immigration of both races.
A critical examination of the subject in respect to its industrial,
economic and social phases, supports the legislative report of 1861,
that the presence of Eastern Asiatics here is of industrial, economic
and social benefit to the state. Japanese farm laborers have notable
characteristics, of which their personal cleanliness is especiallv to
be noted. They require facilities for a hot bath, and at the close of
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Reasons for Encouragini:, Jal^aitcsc Jnnni'^ratioii jy
a day's labor they bathe and change to dry clothing before eating
dinner.
Japanese farm labor by the month exacts $1.50 per day wages.
The largest farmer and largest employer of farm labor in California
is Mr. George Shima, a Japanese, who pays an annual rental of
$80,000 for lands farmed on the leveed islands in the delta of the
Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. In his vast operations he
employs American. Japanese, Chinese and European labor, getting
the best results by such co-ordination of labor. His American and
European laborers are paid the going wage and are employed in
the work that precedes and follows the primary processes of tillage
performed by Japanese. His Japanese labor is paid by the year.
His common laborers get $250 per annum and "found" in their
work clothing, diet and dormitory. His Japanese foremen are paid
$350 and found. In good years he pays to laborers and foremen a
bonus in the nature of profit sharing. While he has brought about
this co-crdination of labor, the system has now been adopted by
American employers. The sugar beet fields are plowed, prepared
and planted by x\merican labor at high wages, using the best im-
proved agricultural machinery. When the beets grow they must be
thinned by hand and weeded for a space on each side of the row.
This, being squat labor, is performed by Japanese and by Chinese
w^hen they can be had. The American labor reappears in cultivating
the crop, riding, spring seated, on improved implements. At the
harvest the Japanese reappear, and from that time on the crop
furnishes highly paid work to American labor until it reaches the
consumer.
Investors in the beet sugar business here insist that as the squat
part of the work is performed when the temperature is high, it is
so repugnant to American labor that Japanese are a necessity, and
that by this co-ordination of labor only is it possible to develop this
valuable resource of the state.
The Japanese standard of living in their own country of course
cannot escape the economic law, but is fixed by the wages of labor.
To this law all countries are subject. Up to the beginning of the
Irish exodus to the United States, laborers' wages in Ireland were
six cents per day, sometimes rising to eight cents. Rut t'-«e standard
of living, long fixed by low wages, rose when the Irish came in
contact with better conditions here. The same is true of the Japan-
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78 The Annals of the American Academy
ese. They live well. The laborers when at leisure dress well, in
our costume. When one by two or three years' work has accu-
mulated from $500 to $750, he is enterprising, and usually sees some
overlooked resource in which he invests his savings and labor and
advances rapidly. In all these respects he differs not at all from
the immigrants from other low wage countries, except in his superior
enterprise and greater adaptability. As farmers the Japanese excel.
The lessons learned at home are applied here, and the land is made
to produce crops, not w-eeds. No slipshod methods are followed, and
Americans may beneficially apply the lesson they may learn of
Japanese farmers.
Education
A very considerable percentage of Japanese laborers are stu-
dents, eager to learn. When they acquire English and read it, their
leisure is employed in reading our works on history, biography and
science. This tendency is not observed in other immigrants. They
laboriously work their way through our public school grades and
universities by farm labor or domestic service. Of their qualities
as students the following opinion is given by one of the oldest public
school principals in San Francisco:
(i) I have had ample opportunities, in over twenty j^ears' experience
with Japanese students, to know whereof I speak, in all its bearings.
(2) No considerable part of these students are aduUs. Had the adult
pupils ever reached as large a proportion as twenty per cent there would,
years ago, have been protests from teachers and principals, and Japanese
adults could and would have been excluded from elementary day schools,
just as are other adults, without friction or objection.
(3) Japanese students do not crowd white children out of the schools.
The San Francisco schools are not overcrowded. They never have been
overcrowded, during the past twenty years, except in a few spots, and that
for causes entirely outside this matter.
(4) The statement that the influence of the Japanese, in our schools,
has had a tendency towards immorality, is false, and absohitely without
foundation. From all T have ever heard in conference- with other school
men, as well as from my OAvn continuous and careful observation, there has
never been the slightest cause for a shadow of suspicion affecting the conduct
of one of these Japanese pupils. On the contrary, I have found that they
have furnished examples of industrj', patience, unobtrusiveness, obedience,
and honesty in their work, which have greatly helped many efficient teachers
to create the proper moral atmosphere in their class rooms.
(5) Japanese and American children have been on good terms in my
class rooms, and in others concerning which I am informed. They work
(298)
Reasons for Riicou raisin::; Ja/^aiicsc Iiinni^ration 79
side by side witliout interference or friction, and often some Japanese student
would be a great favorite among his American classmates.
(0) In all my years of experience, there has never come to me, orally or
in writing, from the parents, whose children have attended my school, one
hint of complaint or dissatisfaction concerning the instruction of their chil-
dren in the same school, or the same rooms with Japanese. Nor has there
ever been complaint or protest from teachers in regard to this co-education.
International Ethics
To include Japanese in the Chinese exclusion laws will raise
grave international issues. Japan has adopted western civilization,
and her civil institutions are tempered by the parliamentary system.
Her jurisprudence is ba.sed on the common law and conforms to
the English standard which is the foundation of ours. In science
she has impressed the world by the results of original investigation.
The world now has the means of escape from bubonic plague, be-
cause the Japanese bacteriologist, Kittesato, discovered the plague
germ, revealed its biological progress and the means of its trans-
mission from rodent to man. Another Japanese bacteriologist
isolated the dysentery microbe and caused a reduction of fifty per
cent in the mortality from that scourge of armies. The world
cannot set the seal of inferiority upon a nation that has furnished
such men. Nor can it afford to judge Japanese by the classes that
are lowest in the scale.
Japanese friendship for America is of undoubted sincerity.
When San Francisco was destroyed by earthquake and fire, and her
people were in extremity, lacking food and shelter, Japan sent for
their relief $245,000, the only foreign nation that caine to their
rescue, though France has recently sent a medal.
Japanese business men and financiers resident here are in every
way acceptable. Their home life is characterized l\v refinement and
good taste. Their wives are ladies, many of them college graduates,
who understand and observe the social conventions. The presence
of this commercial and financial class is necessary to our trade with
Japan. It is the destiny of that country to become to Asia what
England is to the western world and to draw upon exports from
the f^nited States to an equal degree. Every consideration seems
to counsel a policy of peace, good will and equality of treatment
toward Japan. In the case of the Japanese, there is no room for
race prejudice, but every inducement to a policy of justice and
amity.
(209>
MORAL AND SOCIAL INTERESTS INVOLVED IN
RESTRICTING ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION
By Rev. Thomas L. Eliot, S.T.D.,
President, Board of Trustees of Reed Institute, Portland, Oregon.
The middle Pacific northwest, so far, has not been invaded by
Chinese and Japanese in large numbers, and, except for a brief
agitation in 1886, our Portland community has had little share in
the passionate oppositions which the advent of these peoples has
caused farther south, and to a degree in the British north. This fact
might at the outset seem to disqualify us in the present discussion..
A Californian can say, with a certain truth, "Your conditions farther
north are not as yet attractive to the Oriental. There are with you
no exploitations of labor, no such exigencies of harvest times to
draw laborers together in masses, and no organizations directly
promoting imm.igration as there are with us. We have decidedly
more manufactures and capitalization of irrigated lands. The cry
for cheap labor is exigent, and we are therefore confronted with
conditions of immigration from the east which appal us. This
invasion is supplanting the white population, actually eating us out;
and it is accompanied by all manner of moral and social degrada-
tions."
But, on the other hand, it appears to many of us that our
southern friends by their very nearness to the problem are formid-
ably biased in their judgment. In fact, the imagination of some of
their leading writers has run riot. The proximate industrial disturb-
ance and tlie irregularities of the newcomers are conjured into
nightmares of the future Orientalization, not only of the western
coast, but of America itself. Perhaps the most marked example of
this "stage fright" may be seen in an article which appeared in
"Collier's ^^'eekly" some months since and has been widely copied
and commented on throughout the entire country. The essay is
entitled "Orientophobia," and is from the pen of one of the ablest
and sincerest editors of the Californian press, writing from the
midst of an area where the Japanese are colonizing most rapidly.
It must be granted that the tone of Mr. Rowell's paper is forceful
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Jutcrcsts Iniolicd in Oriental Innnigratioti 8i
and rushinc;^ — no one who is discussing the ([uestion can alTord to
pass him by. At the hrst perusal the facts recoiuited. the fears
summoned up, the pessimistic drive and the ])rophetic warnings of
the writer fairly sweep one along, and seem to compel assent. As
an example of torrential eloquence, it is almost unequaled. Every
subsequent perusal, however, led me to qualify its note and to dis-
trust the author's generalization and conclusions. It dawns upon
one that he is proving too much. There may indeed be a world
crisis, the greatest since Thermopylae and Salamis, confronting the
Pacific coast of America, and no doubt the whole case of the United
States with the Xegroes of the south, and the ceaseless stream of
immigration from Europe, together with the threatenings of Ori-
ental clouds presents a mighty problem ; but why may it not be
regarded as a challenge to all the higher forces of civilization for
some safe and triumphant solution, rather than as a portent and
depression? Is it a time for building Chinese walls, and shutting
ourselves in as Japan once did, or is it an age of social engineering,
for the invention of powers of control, adjustment, and distribution?
What is there in the problem to daunt the trained intelligence, the
wisest statesmanship and the social enthusiasm of the nation?
For, the one undeniable fact which seems to be emerging is that
a certain growing number of Orientals is to be on our shores, partly
floating, and partly to stay. It is almost equally certain that exclu-
sion is frankly impossible, deportation impracticable, and the lines
of restriction are more and more diflficult to define. Others will
discuss what may and ought to be done in order to regulate the
quantity and quality of the immigration. Xo doubt careful legisla-
tion is necessary both east and west, and in the west, at least, labor
immigration should be made the subject of more and more careful
treaties and comities with China and Japan. But in the outcome,
there will be an accumulation of these peoples, determined to be
here by economic principles, and attaching themselves to the soil
according to the industrial demands of city and countr}' life. To
the present writer it seems a fairly open question whether the ratio
of Orientals to the rest of the white population will increase. Ex-
cept for limited areas, there are with us on this coast no such condi-
tions historically and economically as in the Hawaiian Islands — that
is a problem to itself. A few checks and balances added to the
present restriction laws ought to sufifice for the maintenance of the
C30T)
8a The Annals of the American Academy
present ratio on the basis of the entire coast. At the same time the
quality of the immigration might be advanced.
The real problem lies with the hosts rather than the guests ; as
a problem of resourcefulness, adaptation and character. Shall these
immigrants be antagonized, solidified into a caste, driven in upon
themselves, compelled by our very treatment of them to herd vilely,
and live viciously, or shall there grow up among us in the interest
of moral and social sanity a determination to minimize crass-race-
prejudice, to dissipate the superstitions and ignorances of both
whites and non-whites, and to set up assimilating processes as far
as possible along the levels of individual merit and higher efficien-
cies? Shall we foster the very evil w^e dread, or shall we somehow
foster the germs of good will ? Shall our legislation be panicky and
steady-by- jerks, or shall it be enlightened and progressive; shall the
laws be administered evasively, or evenly, in the interest of peace
and progress or of race and class conflict? Do not authors of
articles like this "Orientophobia," all unwittingly perhaps, accent
the notes of antagonism and invoke passion, mob violence and war
with foreign powers, through their insistence upon a theory that
race difference and repugnance are irreducible, and through their
failure to note the real limits of the problem, or to count up the
real resources of a true civilization? When the}'' trumpet for a
"white nian's frontier." to be maintained if necessary by war and
lines of garrisoned fortresses, they are but repeating what helped
to foment the riots of the thirties against the Irish, and the opposi-
tion of the middle west to the "damned Dutch." In spite of their
rude reception, these races, as well as the Scandinavian and other
northern races, have been measurably assimilated without any sen-
sible deterioration of the mass ; the "hordes" of Southeastern
Europe are, if we may trust reliable reports, in a similar process of
assimilation, to be delayed, or to be hastened, in the measure that
forces of sympathy and education prevail .or. are withheld.
Even admitting that Orientals are in a different class, what
real reason is there for prophesying that they and white races cannot
live upon the same soil, use the same language, and in time share
each other's mental and social ideals? The process of co-operation
will not be difficult when once the alternative course is fairly faced
and its consequences fully realized in imagination. For the alterna-
tives are sanguinary and brutalizing. It takes but little imagination
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Interests Involved i)i Oriental Ivimigration 83
to depict the future if the Chinese and Japanese are given over to
mobs, and are refused justice; if they are traduced, denied educa-
tion and civic rights, if they are treated as animals, and are barred
all humanities and amenities. For such abuses, both scon and late,
there will be a fearful reckoning. A complete estrangement from
us of eastern nations, with all that is involved of commercial loss,
and the possibility of war, are the least of the evils thus invoked.
The greater evil would be visited upon our national character, for
in shutting our doors and persecuting inoffensive immigrants, we
would have surrendered to mob power, and the mob yielded to
always means increasing inhumanity and injustice poured back full
measure into the bosoms of those who were their instructors. All
the more would such retributions heap up for us, when the chief
charge we can bring upon the Oriental, is that, class for class, he
is cleaner, thriftier, more industrious, and docile, better bred, better
trained, and better maimercd than his white neighbor in the world
of labor and life.
These views will be called academic, and whoever holds them
ou^rht frankly to admit his own limitations. The exclusionist and
high restrictionist have the apparent advantage of figures and ex-
perience, and can always plead "the present distress." They seem
on solid ground when they appeal to the instincts of race purity and
of self-preservation. They alone, perhaps, realize the hardships
and strains put upon communities and individuals, when the compe-
tition of labor seems to drive the better men to the wall. But it
must be repeated, those who are mixed up with a problem do not
always see the best way out. They cannot understand the need of
sacrificing a nearer benefit, to the larger principle. Theirs is the
shortsighted view perhaps in this very case, which once drove the
Moors out of Spain to the lasting injury of peninsular civilization,
which blinded all Southern France in the silk weavers' riots to fight
the newly-invented loom ; and which united the squireocracy and
agricultural laborers of England against the first steam railroads.
Economic history is full of such hardships of progress and suffer-
ings of adjustment. The peril is always a great one, that sympathy
with those who suffer, may blind rulers and peoples to greater
coming good for greater numbers, including it may be even the
present suflferers. Tn the very nature of society, if progressive, there
is always a fighting line where the unskilled labor of society is to
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84 The Annals of the American Academy
be done, and another fighting hne where the highest leadership is to
be achieved, where the greatest principles of civilization are trying
to win out. Over this conflict and friction, the will of the w-hole
people as expressed in good government, in wise legislation, in
impartial enforcement of the laws, in enlightened study of condi-
tions should insure civilization against retrogressive steps.
The problem of immigration, especially in the shape in which
it is presented to Western America, should be placed in charge of
an expert governmental commission of the highest class, with ample
powers, capable of patience and detachment from prejudice, in
order to formulate all the facts and propose the practicable solution
of how the civilization of the west and the east may meet, and how
they may mingle — since mingle on some terms they must — with
advancing good will and the mutual attainment of material, moral
and social good.
This is the challenge that the situation presents to united
America. The east as well as the west is concerned in answering
it upon the highest lines of national and international harmony.
When we ask ourselves what grounds of encouragement there are
to hope that an honorable solution will be reached, it needs but to
rehearse some of the achievements, over equally stubborn problems
lying all about us, and to measure up the new pace which is set for
education, for enlightenment, for solidarity of national sentiment,
for new evaluations of human lives, and above all for the obliga-
tions of society towards its weaker members.
Civic consciousness is growing everywhere. The conviction
that material wealth must be harnessed to great uses of state, that
culture and knowledge of every kind constitute responsibility and
must serve the public, the consciousness that every neglected class
or individual endangers the mass and may poison any other individual
or class, these are the dynamic truths pushing the imagination,
stirring the wills of men. The social conscience which is leading
the forttinate to give away so many millions yearly to endow col-
leges, libraries, hospitals, foundations of research ; which creates the
Nobel prizes, the Cecil Rhodes bequests, the Russell Sage trust and
others is supplemented by state and municipal action in order to
give cities nobility, comfort, beauty and wider opportunit}'. Who
would have been bold enough to prophesy, even twenty years ago.
that Boston would expend S20,oc)0.ooo in a park system, and Chicago
(304)
hitcnsts Inioh-cd in Oriental Immigration 85
would provide recreation halls and playgrounds for the common
people costing $10,000,000? Let some of the same conscience and
trained intelligence be turned to conditions of immigration, pro-
moting the welfare of the newcomer and providing adequate chan-
nels of distribution, let as much be done to make the immigrant
more American, as is now doggedly done to keep him un-American,
above all let as much be done to defend him from the pirates of sea
and land who prey upon his ignorance and helplessness, as is now
unhappily left undone — then should we not have a right to hope, at
least, that our great pr(il)Iem would turn out a side to the light, and
become illumined with human cheer?
(3"5)
WHY OREGON HAS NOT HAD AN ORIENTAL PROBLEM
By F. G. Young,
Professor of Economics and Sociology, University of Oregon, Eugene, Ore.
Early Oregon did not offer to the Oriental opportunities for
exploitation that bore any comparison to those afforded by Califor-
nia. On the discovery of gold San Francisco became the great
entrepot to which all vessels from the Orient turned, and stray
delegations from the swarming ports of China were soon borne to
the new Eldorado. San Francisco's channels of trade and lines of
employment yielded largest streams of gold, — the sole lure of
emigrants from the Celestial Empire.
The dearth of women and children among the rapidly growing
aggregation of adventurers that constituted the main body of San
Francisco's population not only left open to the Chinaman just the
vocations for which he shows special aptitudes, but created as well
the strongest demand for his services. He came as the complement
necessary to make immediately a community out of a horde of the
gold-seekers of the fifties. In the older Oregon community to the
north the conditions were those of a staid agricultural settlement,
quite in contrast to those developed by the mining activities of Cali-
fornia. Oregon was made up of transplanted households of home-
seekers. It afforded neither an opening nor a considerable demand
for the Oriental's services. There was no lure of high wages nor
large earnings in any line of employment, nothing to compare with
the attractions which the California metropolis held out.
The main lodestone that was soon to draw the large influx of
Orientals to California was the gold-bearing gravel beds back of
San Francisco along the streams of the Sierras. John Chinaman
quickly learned that the income secured through washing these was
even larger than the returns from washing dishes or clothes down
in the city. So to the recesses of the mountains he flocked and soon
accumulated a hoard with which he returned to his native land and
became the cause of the coming in turn of many others. Oregon's
first instalment of Chinese was received as soon as the placer dig-
gings within her southern borders were disclosed. To these they
(306)
The Oriental Problem in Oregon 87
came in numbers to constitute a considerable proportion of the early
population of her sparsely settled southern counties. But they came
direct from California and thither returned without obtruding them-
selves on the main body of Oregon's population in the Willamette
Valley to the north.
Naturally at first Oregon's ratio of Orientals, compared with
that of her neighbor's to the south, was small. In the later fifties
and sixties, while there was still great activity in placer mining in
California, the proportion of Chinese among her population was at
least ten times as great as that of Oregon. From the later seventies
on, however, the California percentage has not been twice that of
Oregon and the census figure? for 1900 make the comparative num-
ber in California barely larger than that of Oregon. It is to be
noted tliat- with a quota of Mongolians constantly growing, so as
relatively to be almost equal to that of California, the public mind
in Oregon has remained calm while in California there has been
continual trepidation.
A more impressive illustration of the comparative equanimity
of Oregon in view of her situation is, however, afiforded through a
comparison of Oregon's quota of Orientals with that of Washington
on the north. Oregon has always had a larger contingent of Chinese
and Japanese in her population than Washington — and generally it
has been two or three times as large. Outbreaks in acts of violence
have occurred there, while the people of Oregon have regularly
maintained conditions of peace and order.
At no time has public feeling in Oregon run so strong against
the Oriental as in the communities to the north and south. Except
once or twice, when stirred by sympathy with what was happening
among her neighbors, Oregon can hardly be said even to have had
a consciousness of the problem. There has been only sporadic
agitation instigated by emissaries from without, and no riotous out-
break.
It thus becomes an interesting question to account for a re-
sponse, so in contrast, to a situation she has largely in common with
her neighbors. Oregon's serenity is probably partly due to certain
social characteristics of her people and partly to the peculiar cir-
cumstances attending the presence of the Orientals within her
borders. Oregon has never had any considerable element of ignition
tinder in her population in the form of a large body of floating wage-
(307)
88 The Annals of the A)nerican xicadony
earners. With such present, and a large element of Orientals, occa-
sion for a conflict is sure to arise. The presence of such elements
in San Francisco after the completion of the Central Pacific Rail-
road and the oncoming of the depression of the early seventies, and
likewise in Tacoma and Seattle after the finishing of the Northern
Pacific in the period of stagnation in 1885, was necessarily fraught
with trouble. A congregated mass of idle white men feeling the
pangs of want would resent the slightest competition on the part of
an alien race. It would be treated as an intruder. Permanent prej-
udice Avould be engendered. When Tacoma effected the expulsion
of the Chinese and a faction in Seattle undertook the forcible depor-
tation of them in February, 1886, Portland naturally was stirred.
The balance of influence was, however, so clearly on the side of law
and order that the mischief-making forces desisted. Because of the
slower and more steady development of Oregon no large number of
homeless wage-earners have ever been caught adrift here. It is to
the absence from her population of a large admixture of such
inflammable elements that the lack of any heat of resentment against
the Chinamen within her borders is to be attributed. Xo experience
of trouble, no inter-racial clashes from such sources brought to her
thought the consciousness of an Oriental problem.
A contributing factor making for immunity from the conscious-
ness of such a problem — and one also of a negative character — is.
or rather was, to be found in the sluggish commonwealth spirit in
Oregon. The menace to the standard of living of the laboring
classes involved in the presence of a considerable body of Orientals
has of course been patent to the thoughtful. These have discerned,
too, the burden and blight in the presence of an alien social element.
But until recently very little facility has been possessed by any class
for securing concert of movement for the public Avelfare. Neither
the agency of the state government nor voluntary organization
could be brought into requisition for the discussion, investigation
and improvement of a social condition. The Oregon people, or any
contingent of them, were slow to get together in co-operation for the
public welfare. So there was no anticipation of a problem from
conditions not wholly normal.
Turning now to the peculiar circumstances that have attended
the presence of the Oriental in Oregon: The objective conditions
have all been of a nature to leave the resentment of the white man
(308)
The Oriental Problem in Oregon ^J
unarou^ed. As already mentioned, the fir.t inllux sought the plac.r
mines of Southern Oregon. The jealousy of the white muier was
shown in a heavy special license tax upon Chinamen engaged m
mining and absolutely prohibitive Rnes upon any tradmg by them.
A constitutional provision adopted in 1857 debarred them from the
ownership of mining property. The irritation caused by their pres-
ence must, however, have been mollified by the substantial revenues
collected from them for a decade in four or five southern counties.
Ore-on in common with the other Pacific coast and inter-
mountain communities, has not been able to draw to any extent
upon European immigrants for domestic and other menial services.
The manning of the salmon canneries, the furnishing of garden
truck for the cities, and the supplying of the "section hands for
the railroads, have also been occupations for which the white wage-
earners of this part of the country had no relish. Such vocations
were freely accorded to the Mongolians. The Oregon quota ot
Orientals vear in and out has just about sufficed to meet the demand
in these imdesired employments. The Chinaman has been aptly
termed "the nigger of the coast." However, he is far above the
XcoTO in habits of industry, cleanliness and other virtues, and
brinos no troubles upon himself through pernicious political aspira-
tions" Representative captains of industry here have even urged
that there should be a change from the exclusion of the Chinese
laborer to a policv of a limited immigration for a term of years in
order to supply a desirable labor force for expediting the clearing
of areas for farm crops. _
Under the present operation of the exclusion policy towards
the Chinese no apprehension whatever is felt about them. It is the
Japanese whose incoming is not so securely barred and whose power
of oro-anization is effective that are regarded as a very probable
nienace to the future peace and highest destiny of the Pacific coast
Thev are rising in the industrial scale and are securing leases and
even ownership of real estate. Few will deny that if they are given
an equal chance with the white man here their stronger social co-
hesion and more effective co-operation would win for them a perma-
nent foothold. The rapid extension of the fruit growing industry
in Oregon would also furnish an opportunity for which the Japanese
in California have proven that they have strong adaptation. So
with regard to the Japanese, while it can harrlly be said that there
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go The Annals of the American Academy
is the consciousness of a problem yet in Oregon, it must on the
other hand be confessed that to throw open the doors to the inhabi-
tants of Nippon and to order commonwealth affairs wholly on a
commercial basis, would probably develop in a few years a situa-
tion fraught with a problem of no slight proportions.
(310)
PART THREE
National and International Aspects
of the Exclusion Movement
TREATY TOWERS : PROTECTION OF TREATY RIGHTS BY FED-
ERAL GOVERNMENT
BY WILLIAM DRAPER LEWIS, Ph.D.,
Dean of thf. Law Schooi-, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
THE PROBLEM OF ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION IN THE STATE
OF WASHINGTON
BY HERBERT H. GOWEN, F.R.G.S.,
Lecturer on Oriental Literature, University of Washington, Se.\ttle,
Wash.
THE EFFECT OF AMERICAN RESIDENCE ON JAPANESE
BY BARON KENTARO KANEKO,
ToKio, Japan
CHINESE LABOR COMPETITION ON THE PACIFIC COAST
BY MARY ROBERTS COOLIDGE,
•""oRMERLY Associate Professor of Sociology. Stanford University, Cal.
Ai-TTioR of "Chinese Immigration" (in press)
Till- Ll'.C.lSLATlVF HISTORY OF EXCLUSION LEGISLATION
BY CHESTER LLOYD JONES, Ph.D.,
Instructor in Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, Philadel-
phia
HOW CAN WE ENFORCE OUR EXCLUSION LAWS?
BY MARCUS BRAUN,
Immigrant Inspector, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washing-
ton, D. C.
ENFORCEMENT OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW
BY JAMES BRONSON REYNOLDS,
New York City
TREATY POWERS: PROTECTION OF TREATY RIGHTS
BY FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
By William Draper Lewis, Ph.D.,
Dean of the Law School, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Air. Brycc in his "American Commonwealth" points out tliat
the Federal Constitution as it now stands, "with the mass of fring-
ing decisions which explain it, is a far more complete and finished
instrument than it was when it came fire new from the hands of the
convention."^ The truth of this assertion is evident to the student
of our constitutional law. At the same time it must be remembered
that, while the Supreme Court has "fringed" much of the text of
the constitution with explanatory decisions, there yet remain many
parts, and these by no means always of comparative unimport-
ance, which have never been interpreted by the court, or on
which there is still much room for speculation, in spite of the
fact that they have been interpreted to some extent by our su-
preme judicial tribimal. Again, the fact that the frair.ers did
not attempt to describe the manner in which the powers con-
ferred on the different departments of the federal government
should be exercised, and "the laudable brevity" of the constitution
have been made, and justly, the subject of favorable comment.
But here, too, we must admit, that though the skill with which
the constitution was drawn makes it one of the really great achieve-
ments of our race, it is not equally perfect in all its parts. Brevity
and the statement of general principles not only may but do, in
parts of the constitution, degenerate into intolerable uncertainty as
to the real principle intended to be enunciated. In dealing with
more than one subject of vital importance the language and the
arrangement leaves room for wide speculation. As a result of this
inequality in the skill of construction and in the amount of judicial
interpretation, though we can ascertain with great particularity the
answer to almost any question pertaining to certain clauses of the
^Third Edition, Vol. I. pngo 2.'>4.
(313)
94 '/ /'t' -Iniuils of the . hiicrlcaii Acadcjiiy
constitution, as, for example, the clause which gives Congress the
power to regulate interstate and foreign commerce or the clause
prohibiting the states from passing a law impairing the obligation
of contracts, we are unable to give even a reasonable guess as to
what would be the answer of the Supreme Court to many questions
— and some of these of first importance — pertaining to other parts
of the constitution. Unfortunately, there is perhaps no part of our
fundamental law which is open to such diverse interpretation and
which has received so little illumination from the court as that
which relates to the treaty-power.
The second clause of the second section of the second article
of the constitution provides that the President, "shall have power,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties,
provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur." The second
section of the sixth article provides : "This constitution and the laws
of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority
of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the
judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the con-
stitutions or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."
What is the nature of this treaty-power conferred on the President
and Senate? When a treaty is negotiated and ratified does it be-
come of its own force "the supreme law of the land" or is an act
of Congress approving it or expressing its provisions necessary
to give it the force of law ?
It has been assumed by most of those who have studied the
constitution that the very words of that document show that it
was supposed by the framers that treaties would be self-executing.
Thus, the second section of the sixth article treats the constitution,
the laws of the United States, and treaties, as three distinct and
separate sources of "supreme law." The second section of the
third article, in conferring judicial power on the United States,
also assumes the existence of these three distinct sources of "law,"
declaring that "the judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law
and equity, ar'sing under this constitution, the laws of the United
States, ?nd treaties n''af'e, or wdiich shall be m^de, under their
ptithoritv." Any doubt, however, which mic^ht exist on this sub-
ject has apparently been put at rest by the Supreme Court, which
has, in a number of cases, regarded treaties as the "supreme law,"
" (314)
Treaty Powers 95
though no act of Congress had been passed sanctioning their pro-
visions.-
When wc turn from the nature of the treaty-power to its ex-
tent we find greater possibiHtics for divergence of view. At the
same time even here there is a general agreement on certain propo-
sitions. In the fir^t place, it is apparently beyond question that the
grant of treaty-power in the second article of the constitution is
nuich more sweeping than the grant of legislative power in the
first article. Congress is declared, not to have the power to make
laws, but merely the power to make laws on certain enumerated
subjects. On the other hand, the President and Senate have the
power "to make treaties," the subject of a treaty, as far as the
second article is concerned, being left entirely to their discretion.
At the same time there is also a substantial agreement on the
equally self-evident proposition that the constitution, like a contract
between a principal and his agents, must be read as a whole, and
that there may \>e, and are, limitations on the treaty-power to be
found in other clauses of the constitution. For instance, the amend-
ments from the second to the eighth inclusive enunciate certain
individual rights and declare in general terms that these rights
shall not be infringed. The rights so protected can no more be
disregarded in a treaty than in an act of Congress. Again, the
constitution provides to a certain extent for the organization oi
the federal government. The first article deals with the selection,
organization and power of Congress ; the second, in a somewhat
similar way, with the executive; and the third, with the judiciary.
It is admitted by all that the treaty-power can no more be exer-
cised to alter this organization established by the constitution than
the organization so established can be altered by an act of Con-
gress. Neither can a power granted by the constitution, as the
power to regulate interstate commerce, be in anywise modified by
treaty. This, of course, is not saying that the treaty-power cannot
also deal with those things over which Congress is granted legis-
lative power. The question whether the powers granted to Con-
gress over certain subjects exclude the exercise of any control of
=rhirac r. Chirac, 2 Whenton's Reports, 2,"J0 (ISlTt : Orr r. ITodfrson, 4
Wheaton's Reports, 4.">.3 (1819) ; Huslies v. Edwards. 9 Wlieaton's Reports. 489
(1824) ; Carneal v. Banks, 10 Wheaton's Reports, 181 (1825) ; Hauenstein v.
Lynham, 100 Fnited States Reports, 4.83 (1870).
(315)
96 The .Uiiials of the Am erica 11 Academy
these subjects by treaty is another and a different matter on which
there is much difference of opinion. But all admit that a treaty
regulating commerce which provided that Congress should have no
power to alter its provisions by subsequent legislation would be,
to the extent of this proviso, null and void.
There are many provisions in the constitution, however, the
effect of which, if any, in limiting the treaty power is open to dis-
pute. As an example of this class, we may take the second to the
seventh clauses of the ninth section of the first article. The sixth
clause, for instance, provides : "No money shall be drawn from the
treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law." Sup-
pose a treaty provides that a sum of money shall be paid ; could
the President take the money from the treasury without the sanc-
tion of an act of Congress? The writer would give a negative
answer to this question, and such answer would be in accordance
W'ith the uniform practice of our government. At the same time,
it can with some reasonableness be urged that these prohibitions are
part of the first article of the constitution ; that this article in its
preceding sections has dealt only with the organization and power
of Congress ; that the first clause of the ninth section in terms pro-
hibits, not all departments of the federal government, but "Con-
gress" from interfering with "the migration or importation of such
persons, as any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to
admit, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight'" ;
and that, therefore, the prohibitions in the remaining clauses of
the ninth section should be construed as limitations on Congress
only. On the ether hand, the prohibitions contained in these clauses
are not in terms confined to prohibitions on legislative action, and
that the evidence taken from the rest of the first article is not suffi-
ciently conclusive to show an intent that they should be so limited.
The tenth section prohibiting, as it does, the states from enter-
ing into "any treaty, alliance, or confederation," and from passing
"any bill of attainder, ex post facto law. or law impairing the
obligation of contracts," shows that "law," whether by treaty or by
act of Congress, is dealt with in the first article, and indicates that
any restrictions in the article which are not in terms restrictions
on Congress or the states should be regarded as general restrictions
on all departments of the federal government.
A more difficult and doubtful question, however, is whether
(316)
Treaty Powers 97
any or all the powers granted to Congress in the eighth section of
the first article are or are not exclusive? This question in any of
its possible phases has never come before the Supreme Court. The
practice of the government, when the question has arisen, has been
to act as if the powers of Congress over matters entrusted to it
by the first article were exclusive, and that a treaty dealing with
any of these subjects, as, for instance, a treaty regulating custom
duties, must have the sanction of an act of Congress before it can
be regarded as the "law of the land." Even then if the power over
imposts is, as contended, exclusive in Congress it is improper to
call the treaty the "supreme law ;" the "supreme law" is rather the
act expressing or approving the terms of the treaty.^
To the writer the constitution of the United States should be
interpreted from the point of view of an instrument creating for
the people different agents on matters of vital importance. General
treaty power is given to certain agents, the President and the Sen-
ate ; particular legislative power is given to Congress. Whether
any particular grant of power to Congress over a subject is to be
taken as prohibiting an exercise of any control over that subject
by the President and Senate in the form of a treaty, should depend,
when there is no express direction in the constitution, on the nature
of the subject. If it is a subject ordinarily only dealt with by legis-
lative bodies, then it is reasonable to assume that the particular
grant of control to Congress withdraws that subject from the treaty
pov.er. Now the great majority of the subjects over which Con-
gress is given control fall under the category of subjects practically
never dealt with by treaty. For instance, the power to lay and
collect taxes, to coin money, to establish post offices and post roads,
to constitute inferior judicial tribunals, to make rules for the gov-
ernment of the land and naval forces, all of these subjects and
many more, control over which is granted to Congress, have rarely
if ever been made the subject of contract between nations. Con-
trol over them having been given to Congress, we may infer that
it was intended that the control should be exclusive. On the other
hand, foreign commerce is a common subject of treaty and the
'For a history of the practice of the government see "Llmlt.ntlons on the
Treaty-Making Power of the President and Senate of the United States." by Prof.
Wm. E. Mlkell. reprint from University of Pennsylvania Law Review, pages 13
et seq.
(317^
98 The Annals of the American Academy
mere fact that Congress is given the power over foreign commerce
should not be interpreted as curtaiHng the President and Senate
from exercising a similar control in a treaty.
Whether the reasoning above indicated is or is not sound.
whether the treaty power has or has not the right to deal with all
or some or none of the subjects over which Congress has legislative
power, though questions of importance, are not questions of fun-
damental or vital importance. Treaties require for their ratification
a two-thirds vote in the Senate. It is unlikely that a treaty desired
by two-thirds of the Senate would be disapproved by a majority
of the House. It is probably easier to secure the passage of an act
of Congress which requires only a majority in both houses than to
secure the ratification of a treaty. We may be also fairly certain
that a sufficient number of senators will always be found to adopt
the theory that all powers granted to Congress are exclusive, to
prevent the ratification of a treaty which deals with any subject
entrusted to Congress by the first article of the constitution with-
out the passage of an act authorizing the treaty. The questions are
not of fundamental importance because their decision one way or
the other does not deprive the United States of the power to make
agreements with foreign countries touching all matters delegated
to Congress. If such agreements cannot be made by treaty, they
can be embodied in an act of legislation.
A far more vital difi^erence of opinion arises over the question
whether there are any limitations on the treaty powder arising from
what are known as the reserved powers of the states. The pre-
servation of these "reserved powers" was the object of the tenth
amendment. The amendment provides: "The powers not delegated
to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people."
Those reading this amendment in connection with the first and sec-
ond articles of the constitution seem to follow one of two trains of
reasoning. The intellectual descendant of Jefiferson argues: The
government of the United States is one of delegated powers. True,
it has the power to make treaties; but on what subjects? It was
not the intent of those who adopted the constitution to confer on
the federal government power over their local affairs and police.
The tenth amendment prohibits such an inference. Those who
assert that the federal government has that power must show some
(318)
Treaty Potcers 99
express grant. What arc the powers delegated to the United States?
They are those powers conferred on Congress by the first article,
and, by necessary implication, the power to deal with matters exter-
nal to the states. The schools of Hamilton and Marshall base their
conclusions on a literal interpretation of the words of the constitu-
tion. That the United States is a government of limited power is ad-
mitted, but it is pointed out that the powers granted are to be deter-
mined, not by a supposed intent, but by the words used. The Presi-
dent with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senate has power
to make treaties. The tenth amendment treats of powers not dele-
gated to the I'nitcd States. The treaty ])owcr is delegated and,
therefore, by the very words of the amendment outside its scope. ^
The decisions of the Supreme Court in as far as they have
involved the question should be noted. In Chirac t'. Chirac"' the
court held, that the treaty of 1800 between the United States and
France giving to French citizens the right to inherit land in the
United States, superseded the law of Maryland which denied this
right. Here is a decision that the federal government by treaty
can deal with a subject not proper for federal legislation, and which
relates to a matter which is not external to the states. More re-
cently the Supreme Court in the case of Hauenstein x'. Lynham'"
held, in spite of a law of Virginia to the contrary, that a citizen
of Switzerland had, under our treaty with that country, the right
to the proceeds of the sale of land in \'irginia. These are the
most important cases, though there are others of similar import.^
In none did counsel or court contend that the federal government
had not the right to negotiate the treaty or that when ratified it was
not the supreme law of the land. Judge Swayne in Hauenstein 7'.
Lynham, above cited, states the attitude which, without the felt
necessity for explanation and defense, has always been taken. He
says, "In the able argument before us, it was asserted upon one
side, and not denied on the other, that if the treaty applies its effi-
cacy must necessarily be complete. The only point of contention
was one of construction."
*If the re.Tder is anxious to examiue the view first exprossrd ho will find it sf>t
forth with pains and sljill by the writer's associate. Prof. Mikell, In the article
refcrrrd to. supra, note 3. The second view has recently been stated and defended
ly Sen.Ttor Root. Pee 1 American .Tournal of International Law, 273.
"2 Whenton's Reports. 2."0 (ISIT).
•100 United States Reports, 483 (1870).
'See cases cited, supra, note 3.
(319)
loo The ^Innals of the American Academy
From these decisions we may conclude that it is settled law
that the treaty power can be so exercised as to confer on aliens
rights to property in the states which could not be conferred by act
of Congress. They also settle in the negative the sweeping con-
tention that the tenth amendment prohibits the treaty power from
dealing with all matters not delegated to Congress and relating to
the internal economy of the states. A treaty can be negotiated and
ratified which will supersede state laws relating to rights of private
property. On ttie other hand, it has never been held by the Su-
preme Court that the tenth amendment has no effect in limiting the
treaty power. The question, for instance, whether the treaty power
can be so exercised as to supersede state laws relating to health and
morals has never been decided. It is true that there is apparently
nothing in the text of the constitution to warrant a line being drawn
between the power of the states to regulate the acquisition of real
property, and the power to pass laws relating to gambling or dis-
eased cattle, so that one could logically hold that the tenth amend-
ment did not prevent the first class of laws from being superseded
by treaty, but did prevent the last two classes of laws from being
superseded. Law, however, is not necessarily logic ; and besides,
it must be remembered that a present member of the Supreme
Court who believed that Chirac t'. Chirac and Hauenstein v. Lyn-
ham proceeded on erroneous principles in disregarding the tenth
amendment, while he might feel bound to follow these cases in a
case presenting substantially identical facts, is not bound to follow
what he regards as a wrong principle to all its logical consequences.
But even if we should regard the decisions which we have
quoted as settling, forever, that the treaty power is in no wise
limited by the tenth amendment, there is still another line of rea-
oning which renders uncertain the constitutionality of a treaty which
would deal with matters subject to the police power of the states,
using the term police power as including all laws which relate to
the morals and the health of the people or their governmental or-
ganization and public activity. The constitution assumes the ex-
istence of the states. The states are as necessary a part of our
federal state as the national government. All this is generally ad-
iritted. and from these admitted premises many students of the con-
stitution draw the inference that any power granted to the federal
government is subject to the implied limitation that it must not be
(320)
Treaty Forcers loi
so exercised as to destroy a state. It is probable that any treaty
which affected the organization of a state government, which at-
tempted to alienate without the consent of a state, part or all of
its territory, or which gave to aliens the right to share in the prop-
erty or services of a state, as the right to use the public parks or
the right to attend the public schools, would be considered uncon-
stitutional. Whether a treaty which gave rights denied by the
laws of a state passed to protect the morals or health of its citizens
would be constitutional to a person holding this theory of implied
limitation of power is not so certain, though it is likely that a
treaty which permitted an alien to reside in a state, contrary to the
opinion of the state that he being white, or yellow, or black would
contaminate the morals of the people, would be regarded as tending
to destroy the state, and therefore by implication beyond the power
of the United States to make the supreme law of the land. \\'hen
once a person adopts the theory of grants or limitations of power
which arise, not from the text of the constitution, but from "the
nature of things assumed to exist by the constitution" he is em-
barked on an uncertain sea whose boundaries will depend on his
instinct, or, at the best, on shifting theories of the essential nature
of our federal state. The judiciary with their power to disregard
acts or treaties contrary to the constitution become more than the
interpreters of a written instrument ; they become the self-appointed
guardians of a spirit of the constitution w-hich the framers omitted
to embody in the letter.^
The Supreme Court as such has never said that these implied
limitations on treaty power exist, but several individual members
of the court have, in the past, denied the power to override the
police laws of the states, though it is not clear whether the judges
referred to took this position because of the tenth amendment or
because of some theory of implied limitation of power.® The ques-
tion is one of profound importance. If the treaties which run
counter to state police regulations are not the supreme law of the
land, any act of Congress which runs counter to a state police regu-
*For a discussion of this particular question see an article l)y the present writer
In 55 American Law Register, entitled "Can the United States by Treaty Confer
on Japanese Residents In California the Right to Attend the Public Schools?"
'Spe license cases. 5 Howard's Reports, 504, opinion of Daniel, J., p. 613 ; of
Woodbury, J., p. 627 ; of Grler, J., p. 631 : of McLean, J., p. 588. For other
opinions along siaiil.ir lines, see passenger cases. T Howard's Reports. 283.
(321)
I02 The Annals of the American Academy
lation is also of no effect. There is nothing, for example, peculiar
in the power of Congress over interstate commerce, which would
enable a law within the scope of this power, to override a law passed
within the scope of the states police power, if a treaty within the
apparent scope of the treaty power could not have that effect.
This summary of the uncertainties surrounding the extent of
the limitations on the treaty power of the federal government shows
the state of unfortunate confusion which exists as to its limitations.
It is possible for one to hold any one of three theories :
First. — That as a result of the tenth amendment matters sub-
ject to the legislative power of the states, and not subject to any
legislative power conferred on Congress are not subject to the
treaty power.
Second. — That the treaty power is impliedly limited by the dual
nature of our federal state ; that the power cannot be so exercised
as to interfere with the police powers of the states, using the term
"police power" as including control over the organization of gov-
ernment, public property, public services, morals and health.
Third. — That the treaty power is not limited either by the
tenth amendment or by any implied reservations arising from the
nature of our federal state.
A fourth position is possible ; namely, that the treaty power is
limited by the tenth amendment as indicated in the first proposi-
tion, and also impliedly limited as indicated in the second proposi-
tion. The great practical difference in the results flowing from the
adoption of one rather than another of these theories, will be seen
if we apply each in turn to treaties purporting to confer rights on
aliens.
Under the first theory we can by treaty confer on aliens the
right of travel in any part of the United States, but not any rights of
a resident in a state. The power of Congress to regulate interstate
and foreign commerce has been given an interpretation sufficiently
wide to make an act, and, therefore, under the theory a treaty, a
regulation of commerce which relates to the journeying of persons,
whether foreigners or citizens between the states, or between the
United States and foreign countries. But a treaty guaranteeing
to an alien any rights of residence or any protection as a resident
would be beyond the federal government to make effective, because
a law purporting to protect a citizen of the United States, resident
(322)
Treaty Powers 103
in a state, from assault is beyond the power of Congress to enact,
and, therefore, under the theory beyond the treaty power. Like-
wise, a treaty purporting to confer on the citizens of a foreign
country, being resident in that country, the right to make contracts
with the citizens of the United States would be constitutional, be-
cause such contracts would also come within the power to regulate
commerce with foreign nations ; but once let the foreigner become a
resident of a state, and if the laws of that state denied to foreign-
ers being residents, the right to contract or to obtain property, or
placed special restrictions on their commercial intercourse, no treaty
could protect them. Their only redress, and it would be one of
very doubtful efficacy, would be that portion of the first section of
the fourteenth amendment of the constitution which provides ; "nor
shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property with-
out due process of la\v, nor deny to any person within its jurisdic-
tion the equal protection of the law."
If we adopt the theory that the treaty power is limited by the
very nature of our federal state, and also that as a result, the power
cannot be so exercised as to interfere with the exercise by the states
of their police power in the sense in which we have defined that term,
any treaty conferring on aliens rights of travel, or residence would
be powerless to confer on an alien the right of travel or of residence
in any particlar state except subject to those rules which the state
regarded as necessary to preserve the morals, health and safety of
its citizens. For instance, a state law which arbitrarily excluded
all foreigners might be superseded by a treaty admitting the citizens
of a particular country, but a state law which obliged all persons
of African descent to reside in particular parts of a city, or to ride
in "Jim Crow" cars would apply to a negro subject of Great Britain,
traveling in that state, even though a treaty in terms stipulated that
all persons being subjects of Great Britain should in traveling and
residing in the United States, be subject only to those laws and
regulations which pertained to Avhite American citizens. In short,
he who believes a treaty cannot supersede a state law passed under
its police poAver might admit that a treaty would require a state to
treat an alien, except as to political rights, as if he were a citizen,
but he would probably claim that a treaty can confer on an alien
no greater rights than those he would have if he were a citizen of
the United States.
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I04 The Annals of the American Academy
Lastly, if we adopt the theory that the tenth amendment in
no wise Hniits the treaty power, and also deny any implied reserva-
tions on that power not found in the text of the constitution but
arising from the nature of the federal state called into being by
the adoption of the constitution, then all treaties granting to aliens
rights of travel or residence in the states, or guaranteeing to them
while residents protection from injury, and even treaties conferring
rights in conflict with the police laws of the states, and vesting for-
eigners with the right to use the public property and obtain the
public services of the states, would be constitutional. Of course,
that treaties giving many of the above rights to aliens would be
constitutional does not mean they might not violate that spirit of
respect for local desires which should always influence the exer-
cise by the national government of the powers entrusted to it. That
a treaty which would override the reasonable laws of a state passed
in good faith to protect the health or morals of her people, could
be negotiated under present conditions by any President, or ratified
by a two-thirds vote of any Senate is unthinkable. But the fact
that a power may, theoretically, be abused is not an argument that
it ought not, still less that it does not, exist. Generally, any
power entrusted to government adequate to meet critical emergen-
cies in legal theory may be used to defeat the very ends, the pre-
servation of the nation, for which it was conferred.
When we turn from the nature and extent of the treaty power
to the extent to which the federal government can protect rights
granted by treaty we approach a subject on which, fortunately,
there is little room for radical difference of opinion. The third
section of the second article makes it the duty of the President to
''take care that the laws are faithfully executed." He is also, by the
second section of the same article, made "commander-in-chief of the
army and navy of the United States." If a treaty is self-executing,
it has when ratified by two-thirds of the Senate the force of law,
and the President in the exercise of his constitutional duty "to
take care that the laws be faithfully executed" has the right, unless
l)rohibited by Congress, to use as a means to this end the army and
navy of the United States. Congress by law may indicate the occa-
sions when the army and navy shall be used, but in the absence of
legislation the President has, under the constitution complete dis-
cretion to use the military forces of the United States to execute
(324)
Treaty Pozvcrs 105
its laws, subject only to the limitation that he cannot violate am-
general prohibition expressed in the constitution, as the prohibitions
expressed in many of the amendments.
The President in executing his duty of enforcing a treaty, as
in enforcing any law, is not limited to the employment of the mili-
tary. He can use any other means which Congress has seen fit to
place at his disposal. Thus, if Congress has created a secret ser-
vice, and not by express provisions confined its use to subjects
other than the enforcement of rights guaranteed by treatv, the
President has the right to use the service to discover plots which
if carried out would violate those rights.
Again, the President can call to his assistance anv person or
persons willing to lend such assistance. For instance, if a mob
in one of our cities were about to assemble at a station to prevent
aliens from getting off the trains on which they arrived, contrary
to a treaty giving to them the right of travel in the states, the Presi-
dent could call "on all law-abiding citizens" to protect, by force,
if necessary, the right of the aliens to leave the train. The citizen
responding to the call would, of course, be liable if in attempting
to enforce the treaty he violated a legal right. It is. to say the
least, doubtful if Congress by legislation could prevent the Presi-
dent from securing voluntary assistance in the exercise of his
constitutional duty to enforce law.
Finally, the President has the right to use any appropriate legal
process for the enforcement of law, and therefore of treaties. The
judicial power of the United States, by the second section of the
third article "extends to all cases in law and equity arising under
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority." But
the extent to which any court of the United States may act depends
wholly on affirmative congressional action. Congress not having
made the violation of a right conferred by treaty a crime, the
courts of the United States have no criminal jurisdiction over anv
alleged violation ; and the President is at present without power to
institute any criminal proceedings for the violation of a treaty
right. Again, there is at present no law which gives the President
a right to institute a suit for civil damages for the violation of such
a right. General equity jurisdiction has, however, been conferred
on the courts. By general equity jurisdiction we mean that juris-
diction which w^as exercised ?^ a mr\tter of custom bv the High
io6 'J'hc Annals of the American Academy
Court of Chancery in England. In the main the nature of the juris-
diction is preventive. A person threatened with the violation of a
right for which no adequate remedy in a suit for damages exists
may bring a "bill in equity" praying that an injunctive order issue
to restrain the threatened violation. By custom also, the attorney-
general of England on behalf of the state could bring bills in equity
to redress certain public wrongs. When, therefore, it is said that
the courts of the United States have general equity jurisdiction we
imply that the attorney-general of the United States may at the
instigation of the President and on behalf of the United States
bring any bill which the attorney-general of England could bring
on behalf of the English government in the High Court of Chan-
cery. The customary equity jurisdiction does not extend to all
public wrongs ; that is to say because an act is a violation of law
does not necessarily enable the attorney-general to bring a bill in
equity for its restraint. But by custom the jurisdiction of a court
of equity does extend to the restraint of those wrongs which injure
public property or which amount to a public nuisance. The word
nuisance in this connection has received a wide interpretation. It
means any act which prevents a number of persons in a community
from exercising a right. If, therefore, a treaty guaranteed to all
the citizens of Great Britain rights of residence in the United States,
and we regard such a treaty as within the power of the President
and Senate, if one Englishman resident in a state was denied those
rights by anyone or more persons being private persons or officers
of the state, a court of equity, while it might restrain the violation
of the treaty at the private suit of the Englishman affected, would
not entertain a bill in equity brought on behalf of the United
-States by the attorney-general. To give the attorney-general a
right to bring the bill, a special statute requiring the federal courts
to take jurisdiction would have to be passed. On the other hand,
if there existed a movement on the part of one or more persons in
a state to deprive all English subjects of the rights guaranteed to
them by treaty, then such movement would constitute a public
nuisance and the President could require his attorney-general to
bring a bill in equity to secure an injunctive order restraining the
wrong.
We have so far spoken of the power of the President to en-
force a lawful treatv in the absence of anv legislation bv Congress
(326)
Treaty Poivers 107
especially designed to insure obedience to treaties on the part of
all persons within the United States. It is as certain as any propo-
sition can be which has not been directly formulated by the Supreme
Court in a case involving its application, that Congress has been
given by the constitution power to pass any law legitimately de-
signed to strengthen the enforcement of any treaty which it is
within the power of the President and the Senate to make. The
eighteenth clause of the eighth section of the first article not only
gives to Congress the right "to make all laws which shall be neces-
sary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers"
— meaning the legislative powers conferred in the preceding seven-
teen sections — but it also confers the right to make all laws which
shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution "all other
powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United
States, or in any department or officer thereof." The power to
enforce the laws of the United States is a power vested in the Presi-
dent.
Acts designed to secure the enforcement of law may be roughly
classed under three heads: administrative, penal and procedural.
An act which would place at the disposal of the President, officers
whose special duty it was to guard the persons of aliens would fall
under the first class ; a penal statute would be one which provided
for the imprisonment or fining of anyone who violated any right
given by treaty. Under the last head would fall any act which ex-
tended the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States in cases
involving alleged violation of treaty rights, or any act which di-
rected the procedure to be followed in any such case. For instance,
an act which enabled the President to direct the attorney-general
to bring a bill in equity for an injunctive order to protect an in-
dividual alien threatened with a violation of a right conferred on
him by treaty would fall under this class.
Of course, these statutes must not violate any prohibition
contained in the constitution. The administrative statute must not
authorize those ''unreasonable searches and seizures" prohibited by
the fourth amendment; the penal statute must not deny to the ac-
cused "a speedy and public trial," contrary to the sixth amend-
ment, and the procedural statute must not confer original jurisdic-
tion on the Supreme Court contrary to the second clause of the
second section of the third article. But within the limitations men-
(327)
io8 The Annals of flic American .Icadcuiy
tioned it is almost impossible to think of an act reasonably designed
to enforce a treaty that would be unconstitutional.
That the act must be "reasonably designed to enforce the
treaty" is clear. The constitution does not say that Congress shall
have power to make any law which it thinks necessary and proper
for carrying into execution a power vested by the constitution in
any department or officer of the government, but merely that Con-
gress shall have power to make those laws which shall be neces-
sary and proper for carrying into execution a power vested. Under
this grant Congress has a wide choice of means to be used; but
the means must bear some reasonable relation to the end, which is
the execution of the power, and the Supreme Court has the final
right and duty to pass on the question whether the means used
bears sufficient relation to the power to make it within the right
of Congress to select that means to enforce the power. Take as a
concrete instance : A treaty guarantees protection to aliens traveling
in the United States. A federal statute making it a crime to attack
an alien, as such, while traveling, contrary to the right conferred
by the treaty, would be without question a proper means of en-
forcing the treaty. But suppose the act should go farther than
this and make anyone who wilfully injured an alien subject to in-
dictment. As in terms the statute supposed does not require that
it must be shown that the accused knew that the person he injured
was an alien, if A in a quarrel kills B, not knowing that B is an
alien, he would, nevertheless, be indictable under the statute. The
constitutionality of such a statute is far from certain. The end. —
the enforcement of the treaty, — and the means, — the punishment of
one who killed another whom he did know was an alien, — would, at
least, in the opinion of the writer, fail to bear sufficient correspond-
ence to sustain the act. The question, of course, is an academic one.
It is not likely that Congress will ever in our day do more tlian
make the wilful attack on aliens, as aliens, criminal.
Thus, the means w^hich are unquestionably within the power
of the federal government, if properly used, would appear to be
ample to enforce all treaties. The doubts, and they are many which
surround the subject we have discussed, are, as we have seen, as
to the extent of the treaty power, not as to the right of the United
States to maintain respect for, and punish violations of, those trea-
ties which it mav lawfullv make.
(328)
THE PROBLEM OF ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION IN THE
STATE OF WASHINGTON
By Herbert H. Gowen, F.R.G.S..
Lecturer on Oriental Literature. University of Washington, Seattle, Wash.
One of the oldest legends of Japan tells of the sun goddess,
Amaterasu, how she sulked and shut herself up in a cave till all the
world was dark and fear possessed the hearts of men. Myriads of
deities, the story goes on to say, did their best to induce the goddess
to reappear, but without success. At last came the deity Thought-
Inchidcr, child of the High-August-Froditciug-JFoiidroiis-Dcitv,
who hatched a plot. Outside the door of the cave the conspiring
gods made so mighty a noise, dancing and singing, that the goddess
could not forbear opening the door ajar. Then they flashed in her
face a wonderfully polished mirror, showing the goddess to herself,
and while Amaterasu admired they closed the cave behind her. So
the land again had light. The opening of Japan to intercourse with
the outside world through the epoch-making visit of Commodore
Perry has certainly in many respects brought Japan face to face
with a new epoch in her history and has had results which those
who lured forth the sulking goddess could scarcely have anticipated.
A nation once out of the box is not easily to be recaptured and re-
imprisoned.
The awakening of Japan is the aw^akening of the whole Orient.
The huge bulk of China is responding as certainly, if more slowly,
to the influences of western civilization as the more impressionable
Island Empire. Already we perceive the feverish starts, the "impa-
tient nerves which quiver while the body slumbers as in a grave."
This awakening at the present time finds few skeptical as to its
significance. Professor Percival Lowell indeed, writing, however,
before the Russo-Japanese war has endeavored to belittle its interest
for ourselves by speaking of the Oriental civilizations as worn-out,
decadent, exhausted. He has made himself believe that reaching
the Pacific they have found Nirvana. But such an attitude can only
remind us of the Japanese story given in a book of Buddhist ser-
no The Annals of the American Academy
mens. — the story of the frog who journeyed from Tokio to see
Kyoto and, reaching a mountain top midway, stood on tiptoe to
view the western capital. He saw only the city he had left — for his
eyes ivere in the back of his head. Recent events have more strongly
than ever emphasized the fact that the Orient has by no means as
yet satisfied itself with Nirvana. It is becoming more and more
evident that, whether we are considering the general question of
state policy towards an Oriental country or whether we are con-
sidering some local problem, such as that of immigration, which
indirectly afifects the general international situation, it is necessary
to take this into account. The apparently isolated question of immi-
gration is, like Thor's drinking horn, connected quite inevitably with
the ocean of international considerations.
The attitudes of men with regard to the facts of Oriental de-
velopment may quite reasonably vary. Some may, like the eloquent
author of "The Torch," be bracing their souls to the contemplation
of the distant future, when American civilization shall have played
its part in the world's making and we, more or less resignedly, shall
have to pour the accumulated treasures of history into the lap of
the Eastern world.
Others may look at the whole matter, even from the American
standpoint, optimistically, seeing in the meeting of east and west the
completion of Hegel's great circle of spiritual development, the
day's work of the "Ewigzeitgeist." Others again may view the
future fearfully. As Anaxagoras unrolled before the Athenians the
map of Anaximander, while he harangued them on the danger of
the Persian advance, so these may lift up the cry of the "Yellow
F'^eril" and color with alarmist pigments the counsels of statesmen
and the editorial utterances of the press.
Whatever the attitude adopted, the country needs, even for the
discussion of local problems, a broad appreciation of facts. On
July 12, 1852, Mr. William H. Seward pointed out that two civiliza-
tions which had parted company four thousand years ago on the
olains of Asia were meeting again on the Pacific. Hence, he added,
"the Pacific Ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast regions be-
yond, will become the chief theatre of events in the world's great
hereafter."
We need to remember this, especially in the State of Washing-
ton, which in some ways is more closely connected with the Orient
(330)
Problem of Oriental I»iiiiis^ration iir
than any other part of the country. That is why it has seemed
necessary to preface what is here said with regard to Oriental immi-
gration witii a certain amount of generalization. The problem of
immigration is a small one apart from its connection with the gen-
eral problem of our national relations with China and Japan and
the bearing of these relations upon the still larger question of world
politics. As Darwin traced the failure of white clover in Australia
to the killing of the cats which left the mice free to eat the bumble
bees by means of which the clover was fertilized, so some small
local prejudice against a Japanese laborer or storekeeper on the
Pacific Coast may set in motion the machinery for a war embroiling
the nations of two hemispheres.
With such portentous possibilities it is a real relief to confess
that, so far as the State of Washington is concerned, there is no
great cause for alarm. Whatever may be the temperature in British
Columbia to the north and in California to the south, there is no hot
blood, at the moment of writing, in Washington. Indeed, to some
the discussion of the subject as a "problem" has seemed academic.
A friend, speaking of the excited attempts of a very small group of
exclusionists to rouse feeling on the subject, is reminded of poor
Hood's pathetic remark, when they put the mustard plaster on his
emaciated chest, "Don't you think there is a great deal of mustard
to very little meat?" Twenty-five years ago there was considerable
feeling as to Chinese immigration, the day of the Japanese was not
yet, and riots took place in Seattle and Tacoma which have so far
prevented any large Oriental migration to Tacoma. There are now
no Chinese in that city and only 664 Japanese.
But there is little trace of the old bitterness. Here and there we
have prejudice and dislike. Over-sensitive mothers fear an immoral
influence from Orientals in school with their children. Exclusion
leagues sporadically put forth their posters, "Fire the Japs," but the
proceeding is half-hearted and suggests the need of the exclusionists
themselves being "fired" — with cnthusiam. if they are to make their
cause a live issue. There can he little question that the general
public sentiment of the State of Washington is fairly well ex-
pressed in a recent editorial of the "Post-Intelligencer" (Seattle),
as follows :
"In an extensively advertised article by Mr. Will Irwin, of San
Francisco, 'Pearson's Magazine,' printed in New York, undertakes
(33O
112 The Annals of the American Academy
to tell 'Why the Pacific Slope hates the Japanese.' The title of Mr.
Irwin's article is rather too broad, for to undertake to explain 'why'
the Japanese are 'hated,' is to assume hatred of the race as a fact,
and that is error of a rather mischievous sort.
"It is obviously illogical to assume that because some Americans
on this coast hate some Japanese, or because some Americans hate
all Japanese, that, therefore, on this coast all Americans hate all
Japanese.
"Mr. Irwin is perfectly competent to speak for that portion of
San Francisco which has been under his immediate observation and
study; but he is not authorized to s]:)cak for \\'ashington, or for the
city of Seattle.
"Washington is a part of the Pacific Slope ; but so far as the
vast majority of the men and women of this state are concerned,
there is no hatred of the Japanese, no prejudice against the race, and
no unkindly feeling for members of the race who now reside in this
commonwealth. On their own account, they are perfectly welcome
here.
"But aside from the inherent worth of good Japanese who have
settled in this city and state, a vast majority of the people of Wash-
ington believe that these citizens of Japan should be accorded every
right, privilege and immunity vouchsafed them in the solemn stipu-
lations entered into by the United States government and the gov-
ernment of Japan.
"There may be Japanese problems in California; there is none
here. There may be hatred of Japanese in California, but there is
none here, and 'Pearson's' should be fairer and juster in its con-
clusions than to put Washington in a false attitude."
It is worth noticing, moreover, that during the recent visit to
the Pacific Coast of the Japanese training squadron, imder Vice-
Admiral Ijichi, while in Vancouver, P>. C, under the flag of Japan's
ally, sufficient hostility was shown to prevent a parade of Japanese
sailors under arms ; in Seattle and Tacoma the welcome was of the
warmest, and every appreciation of the sterling qualities of the
Mikado's seamen was manifested.
Of course such a condition of feeling may not be permanent.
Human nature is much the same in Washington as in California.
Some sudden exacerbation of public sentiment might easily lead to
hostile expression. Rut it is sufficiently evident that the hostility.
Frubleni of Oriental h)imigratioii 113
wherever it may manifest itself, is not primarily racial. Dr. Josiah
Royce has recently written:' "Our so-called race problems arc
merely the problems caused by our antipathies." Remembering this,
we can see three or four reasons for the general absence in the
State of Washington of antipathy towards the Orientals:
I. There is the consciousness that the immigration of Orientals
is not now, nor is likely to be in the future, on such a scale as seri-
ously to threaten the disturbance of the labor market. The number
of Chinese now in the state is uncertain. In 1905 a census was com-
menced, but was not completed owing to the filing of protests from
various quarters. So far as taken, I am informed by the inspector of
immigration at this port, Mr. John II. Sargent, there were shown to
be 2,936 Chinese in the state. Of this number 2,225 ^vere laborers,
329 merchants, 264 natives of the state and 118 unclassified. Mr.
Sargent believes the total number is less than 5,000 at the present
time. The distribution, so far as the larger towns are concerned, is
as follows : Seattle, 602 ; Spokane, 268 ; Walla Walla, 220 : Blaine,
221; Anacortes, 218; Port Townsend, 160; Point Roberts, 146:
r)elHngham, 100. In the last named towns the Chinese are employed
chiefly in the salmon canneries during the summer.
\\'ith regard to the Japanese, the figures furnished mc by the
Japanese Consulate are very explicit and show the Japanese popula-
tion of 134 communities in the state. The total number is 9,056, a
much smaller number than is popularly supposed. The distribution,
mentioning again only the larger cities and towns, is as follows :
Seattle, 3,134; Tacoma, 664; Spokane, 447; Bellingham, 150;
Yakima, 149; Olympia, 57: Everett, 17. In some smaller places we
have a larger proportion of Japanese, as. for instance, 403 at Fife,
74 at Walville, 75 at Leavenworth, 90 at Kerriston, 132 at Mukilteo,
103 at Littele, 96 at Startup. In these latter communities the pres-
ence of Japanese is due to local demands for labor in railway con-
struction, canneries, logging camps, etc. In Seattle the bulk of the
Japanese are engaged in mercantile pursuits, restaurants, hotels and
in domestic service.
As to the immigration at present proceeding, we have an annual
average of 700 Chinese entering the United States through the ports
of this district. Of these the large majority are former residents of
the l"^nited States. The new arrivals during the past year have not
'•'Itace Questions and Prejudices." p. 47.
(333)
114 . The Annals of the American Academy
exceeded fifty, and consist of "students, merchants, travelers for
curiosity and pleasure, and officials of the Chinese Government."
With regard to the present rate of Japanese immigration I
cannot do better than quote Mr. Sargent's words : "During the fiscal
year ended June 30, 1908, approximately 4,500 Japanese entered
the United States through ports of this state. Japanese immigration
for the fiscal year ending June 30th, next (1909), will not exceed
one-half of the above number." As Seattle is the principal port
of entry for the Japanese who come to this country it will be seen
that there is no great danger of our being overrun as things are at
present. Passports, since the agreement of June, 1908, between the
State Departments, are now issued to three classes of laborers only,
viz., "former residents of the United States, parents or children of
former residents and settled agriculturists." Not more than twenty-
five have this past year been admitted as "settled agriculturists,"
i. e., as those who own an interest in some farm or farming enter-
prise in the United States. A considerable proportion of the new
arrivals are Japanese women who come to join the husbands to
whom they have already been married in Japan by proxy. On their
arrival they are now re-married according to the laws of the State
of Washington.
2. There is no real fear, as matters stand, of any mischievous
influence, morally and socially, through the presence of Orientals in
the state. I may again quote from Mr. Sargent's letter to me: "At
times in the past when complaints w^ere raised by labor unions, ex-
clusion leagues and ethers as to the number of Japanese arriving
on this coast the department has sent our special officers to investi-
gate. These officers on going aboard our boats found the Japanese
to be young men, bright, active, intelligent, cleanly and well-dressed.
On going ashore they found that none of them were in poor-houses or
supported by charity." The presence of Japanese and Chinese in
our schools and universities is not resented ; they do good work and
graduate with credit. There are now in the schools of Seattle,
forty-seven Chinese (thirty-three boys and fourteen girls), and 242
Japanese (215 boys and twenty-seven girls). Nine Chinese and fifty
Japanese are in high schools. ]\Ir. F. B. Cooper, superintendent of
schools, informs me: "Reports that come to me from the principals
are that both the Japanese and Chinese are unobtrusive and studious,
and that they occasion little or no difficulty so far as the administra-
(334)
Problem of Oriental Iiiiiiii-ration 115
tion of the school is concerned." He writes further, "we experience
no difficulty whatever with either the Japanese or Chinese on moral
grounds. They attend strictly to their own business, those that we
have in school being newcomers to the country and knowing little
or nothing of our language, keep naturally very much to themselves.
The little children are tractable and apt." The state law does not.
as in Oregon and California, forbid intermarriage between Japanese
and whites and such marriages, while not frequent, are not unsuc-
cessful, nor do they, except under extraordinary circumstances,
attract any special attention.
The question of ultimate assimilation is one on which it is diffi-
cult to speak with any certainity. The Japanese themselves are to
such an extent the result of fusion, combining such elements as Ainu,
Alongol, Malay. Negrito, that a strain of white blood is not likely to
diminish their vitality, whatever the Japanese strain may do for the
Caucasian. It is quite certain as Dr. Gulick has shown in his "Evo-
lution of the Japanese," that the differences between Japanese and
Americans are not biological but sociological, due to environment
rather than to unalterable physiological laws. At any rate, the
Japanese element is too small to have an appreciable effect in alter-
ing the American type.
3. There is a very general conviction in Washington that the
commercial interests of the Pacific Northwest demand close touch
with the Orient and its peoples. With our present lack of a mer-
chant marine, it is wise to encourage the commercial enterprise of
the Chinese and Japanese. Their countrymen help to keep up and
develop trade. Unfair treatment is apt to ])roduce boycotts which
are speedily felt by Pacific Coast merchants. Moreover, the stan-
dard of living in the Orient is raised by the example of Orientals
who have had experience of life in American cities, and the raising
of the standard of living in the Orient is the problem of the foreign
merchant. It has been said with truth that to raise the standard
of comfort in China by 50 per cent is to add commercially to the
world's population 200 millions of human beings.
4. Beyond the merely negative sentiment of the causelessness
for alarm and beyond the more or less selfish considerations of the
business man there is growing up the sense of responsibility for
harmonious international relations. The Oriental nations are no
longer regarded as barbarians to be bullied at will. They have the
ii6 • The Annals of the American Academy
right, and the power to enforce the right, to be treated as self-
respecting and honorable members of the great family of nations.
It is felt, therefore, that the Oriental question must be regarded
from a higher point of view than that of merely local and selfish
interests. Of course, were the strain on our patience and good
judgment suddenly intensified there is no telling what might happen,
but at present there can be no doubt that our public men and the
press are alive to the importance of looking at the Oriental problem
from a national and even human point of view.
This much ma}- be said by way of conclusion. In saying that
there is little racial antipathy at present in Washington I have said
less than the truth. On the positive side much is being done towards
the creation of good relations. The Chamber of Commerce in
Seattle has taken an active interest in promoting good feeling be-
tween the merchants of Japan and those of the state, sending and
receiving delegations with accompaniments of the highest courtesy.
The University of Washington is making a good beginning in pro-
viding for instruction in Oriental literature and languages. The
churches, too, are active in the establishment of missions in the
larger towns, and flourishing institutions conducted by six or seven
religious bodies, exist in Seattle for the benefit of Japanese or
Chinese.
Nor is this without result. Commerce is developed with the
Orient itself through the presence of Oriental agents here. Educa-
tion is advanced in Japan and China through the stimulus given by
the graduates of American colleges. Moreover, religious work in
China and Japan is wonderfully stimulated by the work accomplished
amongst Orientals here. Bishop Restarick, of Honolulu has re-
cently said that according to the testimony of Chinese and Japanese
missionaries of long experience the converts in Hawaii, and the same
is even truer of those on the Pacific Coast, arc two or three genera-
tions ahead of the converts in the Orient itself. In such a gradual
moral and intellectual assimilation of the members of alien races lies
our best hope for the future. An iron-bound policy of exclusion
can only keep apart, and that against the course of nature and
against the interests of both sides of the Pacific. The fable of the
clam, which boasted of its security from attack because of its ability
to close its shell, and awoke to find itself on a fish-stall with the
notice above it, "This clam, two cents," is as applicable to other
(33^^)
Problem of Oriental Iiiiniigration
117
countries as to Japan. Frank and honorable relations between the
state departments of Oriental nations and our own, equally removed
from doctrinaire sentimentalism and from pandering to popular
prejudice; intelligent and humane administration of existing laws
respecting immigrants; encouragement of the intercourse which
shall promote mutual understanding and good will— these are the
factors which will make the human more conspicuous than the racial
and link together the two sides of the Pacific with the bonds of
honorable and lasting peace.
(337)
THE EFFECT OF AMERICAN RESIDENCE ON JAPANESE
By Baron Kentaro Kaneko,
Tokio, Japan.
In 1873, Mr. Charles Flint, one of the school committee in
Boston, stated to our Minister at Washington that Japanese students
in America were studious and ambitious ; that they were a credit
to their own country, and at the same time gave a stimulus to
American boys. They were then, he said, simply acorns, but would
surely in the future become the oaks of national power in Japan.
As predicted by the representative of the Boston School Committee,
those Japanese have already become a part of the power which has
made Japan what it is to-day !
However, some years ago there arose a question in Japan
whether Japanese youths should not rather be sent to monarchial
countries in Europe than to the United States, because the latter
is a republic, where educational institutions and society are all
founded upon democratic principles. It was claimed that Japanese
might imbibe radical ideas, which, if not detrimental, are entirely
foreign to the principle of our monarchial nation ; but the result
of work by Japanese who returned from America showed that they
were far more conservative than those educated in Europe. The
men trained in America regularly gained the confidence of their
superiors or employers. Consequently an American school cer-
tificate has been regarded as a strong recommendation for young
men applying for any position in Japan, and they are welcomed
in all the departments of government, as well as in business com-
panies. To-day from the position of minister in the imperial cabi-
net down to managerships of private firms, the positions are nearly
all filled by those who were one time resident in the United States.
Therefore it is often asked why an American education or
sojourn has such an effect upon Japanese? To this I always
answer that American life is full of energy and hope — energ}^
stimulated by hope, and hope attained by work! Moreover, accord-
ing to the psychology of the American people, man is taught to re-
gard work as an end, and that to remain idle is a crime! To live in
Effect of Auicrican Residence on Japanese 119
such an environment has a decidedly beneficial effect upon Japanese.
Besides there is something in the American atmosphere which gives
to a Japanese a new vigor as soon as he steps on American soil,
and makes him ready to meet the fierce struggle of life. It makes
no difference whether his stay in America be long or short, the
Japanese holds fast to his bosom the feeling of gratitude toward
America, which follows him even to the grave !
Many recent travelers after visiting Europe and America have
said that Japanese who have been in America are earnest and active,
and are the best qualified for any responsible position after they
return home. The result of their work in Japan meets fully a
parent's wishes ; and now Japanese fathers are eager to send their
sons and daughters to America, after they finish the studies at our
colleges. Therefore the increase of Japanese in America has very
great weight upon American influence in Japan, and a decrease will
surely bring about a contrary result ! Japanese in America have
already served their country, doing credit to their American educa-
tion, and thus doing honor to the United States. T hope sincerely
that Japanese in America will in tlie future keep up the prestige
already gained, and thereby recruit the American influence in Japan.
C339)
CHINESE LABOR COMPETITION ON THE
PACIFIC COAST
By Mary Roberts Coolidge,
Formerly Associate Professor of Sociology, Stanford University, Cal. ;
Author of "Chinese Immigration" (in press).
In discussing the question of Chinese competition in labor on
the Pacific Coast it is ordinarily assumed that whenever a Chinaman
enters any occupation he necessarily takes the place of an American
or a European foreigner. But this does not at all correctly represent
the true labor situation. The State of California, which contained
three-fourths of the Chinese immigrants until after the exclusion
law was passed, was settled by men drawn by the lure of gold, by
adventurers and speculators of every class and nationality — indus-
trial gamblers, in fact — who had no intention of earning a living
there as laborers or domestics. They came to make no less than a
fortune ; and if they were driven to common tasks temporarily when
their luck failed in mining or in the scarcely less hazardous business
of provisioning camps and importing merchandise, they resented it
and constituted, therefore, an exceptionally discontented and unstable
laboring class. For almost a generation the stratum of society,
which in any long-settled community is filled by those who cook,
clean, wash and sew by those who perform the heavy, drudging
labor fundamental to industrial development, was all but lacking.
There were almost no women or youth who would work even at
exorbitant wages, and until the Kearney period no considerable sup-
pl}' of common laborers. At times the vacuum was partially filled
by those newly-arrived or down on their luck, but all of them would
desert at the news of a new gold-strike or at the chance of any sort
of promising speculation.
The Chinese laborers, therefore, coming almost exclusively
from the free agricultural peasantry of Kwang Tung and Fukien,
were welcome, and, being more enticed by the tales of high wages
than by the golden adventure, fitted naturally into the labor vacuum
left by men of more adventurous disposition. They became — what
they still remain for the most part — gap-fillers — assuming the
(340)
Chinese Labor Coinpctitioit on I'acific Coast 121
menial, petty and laborious work which white men would not do and
for which their experience and their native characteristics especially
prepared them.
The question has, furthermore, p^enerally been discussed with
reference to conditions existing in a few towns and the one large
city, San Francisco ; yet, during three decades of free immigration,
a majority of the Chinamen were in the rural and mountain districts
engaged in domestic, agricultural and general labor and in placer
mining. In these sparsely populated and often very remote regions
their services were acknowledged to be indispensable and only partlx'
filled a demand which has never been supplied by native or foreign
workers. Even in placer mining they worked chiefly the poor and
abandoned claims which white men left untouched and rarely at-
tempted to compete for the higher prizes of fortune.
During the first twenty years of California history there were,
indeed, occasional anti-Chinese movements coincident with political
campaigns, when candidates and agitators catered to the mining vote
by appeals to a natural race antipathy which had been intensified by
the reconstruction measures after the Civil War. But the objection
to the Chinese in the earlier time was a phase of the initial struggle
of the Americans against all foreigners for the control of the mines ;
and somewhat later took the form of a general apprehension of "an
invasion of heathen hordes" rather than complaint of the competition
of Oriental labor. Without rehearsing in detail the proofs, it may
be stated finally that at this period the Chinese were a considerable
and indispensable element in California progress and in no proper
sense competitors of white labor. Even Mr. Samuel Gompers has
granted that up to 1869 the presence of the Chinese "caused no
serious alarm or discomfort to white labor."
But within the decade following the opening of the Central
Pacific Railway the industrial conditions of the Far West were
rapidly altered. The builders of the Southern Pacific, after employ-
ing every available white laborer at good wages, had been compelled
to prepay the passages of thousands of Chinese immigrants in order
to finish the road within the time required by Congress ; and upon
its completion ten thousand whites and Chinese were discharged
upon the western labor market. Shortly afterward the greater ease
of travel, the phenomenal mining stock sales and two successive
vears of abundant rainfall upon which mining and agricultural pros-
122
llic Annals of the American Academy
perity depended, greatly stimulated immigration from the eastern
states. In 1868 and 1869 there came into the state 59,000 white
immigrants — a number more than double the net increase of the ten
years previous. The railway, instead of bringing in a general era
of prosperity, as had been anticipated, opened California markets to
eastern competition and at once reduced profits on local manufac-
tures and commodities, while immigration precipitated the inevitable
fall of wages, which had remained extraordinarily high as a conse-
quence of isolation and the conditions of pioneer mining. Before
western society had become readjusted to these disconcerting results
of closer union with the world the panic of 1873 struck the eastern
states and settled into a prolonged depression. The financial status
of California, being established on a gold basis and chiefly supported
by the mines, was not at first adversely or directly affected; but
indirectly she began to share the disaster through the thousands of
unemploVed who had come from the stagnation of eastern cities to
the land where gold and work were said to be still abundant.
Unfortunately, the white migrants were of a class of which the
state already had an over-supply: factory workers, clerks, semi-
skilled artisans, and men of low-grade city occupations. The records
of the California Labor Exchange, which handled the greater part
of the unemployed in San Francisco from 1868 to 1870, show that
even in those thriving years there was an excessive supply of waiters,
painters, dishwashers, grooms, porters, bookkeepers, salesmen, ware-
housemen and indoor workmen of all kinds, while there was an
unfilled demand for heavy labor on construction works and farms,
for lumbermen and machine blacksmiths, and for women and boys
as cooks and helpers. Fifty per cent of the applicants were Irish,
ten per cent English and Scotch, ten per cent German and only
nineteen per cent native American, of whom a considerable number
must have been of Irish or German parentage. The labor market
continued to be recruited from men of no use in the country and
most of whom would not go there even at wages much above those
to which they had been accustomed.
About 1874 the inevitable fall of wages, so long postponed by
abnormal conditions, began. Measured by the eastern standard, they
were still high throughout the whole Kearney period. From the
California standpoint they were falling terribly ; and to the work-
ingmen they seemed to threaten a less than living wage. In cooking,
(342)
Clititi'sc Labor ioiiif^ctitioii on Pacific Coast
123
sewino- and laundry work they remained through the seventies prac-
tically stationary at three times the average eastern rate. In farm
labor, though falling slowly, they averaged 33 per cent above the
Middle West ; while in those "services on the spot," which are slow
to feel the effects of competition, they remained permanently far
above the standard of older communities. The accompanying table,
covering nineteen trades between 1870 and 1890, demonstrates the
superiority of San Francisco conditions during the national de-
pression :
Comparison of Maximum and Minimum Daily Wages of Nineteen Trades
IN San Francisco and in Eleven Other Cities, 1870-1890.^
■9fr.
Trade,
Blacksmiths $2.70
Blacksmith's helpers . . . 1.59
Boiler makers 2.69
Bricklayers 4.13
Carpenters 2.60
Compositors 2.82
Engineers (R. R.) .... 4.02
Firemen (R. R.) 2.03
Hod carriers 2.20
Iron molders 2.79
Laborers (street) 1.63
Laborers (general) 1.57
Machinists 2.52
^Masons (stone) 3.62
Painters 2.66
Pattern makers 2.98
Plumbers 3. 15
Stone cutters 3.64
Teamsters 1.95
Averages $2.69
:^. _=-2
P2.43
1.41
2.41
3.00
2.28
2.64
349
175
1.58
2.36
1.45
1.40
2.22
2.81
2.16
2.68
2.79
2.66
1.71
Pi
1.27
18
28
13
32
18
53
28
62
43
18
17
30
81
50
30
:^6
98
$3.80
2.34
346
5.00
3.85
3-54
4-79
3.06
300
371
2.50
2.00
336
5.00
372
3.89
3-69
4.11
2.67
$3-33
2.09
3-15
4.00
309
3-27
453
2-54
2.35
340
2.00
1-97
2.95
4.83
300
3-iS
3-55
3.66
2.62
Po.47
•25
•31
1. 00
76
.27
.26
•52
.65
•31
•50
.03
41
.17
72
74
• 14
45
■05
eg
p c u o
■°d5i:
$0.63
.50
46
.13
49
45
•51
.51
•15
.61
■37
.40
43
.21
•34
. 17
.40
.02
.67
$2.27 $0.42 $3.55 $3.13 $0.89 $0.39
It appears that during twenty years the minimum average wage
in San Francisco in eighteen of nineteen trades exceeded the maxi-
'Reprinted from CooHdge, Chincnc Immiaratinn (In press).
Bui. IS, U. S. Dept. of Labor, 1898. Kcarranged.
(343)
124 The Annals of the American Academy
mum average wage in eleven other cities, the total average excess
amounting to thirty-nine cents per day per trade. Nor was this
excess diminished by an appreciable difference in the cost of living.
Nevertheless, during this very period there occurred the labor
outbreak known as Kearneyism, whose animus was concentrated
upon the rich, monopolistic corporations and upon the Chinese.
The movement was in fact a reflection of the wider national labor
agitation, and had its origin in a network of local industrial griev-
ances. The demand for labor was erratic and its conditions un-
stable. When the eastern depression finally made itself felt in Cali-
fornia the check upon industry was intensified by drought, and to
the thousands of eastern unemployed were added more than the
normal number of those who in the West are usually out of work
from December to March. A large number of the immigrants were
such as could not have found work in California even in prosperous
times, and a study of the principal industries suggests that the
situation was greatly aggravated by the extremely intermittent char-
acter of all rural employments. As the rainy season came on the
placer miners, both white and Chinese, returned to the valley towns
and to the coast. Farm laborers had work only from March to July
or August and a few for the short plowing season in early winter,
after -which they, too, drifted into San Francisco. All the indus-
tries dependent on mining and farming suffered the same seasonal
contraction. The failure of winter rainfall, just before the Kearney
uprising, resulted in widespread unemployment and consequent con-
gestion of workers in San Francisco. Then, as now, during the
winter months, certain streets were thronged with idle and dis-
gruntled men, among whom the agitator and the demagogue found
ready listeners. Chinatown as well was filled up with miners, fisher-
men and laborers, to whom were added in February and March the
usual quota of spring immigrants from Hongkong. Men are not
logical when their wages are falling or when they are unemployed —
the mere juxtaposition of thousands of both races, even though
many of them would find abundant and well-paid work in the coun-
try at the opening of the next spring, made it seem evident that
there must be intense competition. Yet the recurring congestion and
lack of work w^as due to climatic and economic conditions with
which the Chinamen had nothing to do.
During the seventies the Chinese had been gradually shifting
(344)
Cliinesc Labor Competition on Pacific Coast 125
from the mining; to the agricultural and urban counties, until, in
1880. about one-third of the whole number were in towns, and from
20,000 to 25,000 in San l-'rancisco at various seasons. It has been
shown that if there was competition anywhere, it was in manufac-
ture, and in the principal city where such factory industries as there
were chiefly existed. In a pamphlet entitled "Meat vs. Rice," pub-
lished by the American Federation of Labor, eight industries are
specifically mentioned as the most important of those from which the
Chinese had driven white labor. Only three of them, however, em-
ployed Chinamen in any considerable numbers and turned out suffi-
cient product to merit any examination. The boot and shoe industry,
the woolen industry and cigar-making' are the manufactures fre-
quently named in anti-Chinese literature as unquestionable examples
of severe competition, and should, therefore, be individually studied.
In the boot and shoe industry there were engaged in the seven-
ties from 1,500 to 2,500 persons, of whom 26 per cent were Irish,
21 per cent Americans and 19 per cent each Germans and Chinese.
The competition, it is evident, must have been lictween the Irish
and German foreigners on the one hand and the Oriental foreigners
on the other, if, as is usual, the overseers and foremen were Amer-
icans. This manufacture, begun as the result of the superior quality
of hides and leatlier in California, suffered a sudden check upon the
finishing of the railway because of the opening of the home market
to eastern producers. Although leather was relatively cheap, it was
shipped east, manufactured and shipped back, and sold at a greater
profit than could be made on home manufactured goods. From
two-thirds to three-fourths of the goods manufactured by the Chi-
nese in San Francisco w-ere made in Chinese shops and sold to their
countrymen, the product being principally coarse boots and shoes for
laborers and cheap slippers. It was said that they never could make
fine footw'ear, but it may be that they, too, found competition with
eastern-made goods unprofitable. The Knights of Saint Crispin, a
union of shoemakers newly organized in the West, demanded that
the manufacturers employ white labor ; but when, under the intimi-
dation of Kearneyism, the substitution was agreed to, it was found
necessary to send east for operatives. Nor did wages ever fall to
the eastern level except in those operations wdiere the Chinese took
the places of the women and children so largely employed in eastern
factories after the introduction of shoe machinery. It is clear that
(345)
126 - The Annals of the American Academy
a local industry, 48 per cent of whose operatives in the east were
women, must have had some considerable advantages to maintain
itself. As a matter of fact, California had only a cheaper raw mate-
rial and Chinese labor — which was paid about the same as women
elsewhere — to oppose to the generally cheaper labor and much
cheaper fuel and capital of eastern producers. Even with its local
advantages the industry throve only for a short time, and the Chi-
nese manufacture in Chinese shops declined as rapidly as the Amer-
ican. In 1870 this industry ranked fourth in the state; by 1893 its
production had declined to less than half what it had been, and at
present it has not even a place among the sixteen leading industries.
The woolen industry has a similar history. Established in 1867
by a Scotchman because of the superiority of California wool, it
employed at its height about 1,000 operatives.- It was never able to
compete with the eastern product in certain lines and in the others
only paid dividends after the Chinese began to be employed. Cali-
fornia was employing only one woman and one youth to nineteen
men (both white and Chinese), while the other states were employ-
ing in this manufacture one woman and one child to every two to
five men. A comparison of the wages of different classes of em-
ployees, from 1867 to 1880, in the East and the Far West shows that
the total average wage of the eight classes in which Chinese were
engaged was exactly the same as of the same classes in seven other
states ; while the average of nine other classes in which white men
were employed was one dollar per day higher in California than
elsewhere. Even with Chinese labor the wages of California woolen
factories never reached the lower level of the East. Between 1880
and 1890 the industry began to decline, the number employed fell
from 819 to 125, and its product dwindled from $1,700,000 to
$350,000.
The third trade, cigar-making, in which the Chinese are said to
have superseded Americans has had almost as disastrous a history.
Established in the West by Germans, in 1870 it was employing from
2,000 to 2,500 persons and a few years later perhaps twice as many.
It had fallen almost wholly into the hands of the Chinese and the
scale of wages was about ten per cent less than those of eastern
and southern establishments. In 1877 the statistics of seventeen
white firms in San Francisco, most of them German, show a total
of 263 Chinese earning $2.75 per day; and 133 more $3.00 per day;
(346)
Chinese Labor Coiiipetitioit on Paeific Coast 127
while 2,800 Chinese were employed by Chinese manufacturers at
fifty cents to $1.25 per day and board. In 1878, at the demand of
tlie \\'hite Labor League, most of the white firms agreed to replace-
all Chinese with white labor at union wages in order to give the
unemployed work. It was at once disclosed that there were very
few cigar makers out of work in San Francisco and the unions sent
East for several hundred men, many of whom ultimately returned
to the East or left the trade for more alluring occupations in Cali-
fornia. In spite of the gradual re-engagement of many Chinese
the industry rapidly declined, owing, it is said, to the severe competi-
tion of Eastern tenement-house and Cuban labor. As in the case
of the shoe industry, the Chinese manufacture also declined, and
in 1891, the Hong Tuck Tong — Chinese Cigar Makers' Union — had
only one-fourth as many members as formerly.
The history of these three factory industries in which the
Chinese were largely employed, and of many small ones, shows that,
except in cigar-making, wages did not reach the level of Eastern
manufacture. The relatively low wages in them were probably due
to the narrow margin of profit and to the impossibility of permanent
success under local conditions. It does not appear that anv number
of white men were displaced by Chinese ; but undoubtedly the pre-
sence of a large number of white immigrants unfitted for California
occupations, as well as of Chinese who could be had more cheaplv.
hastened the fall of wages from the pioneer standard to a level
approaching that of the rest of the country. Yet without the
Chinese some of these manufactures would not have survived at all.
If it be contended that white men were driven to accept "Chinese
wages" still the inexorable fact of Eastern competition has to be
reckoned with. The unanswerable fact is that whereas these three
manufactures once ranked among the leading ones of the state, their
combined product in 1906 was not as much as that of one of its
sixteen principal industries. If the Chinese excluded white labor
from them originally then it may now be argued that the exclusion
of the Chinese has killed the industries. But neither hypothesis
can be sustained ; rather we must suppose that certain kinds of manu-
facture in California were premature and their decline due to causes
only remotely connected with the labor supply.
One other contention — that the Chinese took the places of wo-
men and boys — may be briefly considered, although it scarcely seems
(347)
128 . The Annals of the American Academy
to require demonstration that in a region where there were, even
in 1880, only three females to five males of all races; and only one
child of school age to every three or four adults, such women and
youth as wished to work could not fail to find w^ork when there
was work for anyone. During the Kearney period women consti-
tuted less than six per cent of the total numher in gainful occupa-
tions ; and about fifty per cent of those in the sewing trades in which
the Chinese were ten per cent. The wages of women in every line
of household labor and in the sewing trades were and have remained
far higher than anywhere else in the United States. It is true that
Chinamen performed a large part of the domestic labor in California,
but always at wages higher than those of w'omen and with an ever-
rising demand, until at present a Chinese cook is a luxury that only
the rich can afiford.
In the discussion of Chinese labor competition only two con-
spicuous qualities of the Chinese laborer himself are commonly
mentioned: his thrift and his laborious patience; yet he has several
other characteristics of even greater pertinence to the question.
Free Chinese labor never remains "cheap" for any great length of
time. In California the Chinamen are receiving on the average
twice as much in wages as in 1882 and more than similar classes
of naturalized Europeans. They are not only organized more
thoroughly and minutely into unions than Americans but they have
an adaptability and a keenness which enable them to distribute them-
selves quickly to the districts and the occupations where competition
is least and wages highest. They have left factory labor and
washing because wages were too low, although the Chinese laundry-
men are paying twace the wages they paid twenty years ago. In
fact among the fifty or sixty thousand remaining in California, most
of whom were originally laborers, a majority are now the owners of
small independent businesses or employed in cooperative undertak-
ings. In Hawaii, where the Chinese are preferred to any other
class of common labor, it is the complaint that the Chinamen will
not remain laborers and now expect to make white men's profits in
their business enterprises.
Again, it is a mistake to suppose that the Chinaman lives
penuriously on rice and wholly without meat. He does, indeed, live
within his income, but, because of his industry, intelligent ambition
and thrift, he generallv has money in his pocket, and no man likes to
(348)
Chinese Labor Competition on Pacific Coast 129
spend it for good food and for pleasures more than he. Professor
Jaffa has concluded from an exhaustive study of the dietaries of
three groups of Chinese — washnien, truck-gardeners and students, —
that their food is quite as nutritious and more varied than that of
white workingmen, small tradesmen and farm-hands in the same
region. The somewhat lower cost he attributes to less wasteful
habits and greater skill in preparation, on the part of the Orientals.
The ability to cook, sew and wash for himself, as the white laborer
can seldom do satisfactorily, is also a considerable advantage both
to the employer and to the Chinaman in the homeless life he leads.
His native thrift and his moderation both in his pleasures and his
vices enable him to endure with less danger of degeneration the
effects of intermittent employment.
The enumeration of the Chinese laborer's industrial virtues
would seem to render him a dangerous competitor of the white
laborer, but as a matter of fact he never became one, except to an
infinitesimal degree in California, partly because of the lack of any
other distinct laboring class in number sufficient to supply the ever-
increasing demand, and partly because of the intelligent ambition
of the Chinaman himself, which soon took him out of the laboring
class. Certain personal characteristics also prevented him from
attempting competition in lines where aggressiveness was required.
The Chinaman, though keen and industrious and saving, is timid
and conservative, intelligently preferring moderate wages in peace
to a job which he must fight for. He is usually a married man with
a wife and parents in China, to whom he wmII be devoted throughout
the enforced absence of years and to whom he will return as soon
as he has saved enough capital to insure a comfortable business at
home. When he remains here and brings over a wife, he may not
lose his native characteristics, but he will try to raise his children
by education into a higher class and insist upon making good Amer-
icans of them.
From the time of the Scott act (1888). when the Chinese
laborers in California began to decline perceptibly in numbers, there
have been many attempts to fill their places. Except immediately
after the panic of 1893, there has been a temporary and in some
localities a permanent "labor famine" every season, while wages
have been rising. The substitutes for the vanishing Chinamen are
vari-colored — Negroes, Apache and Yaqui Indians, Mexicans and
(349)
130 ■ The Amials of the American Academy
Cholos, Italians, Greeks, Austrians and Portuguese, Hawaiians and
Hindoos, Porto Ricans, Filipinos, and lastly Japanese. Since the
work of California must be done somehow and by someone, it may
be questioned whether the dangers of Chinese competition in labor
are greater than those likely to be encountered from most of these
other races, whose assimilative power is even less than that of the
Chinaman, and who certainly have far less industrial efficiency.
(350)
THE LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF EXCLUSION
LEGISLATION
By Chester Lloyd Jones, Ph.D.,
Intructor in Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
The laws passed in various countries restricting Oriental immi-
gration are of two classes, relating to coolie labor and regulating
the general immigration of Oriental races. Experiments with coolie
labor have been made under many conditions and satisfactory results
have often been obtained, especially in tropical countries, where the
white man cannot do heavy work. But in the temperate zones the
presence of the coolie is always unwelcome to the white laborer,
whom he undersells, and if provision is not made for his return to
his native country at the end of his labor term he soon becomes
quite as objectionable to the white employer as to the laboring
classes. Ilis economic advantages soon enable him to leave the
rough work for which he was engaged and to push his way through
artisanship to conunerce and manufacture. When that occurs the
upper classes of the dominant race begin to see their own field
encroached upon and the legislation becomes of the second class —
that directed against the general immigration of Oriental races. ^
Through this development the United States has passed, for
though nominally we have prohibited coolie labor since the days of
the Burlingame treaty, it must be admitted that through much of
the time the employment of Chinese was under the control of con-
tractors who only veiled the conditions of employment in such a
way as to avoid the terms of the treaty. Then as the Chinese who
had served their terms and those who came of their own free will
entered the various occupations, the laborers and at last the whole
west coast population, cried out for general exclusion, which now
they would have extended to cover Japanese. Koreans and even the
Aryan Hindoo, as well as the despised Chinaman.
The immigration from China — the first to start from tiie Orient
— in the beginning caused no comment. It grew but slowly. In the
»See disciiPKion of Orientiil Labor in South Africa, elscwliere in this vohime.
Peru Is poins through the same experience. A decree was issued May 14. 1900.
suspending Chinese immigration pending action by the Congress.
(351)
132 The Annals of the American Academy
period 1820-40 there were but eleven arrivals ; the next twelve years
brought but thirty-five. In 1854 came the first notable increase.
13,110 entering- California in that year. Locally prejudice began to
crystallize against the newcomers, but the government at Washing-
ton was complacent in the belief that no fear was justified, for the
Chinese came only to earn money and return, seldom bringing their
wives. It regarded "adverse legislation" as "not at all likely."^
There was, up to 1870, only an occasional entry from Japan. The
Secretary of Agriculture favored Orientals for rough work, they
"would really operate only as labor-saving machinery does."^ The
Burlingame treaty was adopted in 1869 with no protest. It was
still felt that a regulation of coolie labor was all that was necessary.
California, however, was soon convinced that restriction was
needed. On December 22, 1869, an unsuccessful efifort was made
to secure action by Congress.* In 1872 the legislature instructed
the representatives in Congress to urge the making of a treaty which
should discourage Chinese immigration.''^ Similar action was taken
two years later. ^' Congress finally appointed a joint special com-
mittee to investigate Chinese immigration in the summer of 1876.
The committee, in its report of over 1,200 pages, reached no definite
recommendations, though the tone of the report was anti-Chinese.
The evidence was confused and conflicting. California was held to
have advanced more rapidly through the presence of the Chinese,
they were found to live in unsanitary quarters, and their "many
young children," were provided with no education.^
From this time on protest and defense became continuous. The
legislature of California in 1877 protested to Congress against the
social, moral and political efifect of Chinese immigration.^ The male
adults almost equaled the voting population of the state. "No
nation, much less a republic, can safely permit the presence of a
large and increasing element among its people which cannot be
assimilated." On the other hand, the congressional committee's re-
^Honse Exec. Doc, 3d Sess., 41st Cong., Vol. 13, pp. 572-6.
»IMd.
<Spe House Report, 45th Cong., Sd Sess., No. 62.
»nouse Misc. Doc, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.. No. 120.
"House MIsc Doc, 4.^d Cong., 1st Sess., 204. See also protest from Beaver
County, Pa., against the importation of 165 Chinese by a cutlery company. House
Misc. Doc, 42d Cong., 3d Sess., No. 181.
'Senate Report, 44th Congress, 2d Sess., No. 689.
silouse Misc. Doc, 45th Cong.. Ist Sess.. No. 0.
(352)
Legislative History of Exclusion Legislation 133
port is impun£:^efl as ex parte and larp^ely mistaken." The Chinese are
defended for the work tliey did which made the transcontinental
roads possible and for the draining- of over a million acres of tule
k.nds in California, which, without them, would have remained
waste. ^" It is pointed out that in California the Chinese pay school
taxes, but they are excluded from the schools — only one little girl
out of over 3,000 was studying- in a public school. In Congress bills
were introducetl for placing a head tax of $250.00 on each Chinese
immigrant and making evasion of the tax a crime punishable by
five years' hard labor in the state prison." The legislature in 1878
again appealed to Congress for relief,'- and a house committee re-
ported that China "was separated from us by a comparatively narrow
ocean," the rates on which had by competition fallen from fifty
dollars to twelve ; that as a result the Chinese worked on the Pacific
Coast for from twenty to thirty cents a day, slept in crowded quar-
ters "like sardines in a box" and were unassimilable, and, therefore,
undesirable as an element of our population." China, it is asserted,
does not favor emigration, hence there is no fear of international
difificulty. "But were it otherwise the harmony and perpetuity of our
social and political institutions" could not be weighed against any
advantage of Chinese commerce. Thus early was the importance
of keeping California "a white man's country" an impelling motive
in the movement for restriction urged by these repeated appeals.
Congress finally decided not to wait longer for action by the
treaty power. "So long a period of non-action proved either the
non-willingness or the inability of the treaty-making power to cope
with the question. . . . This whole question is not one of right,
but one of policy." The house passed a bill limiting the number of
passengers which might be brought by any one vessel to fifteen.
The senate amended by stipulating for abrogation of two articles
of our treaty with China. President Hayes vetoed this bill because
it would force us to break the faith of a treaty — and would expose
our citizens in China to retaliation. He believed that a modification
of the treaty would be willingly assented to by China.^' Accord-
•Sen.tte Misc. Doc, 2d Sess., 45th Cong., No. 20.
^"11 id.
"Senate Misc. Doc, 2d Sess., 45th Cong.. No. ''O.
'-House Misc. Doc. 45th Cong., 2d Sess.. No. '20, February 4, 1878.
"House Report, 4.-)th Cong., 2d Sess., No. 240, February 25, 1878.
"House Report. 45th Cong., 3d Sess.. No. 02.
'"House Exec Doc. 4.".th Conp:.. 3d Sess., No. 102. Mnrch 10. 1879.
(353)
134 The Annals of the American Academy
ing-ly, the following year negotiations for change of the treaty were
undertaken. ^"^ Meanwhile California had submitted the question of
exclusion to a popular vote. The result indicates the popular feel-
ing. Within 4,000 of the entire state vote was cast, of which number
154,638 votes were against and 883 in favor of Chinese immigra-
tion. "The result of such a verdict comes up to the American Con-
gress with a degree of force that cannot safely be resisted," reported
the select committee charged with investigating the causes for the
existing depression of labor in 1880. So important apparently did
they think this question that their report deals only with Chinese
immigration, though the instructions were to investigate all reasons
for the depression of the labor market. The discussion presented,
though prejudiced throughout, gives a good idea of the state of
public opinion at the time in the coast states — from which came the
majority of the members of the committee. ^^ "The Sierra Nevadas
now mark the pagan boundary. Let us make a solemn decree that
beyond that high boundary the invading swarm must stop."^^
The treaty of November 5, 1881, aimed to stop this ill feeling
by providing that the United States might "regulate, limit or sus-
pend" "the coming of Chinese laborers . . . but (might) not
absolutely prohibit it." Congress was in a spirit to exercise the
maximum of the power thus granted and passed a bill suspending
immigration for twenty-five years. Like its predecessors, the meas-
ure was vetoed. President Arthur declared neither party contem-
plated a prohibition of so long a term. He stated in his message
to Congress, "I regard this provision of the act as a breach of our
national faith. "''^ The bill failed to pass over the veto,-" and at once
other bills providing for ten, sixteen and twenty-year periods of
exclusion were introduced. Finally a compromise between the legis-
lature and the executive was reached in the bill approved May 6,
1882. It was a measure framed by the representatives of the three
states and two territories most affected, "all the talent of the Pacific
Coast (being) enlisted in its drafting."-^ The immigration of Chi-
"House Exec. Doc, 46th Cong., 2d Sess., No. 70.
"House Report, 46th Cong., 2d Sess., No. 572, March 19, 1880.
"/bid.
i^Senate Exec. Doc, 47th Cong., 1st Sess., No. 148, April 4. 1882. See also
House Report, 47th Cong., 1st Sess., No. 67, January 26, 1882 ; House Report,
47th Cong., 1st Sess.. No. 1017, April 12, 1882.
i^House Report, 47th Cong., 1st Sess., No. 1017, Part II. April 14. 1882.
siHouse Report, 48th Cong., 1st Sess., No. 614. March 4, 1884.
(354)
Lcgisliitivc Ilisti>ry of llxihisioti I.t\^islation 135
nese laborers was suspended for ten years, except of such as were
in the United States November 17, 1880, or should come within
ninety days after the passage of the bill. Those lawfully in the
United States could return to China without losing the right of
entry here by taking out a "return certificate" at the port in the
United States whence they sailed. Great difficulty at once arose in
administering the law, some of its provisions could not be executed,
others were easy of evasion and in some cases there was great cor-
ruption in the sale by the immigration officers of certificates entitling
a man to return to the United States.-- Minor amendments to the
law were added July 5, 1884.
From the first this law did not satisfy the West, which had had a
free hand in its framing. In March, 1886, an anti-Chinese state con-
vention was held in Sacramento to memorialize Congress in favor
of absolute prohibition.-''' Numerous riots due to race prejudice
occurred in all the western states.-* At Rock Springs, Wyoming, a
night attack by 150 armed men was made upon the Chinese, their
houses were plundered and then burned, the Chinese were pursued
and shot "like a herd of antelopes, making no resistance." In many
towns in California they were driven out, sometimes without notice,
in other cases after warning ; at some seaports they were forced on
board boats returning to China. The local authorities regularly
refused to interfere to prevent or punish abuse of the Orientals.
President Cleveland, in a message asking Congress to pay damages
as an act of friendship, a suggestion later acted upon, asserted that
"the proceedings in the name of justice for the ascertainment of
the crime and fixing the responsibility therefor were a ghastly
mockery of justice."
Such conditions were not to be borne. In 1886 China undertook
to prohibit the coming of laborers to this country and later agreed
to a treaty which would allow the United States a free hand in the
matter. In the expectation that his agreement would be ratified.
Congress undertook thoroughgoing exclusion legislation. At the
last moment, however, China took action which was held to indicate
a desire to block the negotiations indefinitely.^"^ On that account
===See e3pGciallj- House Exec. Doc, 4Sth Cong., 2d Sess., Xo. 214.
23Senate Misc. Doc, 40th Cong.. 1st Sess., No. 107, April 28, ISSG.
=*House Exec Doc, 4nth Cong., Ist Sess., 102. Message of President Cleve-
land Rives numerous instances.
"^Senate Exec. Doc, 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Xo. 273.
(355)
136 Tlie Annals of the American Academy
President Cleveland decided to approve the bill which had been
intended to be supplemental to the treaty, alleging that the United
States was called upon "to act in advance by the exercise of its
legislative power."-*'
The act of 1888 excluded all Chinese except certain classes, such
as officials, teachers, merchants or travelers. Even such could come
only after getting permission of the home government and an iden-
tification slip issued by the consular representatives of the United
States at the port of sailing. Chinese laborers already in this coun-
try, except if they had a family or property worth $1,000, could not
return if they left the United States. Those having these qualifica-
tions could return within one year upon producing the return certifi-
cates which it was provided should be issued at their departure.
This law, like that of 1882, was evaded. Fraudulent certificates,
smuggling across the borders of Canada and Mexico, and abuse of
transit privileges were alleged as the most frequent abuses.-^ To
meet this difficulty Congress at once took up measures for the
enumeration of all Chinese in the country and providing that all not
having certificates should be deported.-^
No law on this subject was passed, however, until 1892. The
exclusion proper rested on the act of 1882, which, by the ten-year
limitation, was then soon to go out of force. To avoid this possi-
bility the Geary act was passed, continuing in force all anti-Chinese
legislation for another decade. The changes which had been urged
were also incorporated. It was provided that all Chinese mtist have
certificates to prove their right to remain. If any were found
illegally within the United States they were to be deported, unless
some good reason for not having procured the certificate was shown
and actual residence at the time the law was passed could be proven
by at least one witness other than Chinese.^^
The Chinese employed counsel — among whom was Hon. Rufus
Choate — to contest the constitutionality of this law. By advice they
did not register, and when the court had rendered its decision up-
««Act of September 13, 1888, c. 1015, 25 Stat. 476 ; see also act of October 1,
1888, c. 1064, 25 Stat. 504.
^'Senate Exec. Doc, 51 Cong., 1st Sess., No. 97.
2ssenate Exec. Doc, 51st Cong.. 1st Sess., No. 106; Senate Misc Doc, 51st
Cong., 1st Sess., No. 123, April 9, 1890; House Report, 51st Congress, 1st Session,
No. 486, February 27, 1890; House Report, 51st Cong., 1st Sess., No. 2915, and
House Report, 51st Cong., 2d Sess., No. 4078.
■»Act of May .%. 1S92. c 60. 27 Stat. 25. See House Exec Doc. 52d Cong., 1st
Sess., No. 224.
(356)
Legislative History of Exclusion Legislation 137
holding the law the time for registering was passed. x\ll were.
therefore, technically liable to deportation ; so, to relieve this situa-
tion, Congress extended the registration period for six months.
Additional rules were also provided, and to aid identification it was
required that the return certificates be accompanied by a photograph
of the recipient.^"
The following year a new treaty with China embodied prac-
tically the items of the Geary act and abolished the provision of the
act of 1888, by which laborers leaving the United States were denied
the ]irivilege of return. It was to last for ten years, at the end of
which time, in 1904, China declined to renew it. In the meantime
Hawaii had been annexed and the exclusion laws were extended to
that territory by the "act to provide a government for the territory,"
approved April 30, 1900.^^ The second period for which the exclu-
sion act of 1882 was being enforced had also come to an end. As
that time approached interest in the exclusion laws had again become
intense on the Pacific Coast, especially under the lead of the Amer-
ican Federation of Labor.^- Typical of public opinion also was a
convention held in San Francisco November 21, 1901, composed of
state, county and city officers and representatives of trade organiza-
tions to the number of 3,000. It voted unanimously for exclusion. ^^
The Chinese minister, on the other hand, exerted his influence
through the Department of State in opposition to the re-enactment
of the discriminating legislation.^* The minister particularly ob-
jected to the harsh administration of the laws by the Treasury De-
partment, especially since 1898. He showed that the act was origi-
nally aimed at laborers only, but that the government now excluded
every one not specifically named in the exempt classes, including
even bankers, physicians and other classes, against whom the law
was never intended to act. A protest against the inclusion of
Hawaii was made on the ground that it could never be a field for
exploitation by Anglo-Saxon laborers. A similar objection was
raised to the act of General Otis in extending the exclusion acts to
the Philippines.
s'llouse Report, 53d Cong., 1st Scss., No. 7, October 4. 1S03 : Act of Noveniler
3, 1803, c. 14, 28 Stat. 7.
a'Senato Ueport, u.jth Cong., .'id Sess., No. 16.">4. February 13, 1899. See also
U. S. Statutes, 1897-8, p. 731, and House Doc. 56th Cong., 2d Sess.. No. 464.
8=Senate Doc, 57th Cong., 1st Sess.. No. 137.
"Senate Doc. 57th Cong., 1st Sess.. No. 191.
"Senate Doc, 57th Cong.. 1st Sess.. No. 162.
138 The . Iinials of the American Academy
r>ut ihe country had 1)y this time become accustomed to the
exclusion acts and Congress was satisfied with their principle. There
was no ditificulty in inducing the legislature to accede to the demand
for the indefinite extension of the life of the laws by the act of
April 22, 1902.-''"' This law expressly extended the legislation to all
the island territories and prohibited the emigration of Chinese from
them to the continental United States or from islands to other islands
not of the same group. In fact, this rule had been applied in the
Philippines since an order issued by General Otis in September, 1899.
Certificates of residence were also required in the insular possessions.
This law is the last important one affecting Chinese immigra-
tion. The general policy indicated by the various acts is, judging
from the present state of public opinion, not likely soon to undergo
further important change. Such modifications as have been intro-
duced during the last seven years have been in the direction of
making the administration of the laws stricter and toward a nar-
rower construction of the meaning to be placed upon the words
describing the privileged classes.
The reasons for this condition are of two sorts. The people at
large, now that a saner attitude toward all our racial questions is
developing, are less to be aroused by appeals to abstract equal
rights. The presence of elements not easily assimilable among our
population has made the public look askance at any action which
may introduce another element that may complicate the problem of
adjustment. In the Far West the subject is of course a local one
and correspondingly acute. There the appeal to keep California a
"white man's country" has a greater immediate force on public
opinion. Exclusion is there anything but an academic question.
In the East, due to the small number of Orientals in the laboring
population, interest is less lively. It is an indication of increasing
class consciousness that in both sections of the country the laboring
classes are the most alive to what Oriental labor means for the
white man. Their interests are the ones which will be affected first.
For these reasons we can probably look forward to a long period
during which our legislation on Oriental immigration will undergo
but slight change — unless it be in the direction of further restric-
tion and the inclusion of other races besides the Chinese. That
such a development may occur or is perhaps in process is clearly
"^\ct of April 2-2, 1902, c. 641, 32 Stat. 176.
(358)
Legislative History of Exclusion Lci^islatioii 139
indicated by the recent agitation on the coast to make the exclusion
laws apply to all Oriental immiiii^rants.
For the present an agreement has been reached which may put
off or remove altogether the possibility of legislation against Japan-
ese laborers. Japan, like China before her, professedly does not want
her emigrants to go to the United States. The desire to get a pre-
ponderant influence in Korea and perhaps in Manchuria prompts the
government to turn thither all those who leave the home country.
Indeed, for some time past it has been the custom of Japan not to
issue passports to laborers desiring to go to the United States, but
since no restriction was placed on emigration to Hawaii, Canada
and Mexico, the regulation was ineffective.
The agitation on the Pacific Coast, which became acute in 1906,
forced the attention of Congress to the fact that legislation similar
to that in force against the Chinese was being demanded for Japan-
ese immigrants. The excitement was for the time at least allayed
by an expedient included in the immigration act of 1907. Placing
reliance on the continuation of Japan's policy as regards emigration
noted above, Congress authorized the President to exclude from
continental United States any immigrants holding passports not
specifically entitling them to enter this country. On March 14, 1907^
the President exercised this right by an executive order applying to
Japanese laborers coming from Mexico, Canada or Hawaii.'"
Due to this arrangement, the local legislation which caused the
excitement was withdrawn, and the "Japanese question" was for the
moment out of politics. It is by no means certain, however, that the
seeds of future disagreement are removed The current disputes
as to the efficiency of the executive arrangement show that the west
coast is in earnest and even yet is not fully satisfied that all which
should be done has been accom]ilished. The whole subject of Japan-
ese immigration is one which calls for careful settlement by a treaty
which shall at the same time avoid antagonizing a proud nation and
remove an clement which unregulated can hardly avoid causing
increasing uneasiness and ill feeling on the west coast.
"Americiin .Toiirnal International Law, I, p. 450.
(359)
HOW CAN WE ENFORCE OUR EXCLUSION LAWS?
By Marcus Braun,
Immigrant Inspector, Department of Commerce and Labor, Washington, D. C.
From the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean we have, I beHeve, on
the Canadian border, a stretch of about 4,000 miles ; the southern
boundary from Brownsville to Tia Juana is, I believe, about 2,500
miles long, making a total of about 6,500 miles. On these two
borders the United States Government maintains an immigrant in-
spection service consisting of perhaps all told 300 officers and other
employees. These officers and employees, generally speaking, are a
fine body of men, well trained and usually very much devoted to the
service. At their disposal are the various laws and regulations which
read very smoothly and which in theory are excellent. When it
comes to practical enforcement, it is a different thing.
The best guarded border line that I know of in any country is in
Russia, where the government places at every unerst (about nine-
tenths of an English mile) an armed guard, day and night in three
shifts for every twenty-four hours. These Russian frontier guards
have the most far-reaching power and authority, they can arrest any-
body who crosses the frontier, whether in possession of papers or not ;
they have a right to shoot, to kill, and yet, with this immense appa-
ratus at their disposal, there are thousands and thousands of people
smuggled out of Russia and smuggled into Russia. How much
easier must be the smuggling of aliens across our northern and
southern boundary lines. I am not in possession of the latest statis-
tical data as to how many Japanese and Chinese officially entered
within the last year into the United States, but I am sure that no
matter how large or small the number is, many more entered the
country surreptitiously.
The smuggling of Chinamen and Japanese is a regular profes-
sion on these two border lines ; it is not a very risky undertaking,
and it pays very well, from $25.00 to $200.00 per head. When I
say that it is not a risky undertaking, I mean to indicate thereby
that the smuggler of Chinamen and Japanese on the two borders
very seldom crosses the border line ; he merely brings his wards to
the border and he tells them to run across. True, there may be on
(360)
Enforcement of lixchision Laws 141
the American side someone or several persons who will show the
way to these smuggled Chinamen and Japanese further, but if those
men are caught, we can hardly get them convicted of having
smuggled these Orientals into the country, because they merely
picked them up on American soil and showed them the way.
Another bad feature is that the highly technical rules govern-
ing the admission of evidence before our tribunals make it many
times almost impossible to secure convictions, aye, far worse, many
Chinamen who were smuggled into the country during the night at
some convenient place, have had and have the audacity to present
themselves the next morning at the office of our Chinese inspector
in charge, with an affidavit, made by someone in some interior city
of the United States, in which affidavit it usually is stated that so
and so is a merchant or a laundryman, residing for the last ten or
fifteen years, to the knowledge of the affiant, in that particular city,
and that so and so went on a pleasure trip or on a business trip to
some particular place on or near the border line. Armed with such
an affidavit, the Chinaman asks our Chinese inspector in charge to
endorse his paper, in order that he may not be held up at the railroad
station when trying to board a train to some interior point.
Experience has shown that when the inspector in charge refuses
to make an endorsement on such a manufactured document, and
places the Chinaman under arrest, he is subsequently admitted by
the courts and commissioners, and thus becomes the possessor of a
regular court document which is incontestable, and which is con-
sidered by the smuggling craft a far better and safer document than
a bona Hdc Chinese certificate of residence.
As far as the Japanese are concerned, we are still worse off ;
there is no such thing as a Japanese exclusion law ; by a proclama-
tion of the President of the United States, the entry of Japanese
laborers from Mexico and Canada is now prohibited if these Japan-
ese are not in possession of passports from their government
entitling them to go to the United States. When I made an investi-
gation on the Mexican border concerning the enforcement of this
order there, I found that the Japanese simply threw away their
passports and crossed the border line at some convenient point, and
once they were in the country it was next to impossible to get them
out again, unless we could have them positively identified as having
entered surreptitiously.
(361)
142 Tlic Annals of the American Academy
The topographical conditions on these two border Hnes make
it easy for Japanese to smuggle themselves into the country or to be
smuggled in, and the absence of any registration laws such as obtain
in every European country with the exception of England, and
obtain particularly in Asiatic countries, is a great assistance to
smuggled aliens. If we really want to keep out Chinese, Japanese,
and in fact other undesirable aliens, we will have to change our laws.
In the first place, we need an alien registration law, that is to say,
every alien should be required to bring with him a passport from
his own government, possibly with a photograph to avoid the sub-
sequent selling or exchanging the same, it should be required that
the aliens keep on their person their passport which should be
stamped at the time of their arrival, and that until they become citi-
zens of the United States, they should be required to register their
residence either with the local police or with a special bureau to be
created for that purpose. They should also be held to notify
promptly these authorities of any change of residence, and the pen-
alty for failure to do so should be made very severe. Americans going
abroad to take up their residence in foreign countries are compelled
to do the same thing, and I do not see why we could not require
aliens who come to the United States for continued or temporary
sojourn to do likewise. The enactment of such a law would not only
keep out inadmissible Orientals, but would keep out other undesir-
able aliens also.
As I stated before, our immigration service is composed of ex-
cellent men, our central organization at Washington is most perfect,
but our laws are inadequate, and as far as the Chinese situation is
concerned, positively bad. The Chinese exclusion law ought to be
taken out of the hands of the United States commissioners and
United States courts. The Secretary of the Department of Com-
merce and Labor ought to be the sole judge of whether a Chinaman
has a right to be in the United States or not, the same as he is the
sole judge of the right of any other alien to be in this country.
(362)
ENFORCEMENT OF THE CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW
By James Bronson Reynolds,
New York.
On the twenty-ninth day of the eleventh moon of Peng Ng
year, that is, January 13, 1907, there appeared on the walls of many
buildings in the Chinese quarter of Singapore a declaration from
which I take the following statement: "In America we are one and
all ill-treated as if we were criminals, no distinction being made
between officials, merchants, students and ordinary people. There
the disgrace inflicted upon us may be said to be carried to its fullest
limit. . . . Given by Lam Hong Wai, the man who proposes
to revive the boycott." The signer of this declaration was a well-
known, prosperous Chinese merchant of Singapore, and his judg-
ment on the American Bureau of Immigration, I am informed,
voiced the general sentiment of intelligent Chinamen.
A few months previous to the above pronunciamento, I was
visited by a Chinese merchant, who told me the following experi-
ence of a brother merchant of New York. A son of the latter,
born in this country, hence entitled under the law to live here, had
gone to Canton to receive a Chinese education. On the completion
of his studies he returned to this country. Upon reaching San
Francisco, in spite of the fact that he was a first-class passenger
and carried papers establishing his American birth, he was stopped
and confined in the "pen," the rough quarters in which detained im-
migrants were lodged. Upon his detention he wired his father, who
at once started for San Francisco. The father found on arrival
that his son had been ordered deported. The father retained an
American lawyer, who appealed from the local decision on the case
to the higher immigration authorities in Washington. Two days
later the father was visited by a Chinese interpreter in the service
of the American government, who told him that he had wasted
time in appealing to Washington and that fifty dollars given to
tlic right man would have "fixed" the case. The interpreter stated
subsequentlv that even then one hmidred dollars would arrange the
144 The Annals of the American Academy
matter. This amount was promptly paid and the next day the
father and son started east.
Similar incidents were told me by Chinese merchants and
officials as well as by American missionaries. Some of their tales
were well substantiated ; some were of doubtful truth. But unfor-
tunately the fiction was not more discreditable than the truth. An
able Chinese governor, since made viceroy, stated to me that
though he desired to send students from his province to America,
he was deterred from doing so by the treatment accorded to Chinese
students at American ports of entry.
In his annual message to Congress in 1905, President Roose-
velt said:
In the effort to carry out the policy of exchiding Chinese laborers —
Chinese coolies — grave injustice and wrong have been done by this nation to
the people of China, and, therefore, ultimately to this nation itself. Chinese
students, business and professional men of all kinds — not only merchants,
but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers and the like —
should be encouraged to come here and treated on precisely the same footing
that we treat students, business men, travelers and the like of other nations.
. . . There would not be the least danger that any such provision would
result in any relaxation of the law about laborers. These will under all
conditions be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both
justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to other Chinese,
if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested. E.xaminations should be
completed at the port of departure from China.
In this message the President recommended that the laws be
so altered as to permit the exempt classes, that is, those not laborers,
to come and go freely, with the privileges granted to the same
classes of other nationalities.
In his annual report to the President in 1907, Hon. Oscar S.
Straus, Secretary of Commerce and Labor, said :
The real purpose of the government's policy is to exclude a particular
and well-defined class, leaving other classes of Chinese, except as they,
together with all other foreigners, may be included within the prohibitions
of the general immigration laws, as free to come and go as the citizens or
subjects of any other nation. As the laws are framed, however, it would
appear that the purpose was rigidly to exclude persons of the Chinese race
in general and to admit only such persons of the race as fall within certain
expressly stated exemptions — as if, in other words, exclusion was the rule
(364)
Enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Lazv 145
and admission the exception. I regard this feature of the present laws as
unnecessary and fraught with irritating consequences.
The editor of a well-known Chinese paper in San Francisco,
in a pamphlet on the treatment of the exempt classes of Chinese
in the United States, states: "Chinese laborers of all classes have
been excluded from the United States by mutual a.ti^reement, and
the Chinese themselves are not now asking for any change in this
arrangement, but they do ask for as fair treatment as other nation-
alities receive in relation to the exempt classes." He adds: "It is
well known that the discourteous treatment of merchants and
students by immigration officials was the principal cause of the
boycott of American products in China in 1905."
In closing, the same writer quotes from an address delivered
by Hon. William H. Taft when Secretary of War:
Is it just that for the purpose of excluding or preventing perhaps one
hundred Chinese coolies from slipping into this country against the law, we
should subject an equal number of Chinese merchants and students of high
character to an examination of such an inquisitorial, humiliating, insulting
and physically uncomfortable character as to discourage altogether the
coming of merchants and students ? . . .
Is it not the duty of members of Congress and of the Executive to dis-
regard the unreasonable demand of a portion of the community, deeply
prejudiced upon this subject in the Far West, and insist on extending justice-
and courtesy to a people from whom we are deriving and are likely to derive
such immense benefit in the way of international trade?
In view of these statements from the highest American official
authorities and from eminent Chinese in America and China, it
should not surprise us that both the Chinese government and the
Chinese people feel outraged and forcibly manifest their indignation
and resentment. A tangible expression of this feeling in China
was the boycott of American goods in 1905. which was not, I
believe, a protest against the exclusion of Chinese laborers, but
against the ill treatment of the exempt classes by our officials.
The statement of the Chinese editor previously quoted regard-
ing the boycott is particularly significant in this connection. I had
occasion to investigate the whole matter with much care. State-
ments made to me by the Chinese consul of San Francisco, a Yale
graduate, bv another universitv graduate, one of the secretaries of
'(365)
146 The Annals of the American Academy
a recent imperial Chinese commission, by a Chinese Yale student
highly commended by both faculty and students as to character and
ability, by a former president of the Chinese Merchants' Associa-
tion, and by Chinese merchants of Boston, New York and Buffalo,
were all to the same effect. All admitted that Chinese merchants
in America had substantially contributed to the boycott of American
goods in China. My informants, however, unanimously denied
that resentment aroused by our exclusion of Chinese laborers was
the inciting cause.^ But they asserted that the brutal treatment of
merchants and students, belonging to the exempt classes, when seek-
ing admission to this country, the blackmail merchants had been
forced by subordinate government officials to pay for privileges to
which they were legally entitled and the lack of security of person
and property which they had experienced led them to aid the boy-
cott. They alleged, however, that they were as anxious as our gov-
ernment to prevent the smuggling of laborers into this country and
assigned three reasons therefor: first, such smuggling of ignorant
laborers gave the Chinese merchants a bad name and hence injured
their business ; second, the smuggled coolies came to them in distress
land were a financial burden upon them ; third, these smuggled coolies
often became low grade merchants and managers of disreputable
dens, thus further discrediting the merchant class.
The Chinese merchants also bitterly complained of the selec-
tion of interpreters made by our government. The merchants held
that these interpreters were not in any sense representative of the
better elements of the Chinese communities. So strongly did the
Chinese Merchants' Association of New York distrust the inter-
preter assigned to that port, that in 1903 it endorsed ijts president,
a Chinese merchant of independent means, for the position of
official interpreter. This position he agreed to accept in order to
serve the Chinese community, though the salary was undoubtedly
much smaller than the profits of his business.
Referring again to the boycott, it is but fair to state that our
immigration officials in contradiction to the authorities above quoted,
have insisted that the boycott was due to the desire of various classes
in China and in this country to have the exclusion law so modified
'It was doubtless true that in China American exclusion of Chinese laborers
was denounced and that both Chinese merchants and students in their public
speeches there condemned our government for its action.
(366)
Enforcement of the Chinese E.velnsion Lai>j 147
that coolies could more easily be admitted. The Bureau of Immi-
gration calls attention to the fact that in the years 1903 to 1905,
inclusive, 1,245 certificates were issued in China to those declaring
themselves to be merchants, but that 22 per cent of these applicants
were obviously not members of the exempt classes but laborers not
entitled to enter the country, and consequently were rejected.
Regarding these statistics a report of the bureau states: "It is
confidently believed that many, perhaps a majority of the remaining
968, were also laborers, but had been so carefully coached and pre-
pared beforehand that it was not possible to 'controvert' the prima
facie evidence of their certificates and whose admission, therefore,
was unavoidable." The bureau also calls attention to the fact that
out of 2,218 Chinese who applied for admission to this country dur-
ing the years 1904 and 1905, 642, or about 35 per cent, were rejected.
The bureau believes the business of smuggling Chinese coolies to
be so profitable that a large proportion of the Chinese merchants in
this country have been directly or indirectly interested in it. A
pamphlet issued by the bureau containing an elaborate defense of
its action in a number of cases where its officials had been criti-
cized, seeks to establish that the officials have merely enforced the
exact provisions of the law and that difficulties have resulted only
where individuals have failed to supply themselves with the admis-
sion papers required by our laws. But these views of the Bureau
of Immigration do not seem to me sound, and its statements
in regard to our Chinese communities unduly emphasize the dark
side.
If the free admission of Chinese coolies were the price of a
better understanding with China, it could not be paid. With but
few exceptions it may be accepted as the universal judgment of
our country that the admission of Chinese laborers with their low
standard of living would injure the just interests of American
labor, embitter our politics by another race issue, establish con-
gested Chinese communities difficult to regulate, and be in many
other ways an injury to our country and an embarrassment to local
and national administrations. Chinese laborers must, therefore,
be excluded.
The successful and tactful exclusion of the resourceful coolies
is, it must be admitted, a very difficult task. It is my purpose to
indicate the main difficulties in the w^ay of the enforcement of the
(367)
148 The Annals of the American Academy
exclusion law and to point out that the task could be made easier and
the immigration service more efficient through a more intelligent
understanding of the whole situation and through the exercise of
proper discrimination in the enforcement of the law.
It is of course impossible to state how many Chinese enter our
country each year illegally. From reliable information which I
received in 1907, I estimated that during that year from 2,000 to
5,000 crossed our borders. In an official report of facts concern-
ing the enforcement of the Chinese exclusion laws published by the
Bureau of Immigration in 1906, it was stated that the "bureau does
not hesitate to express the opinion that many Chinamen, perhaps
hundreds, cross the Mexican boundary into the. United States every
year." The inspector in charge at El Paso stated in his annual
report dated June 30, 1905, that "during the past fiscal year 486
coolies are known to have arrived in Juarez, probably forty-six coolies
found employment in Juarez, practically one hundred left for other
border points, so that approximately 320 coolies have disappeared
near the international boundary line in the vicinity of El Paso, and
doubtless gained unlawful entry." He adds that it is believed that
"the handling {i. e., smuggling) of Chinese coolies is the sole occu-
pation of perhaps one-third of the Chinese population of El Paso."
It may be explained that El Paso is directly across the Rio Grande
from the Mexican city of Juarez and favorably located for smug-
gling-
Smuggling on the Mexican border and on the northwestern
Canadian border is well known, but few probably realize that
smuggling of coolies goes on steadily across the northeastern
Canadian border and into the cities of New York and Boston. In
1906 I learned that during the months of July, August and Sep-
tember about seventy-five coolies were smuggled into the port of.
Boston. During the spring of 1907 I was informed by Chinese
merchants in Buffalo that from two to four coolies were being
smuggled into that port weekly.
The smuggling business is very profitable. From $200 to
$300 is said to be charged for bringing in a coolie, the latter being
compelled to pay off his debt from his first earnings after his
entrance into the country. Dr. J. Endicott Gardiner, an inspector
and chief interpreter at San Francisco, estimated the cost of bring-
ing a coolie from China and landing him in New York State to be
(368)
Enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Eazc 149
$300. The items reported are significant: $20 for the perjured tes-
timony, $20 as commission to the middleman for obtaining the
appHcant, $20 toward what is called 'the government interpreter's
fund,' $80 for the attorney, and the balance for transportation,
incidental expenses, and the members of the ring." These figures
agree with my own inquiries and are probably a fair average of the
amount expended and the method of its distribution.
Several difficulties in the enforcement of the law must be
admitted. First : Long stretches of territory covering thousands
of miles must be protected by a few moderately paid officials, many
of whom occupy uncomfortable quarters on the border most unwil-
lingly. While on the whole, most of them probably render honest
service during regular working hours, it is not surprisng that they
are indisposed to turn night into day in order to catch a few alert
Chinamen whose resources or those of their friends seem to be
unlimited, since they always have friends on the American side
ready to help them and can always secure the help of able American
counsel in case our officials are guilty of any technical error in
procedure.
Second : Because of the high prices paid for smuggling China-
men, the smuggling system has been well organized. The band of
smugglers at any given point usually consists of one or two Ameri-
can citizens, a couple of Chinamen, with sometimes a Chinese inter-
preter or an immigrant inspector as side partners. The service
rendered by the dishonest inspector is usually to "tip oflf" the doings
of the other officials. He may also give notice that on a certain
night the inspectors may not be on duty or will be watching at a
particular point, leaving other points uncovered. Allied with the
smugglers and dishonest officials are the train hands on freight
trains crossing the Mexican and Canadian borders. A brakeman
can always secure $15 apiece for every Chinaman allowed to crawl
into an empty freight car or otherwise conceal himself on the train
with the brakeman's assistance or connivance. A conductor may
get more. Undoubtedly some trainmen refuse to engage in this
traffic, but many yield to the temptation to make a few dollars "on
the side." The sentiment of the majority seems not to condemn the
practice of smuggling Chinamen, especially as the help required
from the trainmen is usually negative. It was recently stated by a
high official of one of the railwav unions that such smuggling could
(369)
150 The Annals of the Auicrican Academy
be stopped if the trainmen's unions would take aggressive action to
suppress it.
In view, therefore, of the extent of territory to be protected,
the money available for bribery and the number of American and
Chinese smugglers, it must be admitted that the enforcement of the
exclusion law is difficult. But an examination of the facts leads
one to the conclusion that certain important improvements in the
service could and should be instituted.
First : The Chinese interpreters should be of a better grade.
Our immigrant officials are largely in the hands of Chinese inter-
preters. This is inevitable, as few Americans speak Chinese. The
dialects spoken by the Chinese coolies are unknown to Americans,
except missionaries. The statements of the Chinese interpreters as
a rule are, therefore, final and authoritative. Two or three inter-
preters whom I know are men of excellent character and have ren-
dered faithful and loyal service, meriting high praise as well as
more substantial compensation than they have received. Careful
inquiry regarding the majority, however, shows that their origin
and education do not sufficiently qualify them for the task.
Ordinary laundrymen and low grade Chinese waiters have often
been made interpreters. Such interpreters, if honest, are not likely
to be equal to the task given them and their associates are probably
in the coolie class of each community. Alany of their most inti-
mate friends and daily associates have entered the country in viola-
tion of the law. Why should they not favor their friends if they
can do so when the chances of their being caught are very slight?
With every appearance of honesty, strengthened by ostentatious
roughness toward their countrymen in the presence of inspectors,
they can entirely thwart the efforts of inspectors by tipping off in-
tended raids, by informing their smuggler friends of the intended
action of the inspectors, or by misinterpreting or mistranslating.
The weak point, which is also the essential point, of our whole exclu-
sion work rests with the Chinese interpreters, and if exclusion is to
be effective, this service must be entrusted to intelligent men whose
habits and associations are well known. These interpreters should
be drawn not from the coolie class, as has been too largely the case
in the past, but from the merchant class, since the latter class, as I
have indicated, favors the enforcement of the exclusion law. It
would be wise to establish these men in grades so that faithful and
(370)
Eiiforccmcnl of the Chinese E.vclusion Laa 151
efficient service «ould be rewarded by promotion and increased
^'-' Upon a suggestion that I made two or tbree years ago a chief
interpreter was appointed to have supervision over the ent.re fore
of iM prefers. The firs, selection was. however, unfortunate, and
a t r om delav the incumbent was removed. Such a supervisory
S however, is highly important to both the honesty and
pffiriencv of the service. . ,
'""The second important improvement should be a "-re care^
distinction between the different classes ot Chmamen \N nh some
exceptions the immigration officials have faded utterly to es ab .
friendlv relations with those Chinan,en who are nt s>™Pathy " 'tl-
he exclusion law, thereby to secure their cooperation m . s enforce-
ent " Previo .slv indicate.1. the writer learned that a large body
o Chinese merchanis in this country is unfavorable to the .mporta-
L of coolies and anxious to see the exclusion law stnctly enforced
How valuable their help might be is illustrated by a personal
experience. In the summer of .906, upon the request and anthonza-
ion of President Roosevelt, I investigated the smugghng o coohe.
Hav°nl established friendly relations with Ch.nese merchan s m
raf eastern cities, I asked proof of their assertion that they knew
that smu^-ling of coolies was then gorag on and that they were
wilin" rjoin in its suppression. They agreed to make good
bo h on their charge of smuggling and on their abd.ty and w, Img^
ness to help in it detection. The city of Boston was selected to
S thei d clarations. The Chinese merchants of that cty dec ared
XL in Tulv and \ugust of that vear two parties of coolies, num-
"alout fifu, had been smuggled into that city by sailboat from
Woi ndland under the very noses of the immigrat^n officials^
Thy stated that a third party would arrive in September and that
I should be fully informe.l so that I could witness its landing In
due ° me I was old that the party had left St. Johns in a charter d
vacht Id «ould land on the Xew England coast at a certain da e.
Siortlv before its arrival a notice in Chinese appeared on the wall
! C inatown in Boston warning the friends of tl^e mconimg coo, e
that the government had learned of their approach. The go ern
em's information came about in this way: It chanced that one
of the smugglers upon the receipt of his pay for the .^ugtis exped -
Uon got drirnk and openly boasted of his smuggling achievement.
(371)
152 The Annals of tiie American Academy
Through his statements suspicions were excited which resulted in
the discovery of the projected September expedition. An inspector
was sent to HaHfax to head off the coolies at that point, but the
fact that the inspector had been sent and the assumed name under
w^hich he traveled were given out by the chief Chinese inspector to
the Boston press before the inspector reached Halifax. This useful
information was probably telegraphed at once to the Chinese in
Halifax.
On the morning of the landing of the coolies a Boston paper
stated that a United States revenue cutter had been sent at full
speed to Portland, Maine, as the government had been led to
believe that the coolies were to be landed at that point. On the
same day, upon information furnished by my friends, the Chinese
merchants, I proceeded to Providence, where I witnessed the actual
landing of the party at two o'clock in the morning. A description
of the assistant smuggler who would receive the party, the time of
his arrival in Providence from Boston, and the house to which he
would go and to which the coolies would be taken were told me in
advance. I personally verified all these particulars. This informa-
tion was given to me because a former Chinese inspector who had
the wisdom to establish friendly relations with the Chinese merchants
and had treated them courteously put me in touch with them and
backed my request for assistance.
This party of coolies would probably have been successfully
entered without the Bureau of Immigration being any the wiser,
but that, after the first two lots had been landed and housed, the
smugglers felt so secure that they landed the rest of the coolies in
a group. Several of these w^ere found hiding in the grass by some
workmen, who telephoned to the police and this remnant of the
party was arrested.
I am quite aware that it is generally believed that the Chinese
communities in our cities are composed of gamblers, opium eaters,
smugglers and other law breakers. Doubtless these communities
have their fair proportion of disorderly characters, but they do not
monopolize gambling games in our cities, and though some of them
take opium instead of alcohol, the difference is one of taste rather
than character. There are, however, in our eastern cities, at least
in each Chinese community, a considerable number of reputable,
intelligent merchants devoting themselves strictly to business, living
(372)
Enforccnioit of the Chinese Exclusion Lazv 153
orderly lives and desiring to be law-abiding and law-promoting
citizens. These men who may not be known to the police or to our
slumming parties, might be sought out by our officials, and as I
have shown from my own experience, they could render invaluable
service in making our exclusion laws effective.
A short time before the smuggling expedition just described,
I had an interview with five Chinese merchants in Boston. One of
them had a son at Harvard, and another a son at Yale. They
talked as soberly and fairly as successful American merchants would
have talked and explained fully to me the difficulties under which
they were living in our country and the indignities to which they
had been subjected by American immigration officials. It was only
after they were convinced of my own good will and my authority to
speak for the President that I secured their cooperation. Once
pledged, however, their word was loyally kept ; they never failed
me at any point and made good though much trouble and effort
were required to do so.
The third important improvement should be in the better
organization of the Bureau of Immigration. The present organiza-
tion of the bureau seems to me to be inadequate for its important
tasks. It has two functions of a fundamentally dift'erent nature ;
the reception and handling of immigrants entering the Atlantic
ports, of whom 98 per cent are admitted after careful sifting,
and the reception and exclusion of Oriental immigrants on the
Pacific coast which is quite the reverse of that on the Atlantic coast.
The stations on the Pacific coast are far apart, some of them remote
and uncomfortable. They need frequent visiting by proper officials
constantly in touch and in correspondence with the heads of these
offices. The Chinese or Oriental bureau should, therefore, in my
opinion, be organized independently with its own chief and a deputy
chief or general supervisor.
A fourth needed improvement of the highest importance is the
thorough examination by the American consuls in China of Chinese
applying for admission to this country. As President Roosevelt
stated the case in his annual message to Congress in 1905 :
"Examinations should be completed at the port of departure."
Additions to the office force of various consuls were recommended
by President Roosevelt so that this added work might be promptly
and thoroughly performed. The task of the immigration officials
(373)
154 " The Annals of the American Academy
at the ports of entry would then be merely to satisfy themselves
that those producmg the consular certificates were the parties to
whom they had been issued.
The late Commissioner General Sargent recommended, I
believe, that special commissioners of immigration should be placed
at Hongkong and Shanghai, who should investigate and issue
certificates. This would place the entire matter under the Bureau
of Immigration and would eliminate misunderstanding or friction
between government departments. Either of these remedies would
contribute to the more successful exclusion of coolies and the
elimination of delays and discourtesies in dealing with the exempt
classes. The enforcement of the exclusion law at best is attendant
with many difficulties. Its defective or brutal enforcement may
embarrass our relations with China and seriously injure our com-
mercial and diplomatic relations with the entire East. These rela-
tions are recognized to be of growing importance demanding the
most serious attention.
Our own ignorance of Chinese conditions and classes both in
China and in this country and our ignorance of the Chinese language
which compels us to accept implicitly the statements of Chinese inter-
preters, are serious handicaps in our dealing with the Chinese. Our
past failure to secure interpreters of proper grade, our consequent
inability properly to handle the exempt classes, and the untrust-
worthiness of the certificates supplied by our own consuls have
further augmented our difficulties. At present our consular service
is undoubtedly far more trustworthy than formerly. Its investiga-
tions could prevent the abuse of consular certificates and could
remove the delays and indignities endured by members of the
exempt classes at our ports. Improvement in the grade and intel-
ligence of interpreters, proper promotion for efficient service, estab-
lishment of the Chinese bureau as an independent branch of the
immigration service under able management, the relentless pursuit
of smugglers, both American and Chinese, and a better understand-
ing of the Chinese communities in this country would make our
exclusion policy more successful and promote good will in our
political and commercial relations with the Orient.
(374)
PART FOUR
The Problem of Oriental Immigration
Outside of America
SOURCES AND CAUSES OF JAPANESE EMIGRATION
BY YOSABURO YOSHIDA,
University of Wiscoxsix, Madison, Wis-
ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION INTO THE PHILIPPINES
BY RUSSELL McCULLOCH STORY, A.M.,
Harvard Uxiversity, Cambridge, Mass.
ORIENTAL LABOR IN SOUTH AFRICA
BY L. E. NEAME,
Johaxxesburg, South Africa ; Author of "The Asiatic Daxger ix the
coloxies"
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION INTO KOREA
BY THOMAS F. MILLARD,
New York City; Author of "The New Far East" and "America axd the
Far Easterx Questiox"
THE EXCLUSION OF ASIATIC IMMIGRANTS IN AUSTRALIA
BY PHILIP S. ELDERSHAW, B.A., and P. P. OLDEN,
University Law School, Sydxey, New South Wales
(375)
SOURCES AND CAUSES OF JAPANESE EMIGRATION
By Yosaburo Yoshida,
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
"Home, home, sweet home, there's no place Hke home." Yet,
leaving the fatherland of mountains and waters, many a Japanese
seeks a new life in a strange land across the Pacific. There must be
strong causes for this movement.
The question arises whether there is any political pressure upon
the emigrant. Japan is one of the most progressive nations in the
world, and there exists no discontent with the present rule of the
constitutional government. Is there any religious cause bringing
him here? Article eighteen of the imperial constitution guarantees
freedom of religious belief. Xo persecution for diflferencc of religion
exists, as neither Buddhist nor Christian is treated as heathen in
Japan. Is there any race prejudice or animosity? The whole Japan-
ese population is of one race, consequently there is no oppressed
race nor one dominant over another. Does the strict operation of
the law enforcing military duty drive a portion of her youths here?
No people are more patriotic than this race of little brown men.
The fifty millions of Japanese souls will gladly throw their bodies
into fire at command of their Great Sire.
Then, what are the causes of Japanese emigration ? I recognize
and shall discuss three: increase of population, economic pressure,
and inducement, or attraction.
Increase of Population
Increase of population is closely connected with economic pres-
sure upon the laboring classes. But I shall describe here chiefly the
former, and will discuss the latter afterwards.
(377)
158
The Annals of the American Academy
No statistics of Japanese population are reliable until 1872.
The increasing rate since that year has been as follows ■}
Year.
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
i88q
Per Cent.
57
I. II
1. 00
•45
1.20
•94
.86
1. 17
I. II
.84
.84
1.46
1.38
1. 17
Year.
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
Per Cent
95
66
91
7i
1.03
1.09
1.04
1.22
. ... 1.24
. ... 1. 14
. ... I.2S
. ... 1.39
1.29
. ... 1.54
. ... 1. 14
. ... 1. 13
. ... 1. 14
. ... 1. 15
The above figures show that population is increasing year after
year, and if the increase continues at the present rate the population
will be doubled after sixty years.
Population increases, but the area of the land is limited, conse-
quently the density of population per square ri- has been increasing
at the following rates: 1872, 1.335; 1882, 1.385; 1892, 1,657; ^9^Z,
1,885.
According to the general statistics, Japan in density of popula-
tion ranks below only Belgium, Holland and England. These three
nations get their food materials by importation from other countries ;
Japan is feeding herself.
I have described the rapid growth of population in Japan as a
whole, but, if we ask ourselves whether those districts where popula-
tion is most dense are the districts which contribute the largest
number of emigrants, our answer is negative. The districts of
Hiroshima, Yamaguchi, Wakayama and Fukuoka are not very dense
in population, and their birth rates are also less than the average rate
for the whole of Japan.^ Yet these districts always contribute the
i"The Financial and Economic Annual of .Tapan," 1905, p. 3 ; 1907, p. 2.
^Square ri equals 5.95.52 square miles.
^'■Movement de la population de L'empire du Japon," 1905, Proportion, P. 1.
(378)
Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration 159
dominant number to Japanese emigration. The districts of Kinai,
where the successive emperors fixed their capital for more than
twenty-five centuries, and where consequently the population is the
most dense in the country, arc not sections which drive emigrants
abroad. Because of these facts, some writers urge that there is no
direct connection between increasing population and Japanese emi-
gration.*
But I consider the density of population a cause of emigration
if we take the country as a whole. It is not the cause if we take
district by district. The reason is very evident. Although some
districts are very densely populated, if their economic capacity is
sufficient to maintain their population, then it is not necessary to
migrate. Furthermore, the peculiar character and environment of
the people differ by districts. For example, the region of Kinai. with
charming scenery, although crowded with a toiling population,
renders the nature of the people very strong in home aflfection.
IMoreover, the family system is very ancient, and the people are
amiable and submissive. On the contrary, the people of the regions
from Hiroshima extending towards the southwestern districts, are
venturesome and enterprising. The districts in Kinai have been
the home of poets, artists and men of letters, while the southwestern
part has supported pirates and warriors. That the increasing popu-
lation is a profound cause for emigration can be seen more clearly
if we consider it in connection with the economic pressure upon
Japan's lower classes.
Economic Pressure
In this world-stage of the twentieth century, where many
nations are competing with each other to become the dominant
power, the rapid growth of population is a rather happy and desir-
able thing for our island empire, situated on the Eastern Sea. But
this great movement, necessary from the viewpoint of further ex-
pansion of the empire, has a bad efifect upon the classes who are
toiling at the bottom of the present community. "The more poor
the more babies." the Japanese proverb frankly runs. It is from
these lower class people that the largest number of children come,
and consequently the increase of population brings more laborers.
The competition among the working classes in a countrv where the
*T. Okawahlra, "TTie Nippon Imin-ron." Tokvo. ino.5, pp. 36.37.
(379)
i6o
The Annals of the American Academy
area of land is limited, where no national labor organization exists,
where no labor legislation operates, results in vast millions of strug-
gling creatures spending their daily lives under the economic pres-
sure of landlords and capitalists in a hopeless and stricken condition.
The area of the cultivated land was only 5,193,762 cho in
1904,^ that is, 17 per cent of the whole area. The average holding
of land owned by one farmer is only 9 tan 8 se.^ The annual
yield from such a small piece of land, less than three acres, even
under the most perfect system of utilization, is absolutely insuffi-
cient to support a family according to modern standards of com-
fort. Under such an economic condition the peasant class, which
constitutes the bulk of the Japanese emigration to the United States,
are spending their days. The fact that the districts which contribute
the largest number of emigrants contain always the greatest per-
centage of the peasant class is shown below.
Geographical Sources of Emigrants
Basing our figures upon the number of passports issued by each
district during the five years from 1899 to 1903, the number of
emigrants to foreign countries, excluding Korea and China, is as
follows -^
Table I.
No. of passports
District. issued.
Hiroshima 21,871
Kumamoto ^2,149
Yamaguchi 11,219
Fukuoka 7,698
Niigata 6,698
Wakaj-ama 3.750
Nagasaki 3-548
Hyogo 3.532
Okayama 2,176
Miyagi 1,613
No. of passport 8
District. issued.
Fukushima 1,613
Yehime 948
Aichi 767
Fiikui 683
Shiga 64^
Saga 624
Twenty-seven other districts. 5,041
Total 84,576
'M. Togo, "The Nippon Shokumin-ron," Tokyo, 1906, p. 180. A cho equals
2.4507 acres.
«Tan equals 0.2451 acre, Se equals 119 square yards.
'M. Togo, "The Nippon Shokumin-ron," pp. 269-271 ; also Okawahlra, "The
Nippon Imin-ron," pp. 38-40.
(380)
Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration
i6i
Number of passf^orfs issued for
emigrants, 1899-1903. Each circle
represents 500 emigrants. There is
no emigration from the northern
island zvhich is not represented here-
Although the above statistics inchidc emigrants to all foreign
countries excepting China and Korea, more than 80 per cent of the
total number came to the United States. The area of farm land
cultivated by the Japanese in the State of California in 1908, classi-
fied by their native districts, was as follows :
Table II.'
Ciiltivated by immigrants from Area of farm land in
the district of — California — acres.
Hiroshima 33.443
Wakayama 30.905
Fukuoka 14.833
Kumamoto 14.827
Yamaguchi 10,598
Aichi 10,268
Okayama 6,334
Other districts 33. 594 '/2
Total 154.80214
•"The Japanese-American Year Book," 1009, the first appendix, pp. 3-4.
(381)
i62 The Annals of the American Academy
The table indicates that the immigrants from the district of
Hiroshima* cultivate the largest area of farm land. Next comes
the district of Wakayama. Each district controls about one-fifth of
all the farm land cultivated by the Japanese in California. In 1905
nearly 50,000 of the 74,000 total Japanese population in Hawaii
were from the three districts of Hiroshima, Kumamoto and Yama-
guchi.^"
I have already mentioned the geographical section of Japan
from which most of her emigrants come. Then, what is the peculiar
character of those people? What are the economic conditions in
those districts? Generally speaking, the people of the Sanyodo,
where the districts of Hiroshima, Yamaguchi and Okayama are
situated, were warriors in the feudal ages ; and, the districts being
along the coast, the people were accustomed to go to sea, and were
venturesome and eager to satisfy new wants. The fundamental
cause of emigration is the economic condition of the districts. The
percentage of small farmers in those districts is as follows:
Table III."
Percentage of agricultural
Districts. families which cultivate
less than 8 tan.
Hiroshima 70
Wakayama Unknown
Fiikuoka 56
Kumamoto Unknown
Yamaguchi 61
Aichi Unknown
Okayama 66
Hyogo 73
Yehime 68
The number of small farmers is more than 50 per cent in all
the above districts. Hyogo is the district which is populated with
*"Most emigrants in the district of Hiroshima come from the counties of Akl,
Saeki, Takada, and cities of Hiroshima and Toyoda. When they start as emigrants,
their land and houses are in the hands of landlords ; their position is that of
small tenant. But when they come hack after four or five years' labor abroad,
they usually buy a house and two or three tans of farm land, and become inde-
pendent farmers, or merchants. . . . About six-tenths of all emigrants succeed
in this way," etc. — "The Osaka Mainichi Shimbun," November 9, 1904, quoted by
Okawahira.
^"T. Okawahira, "The Nippon Imin-ron," p. 89.
"These statistics are based upon an investigation made by the Department of
Agriculture and Commerce of .Japan in 1888 : it is presumed that there is not much
change in the present condition.
(382)
Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration 163
the largest percentage of small farmers of all districts in Japan.
The district of Hiroshima, the center of emigration, comes next
with Its 70 per cent of peasant families. If we investigate the
average area of cultivated land per capita of the agricultural popu-
lation m the respective districts, the effect upon emigration can be
seen with more clearness.
T.\BLE IV."
Hiroshima
Wakayama ••••.......
T- , , L nknown
rukuoka
Kumamoto ••••...... y
,;. , . Unknown
Yamaguchi
Aichi \V '," '^"^
^, Unknown
Ukayama
Hyogo '■■■■■■'■■■''''''.\''.'.'.'.\'.'.\\'.'..'.'.'''.''' '\^
Nagasaki _
Yehime ^
18
The average amount of farm land per capita in Hiroshima is
not only the smallest among the above-mentioned immigrant dis-
tricts, but also among all districts in Japan. Yamaguchi. Ohayama
and Hyogo are also below the average.
A remarkable fact is noticeable here, that the district of Hiro-
shiina, where the average holding of farm land was smallest among
all Japanese districts in 1888, contributed the largest number of
Japanese who cultivate farm land in America in 1908.
More than this, the wealth per capita in those districts is
^low the average amount of wealth per capita in Japan. Accord-
ing to Messrs. Igarashi and Takahashi," the average wealth per
capita of Japan is 505.755 yen, while that of Hiroshima is 381 895
of \amaguchi is 489.005, of Wakayama is 351.675, and so on.
Inducement and Attraction
No advertisement has ever appeared in the Japanese newspapers
inducing emigrants to go to the United States. But the most
effective advertisement is the stories of success of Japanese in
America, w^hich occasionally appear in the papers and magazines.
"M. Togo. "TTie Nippon Shokumin-roD." pp. 141-143
"E. Igarashi and II. Takahashl, "The National Wealth of Japan " Table I
(383)
164 The Annals of the American Academy
Whenever certain Japanese return to Japan they talk with the news-
paper reporter, telhng how they struggled in a penniless condition,
how they saved money, what industry they started, or how many
acres of land they own in America. Such articles in a local news-
paper, accompanied by illustrations, usually make a strong impres-
sion upon the young peasant or rough country lad. Thus, the
account of success of Mr. Kinya Ushizima, the "potato king" in
California, appeared many times before the public and, it seems,
induced many emigrants to leave home, especially from the district
of Fukuoka, from which Mr. Ushizima himself emigrated many
years ago. The success of Mr. Domoto, as the greatest flower
raiser west of the Rockies, attracted many young farmers from his
native district of Wakayama.
There have been many pamphlets published, some printed in
more than thirty editions, under such titles as "How to Succeed in
America," "Guide Book to Different Occupations in America,"
"Gvnde Book to America," "The New Hawaii," etc. All these books
are written by those who returned from America or are still resident
in this country. Generally speaking, they have exaggerated the
abundance of opportunities in the United States and have stimulated
emigration in over-attractive descriptions. Correspondence with
Japanese laborers who are already in this country has also some
influence.^* But the sphere of this kind of inducement is very
narrow, limited to the correspondent's relatives or friends at home.
The inducements and attractions above mentioned are the result of
the simple fact that labor earns more in America than in Japan.
The conclusion which can be drawn from the facts already
mentioned in this paper is this, that a large proportion of the Japan-
ese emigration comes from the peasant class in the districts of the
south ; and growing population, economic pressure and inducement
or attraction combine to cause their emigration. No doubt there
are countless minor causes operating on individuals, such as ill-luck
in business, a bad crop of rice, sudden death of the devoted wife,
frequent visits of the bill collectors, or simply desire to see great
America. But the fundamental and principal causes are those
already mentioned.
""The Seventh Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the State
of California," 1896, p. 103.
(384)
Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration
Motives of Japanese Emigration by Classes
165
During the year 1906 the Japanese government issued 8,466
passports to the continental United States and 30,093 to Hawaii.
The purposes for which the passports were granted were as fol-
lows :^^
To the continental United
States
To Hawaii
i
^^
§
1
II
a
<
0
J
m
<
H
0
43
2,825
1,215
1,046
22
462
2
'
17
132
28,756
7
1,051
0
2,851
423
Among the eight groups above quoted, I take for discussion
only two which include the greater portion of emigrants: the
farmers and the students.
Farmers: This class consists of those who are engaged in agri-
cultural pursuits, either as tenants or as farm laborers. They
belong to the lower classes of the Japanese community, if not to the
lowest of all. They are the real corner-stone of the nation, but
they are poor. In this class of emigrants the most conservative,
uneducated and innocent persons can be found. The greater num-
ber of them being quite ignorant of foreign conditions, they are
usually cared for and transported by the so-called "emigration com-
panies."^^ Farm laborers whose daily Avages are an average of only
thirty-two sen" (sixteen cents), have hardly an opportunity to
accumulate money enough to escape from their own group. The
sole motive of this emigration is simply "to make money," and
nothing more.
Generally speaking, when a European emigrant is bidding fare-
well to his home, his intention is, perhaps, to go to a new land where
he can start a new life. His desire is to find a new society around
him and to build up a new home. In short, he is going to be an
iB'-xhe Twenty-sixth Annual Statistical Report of the .Japanese Empire." p. 67.
"There were tlilrty-six companies or individuals engaginsi in exporting Japanese
laborers in 190.3, with capital ranging from 1,000,000 yen to 20.000 yen.
""The SeventL Financial and Economic Annual of Japan," 1007, p. 75.
(385)
i66 The Annals of the American Academy
American himself. The contrary is true of the Japanese whose
only desire is to build up a new home, not upon American soil, but
in his native land. He desires to save a certain amount of money
by a four or five-year struggle, and then, coming back to his own
land, to start in business or become an independent farmer. He
does not desire to exhibit the fruits of his toil before an American
audience, but only before his fellow-countrymen.
Students: Since 1870 Japanese students have been coming to
this country, and between 1885 and 1890, the period of political
transformation to constitutional government, many students and
politicians who failed to realize their ambitions came to this coun-
try. They worked as "school boys" or domestic servants and studied
in leisure moments. The students in those days w^ere able to get
kind assistance from the Board of Foreign Missions in this coun-
try.^* When they returned to Japan after several years' hard study,
they were offered responsible positions in governmental service, as
Japan was eager to adopt western institutions. Among those old
"school boys" to-day many distinguished persons can be found:
diplomatists, educators and writers.
At present many students are coming to this country, more
than 90 per cent of them with scanty means, but with high ambi-
tions, recalling the old days of their eminent forerunners. There
were 951 students in a total of 2,261 Japanese immigrants admitted
during the three months of April, -May and June of 1907," and of
the total number, 9,544, admitted to continental America in 1908,
2,252 were students.^" Estimating from the above statistics, the
number of students who have come to this country since the early
period runs into the thousands.
These students are graduates of Japanese high schools or certain
professional institutions. They cross the ocean with abundance of
hope, determined to dare what those famous Japanese used to dare
years ago. Their ambition is to study, but most of them, perhaps
999 in 1,000, after undergoing bitter experiences in isolation, usually
lose their ambition and take up other vocations. Thus a Japanese
servant confesses before the American public, that "Some say the
Japanese are studying while they are working in the kitchen, but it
"I. Nitobe, "The Intercourse between the ITnited States and Japan," Baltimore,
1891, pp. 165-6.
^'"Annual Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration," 1907, p. 76.
'"Ibid., 1908, p. 90.
(386)
Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration 167
is all nonsense. Many of them started so, but nearly all of them
failed.''-^
The difficulty of studying as self-supporting students changes
those students to common domestic servants or farm laborers Their
nitentions were laudable and their hopes were very high; but later
these intentions and hopes, which they ever declared before parents
and sweethearts, must be cast away after much discouragement.
The man who fails of his expected goal in a strange land after a
long struggle naturally becomes, in most cases, irresponsible
Among the gang of laborers which sail to Alaska every spring you
may find many young Japanese who quitted their native land to
study American civilization in college classes. They are "not only
lazy and worthless, but are constantly raising a disturbance.""
The two classes mentioned here are not the lowest people of the
low classes, nor the worst and most unfit people. There is a certain
defective class of people, such as tramps, beggars, ex-convicts and
paupers, m Japan as elsewhere. They have no ambition to elevate
their own standard of living by any economic means. They are
spending a dull, changeless life in an ever-changing community. If
any person in this country believes that the Japanese government
sends or encourages these undesirable people to emigrate to this
country it is a great mistake. This class of people has no relation
to the dynamic side of the Japanese community. Even in dreams
they would not desire to migrate far away over the ocean to the
land of opportunity. Opportunity is worthless to them, for they are
satisfied in their own condition.
""The Confession of a Japanese Servant," "Independent," Vol .'",9 p 6G7
22"The Bulletin of the United States Fish Commission." Vol. XXI, 1901, p. 185.
(387)
ORIENTAL IMMIGRATION INTO THE PHILIPPINES
By Russell McCulloch Story, A.M.,
Harvard University, Cambridge, ]\Iass.
The problems of immigration with which the United States has
had to deal have not been confined, since 1899, to the Western
Hemisphere alone. The importance of regulating immigration into
the Philippines was early realized after their acquisition by this
country. The questions to be met were in many ways more complex
than those connected with immigration into the United States,
owing, in part, to the proximity of the islands to the Asiatic main-
land. The solutions possible were restricted within the limits deter-
mined by American law, peonage and serfdom in any form thus
being impossible ; and in addition the attitude of the Filipino peoples
on the general question was, of necessity, a consideration of funda-
mental importance. Fortunately, in the latter case, there has been
no great difference in sentiment between the governed race and its
governors.
The majority of Oriental immigrants into the Philippines have
been furnished by China and Japan. China alone contributes almost
the entire body of immigrants that seek admission from Asiatic
countries into the islands. Hence, as far as the Philippines are con-
cerned, the question of Oriental immigration almost resolves itself
into a discussion of the policy of Chinese exclusion which has been
carried out by the United States' administration of the archipelago.^
For this reason the chief attention in the following pages is given
to the questions arising from the presence or exclusion of the
Chinese immigrants.
No one can study the reports of the Schurman and subsequent
Philippine commissions, or the Philippine census reports, and fail
to be impressed with the wonderful resources of the Philippines. It
was the expectation of the civilized world that following their
acquisition by the United States a tremendous impetus would be
'Cf. "The Problem of the Chinese in the Philippines," in "The American
Political Science Review," Fehruarv, 1000.
(388)
Orictital Iiiiiiiigratioii into the I'hilippiiics 169
given to the development of these resources. This expectation early
gained ground in China, and the Chinese government was keenly
alive to the opportunities which might thus be opened up to the
activities of many of its citizens. Even before the action of the
United States military in applying the exclusion laws of the United
States to the Philippines, the State Department at Washington had
been given to understand that China would protest against any such
action.
The basis for exclusion in the Philippines must rest almost
entirely on three propositions, viz., the right of the Filipino races to
develop themselves and their own resources, racial and commercial,
without the assistance or stimulating presence of the Chinese; a
desire to prevent the growth of a racial question through the an-
tagonism or unfortunate amalgamation of two different races such
as the Malay and the Mongolian ; and in the third place the desire
of the United States to be able to sustain its own immigration and
exclusion laws against possible migrations of Chinese from the
Philippines to the States.
A study of the immigration statistics since 1898 shows that the
greatest number of Chinese entering the islands was immediately
following American occupation. This high tide continued until
1904, despite the exclusion restrictions, the excess of arrivals over
departures up to 1904 being 8,562. In the same year the registra-
tion of the Chinese showed that there were approximately fifty thou-
sand of them resident in the Philippines. This number has steadily
increased since that time, though the gross number of Chinese immi-
grants has apparently been very largely decreased. Still the net
gain the past four years has been 8,259. This probably does not
allow for the entire gain. There has been considerable smuggling
in of coolies. Other evasions of the exclusion laws, such as the
bringing in of "minor children" by the present residents, have been
the subjects of notice in the reports of the Philippine commission.
Companies and firms have existed at the principal ports of China for
the express purpose of aiding the emigrant to gain a footing on the
shores of the Philippine "el dorado" by hook or by crook. Thus,
while the government figures place the present number of Chinese
residents at 56,000. the consular and other estimates are nmch
higher, ranging up to 62.000. The 1908 report of the Philippine
commission admits that the exclusion laws have not decreased the
(389)
I/O " The Annals of the American Academy
Chinese population, nor even held it stationary. There has prob-
ably been some slight decrease, estimated at 3,000, in the city of
Manila, but in the provinces the Chinese have much more than
doubled their number in the last ten years.
As to the Oriental immigrants other than Chinese, the greatest
number since American occupation have been Japanese, the number
from Japan increasing steadily each year until 1904, when there
were 2,270 arrivals, but since 1905 the number has dwindled to less
than 400 annually. The Japanese population is not large and seems
to be in no immediate prospect of increasing greatly. They have
never been a strong element in the Philippines, even in the long
period of Spanish rule. Japan's surplus population is just now ex-
panding in the direction of the mainland, chiefly into Korea and its
hinterland. From the Japanese element of the immigration into the
Philippines, therefore, the United States and the Philippine govern-
ment need not expect any serious problem.
Of the other Asiatics all together there have not been more than
300 arrivals in any one year since 1904, and this would bring us to
the conclusion that the net number of these immigrants was very
small and practically a negligible quantity. Such as this element is,
it consists about half of East Indian races and the other half of all
the other Oriental races in isolated and scattering numbers.
The foregoing figures show the predominant part which Chi-
nese immigration plays in any consideration of the problems now
existing due to the regulation of Oriental immigration into the
Philippines. What then are these problems? Briefly stated, they
are as follows :
First, the antagonism between the Chinese and the native races,
due, in no small degree, to the ability of the Chinese in all the activi-
ties of life and his demonstrated superiority in trade. This antago-
nism has in no measure been lessened by the American administra-
tion, under the leadership of which the tendency has been to elevate
the standards of living among the natives and thus make their
competition with the shrewd Chinese even more strenuous.
Second, the doubtful good which follows the infusion of Chinese
blood into the Filipino race. It is realized that the chief trouble
makers, politically and socially, come from the ranks of the mestizos.
Third, the lack of a sufficient and an efficient labor supply for
the development of the industrial possibilities of the Philippines.
(390)
Oriental I}ii))iii:;ratio}i into the Philippines lyi
The reality of this problem has been questioned by many employers
of Filipino laborers.
Fourth, a constant and a conscious effort to avoid complicating
the work of the exclusion laws in the United States, because of the
efforts of those who have first t^one to the Philippines in trying- to
come thence into the United States.
Fifth, the problem of the enforcement of exclusion in the
Philippines.
In regard to the antagonism between the natives and the alien
Orientals there can be no doubt of its existence as an appreciable
element in any analysis of Philippine conditions. From the first
the slogan has been adopted of "The Philippines for the Filipinos,"
and this sentiment has found a hearty approval among the native
peoples, or at least among those elements of the native population
that are capable of understanding the situation. It has ever been
considered unwise as a matter of public i)olicy to force an un-
restricted immigration upon the Filipinos, whether the exclusion of
those alien races which are debarred, especially the Chinese, is
justifiable on other grounds or not.
From the point of v'ew of the future of the Filipino people it
is a serious question whether or not it would be of benefit to them
to lose racial identity in a process of amalgamation that would
necessarily follow from the admission of large numbers of Chinese,
for example. Few races are as willing to join in a process of
amalgamation as is the Chinese. They are remarkably free from
the sentiments, pride or prejudice which in many instances thwart
amalgamation when two unequal races are thrown constantly
together. Many claim that the infusion of Chinese blood into the
Filipino races would materially aid and hasten the work of building
up the latter into a strong and perhaps more unified people. On the
one hand the progressiveness of the mestizo and his abounding
energy is contrasted with the lesser ambition of the native. Rut
the answer to this contention cites the appearance of the worst
characteristics of both the Filipino and the Chinese races in the half-
breed, and the fact that the chief trouble makers in the recent history
of the islands have been mestizos. The hope entertained by those
opposed to amalgamation is that the number of Chinese now in the
islands is proportionately so small that they will ultimately be ab-
(390
172 TJic Annals of the American Academy
sorbed and lost in the native mass without appreciably affecting the
racial characteristics of the latter.
The most immediate and pressing effect of the exclusion of the
Chinese and Japanese from the Philippines is upon the supply of
labor. The natives have had to be taught to work, and although
wonderful progress is noted in this regard among the Filipinos, yet
there has not been an efficient labor supply proportionate to the de-
mands and opportunities for the speedy opening up of the resources
at hand. From all sides have come complaints, from merchants,
contractors, manufacturers and from army engineers. The inability
to get the coolie, however, has forced the use of the native, the
study of his ability and the methods of handling him, and in an
increasingly large number of instances w'ith signal success. The
dearth of labor supply has not been so much due to the absence of
the coolie as to the non-working habits of the Filipinos. There are
plenty of the latter to furnish all the labor needed. The exclusion
of foreign supplies from the market has forced the solution of the
question of native labor, a solution not yet perfected, but withal
becoming more and more satisfactory.
One of the most subtle problems which had to be faced in
determining upon what basis Oriental immigration into the Philip-
pines would be permitted lay in the effect which such immigration
would ultimately have upon the working of the exclusion laws of
the United States. Having assumed the government of the Philip-
pines from altruistic and humanitarian motives, publicly proclaimed
and many times reiterated, it would be difficult indeed for the
United States to apply to the inhabitants of our far eastern depen-
dencies the exclusion laws which applied to other Oriental peoples.
An inhabitant of the Philippines, so long as the islands w^ere under
our control, could with ill grace be denied the privilege of access
to our shores. Many of the Chinese and Japanese in the islands
who would otherwise be excluded from the United States might thus
secure admission, for Filipino citizenship would be beyond the reach
of but few of them. They have often become Filipino citizens.
What, then, was to prevent Filipino citizenship from becoming a
mere wedge by whi'ch large numbers of persons who would other-
wise be excluded could enter the United States. This w^as merely
a possibility. The status of the Philippines in relation to the United
States had not yet been determined. No one who knows the
(392)
Oriental Immigration into the Philippines 173
lengths to which men have gone in their efforts to evade the present
exc usion laws can doubt that the work of regulating immigration
might have been greatly complicated through the medium of Fili-
pino citizenship, had it been left accessible to all who desired it
This was a problem which was avoided by extending to the Philip-
pines m September, 1899, the exclusion laws of the United States
As m every instance where a policy of exclusion is adopted
there have arisen m the Philippines serious problems involving the
enforcement of the exclusion enactments. In the Philippines the
question of enforcement reaches its most acute stage. Not only
have he usual methods common to this country bee^ adopted but
in addition a system of registration has been superimposed. Every
Chinese is required to register with the government, or become
liable to deportation, even this has not checked immigration Until
1907 a common n.ethod of evasion was by the bringing in of "minor
children by the registered Chinese of the islands. In that year
more ngul interpretations of the statutes were authorized and this
practice has been minimized, though not wholly stopped. One of
Its worst features is that many of those thus entered are sold into
a servitude that is not unlike slavery.
Besides this more open defiance of the exclusion laws, there is
admittedly considerable smuggling of Chinese into the islands The
exact extent of this practice cannot be determined but it has been
important enough to call forth repeated and official recognition of
Its existence. The smuggling is systematized and until about wo
years ago the operations in China were carried on with little secrecy
The coast patrol m the Philippines can make such smuggling diffi-
cult, but no more. Besides it must be borne in mind tha^^^the cr ws
of most of the vessels plying between China and the Philippines are
composed of Chinese, at least in part, and that not only t h s s !
men o ten atten.pt desertion in order to gain admittance, but thev
are only too willing to aid a fellow countrvman in his efforts to
evade the customs officers. For in the Philippines the administra-
Customs '"^ "''°" "' ^ ^""' °^ '^'' '''''^ "^ '^'^ ^"^^^" «f
Notwithstanding all these evasions of the law the exclusion
pohcv of the United States may be fairly said to be accon.plishing
he three emls which justify its existence. There is no overwhelm
ing of the Fihpino race ,n its development. There is no diversion
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174 " The Aiuials of the American Academy
of that development througli the modifying influences of a process
of amalgamation with other Oriental races, chiefly the Chinese. No
new and unrelated element is added to the already heterogeneous
Philippine population. At the same time the Filipino is slowly
learning to develop the material resources of the land in which
he dwells. The United States, in protecting itself against pos-
sible evasions of its own exclusion laws by making them appli-
cable to every part of the territory under its control, has fortu-
nately done only what would have been in any case politic and
justifiable because of its recognition of Filipino sentiment. Only
a policy of exploitation could absolutely disregard the racial in-
stincts of a dependent people. If with all the advantages of
western civilization at our command American standards of life
are threatened by competition with the Oriental, how much more
difficult it would be for the Filipino race, even under our tutel-
age, to attain to the same standards which we enjoy and to
which they aspire, if we forced upon them the very competition
which we fear and avoid ! Unrestricted immigration into the Philip-
pines might not prove to be an unmixed evil, given certain aims and
conditions, but the present exclusion policy has amply justified its
existence as an element in an altruistic administration for the benefit
of the native population and it should be continued.
(394)
ORIEXTAI. LABOR IX SOUTH AFRICA
]lv L. E. Xeame,
Johannesburg, South Africa; Author of "The Asiatic Danger in the Colonics."
No student of the Asiatic problem in America can afford to
ignore the effects of imported colored labor in South Africa. South
of the Zambesi an "experimental plot" has been conducted for many
years, and from its records other lands can see what the competition
of the races of the East really means, and what inilucnce that com-
petition is likely to have upon a white population. But in glancing
at the dismal picture presented by South Africa to-day, it must be
rememl)ered that the Asiatic competition to which the people of
European descent are subjected, is by no means the w'orst of its
kind. The Indian immigrants in these colonies are usually drawn
from the dregs of the millions of India. In energy, ability and the
capacity for succeeding they are far behind the Chinese in the Straits
Settlements, or the Japanese of British Columbia.
Although in South Africa the native black jiopulation now out-
numbers the whites by six to one, this was not always the case. In
the earliest days of European settlement in the Cape Colony, the
newcomers found an almost empty land. The Kaffir invasion from
the northeast had not reached within hundreds of miles of Table
IJay. The only people found in the vicinity of the settlement were
a few wretched tribesmen wlio wandered over a large area of coun-
try. If, soon after A'an Riebeek began his garden in ^('>$2, a ]:)olicy
of introducing white labor had been adopted and systematically fol-
lowed up. South .\frica to-day would lie a far different country.
Only the system of relying upon colored labor has kept it back.
The first slaves brought to the little settlement were shipped from
Asia. Then the Dutch colonists sent to the West Coast of Africa
for blacks, and several hundred had been introduced before the
close of the seventeenth century. The system led with great rapidity
to the springing up of a half-breed race, and Isbrand Gostic. who
visited the Cape in 1671. considered the circumstances so scandalous
and demoralizing to the whites that he attempted to legislate against
them. In these early days, however, there was no likelihood of the
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176 The Annals of the American Academy
system being altered for sentimental reasons. It was too widely
accepted as the most reasonable policy of development.
In 1716 the Council of Policy at Table Bay came to a decision
which must always be regretted by the lover of South Africa. The
directors of the Dutch East India Company in Holland submitted
a number of important points to the Council at the Cape, and among
them was the question whether it would not be more advantageous
to employ European laborers than slaves. "It must ever be de-
plored." says Theal, the historian of the Cape, "'that of the men who
sat in the Council in February, 1717. there was but one who could
look beyond the gains of the present hour." Only the commander
of the garrison, Captain Dominique Pasques de Chavonnes, a brother
of the governor, advocated the introduction of- European workmen
instead of slaves. But this view was voted down. The basis of
South Africa was made colored labor, and it has been the basis of
the country to this day, with the result that in this huge tract of
land stretching from Table Bay to the Zambesi there are but a little
over a million white people — the population, say, of Nebraska. Only
one or two enlightened men saw the danger. One of them was the
governor-general. Van Imhoff, who, in a memorandum he drew up
in February, 1743, regretted that Europeans in large numbers were
not sent out in the early days of the settlement. The introduction
of slaves, he said, had caused every white man, no matter how
humble his birth, to regard himself as a master, and unless paid at
an extravagant rate he expected to be served instead of to serve
others.
In South Africa the importation of Asiatic slaves went on until
1767. Then the government at the Cape became apprehensive of
the too great preponderance of this class of the population — "for
when excited they were prone to commit appalling crimes," and' the
Council of India were earnestly asked not to continue to export
Asiatic slaves to South Africa.
In the next century came British dominance at the Cape, and
the liberation of the slaves. But the habit of relying upon colored
labor had become ingrained, and, as the natives of the country were
unreliable workers, it was resolved to import Asiatics.
The beginning of the Oriental labor system in South Africa on
any considerable scale dates back to 1859, when the land owners of
Natal asked Sir George Grey to be allowed to import labor. The
(396)
Oriental Labor in South /Ifrica 177
Corporation of Durban supported tlie appeal in an address wliich
included the following:
Independently of measures for developing the labor of our own natives,
we believe your Excellency will find occasion to sanction the introduction of
a limited number of coolie or other laborers from the East in aid of the new
enterprises on the coast lands, to the success of which sufficient and reliable
labor is absolutely essential ; for the fact cannot be too strongly borne in
mind that on the success or failure of these rising enterprises depends the
advancement of the colony or its certain and rapid decline. Experimental
cultivation has abundantly demonstrated that the issue depends solely on a
constant supply of labor.
The manner in which this comparatively modest request has
expanded in the course of half a century is a remarkable indication
of the danger of admitting Asiatic labor. The "limited number of
coolie or other laborers from the East" has swelled into an Indian
population greater than the entire zcliite population of A^atal. The
Asiatics called in to help industries on "the coast lands" have spread
all over the uplands which ought to support a large white popula-
tion. Instead of the tea and sugar planter alone demanding Asiatic
labor, it is the farmers, the manufacturers, the wealthier residents
of town and country alike. To-day the adult male Indians in Natal
outnumber the adult male Europeans by ten thousand. Indian shops
are found in the best streets of Durban, and in some of the small
towns hardly a white man's store is left. The "limited number" of
coolies now own thousands of acres of land. They are the fruit and
vegetable growers of the colony. The Kaffir "truck" trade, which
at one time supported many white families, has drifted almost
entirely into their hands. A member of the Natal Legislature wrote
some time ago:
Indians both rent land and hold it freehold, and their holdings of both
classes are extending year by year. Large areas in the coast country of
Victoria, north of Durban, have of late years been acquired by syndicates
of Europeans and retailed acre by acre to these people, who are keen to
buy, and are willing to pay prices which no European could afford for occu-
pation and cultivation. As a matter of fact, in this Garden County of the
Garden Colony, the European population cultivating or in intimate connec-
tion with the soil is probably smaller in number than it was thirty years
ago, while the Indian is gradually taking up the land upon which was (sic)
reared in those days families of Europeans — colonists of the best stamp.
What will be the outcome is causing anxious thought to many in Natal, who
look beyond the present day and its present profit.
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178 The Annals of the American Academy
In "The Asiatic Danger in the Colonies"^ I gave some figures,
taken from the Natal Census Report of 1904, showing the extent
to which Oriental competition has gained a grip on the colony. As
no later figures are available ^t present, I may be allowed to reprint
two of the tables. The first deals with storekeeping:
Europeans. Asiatics.
Storekeepers (general) 658 1,260
Storekeepers' assistants 1,252 1,323
Bakers and confectioners 213 78
Butchers and assistants 306 42
Grocers and assistants 425 75
Restaurant keepers 64 26
The second table is a more general one : .
Europeans. Asiatics.
Bricklayers and assistants 1.056 122
Blacksmiths and assistants 523 30
Barmen 251 2)7
Brick and tilemakers 98 23
Boot and shoemakers 108 66
Barbers and assistants 118 131
Brewers and assistants 68 27
Bookbinders and assistants 47 13
Billiard markers 2i2i 1 1
Carpenters and assistants 2,328 196
Cooks 147 457
Coachmen and grooms 92 117
Cycle dealers and mechanics 2)7 12
Carriers and carters 137 262
Cigar and cigarette makers 11 104
Domestic servants 1,083 2,132
Engine drivers (locomotive and stationary).. 516 57
Fishermen 100 108
Firemen and stokers 652 257
Hawkers 19 1,487
Jewelers and assistants 105 381
Laborers (general) 353 13,799
Laborers (railway 164 610
Municipal employees 141 543
Messengers 3 99
Miners 208 185
Mineral water manufacturers and assistants . . 6g 21
Tublished by Routledge & Sons in 1007.
(398)
Oriental Labor in South .Ifrica 179
Europeans. Asiatics.
Mine laborers 600
Painters 661 79
Printers and compositors 448 61
Plumbers and tinsmiths 356 81
Photographers and assistants 99 12
Porters (hotel and general) 96 133
Pumpmen (Natal railways i 32
Pointsmen (Natal railways) 138
Quarrymen 16 56
Tailors and assistants 266 126
Tobacconists and assistants 47 22
Waiters 100 658
One more example of the effect of Asiatic competition may be
quoted, because it shows how, even in times of great depression,
the Oriental can thrive while the white man goes under. The Cape
Colony, like the rest of South Africa, has in recent years gone
through extremely 1)ad times, ^^'hite storekeepers went under in
large numbers. But the Orientals held their ground. For instance,
in the five largest towns in the Cape Colony — Capetown. East Lon-
don, King William's Town. Kimberley. and Port Elizabeth — the
number of general dealers' licenses issued to Europeans in IQ05 was
5,222. But on ]\Iay i, 1906, only 3,920 Europeans had taken out
licenses. That is to say, 1,302 Europeans had been forced out of
business. Now in 1905 there were 1,012 general dealers' licenses
issued to non-Europeans. But on May 6, 1906, there had been no
decrease. On the contrary, the licenses numbered 1,059. In these
five towns, therefore, in one year the increased competition had had
the following effect :
1. Licenses to Europeans decreased 1,302.
2. Licenses to non-Europeans increased 44.
In the face of these statistics, all taken from official publications,
it is hardly necessary to dwell further upon the effect of an infiltra-
tion of Asiatics into a land in which there is already a large white
population. The figures tell their own tale.
The condition of South Africa — especially of Natal — is a warn-
ing to other lands to bar Asiatic immigrants. I have no prejudice
against the Eastern races. During several years' residence in India
I had many opportunities of seeing the excellent qualities of an
Asiatic people — personally I prefer India to any country I have
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i8o The Annals of the American Academy
seen. But I cannot shut my eyes to the disastrous effects of allowing
any considerable Asiatic population to settle in a land in which there
is already a large white population. The Asiatics will never be
absorbed. Always they will live apart, a source of weakness to the
community. America has absorbed hundreds of thousands of for-
eigners from Europe. They have intermarried with the older popu-
lation. Hardly a trace of them will remain in a few generations.
But a hundred thousand Asiatics in Natal have not been absorbed
and never will be absorbed ; and in America the same isolation
would be found for generation after generation.
Both economically and socially the presence of a large Oriental
population is bad. The Asiatics either force out the white workers,
or compel the latter to live down to the Asiatic level. There must
be a marked deterioration amongst the white, working classes, which
renders useless a great deal of the effort made in educational work.
The white population is educated and trained according to the best
ideas of the highest form of Western civilization — and has to com-
pete for a livelihood against Asiatics. In South Africa this com-
petition is driving out the white working class, because the average
European cannot live down to the Asiatic level — and if it is essen-
tial that the European must do so, then for the sake of his own
happiness do not educate him up to better things. If cheapness is
the only consideration, if low wages are to come before everything
else, then it is not only waste of money, but absolute cruelty, to
inspire in the white working classes tastes and aspirations which it
is impossible for them to realize. To meet Asiatic competition
squarely it would be necessary to train the white children to be
Asiatics. Even the pro-Orientals would hardly advocate this.
Further, Asiatic labor in South Africa is now seen to be a
weakness to the state. It drives out white people in a land in
which white men are needed for the safety of the community against
the Kaffir hordes. It increases the problems of the country by
establishing a large colored population which is not native and
resents being brought under laws for natives, and yet cannot be
placed on an equality with the white population. Besides, the
Asiatic is worth less to the country than the white man he displaces.
It is estimated in Natal that the Oriental only contributes £i 6 4^
a year to the public revenue, whereas the white resident returns
£30 114. The Oriental buys as little as possible and sends all he
(400)
Oriental Labor in South Africa i8i
can to his relatives in Asia. If he marries and settles down, his
children only increase the difficulty of the color problem.
The experience of South Africa is that when once Asiatic labor
is admitted, the tendency is for it to g^row. One manufacturer
secures it and is able to cut prices to such an extent that the other
manufacturers are forced either to employ Asiatics also or to reduce
white wages to the Asiatic level. Oriental labor is something- which
does not stand still. The taste for it grows. A party springs up
financially interested in increasing it. In Natal to-day the sugges-
tion that Indian labor should no longer be imported is met by an
outcry from the planters, the farmers and landowners, and a certain
number of manufacturers, that industries and agriculture will be
ruined. So the coolie ships continue to arrive at Durban, and Natal
becomes more and more a land of black and brown people and less
a land of white people. Instead of becoming a Canada or New
Zealand, it is becoming a Trinidad or Cuba. Instead of white set-
lers there are brown settlers. The landowner does not mind, because
as J\lr. Clayton, an ex-cabinet minister in Natal, said a few years
ago, he was pretty confident that his children, rather than have to
work any land he might be able to leave them, would prefer to let
it to Indians at reasonable rents. The planters and the manufac-
turers do not mind, because the more Asiatic labor they can get the
smaller will be their wages bills and the larger their profits. But
the working class white population has to go, as it is going in Natal.
The country becomes a country of wdiite landlords and supervisors
controlling a horde of Asiatics. It does not produce a nation or a
free people. It becomes w-hat in the old days of English coloniza-
tion was called a "plantation."
The objection to Oriental labor in a white community is not
based upon color prejudice. It is an instinct — the instinct of self-
preservation. Instinctively the white community realize that with
Asiatic immigration their highest ideals cannot survive. The late Sir
Henry Parkes put the case eloquently in Australia years ago. when
the white man's country ideal was fought for and won there. "It
is our duty," he said, "to preserve the type of the British nation, and
we ought not for any consideration whatever to admit any element
that would detract from, or in any appreciable degree lower, that
admirable type of nationality. We should not encourage or admit
amongst us any class of persons whatever whom we are not prepared
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i82 " Tlic Annals of the American Academy
to advance to all our franchises, to all our privileges as citizens, and
all our social rights, including the right of marriage. I maintain
that no class of persons should be admitted here, so far as we can
reasonably exclude them, who cannot come amongst us, take up all
our rights, perform on a ground of equality all our duties, and share
in our august and lofty work of founding a free nation."
South Africa sees now that this policy cannot be carried out if
Asiatic immigration is allowed. The colonies here are on the point
of forming the Union of South Africa under a strong central gov-
ernment. I have no hesitation in predicting that one of the first
steps the Union Parliament will take will be to stop the importation
of Oriental labor into Natal — even though that labor is from another
part of the British Empire. The white people of South Africa will
demand this measure. And they will do so because they realize now
that the influx of an Oriental people into a white community in-
evitably results in the ruin of a large number of white families, and
in the springing up of difficulties which it were wiser to avoid.
(402)
JAPANESE IMMIGRATION INTO KOREA
By Thomas F. Millard,
New York City; Author of "The New Far East" and "America and the Far
Eastern Question."
In modern times immigration ina'y be divided roughly into two
classes: persons who come to a country with purpose to establish
a permanent residence, acquire citizenship, and adapt themselves
to its institutions ; and persons who, because of their own disin-
clination, or from being prevented by laws of the nation, do not
become subjects or citizens of the state where they reside, occupying
the situation of foreign residents.
Japanese immigrants into Korea do not fall exactly within either
of these classes. Indeed, they hardly can be termed immigrants in
a political sense, since by moving from Japan into Korea their gen-
eral political status undergoes no material alteration. They still
are Japanese subjects living in a country governed by Japan ; and it
is improbable that this condition will ever be modified. To-day
Japan is absolute sovereign in Korea, and exercises unrestrained all
functions of government, although a Korean emperor is presumed
to reign and a Korean ministry nominally exercises some administra-
tive authority.
Japanese immigration into Korea, therefore, does not present a
political problem in an international sense ; and consequently is inter-
esting rather in its economic and sociological phases, from which
some conclusions may perhaps be deduced that will bear upon the
question of Asiatic immigration into the United States. In this
connection, the thesis of Japan's administration in Korea should be
considered, for it affords a basis for estimating certain effects of her
policy. Obviously, the policy is paternal in conception and opera-
tion, in the sense that it assumes that Koreans are incompetent to
govern themselves. This is the theory of many similar policies, of
which British administration in Egypt and India. Dutch rule in the
East Indies, and American government of the Philippines are promi-
nent instances. Of these examples, Japan's rule in Korea is more
like Dutch colonial administration; but it differs, in the matter of
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184 TJie Annals of the American Academy
immigration, from all of them. In the case of Great Britain, Hol-
land and the United States, the paternal relation is exercised by a
race not adaptable, in large numbers, to life in the regions thus
brought under their authority ; and so the immigration of English
into India, Dutch into the East Indies and Americans into the Phil-
ippines in no way threatens to disturb economic and sociological
conditions, nor to seriously affect, except by influence of association
and example, the native inhabitants. In respect to their Oriental
dependencies, the western nations mentioned have never attempted
to colonize them with British, Dutch or American immigrants who
would or could directly compete with the natives in their accustomed
vocations ; and in the Philippines the United States protects the
natives against Chinese immigration.
Conditions in Korea are different. The country is very like
Japan in soil, climate and natural resources. While various divisions
of Oriental races present external differences, and to close observa-
tion display some diverse traits, they really involve no greater
divergences than do the Caucasian nations of Europe, or inhabitants
of different parts of the United States. There is little difference
between Chinese, Japanese and Koreans as to general characteristics.
Owing to peculiar conditions which obtained for so long, Koreans
are somewhat less sophisticated than Chinese and Japanese ; and
from having lived for centuries in a land of comparative plenty,
they have not the industrial capability and commercial acumen which
a harder struggle for existence has instilled into their neighbors.
Until the empire was opened to foreign trade want was compara-
tively unknown, and the country produced more than enough to
supply the needs of the population. With an area less than that of
Kansas, Korea has a population approximately of 10,000,000.
While Korea is well populated, there always was land to spare
until within the last few years. Growth of foreign trade, and
the consequent exportation of foodstuffs, brought the Korean peas-
ant into competition with his Oriental neighbors, and soon caused
his situation to be modified by submitting him to a new economic
pressure. He now had to labor not only to meet his own simple
requirements, but was for the first time forced to sell his products
in a general market. Unused land began to have value, and as the
cost of living appreciated, the condition of the peasants, who never
had been compelled to practice thrift, relatively deteriorated.
(404)
Japanese ! uiDiigratiuii into Korea 185
This was the situation when the sovereignty of Japan was
estabUshed by seizure of Korea, in 1904, and when the tide of Japan-
ese immigration into the country began to swell. There were some
Japanese in Korea before the Russo-Japanese War, and they were
accorded the same privileges and rights there as other foreigners ;
yet there never was any great influx. Natural conditions in no way
have been changed by the establishment of Japanese rule there.
Korea is no nearer to Japan than before. It is somewhat more
accessible, in a modern sense, owing to railway communications and
better shipping facilities ; but for hundreds of years Japanese fisher-
men have plied Korean waters in their boats, and had conditions
tempted them there was no serious obstacle to prevent them from
immigrating" in large numbers. The reason they did not do so
seems to be because Korea ofifered no especial inducement to Japa-
nese immigrants. A Japanese trader or peasant formerly had no
greater opportunities in Korea than in Japan, and so, except some
adventurous persons, they remained at home.
An explanation for the Japanese immigration into Korea since
1904 must, therefore, be sought apart from natural conditions ; and
investigation of the factors involved indicate that politics rather than
economics provided the incentive for it. It is a result of a delib-
erate colonization policy of the Japanese government. The broader
purposes of Japan in wishing to colonize Korea wnth Japanese are
almost self-evident, and ])crhaps are well enough understood to not
require elucidation in this connection. Assuming that the Japanese
government desires to induce 5,000,000 Japanese to settle in Korea
(which is a number mentioned in discussion in the Diet), it must
excite among them a desire to go to Korea, and secure contentment
for them w^hen they go. In time the success of the plan w'ill depend
upon the latter contingent, for unless Japanese immigrants in Korea
are satisfied they will not remain, and the project to Jap-ize the
country will fail.
In creating among Japanese a desire to go to Korea the govern-
ment employed all of several means which it controls: publicity, the
shipping lines and the emigration companies being the more im-
portant. The affiliation of emigration companies in Japan with the
government, through the subsidized shipping companies, is very
close ; and when backed by the government, with the advantage of
special transportation rates, it was not difficult for them to induce
(405)
i86 - The Annals of the American Academy
many Japanese to take a chance in the new country. I have no
authentic figures showing the extent of Japanese immigration into
Korea during the last five years ; but unofficial statistics fix it at
85,000 in 1904, 115,000 in 1905, 120,000 in 1906, and 60,000 in 1907.
When I was last in Korea, in 1908, the number of Japanese in the
country was estimated at less than 500,000. The high-water mark
of this immigration was reached in 1906.
The turn of the tide, notwithstanding extraordinary inducements
aff^orded by preferential treatment both in getting to Korea and
establishing settlers there, probably caused the Diet to grant a
charter to the Oriental Colonization Company, which was organized
in 1908 with a capital of 10,000,000.00 yen, and which receives an
annual subsidy of 300.000.00 yen from the government in the form
of guarantee of interest on debentures. This company has a one
hundred year franchise, and is equipped with a blanket charter.
The Diet has authorized it to issue debentures for 20,000.000.00
yen, and two members of the ministry were in the company's first
directorate.
The charter thus enumerates the enterprises in which the Ori-
ental Colonization Company may engage:
1. Agriculture.
2. Sale, purchase, leasing and hiring of lands necessary for colonization
purposes.
3. Undertakings connected with land and its control.
4. Construction, sale, purchase and renting of necessary buildings.
5. Collection and distribution of Japanese and Korean colonists.
6. Supply of seeds, seedlings, fertilizers and other materials for industries
to Japanese and Korean farmers.
7. Supply to Japanese immigrants and Korean farmers of building mate-
rials, utensils and machinery for industrial purposes; ships, wagons and
domestic cattle.
8. Selling, buying, transportation and storing of all things produced by
Japanese immigrants and Korean farmers as well as of the necessities of life
for them.
9. Supply of funds necessary for colonization purposes,
Siipplcmcntaiy Enterprises
(a) Marine industries.
(b) Mining.
(r) Manufacturing industries that derive their materials from agricul-
tural and marine products.
(d) Other undertakings deemed necessary for colonization.
(406)
Japanese luiuiii^ration into Korea 187
In the Diet, government deputies stated that the fundamental
object of the Oriental Colonization Company is to send skilled
Japanese farmers to Korea to reclaim the considerable extent of
arable lands now lyinc;- in waste there. The charter confines the
enterprise exclusively to Japanese and Koreans, and a majority of
officers and employees must be Japanese. Here is a revival of the
old East India Company, with the additional power to colonize on
a great scale. While, when interrogated in the Diet, government
deputies denied that the charter of the company constitutes a
monopoly of any kind of business in Korea, it easily may do so
when one considers its relation to the Japanese government and the
whole policy of the latter in Korea. It may be said that Korean
participation in the Oriental Colonization Company is merely a fic-
tion, and similar to the part played by the emperor and the so-
called Korean ministry in administrative afifairs.
An idea of the efl^ect of injection into Korea of several millions
of Japanese, if the scheme of the Oriental Colonization Company
proves successful, may perhaps be gleaned from certain results of
the presence of those already domiciled there. That most Japanese
immigrants would be inferior to the social average in Japan might
be expected, for the better classes of Japanese are not disposed to
such doubtful adventure. Japanese in Korea are of all classes, from
officials of the superior type to coolies. An argument is advanced
that the settling of Japanese farmers upon land that is now unpro-
ductive will develop the country. So it might : but it appears that
of the half a million Japanese who have come to Korea since Japan
took the country less than three thousand are engaged in agricul-
tural pursuits. When last in Seoul I made inquiry about this mat-
ter, and obtained from as reliable and unprejudiced a source fnot
Japanese) as I could find the following estimate of occupations of
Japanese immigrants :
1. Officials 5,000
2. Traders (including peddlers, merchants, etc., with their families) . . 100,000
3. Artisans (including their families) 50,000
4. Coolies 100,000
5. Prostitutes 10,000
6. Miscellaneous 50,000
7. Subordinate government employees, police, etc 10,000
8. Agriculturists 2,500
(407)
l88 - The Annals of the Ameriean Academy
Within the last two years a large number of Japanese have re-
turned to Japan, which probably accounts for the discrepancy be-
tween the total of this estimate and the total immigration since 1904.
This estimate does not include the Japanese military. A striking
result of Japanese administration is that the number of Japanese
officials and employees in the Korean government now exceeds the
Koreans, who are being removed from even the meanest occupations
to make way for Japanese. What probably will impress the socio-
logical student in this estimate is that the Japanese immigration is
of a character directly to compete with the native population. In-
stead of opening new avenues of production, this immigration so far
merely has brought an additional population to live upon the present
resources of the country, which means that it has had the immediate
effect of accentuating the struggle for existence, and has subjected
Koreans to a severe and unfamiliar competition.
The character of this competition can only be appreciated when
political conditions in Korea under Japan's rule, and its application
to the situation of the natives, are understood ; and as I lack space
in this paper to give details illustrating this phase of the matter, I
will repeat a summary which is included in my recent work "Amer-
ica and the Far Eastern Question :"
"The scope of this work will not permit relation in detail of
detriments which Koreans of all classes suffer under the Japanese
regime. Bare mention of specific instances which, supported by
reliable testimony, were called to my attention during my last visit
would fill pages. These detriments may be summarized as follows :
Siezure of land and other property of Koreans by Japanese without
proper compensation or legal warrant ; exclusion of Koreans from
participation in commercial and industrial development of the
country; subjection of Koreans to abuse and indignities at the hands
of Japanese immigrants, military and civil officials ; the practical
impossibility for Koreans, except in flagrant cases, to obtain justice
in issues against Japanese ; superior advantages of Japanese over
Korean tradesmen and merchants, through preferential treatment
accorded by the Japanese administration ; debauching of Korean
morals by Japanese immigrants, by the introduction of thousands
of Japanese prostitutes and by the introduction of pernicious vices,
such as opium and lotteries. The detriments thus summarized are
not based upon scarce or isolated cases, but are so numerous and
(408)
Japanese Immigration into Korea 189
widespread as unmistakably lo indicate that they arc the result
partly of premeditated general policy, ajid partly due to laxity and
indifference of Japanese administrators."
The truth is that Japanese in Korea demean themselves not as
ordinary immigrants, but as overlords ; and this is as true of the
Japanese coolie, in his sphere, as it is of the highest official. The
average Japanese in Korea assumes the attitude of conqueror, and
seems to regard Koreans as an inferior and subject race. IMoreover,
they are supported in this attitude by the policy of the Japanese gov-
ernment, and by actions of Japanese officials in Korea. Indeed, the
plight of a Korean in his own country is now a sorry one ; yet,
curiously enough, he may not himself emigrate without permission
of the Japanese authorities. Recently, acting upon representations
of Japanese emigration companies and their affiliated interests, the
Residency [Japanese administration in Korea] made new regula-
tions affecting Korean emigration. This regulation is ostensibly
designed to "protect" Koreans who emigrate to foreign countries.
In recent years there has been little Korean emigration except to
Hawaii and Mexico, where it competes with Japanese immigrants
in the labor field. The new regulations make it practically im-
possible for Koreans to emigrate except under conditions which
discourage such disposition. To believe that any solicitude for
Koreans animates the Japanese government in this matter taxes the
credulity of anyone who is familiar with conditions in Korea.
It is probable that this brief criticism of some effects of Japanese
immigration into Korea will interest Americans chiefly by whatever
light it throws upon its predominating characteristics. Japanese
immigrants into Korea are not responsible for the Korean policy
of Japan, but their demeanor under the circumstances is interesting
and perhaps illuminating. That Japanese of all classes in Korea
are, in their attitude toward the natives and institutions of the
country, contemptuous, truculent and overreaching is my firm con-
viction ; and as their political and social situation there is favorable,
compared to that of Japanese immigrants to western countries, their
conduct may afford an insight into what they might do elsewhere
should circumstances permit.
(409)
THE EXCLUSION OF ASIATIC IMMIGRANTS IN
AUSTRALIA
By Philip S. Eldershaw, B.A., and P. P. Olden,
University Law School, Sydney, New South Wales.
In the history of the Austrahan colonies, now forming the
Austrahan Commonwealth, the frequent recurrence of legislation
directed against Asiatic immigrants is impressive. To quote one
example, no sooner did the colony of Victoria obtain responsible
government in 1855 than a restriction act was passed, imposing
duties on the masters of vessels bringing Chinese to A^ictorian
ports. This is typical of the attitude of all six colonies on the sub-
ject. Intermittently restrictive legislation continued till 1890. when
public opinicn seems to have subsided, to awaken again, with re-
newed apprehension, in the twentieth century — chiefly owing, be
it said, to Japan's prominence in the East, dating from her entry
into the family of nations in 1899. It is by no means difificult to
realize the causes of this uneasiness.
Within a few days' steam of the northern shores lie the densely
populated eastern countries, which demand expansion as a result
of economic and other social forces. There are three whose inhab-
itants are represented in our alien population (which does not,
however, exceed 5 per cent of the total). These are India, China
and Japan, which together have a population of 715,000,000 people.
The following table is eloquent in its possibilities :^
Population to Total population Area
ountrv. square mile. (approximate). (square miles).
China 101.36 433.553,030 4,277,170
India (Brit) 213.27 231,855,533 1,087,124
Japan 266.84 50,841,562 190,534
Australia i.46{ '" ^^oi 4.347,037 ) ^3^
( now about 5,000,000 j
It is only of recent years that the true position of afifairs has
been apprehended by the mass of the people ; this tardy recognition
being mainly due to the isolation of Australia from world politics.
'Official Year Book Commonwealth, No. 2.
(410)
Exclusion of Asiatic iDuiiii^rants in Australia 191
But even from the first, hidden under economic and other reasons,
there has been an instinctive idea that. to allow Asiatics to obtain
a footing on the continent would be fatal. Twelve thousand miles
from the parent and, at present, protecting state, the full recogni-
tion of the problem or rather the crisis has been seen in late years
in the feverish desire for the desirable immigrant, — the white who
is quickly naturalized under laws suitable to the situation in which
we find ourselves.
State Legislation
State legislation is interesting from an historical point of view,
and as illustrating the general trend of public opinion, but it should
be remembered that state legislation has been practically superseded
by the commonwealth acts to be discussed later. This is true,
however, only so far as the state legislation conflicts impliedly or
expressly with federal legislation. The power which the Parlia-
ment possesses of making laws with respect to immigration and
emigration is not an exclusive power. -
The first act we notice is the Mctorian restriction law of 1855,
imposing a fine of iio on the masters of ships bringing Chinese
passengers to Victoria, for every Chinese landed. These provisions
were afterwards adopted by South Australia in 1857, and by New
South Wales in 1861, to be soon afterwards repealed owing to
pressure by the British colonial office. In 1877 Queensland adopted
practically the same act, with the further imposition of a poll tax,
in 1884, of £50 to be paid by each Chinaman. Meanwhile the other
five states had passed exclusion laws limiting the number of Chinese
allowed to land from a vessel to the proportion of one to every
hundred tons burden. These provisions were generally disregarded
till 1888, when a sudden influx of Chinese took place, and popular
apprehension grew\ Several boat loads of Chinese immigrants were
])rcventcd by force from effecting a landing at Sydney and Mel-
bourne. An intercolonial conference was held the same year and
affirmed the general principle of the exclusion of Chinese and the
desirability of uniform legislation on the subject. Exclusion bills
were rushed through the various colonial parliaments. To take
the New South Wales act as typical, the following provisions are
prominent :
^Constitution Act, sec*. 51, ss. XXVII.
(411)
192 " The Annals of the American Academy
1. The poll tax was raised to iioo.
2. No ship to carry Chinese passengers in the proportion of
more than one to every 300 tons burden.
3. The penalty on shipmasters for a breach of this law was
£500.
This marks the end of anti-Chinese legislation, chiefly be-
cause the end of the acts had been attained ; the inflow of Chinese
had practically ceased in 1901. In the census of 1891 their num-
bers had been estimated at 38,000. In 1901 32,000 were the official
figures of the number of Chinese in Australia.
Still in the six years preceding 1901 the arrival of colored
aliens had exceeded the departures by 5,500. Japanese, Afghans
and coolies from British India began to stray through the colonies.
At an intercolonial conference, 1895, the desirability of extending
the anti-Chinese laws to all colored aliens was affirmed. Attempts
were made to do this at the same time in all the colonies (1896), but
the British colonial office refused to confirm these acts, despite the
important privy council decision in Chung Tcong Toy v. Musgrove
(1891), that a colonial government had the unrestricted right to
shut out aliens. The acts were modified and finally passed, the
main provision of each being the exclusion of any person who failed
to write in some European language an application for admission
to the colony. The inadequateness of this test is apparent. An
application learned parrot-fashion would not be difficult for an in-
telligent Asiatic to master. This requirement was not completely
amended till later federal legislation in 1901. The penalty for
evasion was fines and imprisonment for the prohibited immigrant,
followed by expulsion, and heavy fines directed against shipmasters
and owners. Two principles seem to have been reached as the
result of all these laws, and both have been embodied in the Com-
monwealth Alien Immigration Restriction Act, 1901. These are:
(1) That the better method of excluding undesirable immigrants is not
a poll-tax, but a test of character and education. In other words, complete
exclusion has taken the place of restriction.
(2) If the responsibility for undesirable immigrants is made to rest upon
the shipmaster or shipowner exclusion legislation will be more efficacious.
This brings the history of anti-Asiatic legislation down to 190T.
Its importance has always been recognized in colonial politics. In
(412)
Exclusion of Asiatic Iiniiiiii^ratits i)i Australia 193
fact, the necessity for uniform exclusion laws was one of the main
factors in determining the six Australian colonies to federate in
1901,^ and in the first year of its existence the new-horn common-
wealth embodied previous state laws into one sweeping statute.
CoDimoiivcalth Legislation
Under the authority conferred by the constitution to make
laws with respect to immigration,* the jiarliament of the common-
wealth passed the immigration restriction act, 1901, and the immi-
gration restriction amendment act, 1905. Immigration into the
commonwealth of persons comprised in the following classes is
prohibited (sec. 3) :
(a) Any person unable to write out at dictation by an officer a passage
of fifty words in length in any prescribed language.
(b) Any person likely to become a charge upon the public.
((■) Any idiot or insane person.
(d) Any person suffering from an infectious or contagious disease.
(e) Any person who has within three years been convicted of a non-
political offence, or has been sentenced to imprisonment for one year or
more or has not served sentence or received a pardon (sec. 3).
(/■) Any prostitute or person living on prostitution of others (sec. 3).
Exceptions. — To these restrictions there are exceptions :
(a) Any person holding a certificate of exemption.
(&) Members of King's regular forces.
(c) Master and crew of any public vessel, of any government.
(d) Master and crew of any other vessel during its stay in port, pro-
vided that if it be found before the vessel leaves the port that a member
of the crew who in the opinion of the officer administering the act would
have been a prohibited immigrant but for provisions of this section, is not
on board, shall be deemed to have entered the commonwealth as a pro-
hibited immigrant, imtil the contrary be proved.
(e) Any person duly accredited to the commonwealth by any other
governmait.
Certificates of Exemption
Certificates of exemption from provisions of the acts are to
be expressed as in force for a specified period only and may at any
time be cancelled by the minister for external aflFairs. Upon ex-
'See Report of Intercolonial Convention, 1897.
'Constitutional Act, sec. 51, ss. XXVII.
(413)
194 The Annals of the American Academy
pi ration or cancellation of such certificate the person named therein
if found within commowealth shall be treated as a prohibited immi-
grant and deported (sec. 4) ; an exemption from dictation test is
given to persons five years resident in the commonwealth (sec. 4a).
Liability of Masters and Ozvners of Vessels
Masters, owners and charterers of any vessel from which a
prohibited immigrant enters the commonwealth shall be jointly
and severally liable to penalty of iioo for each such immigrant
(sec. 9). The minister for external affairs may authorize the de-
tention for safe custody of a vessel from which a prohibited immi-
grant has entered the commonwealth ; the vessel may be held for
security, but may be released on security being given for payment
of penalties which may be inflicted : in default of payment the vessel
may be sold (sec 10). Masters of a ship in which a prohibited
immigrant comes to the commonwealth shall provide a return pas-
sage to such (sec. 13a).
Evasion of Act by Immigrants and Others
Any immigrant who evades an ofiicer, or enters the common-
wealth at a place where no officer is stationed if thereafter found
in the commowealth may be required to pass the dictation test, and
failing, be deemed a prohibited immigrant (sec. 5). Any person
may within one year of entering the commonwealth be required to
pass the dictation test. Presumption of proof is against such per-
son. Every prohibited immigrant entering or found within the
commonw^ealth in evasion of act shall be guilty of an offence and
upon conviction shall be liable to imprisonment for six months,
and to be deported from the commonwealth, though imprisonment
may cease for purpose of deportation, or if offender finds two
sureties of £50 for leaving the commonwealth within one month
(sec. 7). Any person wilfully assisting another to contravene a
provision of this act is guilty of an offence (sec. 12).
General Provisions
An immigrant unable to pass the dictation test may be allowed
to enter the commonwealth on the following conditions :
(a) Depositing iioo with officer.
(414)
Exclusion of Asiatic Iiiuiiigraiits in .liistralia 195
(b) Receiving witliin thirty clays of deposit a certificate of
exemption.
Failing- to receive certificate he must depart from tlie common-
wealth when deposit shall he returned, otherwise deposit may be
forfeited and he be treated as a prohibited immigrant (sec. 6).
Any person other than a British subject convicted of violence
against the person shall be liable at the expiration of imprisonment
to be required to pass the dictation test, and failing shall be de-
ported from the commonwealth as a prohibited immigrant (sec. 8).
Any member of the police force or any customs officer may take
necessary legal proceedings for enforcement of the act. Police
may arrest without warrant a suspected prohibited immigrant (sec.
14). Where no higher penalty is imposed for an ofifcnce by this
act, the penalty is to be £50 fine or six months imprisonment (sec.
18). The governor-general may make regulations empowering
officers to determine whether any person is a prohibited immigrant
(sec. 16).
The validity of the above acts as a whole was upheld in the
case of Robtelms z'. Rrennan,'^ where the high court of Australia
laid down that every state can decide what aliens shall become mem-
bers of the community. This case further decided that every state
had an unqualified right to expel or deport (see sec. 7 of act) as
well as to prevent entering. The right can be exercised in what-
ever manner and to whatever place necessary for effective deporta-
tion.
A survey of the text of the acts as above would seem to show
that the commonwealth parliament had only provided against the
influx of uneducated or criminal persons, but a glance at one sec-
tion of the act of iqoi and at its general administration will show
that it is particularly directed against Asiatic immigration.
Thus the act of 1901 laid down a dictation test in any pre-
scribed European language. So all Asiatics, save those acquainted
with the European language were excluded. In point of fact only
thirty-two Asiatics passed the test in the years 1002, 1003, 1904.
In the act of 1905 the test was altered to be "in any prescribed lan-
guage." The alteration was undoubtedly made with a view to re-
move a direct expression of ofifence against Asiatic peoples. This
was the more necessary as I'ritish policy in the far East was and
H C. L. R. 395.
(415)
196 " The Annals of the American Academy
is centered round a treaty of alliance with Japan. But the exclu-
sion of Asiatics has since the 1905 act really been more rigid than
under that of 1901. Only one native of Asia passed the dictation
test in 1905 and none have passed it since. The explanation lies in
the fact that no regulations have been made, as provided for under
sec. 16, for the guidance of officers in deciding who are to be deemed
prohibited immigrants. The officers administering the act have
authority from the case of Chia Gee v. Martin." There the high
court of Australia laid down the important principle that it is for
the officer and not the immigrant to select the European language
for the dictation test; and although as noted above the act of 1905
alters the words "any European language" to "any language" it
would seem that the decision would still hold good with respect to
the choice of language resting with the officer. Thus at discretion
he can exclude any immigrant whatever, even European — and of
Asiatics educated as well as uneducated. At the present moment
it is a matter of deepest offence to eastern races that no distinction
is made in favor of those who represent their highest civilization.
As further illustrating the large amount of discretion allowed
officers in the administration of the acts is the case of Preston v.
Donohue.'^ In this case it was held that an officer having applied
himself to the relevant question as to whether a member of a ship's
crew found absent before the vessel clears the port is a prohibited
immigrant, his opinion could not be questioned in a prosecution
founded on that opinion.
As a principle of policy this discretion allowed to officers has
always been exercised for the stringent exclusion of Asiatics. In
this connection the case of Ah Yin v. Christie* is worthy of note.
This decided that an infant born out of Australia, and who has
never been here and is the son of a person domiciled in Australia,
is irrelevant to the question whether that infant on coming here is
a prohibited immigrant within the meaning of the acts.
The final proof that it is the policy of Australia to exclude
Asiatics is afforded by the provisions of the naturalisation act of
1003. By this act an applicant for a certificate of naturalisation in
the commonwealth must adduce evidence to show that he is not an
«3 C. n. R. 640.
'3 C. L. R. 1080.
«4 C. L. R. 1428.
(416)
Exclusion of Asiatic Iiiniiigrants in Australia 197
aboriginal native of Asia (sec. 5), provided that he has not already
been naturalized in the United Kingdom, and even in this case the
governor-general of the commonwealth may withhold such certifi-
cate on the grounds of public good (sec. y). Since this act came
into force, January i, 1904, not one native of Asia has been natu-
ralized in Australia. The legislation of the Australian parliament
on the question of Asiatic immigration has therefore gone farther
than that of the colonies which nov^ form the commonwealth.
Questions of external affairs generally and that of immigra-
tion particularly present two aspects to Australian statesmen. There
is the imperial aspect ; the empire extends over diverse nationalities,
including Asiatics, for exam.ple, natives of India ; her foreign policy
necessitates friendsh.ip with Asiatic races, for example, the treaty
with Japan 1906. On the other hand, there is the local aspect;
Australia is in proximity to the nations of the far East with their
teeming populations, while her own scanty population is almost
exclusively of European origin. That local needs have been pro-
vided for. even at some expense to those of an imperial nature, is
immcdiatelv due to the added prestige which attaches to the com-
monwealth, as contrasted with disunited Australian colonies. At
the bottom it is due to the greater freedom which is gradually
being allow^ed by Great Britain to those of her dependencies which
have been endowed with a large measure of responsible govern-
ment.
Reasons for Legislation
The reasons for such drastic legislation fall naturally into
three groups. (i) Physiological, (2) Economic, (3) Political,
chiefly from the aspect of defence.
I. Physiological. With the examples of the tw'o Americas
before our eyes no other object lesson is needed to impress the
Australian mind with the undesirable result of a land inhabited by
people of two different colors. The mixture of one European
nation with another may bave a tendency for good, the faults of
one species may be corrected by the infusion of foreign blood, and
the result of such alliances may be virile and progressive. But in
every case the outcome of the union between European and Asiatic
or European and African has been a generation with the faults of
both and the virtues of neither. If ever a great bodv of aliens
(417)
198 ■ The Annals of the American Academy
become domiciled in Australia, either to the north or south, two
conceivable results might happen. The two elements might coa-
lesce, as in the case of the hybrid communities in South America
with fatal results to the individuality and energy which is the birth-
right of the pure white race. Or they would not coalesce as in the
case of the negro and white population of the United States of
America. In this case the problem of reconciling two antagonistic
races to live in peace and fellowship is one wdiich strains the best
statesmanship. Even under the best rule occasional outbreaks
would and do occur. Neither of these alternatives commends itself
to a community whose alien population does not exceed at present
5 per cent of the total. Hence it is that every effort is made backed
up by public opinion to administer the restriction acts as strictly as
possible.
In all great cities the miserable mongrel springing from white
and yellow is seen, and even now in the slums of Sydney, Mel-
bourne and Brisbane he can be found, though but one in fifty of the
small Asiatic population has a white mate. It is in the south, how-
ever, that there is cause for alarm. The north of Queensland, and
the whole of the northern territory of South Australia diave but a
very sparse population of whites, a vast and for the most part fer-
tile territory, and a dangerous proximity to Asiatic neighbors.
There the physiological problem has manifested itself. There also
to some extent the aboriginal native of Australia enters as a fac-
tor. Elsewhere, however, he may be ignored as an element in the
nation's problems owing to his fast diminis'hing numbers. Every
healthy community has the power of absorbing a certain number of
these undesirable crosses, and apparently that is what is happening
to the few half-breed children in the segregated aboriginal camps.
But the beginning of a hybrid race with all the vices and
phvsical infirmities of the eastern coolie race is visible in the far
northern corner of the continent, having its origin in the time be-
fore the immigration restriction acts. The Malay, Filipino and Japa-
nese have crossed with Australian aboriginals. White half-castes
have bred with Chinese, Malays and Manilamen, until the low
type of humanity which results is dignified by the name of mongrel.
But all these considerations have been rather instinctive and innate,
than explicit in prompting anti-Asiatic legislation. Those most
(418)
Exclusion of Asiatic Iiiuiiii^raiits in Australia 199
emphasized have been reasons of economic and of pohtical ex-
pediency.
2. Economic. This phase of the question of Asiatic immi-
gration is viewed with pecuHar interest Ijy Australian statesmen.
Their fear of the lowering of the standard of living is perhaps more
acute than that of the statesmen of other countries by reason of
peculiar natural circumstances.
In the first place with an area of 2,975,000 square miles the
density of Australian population is only 1.46 persons per square mile,
in comparison with Japan with a density of population of 266.84,
British India with a density of 213.27 and China with a density of
101.36." Such figures show that an unrestricted inflow of Asiatic
labor would be fatal to Australian industrial interests. Secondly,
not only the rate of remuneration of labor in Australia is high —
as it should be in any new country, but the prosperity of the wage-
earners has been increased by legislative experiments of a social-
istic tendency in some of the states at least. Under systems of
compulsory arljitration in industrial disputes, and of wages boards
where employers and employees confer together under impartial
presidents to regulate powers and conditions of work, strikes of
any length or importance have almost ceased, and the interests of
the wage-earning class are being carefully safeguarded.
Thus an inflow of cheap labor must be most carefully guarded
against. A good deal has been said, however, in favor of colored
labor being utilized in the tropical parts of Australia, wdiicli include
more than two-fifths of the continent. But it is particularly for
the cane-growing districts of Queensland and the northern terri-
tory of South Australia that colored labor has been advocated. It
would seem, however, that labor of this description is not indis-
pensable. By the Pacific Islanders laborers' act, 1901, the gradual
deportation of Polynesians was ordered. At the same time a bonus
was paid on white-grown sugar. As a result the production of
sugar in the commonwealth has grown^" and white labor is replac-
ing the colored with no disastrous effect to the farmer.
It would seem that in tropical Australia there is no absolute
need of colored labor — save in the pearl fisheries on the northern
coasts, which only produce about £300.000 worth of shell annually.
BInchulinK depcndoncios, Officinl Yenr Book of Australia, 1901-08.
i^OflBciiil Year Rook of Commonwpnltl), 1901-08.
(419)
200 " The Aiiuals of the American Academy
Thus the general poHcy of the commonwealth seems justified. The
careful regard paid to the retention of a high standard of hving is
seen in the contract immigrants act, 1905, which applies even to
white labor. This act, in substance, provides that where immigrants
enter Australia under contract, this contract must be in writing,
and its terms approved by the minister for external afifairs. The
contract must not be made with intention to aflfect any industrial
dispute ; and remuneration of the contract immigrant is to be as
high as the current wage. The penalty for abrogation of pro-
visions of the act is £5 to the contract immigrant and £20 for th.e
employer.
When such care is taken of the interest of Australian wage-
earners as against the white immigrant desirable in every way but
that he is under a contract to perform labor, the exclusion of col-
ored aliens on economic grounds is at least part of a consistent
policy. When the low standard at which Asiatics can live is borne
in mind the policy seems justified.
3. Defence. This aspect of the question is a vital one. The
need of an adequate system of defence was a principal factor in the
movements which led to the foundation of the commonwealth.
Australia, by reason of her geographical position, has in the past been
outside the center of world politics. But there is every reason to
believe that in the future the Pacific Ocean will be an important
sphere of international activity and rivalry. America has recognized
this ; Japan has become a first-class power ; China is awakening from
the sloth of centuries, and Australia, with vast vmdeveloped terri-
tory, with a coast line of 11,310 miles, lies close to the rising nations
of the East. Up to the present she has relied for immunity from
attack upon Great Britain, at least as to naval defence. The ques-
tion of establishing a navy is now prominent in the minds of our
statesmen, a question the importance of whicih can be gauged by
consideration of the present naval position of Great Britain in
Europe. In fact the first steps have already been taken. If not
at this moment, yet in a short time Great Britain will no longer
possess the naval pre-eminence hitherto possessed over European
powers. This will mean that the security of Australia will not con-
tinue to be absolute. She is separated by half the world from Eng-
land, and from the point where British naval strength is of neces-
sity concentrated. On the other hand. Northern Australia lies
(420)
Exclusion of Asiatic Iiiniiigraiils in /iustralia 201
within a few days' journey from the East. Asiatic nations must
expand, and Austraha, httle developed, scantily populated, pre-
sents a natural field.
From the nation most in need of new territory for growth,
of new fields for commercial development and which can hest sup-
port its claims hy arms — Japan — Australia is secured by the Anglo-
Japanese treaty of 1906. lint when this expires, when Manchuria
ceases to satisfy her the crisis of the commonwealth will come. At
present Australia has a land force, including permanent, militia and
volunteer arms of 26,000 only," although in a few years a general
cadet system supported by the proposed conscription scheme will
multiply this force many times. Lines of communication overland
between the East and West. North and South do not yet exist,
and the isolation of outposts of local defence would be fatal should
a struggle occur in the next decade. When these circumstances
are considered the policy of excluding Asiatics is justified by Aus-
tralia's extreme needs. Any immigration that would tend to weaken
the unity of a nation small in numbers, holding a territory of vast
extent must be prevented.
Conclusion
In pursuance of its general policy of exclusion of colored aliens
the Australian government passed in 1901 the Pacific Islands lab-
orers' act. The terms and operation of this act are instructive as
indicating the thoroughness with which the principle of a "White"
Australia" is upheld. It had been the custom in Queensland and
Northern New South Wales to employ for varying terms of years
the natives of the Pacific Islands as laborers on the sugar planta-
tions. By this act no such laborer was to enter Australia after the
31st of March, 1904, with the exception of persons possessed of
certificates of exemption under the immigration restriction act,
1901, persons employed as part of the crew of a ship, and persons
registered under the Queensland acts (1880-92), such registration
to last five years. None were to enter before this date except under
a license. In 1902, under provisions of the federal act, licenses
were granted to laborers who did not number more than three-
quarters of those returning to the Pacific Islands in 1901. In 1903.
licenses were granted to laborers numbering not more than half
i^OfTioial Ypar Rook rommonwonltli. No. 2.
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202 " The Annals of the American Academy
of those who had returned to their native islands during 1902.
No other Hcenses were granted, and aU agreements made between
natives and employers became invalid after the 31st of December,
1906.
The penalty for persons introducing or allowing a Pacific
Islander to enter is iioo, recoverable on summary conviction. In
all cases the onus of proof that a person is not a Pacific Islander,
shall be deemed to lie on the person alleged to be such. Finally
under the act officers are authorized to bring before a court of sum-
mary jurisdiction a laborer, whom they suppose not to be employed
under an agreement, and the court, if he is not so employed or has
not been within the past month, shall order him to be deported from
Australia. This was before the 31st of December, 1906. After
that date the commonwealth minister for external affairs has had
power to order any Pacific Island laborer found in Australia to be
deported. The provisions of this act are now virtually of no effect,
its end having been attained. Deportation did take place in a great
number of instances. The test case in which it was decided that
such deportation was within the commonwealth power is Robtelms
V. Brennan, cited above. This right of expelling Kanaka laborers
when exercised by a court of summary jurisdiction under the act
is within the competence of the commonwealth. The right to expel
implied the right to do all things to make the expulsion effective,
and so the right of deportation was not conterminous with the
limit of the territorial waters of a state.
As a result, of twelve thousand or more Kanakas which formed
the floating population of the cane fields, none now remain. White
men have successfully taken their place at a rate of pay, however,
which is double that formerly given to Polynesians. To prevent the
extinction of the industry an import duty of £6 per ton on foreign
sugar was made under the federal tariff and a bonus of £2 per ton
on sugar grown by w'hites in Australia was granted to the planters
by act of parliament.
No expense is grudged to keep unsullied the policy, and more
than a policy, the ideal of a "White Australia." This, as has been
shown, is not a passing ebullition of feeling. It may be not inaptly
described as the Monroe doctrine of Australia, only it should be
borne in mind that we are acting with reference to Eastern Asiatic
peoples only. The Australian continent is not a subject for future
(422)
Exclusion of .Isialic luimigraiits in Australia 203
colonization and further than that not even for present immigration
on the part of eastern races. Any attempt in derogation of this
doctrine would be viewed with grave apprehension by Australia,
under the aegis of the British empire, and resented as an unfriendly
act. This is true even though at present a great part of the con-
tinent is far from adequately occupied.
(423)
BOOK DEPARTMENT
NOTES
Bellom, Maurice. Les Techniciciis dc la Comptabilitc. Pp. 54. Paris: H.
Dunod et E. Pinat, 1909.
This brochure emphasizes the importance of a technical training for account-
ancy, with especial reference to the creation of a corps of licensed public
accountants. Practice alone cannot furnish the training necessary to enable
a man to go over the accounts of a company and really test its financial
standing. A program aimed to furnish such an education should be one
which does not cut down the training in liberal branches. How to accom-
plish this solution is the problem which the author discusses in the light of
the experience of all the chief commercial nations. The importance of a
reliable accounting in connection with international investment of capital
is emphasized. The lessons drawn from foreign experience are applicable
to American as well as to French conditions.
B[ow, Susan E. Educational Issues in the Kindergarten. Pp. xxiv, 386.
Price, $1.50. New York: D. Applcton & Co., 1908.
Reserved for later notice.
Boyd, R. R. The World's Tariffs. Pp. 21S. Price, is. London: Pall Alall
Press, 1908.
Bridgman, R. L. The Passing of the Tariff. Pp. 272. Price, $1.20. Bos-
ton : Slicrman, French & Co., 1909.
Clavery, E. La Situation Financiere du Japon. Pp. 73. Paris: Bcrger-
Levrault et Cie, 1908.
This monograph aims to set forth the debt of Japan, the resources at hand
for defraying this debt and the means adopted to meet the obligations by
taxation. The author is optimistic as to Japan's ability to develop her in-
ternal resources in spite of the oppressive taxation which is now in force.
He finds the per capita debt low in comparison with European countries.
The expenditures for non-productive ends, especially for the army and navy,
are reviewed at length. The author believes that in spite of the industrial
development which will open new avenues of taxation, Japan must resort
for a time to the German expedient of borrowing to meet current expenses.
Cleveland, F. A. Chat>tcrs on Municit^al Administration and Accounting.
Pp. xvi, 361. Price, $2.00. Nciv York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Clifford, H. Further India. Pp. 378. New York: Frederick Stokes Com-
pany, 1909.
Cozi'en, Joseph, The Speeches of. Pp. 349. Price, $1.00. New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1909.
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2o6 ■ The Annals of the American Academy
Curwood, J. O. The Great Lakes. Pp. xvi, 227. Price, $3.50. New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Davis, M. M. Psychologtcal Interpretations of Society. Pp. 260. Price,
$2.00. New York : Columbia University, 1909.
Some two years ago the author privately printed as his Ph.D. thesis about
one-third of the present volume, i. e., the second section whose title is "Social
Function." This is an illuminating study of the theories of Gabriel Tarde.
To this have been added section one, "The Social Mind," and the last sec-
tion, "Applications." The volume is essentially a survey of the theories
of various writers. Dr. Davis has covered a wide range of reading and
presents his matter in interesting form. His aim is to give some indication
of the processes by which separate individuals develop a common mind.
Earhart, Lida B. Systematic Study in the Elementary Scliools. Pp. 97.
Price, $1.00. New York: Teachers' College, 1908.
Ewing, E. W. Legal and Historical Status of the Dred Scott Decision.
Pp. 228. Price, $3.00. Washington : Cobden Publishing Company, 1909.
Chief Justice Taney's decision in the Dred Scott case has been widely criti-
cized and condemned. Historians generally have characterized its reason-
ing as forced and specious. Mr. Ewing undertakes to O'verthrow such argu-
ments and to make a complete defense of the Chief Justice. He marshals
evidence to prove that the decision of each question was valid and binding
law, and that the repudiation of the principles laid down made the abolition-
ists the champions of the "most pronounced nullification . . . destructive
of the public peace and . . . inexcusable." This portion of the book
sounds like an echo from a closed controversy.
Of greater interest is his discussion of the relation of the constitution
to acquired territory. This is still an unsettled question and makes the
monograph valuable for all students of constitutional law. The jurisdic-
tion of federal courts is also discussed in an informing manner.
Fin ley, J. H., and Sanderson, J. F. The American E.veciitive and Execu-
tive Methods. Pp. 352. Price, $1.25. New York: Century Company,
1908.
There is less unity in this book than could be desired, though the limitations
of space explain many of the omissions which could easily have been avoided
in a larger work. The first chapters give an historical sketch of the power
of the colonial governor and the state executives under the confederation.
Next comes a contrast between the few elective officials of the federal gov-
ernment and the state practice of dividing the choice of officials between
the executive, the legislative and the people. The relation of the executive
to the other departments, the veto, pardon and war powers are well treated,
as is also the control over the militia. The treatment of the power of ap-
pointment and removal is disappointing. Legal decisions one after another
leave the reader confused as to what is the actual condition. A similar
criticism applies to the discussion of state boards and commissions. After
(426)
Book Department 207
going through the chapter tlio reader knows what agencies there arc, but
not what they do. The best portions of the book are those showing the
shifting relations between the executive and the legislature, the development of
the cabinet in the federal government and the war and treaty powers of the
President. As a whole, the book is to be commended as a handy reference
volume for collateral reading in college classes. The treatment of the
various branches of the subject is too brief to satisfy the advanced student,
but the proportion assigned to each topic is well planned and the material
is presented in most cases in a way that the average collegian can under-
stand.
Gibson's Manual. A reference work embracing railroad, industrial and mis-
cellaneous companies; initial number. Pp. 401. Price, $5.00. New-
York : Gibson Publishing Company, 1909.
Guiick, Charlotte V. Emergencies. Pp. xiv, 174. Price, 40 cents. Boston:
Ginn & Co., 1909.
Jensen, C. O. Essentials of Milk Hygiene. Translated by L. Pearson.
Second Revised Edition. Pp. 291. Price, $2.00. Philadelphia: J. B
Lippincott Company, 1909.
Johnston, M, G. Plain American Talk in the Philippines. Pp. 197. Price,
$1.25. Manila: John R. Edgar & Co.
Kelly, E. Unemployables. Pp. vii, 60. Price, 6d. London: P. S. King &
Son.
Kirkham, S. D. The Philosophy of Self-Help. Pp. v, 372. Price, $1.25.
New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Pure, high thinking is the only real method of insuring civilization and
progress. With this thought as a background, the author outlines a phil-
osophy of self-help through the use of auto-suggestion. The author pre-
sents a brief for the existence of free will and argues persuasively in favor
of the acceptance of mental control as a powerful factor in self-help.
The book represents an interesting attempt to harmonize the doctrines
of Christian Science and the theories of modern psychology. The trend is
distinctively toward a psychological interpretation. Nevertheless, faith in
God is strongly emphasized. The philosophy of self-help presented by the
author contains nothing which is in itself novel, but it represents a new
attempt to apply the theories of mental control in every day life. The
philosophy is idealistic and inspiring to a degree and the last third of the
book, which presents the philosophy in detail, will bear re-reading.
Latifi, A. Effects of War on Property. Pp. 152. Price, $1.50. New York:
iMacmillan Company, 1908.
This is not a study of the entire field indicated by the title. Five studies
present various phases of the law of war as applied to property. Especial
emphasis is placed on topics hitherto little treated by writers on international
law. The method of treatment is practical rather than jural. The chapters
(427)
2o8 The Annals of the American Academy
indicate the field covered: Property of Enemies and Neutrals on Land;
Effects of Conquest on Property; Property of Enemies and Neutrals at Sea;
Exceptions to the Rule of Capture of Property at Sea; Inviolability of
Private Property at Sea. The last two chapters constitute the chief con-
tribution made, though there are many points in the other chapters on which
interesting evidence is presented from the Spanish-American, South African
and Russo-Japanese wars.
Lazard, Max. Le Chomage ct La Profession. Pp. 379. Price, 7.50 fr.
Paris : Felix Alcan, 1909.
As an exhaustive study and statement of the facts of unemployment in
France, the work is a decided success. Its analytic, scientific style and
minutely detailed text will limit the popularity of the book. No definite
conclusions are reached. The author, in emphasizing the trade causes of
unemployment, minimizes the personal causes to an extent unwarranted by
his facts. The book, however, represents an excellent contribution to the
statistical study of one of the most menacing of modern industrial diseases.
Lyman, W. D. The Columbia River. Pp. xx, 409. Price, $3.50. New
York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
von Mahr, Georg. Statistik und Gcsellschaft. Pp. 260. Tubingen: J. C. B.
Mohr, 1909.
In America the value of the statistical method is fully realized in business
enterprises. Its application to social problems is often decried and not
without some reason. So few people are trained observers that the great
bulk of our statistics is useless. Yet we are improving.
It is a pleasure to turn to this carefully prepared volume on moral sta-
tistics, which is only one part of a projected study to be followed by
two others. The next volume will finish the discussion of moral statistics,
with those of education, and the last volume will deal chiefly with economic
and political subjects.
After a general discussion Dr. Mahr takes up such subjects as the pres-
ence of strangers in the household, the care of children, etc. He then passes
to the group of problems represented by changes in the birth rate, illegitimate
births, death rates, etc. The last section of the book deals with statistics of
divorce.
The whole study is comparative, evidence being cited from many
countries, accompanied by excellent bibliographies. The volume is explana-
tory, not merely a reprint of tables.
Mangold, G. B. The Labor Argument in the American Protective Tariff
Discussion. Pp. 115. Price, 35 cents. Madison: University of Wis-
consin, 1908.
Maurtua, Anibal. Arbitraje hitcrnacional cntre El Peru y El Brazil. Pp.
Ixiv, 538. Buenos Aires : J. Kraft.
In a volume of some six hundred pages the Honorable Anibal INIaurtua pre-
(428)
Book Dcf'artjiicitt 209
sents the Peruvian case in the arbitration arranged between Peru and Brazil
to determine the amount of damages suffered by Peruvian citizens in tiic
Brazilian territory of "Alto Yurua" and "Alto Purus." The volume con-
tains considerable historical matter relating to the jurisdiction over the ter-
ritory in which the losses were suffered.
The author has marshalled this material with great skill, and has done
a real service to students of South American history in reprinting a num-
ber of treaties not heretofore available. It is an interesting fact that a great
quantity of valuable material on early colonial conditions is to be found
in the briefs of counsel before arbitral tribunals.
Meredith, H. O. Outlines of the Economic History of England. Pp. viii,
366. Price, $2.00. New York : Isaac Pitman & Sons, 1908.
This book is designed to be a text-book for degree students at English uni-
versities. It traces the economic history of England from the beginning to
the present day. In common with many English text-books it is crowded
with facts which are not always sufficiently explained or adequately arranged
so as to leave clear-cut and definite impressions on the mind. Occasional
summaries at the end of chapters would have been very helpful. Consider-
ing its scope and purpose the book contains too many critical discussions of
difficult mooted points which are of interest to specialists only. American
teachers should realize that the author takes for granted that his reader has
a very thorough knowledge not only of the political and constitutional his-
tory of England, but also a fair acquaintance with general continental Euro-
pean history.
The treatment of the nineteenth century since 1830 is more full and
more interesting than in other text-books of its kind. Appendix I is a study
of wages and prices from 1250-1885. illustrated by two clear charts. Ap-
pendix II contains a short bibliography to furnish supplementary reading for
university students.
Montgomery, H. B. The Empire of the East. Pp. 307. Price, $2.50.
Chicago : A. C. McClurg & Co., 1909.
Too much is attempted in this book. A general review of all phases of
Japanese life from that of naval expenditures to art cannot be adequately
made in three hundred pages. Many of the chapters become summaries with
too little content to carry the interest of the reader. The author avows his
intention to leave aside all discussion of politics and affairs, but unfortu-
nately yields to the temptation to take various excursions into these fields.
It is to be regretted that the original plan was abandoned, for much of tl.is
discussion is trite and filled with mistaken interpretations.
The chapters on art. architecture, literature and the drama are engaging
discussions of fields too often neglected. They are by far the better portion
of the book. The chapter on ceramics and lacquer is especially well done.
The third of the book devoted to these subjects w'ill be appreciated by all
interested in the finer sides of the Japanese civilization. There are excel-
lently executed illustrations, some of them in color illustrating typical fea-
(429)
210 " The Annals of the American Academy
tures of Japanese art. The interpretations given here, the field with which
the author is apparently most familiar, will make the book welcome to a
large number of readers.
Myers, Wm. S. The Self-Reconstruction of Maryland, 1864-186/. Pp. 131.
Price, 50 cents. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins Press, 1909.
This is an account of political conditions in Maryland from the adoption
of the "radical" state constitution of 1864 to the adoption of the present
"conservative" constitution in 1867. The change from radicalism to conserva-
tism in politics, without the interference of the federal government the
author calls "self-reconstruction," thus using the term "reconstruction"
in a rather unusual sense — that is, as applied not so much to the working
out of the radical policies of proscription and negro suffrage as to the
conservative reaction. The discussion is confined to purely political matters ;
little or nothing is said of economic, social or racial conditions, though these
were very important in Maryland. The political situation in Maryland dif-
fered little from that in other border states : first, the radicals endeavored
to perpetuate their power by disfranchisement, test oaths, the misuse of
election machinery, and later by negro suffrage ; next came the organization
of the conservative forces, the division in the Unionist party, and the over-
throw of the radicals. Thus Maryland followed, or rather established, the
general rule for the border states.
Peck, Mrs. E. M. H., Travels in the Far East. Pp. 349. Price, $3.00. New
York : T. Y. Crowell & Co., 1909.
Mrs. Peck writes with a pleasing conversational st\'le. Her travels in the
east extending through Egypt, India, Burma, Ceylon, Java, Siam, China,
Japan and Manchuria are described in a series of letters originally written
to her daughter. A record of a passing Journey such as this does not touch
the economic and political problems that now confront the far East, but it
does give the opportunity to present in a pleasing manner a series of interest-
ing first impressions. There are one hundred and seventy-five excellent full-
page illustrations which bring to the reader some of the most remarkable
of the sights visited.
Posthumus, N. W, Dc Gescchicdenis van de Leidsche Lakenindustrie. Pp.
X, 408. Price, 7.5ofr. Copenhagen: M. Nijihoff, 1908.
Smith, E. B. Essays and Addresses. Pp. xxxv, 376. Price. $2.50. Chicago:
A. C. McClurg & Co., 1909.
This is a series of writings in which the political conditions of municipal and
national affairs are presented with an intimate appreciation of their virtues
and defects, but with the added liberty of a personal note, and with an
effectiveness which shows that large experience has been given preference
over mere academic statement.
The twenty-two articles which compose the volume are grouped under
five headings. The first of the groups, "Chicago and Illinois," sketches the
history and work of Chicago's Municipal Voters' League, of which Mr.
Smith was president, and gives a short account of the civil service situation
(430)
Book Dcf-artiucut 2II
in Illinois. The upstanding, intelligent fight in wiiicli the anthor took a
prominent and active part, makes the pnhlic-spirited reader eager for a
similar experience. A splendid portrayal of the detailed dramatic scenes
incident to the traction legislation and the passage of Senate bill No. 40,
rounds out the group.
Continuing the theme, though the particular is abandoned for the gen-
eral, the second group falls into line under the caption "Municipal Govern-
ment." The crippling of representative government by commercialism, the
influence of uncontrolled public service corporations, and the indistinct line
of separation between state and municipality are all voiced in a tone of
blended conviction and regret.
The story of the policy which was adopted in order to determine the
status of the inhabitants of our insular dependencies has always possessed
an interest not entirely unmi.xcd with grave concern. Mr. Smith presents
this crisis in our national affairs as viewed by an anti-Imperialist. It is
discussed from a constitutional standpoint. Believing that our foreign pol-
icj'' has become too aggressive, the author cites incidents and comments on
their signficance to prove his contention. A firm adherence to the funda-
mentals of the American theory of government is advanced as a remedy
for existing evils, both municipal and national.
A quartette of neatly worded essays of a more purely literary nature
combine to form the last section, "Miscellaneous Essays." The well-phrased
defence of the lack of a composite peculiarly Western literature, in reply to
Professor Barret Wendell's characterization, "The Confused West," stands
out prominently.
The book is full of information, suggestion and purpose. It is a val-
uable contribution, because while it solves no problems, it shows us where
they really lie.
Thompson, C. B. TJic Churches and the JJ'age Earners. Pp. 229. Price,
$1.00. New York : Charles Scribner's Sons. igog.
This work devotes its attention "to a specific clear-cut problem — that of
the gulf between the masses of the laboring people and the churches of to-
day." The facts and causes of the alienation of the wage-earners from the
churches show that the former as well as the latter are responsible for the
present situation. The church is criticized by wage-earners and their sj'm-
pathizers for not insisting upon spiritvial and social equality: for overlook-
ing some of the more immediate needs of the Avorkingman. and for its
ignorance of or indifference to social questions. The answer of the church
to the above criticisms is discussed at length with emphasis on the teaching
of Jesus, on the activities of churches in charity and upon the attitude of
the church to social questions.
It is argued in a chapter on Christianity and Socialism, that these in-
stitutions are "diametrically opposite in method, aim and spirit," and that
the Christian must oppose the extension of Socialism for the same reason
that he resists the spread of pure materialism.
The author claims that the old methods and ideas of the chufch have
(431)
212 The Annals of the American Academy
failed, and must be replaced by thoroughly socialized forms. This work
is an excellent index of the present status of thought upon this vital subject.
Toynbee, Arnold. Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth
Century in England. Pp. xxv, 282. Price, $1.00. New York: Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1908.
This is a cheaper edition of a work which was published originally in 1884
(Rivingtons, London), with the same title and which has appeared un-
changed in at least two subsequent editions. In this newest edition the
subject matter is slightly rearranged and a Memoir of the author by Benja-
min Jowett is replaced by a Reminiscence by Lord Alilner.
The book contains lectures, essays, popular addresses and notes and
jottings. Only an unfinished essay on Ricardo and two or three minor
papers are of the author's own writing. The rest has been prepared from his
own rough notes and those of some of his students. In spite of its inadequate
representation of the author's ideas and genius, the book has become very
well known. It contains practically all that TOynbee has left in writing.
His fame has come not from his teaching and writing, but because of the
beautiful yet tragic life he lived. At the early age of thirty-one he died in
1883 from overstrain of work for the social uplift of the masses. Toynbee
Hall in the Whitechapel district of East London was dedicated to him in
recognition of his early University Extension and Settlement labors.
This book of his is not a great contribution in its field, but it deserves
to live as one of the classics of political economy. Hence this cheap edition
is very welcome.
Woodruff, C. E. Expansion of Races. Pp. xi, 495. Price, $4.00. New
York : Rebman Company, 1909.
Reserved for later notice.
Cooley, Charles H. Social Organization. Pp. xvii, 426. Price, $1.50. New
York: Scribner's Sons, 1909.
I do not know when I have read a book marked by such even quality. The
author's thought is on a high plain. His insight clear, his attitude very
fair and unprejudiced. There is no striving for bizarre eflfects in language
or style. It is not brilliant. It is a serious and thought provoking study
which escapes being heavy or monotonous. The author is to be complimented.
I recall that in criticizing Professor Cooley's earlier volume, "Human
Nature and the Social Organism," I objected to his seeming elimination of
the physical. Such criticism Dr. Cooley now forestalls by saying that he
supposes each person may discuss those aspects of society he feels he un-
derstands.
The study is divided into six parts. "The creation of a moral order on
an ever-growing scale is the great historical task of mankind." Part I is
devoted therefore to the "Primary Aspects of Organization." Modern phil-
osophy is marked by the surrender of the absolute. The old contrast of
(432)
Book Dc/'artmcnt 213
self and society must be abandoned. Self and society are twin born, they
are dilTerent aspects of the same thing. Human nature is essentially the
same in all ages and places. "The ideal of moral unity I take to be the
mother, as it were, of all social ideals." So we have our great primary
groups such as the family which is permanent no matter what forms it may
assume or what changes it undergoes. We are coming now to see that "in
general the wrongs of the social system come much more from inadequacy
than from ill intention." In other words, social machinery must be changed.
In part II, Communication, Dr. Cooley traces the effects of the increasing
case of intercourse. Democracy arises because of free and quick communi-
cation. Individuality is quickened, yet there comes strain and perchance
breakdown. This leads to the consideration in Part III of the Democratic
Mind. "The central part in history, from a psychological point of view,
may be said to be the gradual enlargement of social consciousness and ra-
tional co-operation." Democracy does not mean as many have feared, the
rule of the mob. Routine activities are caused by specialists. The people
can choose personalities wisely, but will not pass intelligent judgment on
technical questions. Hence even the referendum has limited application.
Specialists must immediately abide by the verdict of their associates — only
indirectly controlled by the body at large. The masses contribute sentiment.
Crowds may be right as well as wrong. Ideals of brotherhood and serv-
ice are growing.
Part IV contains an illuminating discussion of social classes. Naturally
tlie factors favoring such phenomena in our own land are considered. Their
services as well as dangers are noticed. To take a single illustration, Dr.
Cooley sees no satisfactory substitute for private property, though he sees
clearly the evils resulting. The balance is in favor of the system. But we
overemphasize wealth. In time it will lose much of its prestige.
In Part V institutions are considered in their relation to individuals as
well as to the social whole. The effect of the changes now taking place in
church, state, etc., are discussed. Dr. Cooley is conservative, yet is very
ready to allow others to differ. He is not a .socialist, yet if others arc and
wish to advocate changes, why object. In this way society improves. There
is no reason to fear revolution so long as tlic individual has opportunity for
self expression.
In Part VI. Pulilic Will, attention is again called to the role played
by lack of public will on many problems. Government is one, but only one,
of the agents of public will. Dr. Cooley is optimistic. Intellectual processes
are increasingly efficient. Man is beginning to study his own problems. We
now see that the conventionally moral may be the worst enemies of social
welfare. Social service as an ideal, social study as a method, social fore-
sight as the means, will constantly adduce social acts and better express the
enlightened public will. The volume may well be used as a text or for col-
lateral reading for college classes.
Carl Kelsey.
Unh'crslfy of Pennsylvania.
214 The Annals of the American Academy
Dawson, William H. The Evolution of Modern Germany. Pp. xvi, 503.
New York : Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908.
Propagandist literature concerning Germany has appeared on all sides and
it is satisfying to find in this book a gathering together of facts which
aims to show merely what the developments have been rather than to prove
a thesis. The author shows the remarkable industrial advance of Ger-
many but indicates that this has been possible because of low wage costs
and long hours of labor. The relation of capital and labor at present is
sketched leading to the conclusion that the cost of living is increasing
and that the organization progressing in the ranks of German labor will
take away from Germany any peculiar advantage in production.
The labor movement has brought great tension in the relation to
employers. The law has yielded to the demands of the workers to the
extent of practically legalizing the boycott in most of the states. The dif-
ferent classes of labor organizations and the efforts at industrial consoli-
dation through them and independently by them are discussed. The results
so far are indecisive.
The various phases of state activity receive commendation. National-
ization and municipalization have not curbed individual enterprise and the
debts, so far as they represent productive investments, are well in hand.
The development of internal waterways is commended.
The latter part of the book reviews the German colonial experience.
Over-sea possessions are shown to be a costly luxury. No German colony
except Togo is as yet self-supporting and the future holds no bright
promise. The colonization has uniformly been followed by extravagance
in expenditure and cruel treatment of the aborigines. The discussion
has here an English tinge in spite of the author's evident desire to be fair.
The last two chapters dealing with Socialism and the Polish question
show that these factors in German life are not so much elements to cause
alarm as disappointment. Force has come to be more and more the char-
acteristic of German government. The old humanitarian civilization has
given away to the militant industrial state which works for uniformity at
the same time as obedience. This attitude accentuates the class struggle and
the race struggle. Throughout the book, indeed, there are evidences that the
author thinks the present Germany a much less livable country than it
was in the time when industry, trade and foreign commerce played a less
important role in the national life.
No single volume can adequately treat the subject of this work. Mr.
Dawson has succeeded, however, in putting in readable form a mass of
information which will prove valuable to every student of industrial advance
and international affairs
Chester Lloyd Jones.
University of Pennsylvania.
(434)
Book Dcf^artmcnt 21$
Devine, E. T. Misery and its Causes. Pp. xi, 274. Price, $1.25. New
York : Macmillan Company, 1909.
Manj' valuable additions have recently been made to the literature of the
social worker, but none more valuable than this last work of Dr. Devine's.
We can do no better than quote the following sentence of the editor of the
American Social Progress Series, of which series this volume is the third
to appear. "With fascinating realism, with astonishing concentration, with
the keenest insight and interpretation of the results of an unusually rich,
deep and varied personal experience, and with a charm of style and a per-
fectly irresistible optimism in treating some of the saddest facts of human
life, Professor Devine has placed us all under lasting obligations not only
for a better understanding of the causes of misery, but also for the realiza-
tion of the fact that there is a prophylaxis of misery and the promise of a
real world in which it will be reduced by social control to manageable pro-
portions."
In this work the author sets for himself the task of examining the causes
of human miser^^ Misery he differentiates from poverty by defining the
latter as the absence of wealth while misery implies not only lack of wealth,
but also a low standard of living, overcrowding, overwork, disease, friend-
Icssness and like disadvantages. The field is covered in six chapters with the
following significant titles: Poverty and Maladjustment; Out of Health;
Out of Work ; Out of Friends ; The Adverse Conditions in Dependent Fami-
lies, and The Justice and Prosperity of the Future.
To Dr. Devine misery is the result of social maladjustments which "are
being perpetuated by the present voluntary action of men." It is "com-
municable, curable and preventable" and lies "not in the unalterable nature
of things, but in our particular human institutions, our social arrangements,
our tenements and streets and subways, our laws, and courts and jails, our
religion, our education, our philanthropy, our politics, our industry and our
business."
In the second, third and fourth chapters, poor health, unemployment and
friendlessness as causes of miserj' are respectively discussed and illustrated
by a wealth of diagrams. The material found in the chapter on "The
Adverse Conditions in Dependent Families" is a first-hand and intensive
study of five thousand families who came under the care of the Charity
Organization Society of New York in the two years ending September 30,
1908. The four most important disabilities present in these families are
found to be unemployment, 69.16 per cent; overcrowding, 44.68 per cent;
widowhood, 29.44 per cent; chronic physical disability other than tubercu-
losis or rheumatism, 27.30 per cent. Other causes of decreasing importance
follow ; e. g., intemperance, 16.66 per cent : tuberculosis. 12.38 per cent ;
immorality, 5.12 per cent; criminal record, 3.02 per cent, etc.
Under the title, "The Justice and Prosperity of the Future," Dr. Devine
enumerates certain of the essential conditions of a normal community, mean-
ing thereby such a community as may be "realized by reasonable effort and
a moderate exercise of national social control." The discussion is virtually
(435)
2i6 ■ The Annals of the American Academy
a program of social work. The book is permeated with the belief that it is
possible to have a new civilization in which misery is eliminated right here
and now and that it will be attained when we socially apply the knowledge
of the causes of misery already in our possession.
Fr.\nk Dekker Watson.
University of Pennsylvania.
Hasbach, W. A History of the English Agricultural Labourer. Pp. xvi,
4/0. Price, /s. 6d. London : P. S. King & Son, 1908.
American students of economic history and of labor problems will welcome
this English translation of Dr. Plasbach's well known work, especially as
the book as it now appears is not simply a translation of the German orig-
inal of 1894, but of a thorough revision made by the author especially for this
translated edition.
More attention is given in this edition than in the original to the de-
velopment of a free laboring class in England, tmd a chapter is added on
the agricultural laborer from 1894 to 1906. To quote from the author's
introduction, "The first chapter of this book attempts to tell how the agri-
cultural laborer rose to personal freedom [pp. 1-70] ; the second chapter,
how he lost his property [pp. 71-170] ; the third shows his degradation [pp.
171-216] ; and the latter chapters [pp. 217-353] recount the endeavors made
to improve his position and to raise at least a part of his class into the
class of undertakers."
In England, the agricultural classes have become more completely
divided into three distinct classes, landlords, tenant farmers and wage lab-
orers, than in any other country in the world. The possibility of rising
from a lower to a higher agricultural class is, in England, exceedingh'-
remote. While the agricultural laborer is the central figure in this book, the
telling of the story of this one class involves the writing of the history of
the growth of all three classes and their interrelations. This task has been
admirably performed by the author.
H. C. T.XYLOR.
University of Wisconsin.
Lecky, W. E. H. Historical and Political Essays. Pp. 324. New York:
Longmans, Green & Co., 1908.
The publication of this collection of essays was planned by Mr. Lecky, but
only four of them had been revised at the time of his .death. Thirteen were
originally given as addresses or contributed as articles to reviews or maga-
zines ; one, the "Memoir of the Fifteenth Earl of Derby," had been prefi.xed
to the volume of his speeches and addresses. Like the last named, several
others deal with phases of biographical criticism. "Formative Influences" is
a bit of autobiography. It sketches the influences that diverted Mr. Lecky
from theological studies and the prospect of "a peaceful clerical life in a
family living near Cork" and turned him into the path of literature, taking
(436)
Book Depart)iic}it ' 217
up the nine years of his life from the time he entered Trinity College,
Dublin, until 1865, when his "History of the Spirit of Ratiunalisni in Europe"
was published.
It is most fitting that the last volume of a veteran historian should con-
tain studies on "The Political Value of History" and "Thoughts on His-
tory." The latter emphasizes the influence upon the life of a people of its
fictions, its legends and its ideals, as he says : "Ideals ultimately rule the
world, and each before it loses its ascendency bequeaths some moral truth
as an abiding legacy to the human race." A volume by M. Leroy-BeauHeu
furnishes the title to a suggestive review, "Israel among the Nations." Col-
onial problems, especially the favorable changes of attitude in England
toward the colonies in the middle of the nineteenth century, are taken up
in "The Empire."
"Ireland in the Light of History" is interesting as coming from one so
well informed on Irish matters as was Mr. Lecky. After a well-digested
survey of the history of the Irish question there follows a brief discussion
of some of its present phases with a decided bias against Home Rule and
the recent land measures. This essay should be read in connection with
"Old-Age Pensions," in which the author's conservative political attitude
has much scope. He was a member of a committee appointed by the gov-
ernment to investigate the subject, and wrote the adverse minority report.
He says: "No form of state socialism is more dangerous than the doctrine
which has been countenanced by Prince Bismarck and which is making many
disciples in England, namely, that an industrious man, ... is entitled, if
he fails in obtaining a sufficiency for his old age, to be placed as a 'soldier
of industry' in the same category as state servants, and to receive like them,
not on the ground of comparison, but of right, a state pension drawn from
the taxation of the community." The present tendency in England "to
aggrandize the functions of the state and to look to state aid or state control
rather than individual or co-operative effort as the remedy of every evil"
Mr. Lecky deprecates very much. Working-class politics, as he thinks, have
become dangerous and have too largely influenced the elections. "The in-
come tax is so arranged that a large majority of the voters are exempt from
its burden ; a highly graduated system of death duties is now nearly the
most prominent of our imperial taxes ; and the local government act of 1894
has placed local taxation on the most democratic basis. The latter has
given the power of voting rates to many who do not pay them ; and by
abolishing the nominator, or cx-officio guardians, and the plural voting of
the larger rate-payers, it has almost destroyed the influence of property on
local taxation." It is almost a pity that he could not have added to this
list of grievances the last budget brought in by Mr. Lloyd-George with its
frank increase of taxation upon the moneyed classes.
WlLLI.\M E. LlNGELB.\CH.
University of Pouisyk'ania.
(437)
2i8 ■ The Annals of the American Academy
McDougall, W. An Introduciioii to Social Psychology. Pp. xv, 355. Price,
$1.50. Boston: John W. Luce & Co., 1909.
In the view of the Oxford professor social psychology is a province of psy-
chology rather than of sociology. Less than a quarter of the book treats
of the behavior of associated men. Three-fourths of the book are given up
in considering human nature on its affective and conative side, which the
author very properly regards as more significant for the life of societies
than the cognitive side. Instinct, impulse, emotion, sentiment, and will are
discussed not only with great fulness, but with a precision in terms, a clarity
of explanation and a logical consistency that make the treatment of the sub-
ject the most satisfactory known to the reviewer. In his conception of in-
stinct and the instinctive process, his theory of the emotions, his doctrine of
the sentiments, his account of organization of the primary elements into the
more complex states, and especially in his masterly theory of volition, the
author shows himself original and constructive.
He has, however, no great acquaintance with social facts, and hence
the second section of the book, treating of "the operation of the primary
tendencies of the human mind in the life of societies" offers far less than
the first section. To the social scientist, the value of the book lies in the
flood of light it throws on the nature of the social forces. Sooner or later the
representatives of ethics, economics, politics and jurisprudence will have to
find a basis in the kind of psychology developed by Professor McDougall.
Edward Alsworth Ross.
University of JVisconsin.
Williams, C. D. A Valid Christianity for To-day. P'p. 289. Price, $1.50.
New York : Macmillan Company, 1909.
This volume comprises a series of sermons whose purpose is to present a
Christianity that is valid for to-day. The author insists that such a Chris-
tianty must "moralize our industrial, political and commercial life, and
humanize our social life." It must cleanse the heart and invigorate our
moral life also.
The discourses on Christianity and the World, Dives and Lazarus, and
The Extended Hand lay stress upon the duty of the church to recognize the
need of sympathetic contact with the morally depraved and physically de-
generated. A plea for the child and for character and integrity in business
men is made in the discourses on The Legal Conscience and The Value of a
Man. The service of his fellows is the ideal end for employer and em-
ployee in realizing the Christian ideal of democracy. The object of life
should be to "make all you can out of yourself but never for yourself."
These ideas are emphasized in the discussions on The Gospel of Democracy,
The Uses of Life and The Supreme Value. Bishop Williams has clearly
indicated in this volume the trend of modern Christian thought in dealing
with present social conditions.
S. Edwin Rupp.
Lebanon, Pa.
(438)
THE SECURITIES MARKET AS AN INDEX OF BUSINESS
CONDITIONS
By Thomas Gibson,
Author of "Cycles of Speculation," "Pitfalls of Speculation," etc., New York.
That present business conditions are excellent, does not admit
of argument. We may easily measure the extent of activity by
such barometers as bank clearings, conditions in the iron and steel
trade, railroad earnings and the crops. The recovery from severe
depression has been unprecedented in its rapidity, and so far as can
now be seen, there are very few clouds on the horizon.
It is, however, always the case after a rehabilitation of
this character, that we are prone to grow a little too enthusiastic ;
to over-estimate possibilities and to allow our optimism to carry
us somewhat further than is warranted. Optimism is a good thing.
The man who has learned to believe things has learned a great
deal ; but the man who learns to believe too much is in danger.
When a remarkable and rapid convalescence has taken place in
the business world it does not follow that no disappointments will
come. As a Persian proverb has it, "No tree ever grows to heaven."
Both security prices and general business have now reached, or at
least are nearing, a stage where caution should be exercised and
where academic examinations are more important than plain infor-
mation. A year or two ago we could argue with a great degree
of confidence that in the natural order of things, improvement
would occur. We were right ; the anticipated improvement is now
before us and being a demonstrated fact, ceases to be speculative.
As an example of the tendency to ignore whatever may be
evil during a period of confidence and prosperity, it may be noted
that we have encountered some disappointments recently in our
crop prospects ; notably in corn and cotton. Such disappointments
are either dismissed by the bold statement that the government
estimates are entirely wrong, or by specious statements which will
not bear the light of logic. After the last government report
showing a reduction of almost 300,000,000 bushels in our corn
crop estimates, the arguments were heard on every hand that even
(439)
2 " Tlie Aiuials of the American Academy
with the reduction we would make a good crop of corn, and that
high prices made up for any deficiency which might occur in the
supply. Admitting the truth of the statement that a fair crop was
indicated, even after subtracting the loss, it must be remembered
that many business plans had been made in anticipation of a much
greater crop. The fallacy of assuming that high prices can cover
deficiency of supply can be exposed by the most elementary study
of economics. This is particularly true of a commodity like corn,
which is practically all consumed within our own borders. A boun-
tiful crop, at reasonable prices, gives employment to laborers and
railroads, and permits the consumer to provide for his wants at a
fair figure. A poor crop at high prices cuts down the general pur-
chasing power of farming commitments ; decreases railroad traffic,
both freight and passenger, and amounts in the last analysis to the
mere swapping of dollars. With cotton it is somewhat different,
as cotton is our great money crop, and the money received from
that commodity is greater than the sum received from our exports
of all cereals combined ; even when we include these cereals in their
manufactured form, such as flour, meats, glucose, etc. Our short
cotton crop is, therefore, to some extent, offset by higher prices,
but the loss of traffic to carriers, and the improper distribution of
money remains. In my opinion the ideal form of prosperity is rep-
resented by normal production and normal prices throughout the
civilized world.
In prognosticating security prices, we go much further into
the future than in examining general business prospects. The
anteriority of stock prices is the most important of all factors which
are presented to the student of prices or values. The market not
only discounts all that is knouni. but the brightest minds in the
world are constantly engaged in analyzing what is probable. For
example, the stock market made no advance in 1906 and declined
steadily during the greater part of 1907, yet both these years were
years of big business. The depression of 1908 was discounted, and
when 1908 arrived, a year of stagnation, security prices moved
steadily upward. From January i to December 31, 1908, the aver-
age level of railroad stock prices advanced about twenty-nine
points. Since January i, 1909, they have advanced to this writing
(September 25) about ten points, and in the last two months,
during which our anticipated improvement in business has taken
(440)
Securities Market as an Index of Business 3
visible form, they have advanced not at all. This is shown by the
following table :
Average Price of Railroad and Industrial Securities Since Panic
OF 1907.
Lowest in panic Jan. 2. Dec. 31, Aug. i, Sept. 25,
(Nov. 21, 1907). 1908. 1908. 1909. 1909.
Railroads 65.61 71.75 99.97 no.55 109.52
Industrials 46.87 4969 75.29 83.69 83.88
General average 56.24 60.72 87.63 97-12 96.70
On January 2, 1907, the same securities averaged 105.27 for
railroads and 86.41 for industrials. Therefore, the panic of 1907
has been wiped out so far as security prices are concerned.
It is my opinion that the recovery in business both as it refers
to actual developments and to such prospective probabilities as are
plainly in evidence has been discounted in security prices. This
does not mean that prices are too high, but that they are, generally
speaking, high enough so far as our recuperation may be meas-
ured. What we must now seek in order to gauge future move-
ments intelligently, are the submerged factors. The man who can
correctly foresee the business affairs of 1910 and 191 1 is the man
who will make money in securities now. \\'hat we already know
is of no further value. To attemj^t to speculate on known factors
is a direct contradiction of the word "speculation."
Looking at values, instead of prices, we find few rules for our
guidance. Even stability of dividend or interest rates does not
guarantee us against violent price changes. In the panic of 1907
Chicago and Northwestern, a seasoned investment stock, made a
greater percentage of decline than did Union Pacific, a highly spec-
ulative security, with an untried rate of disbursement. We may
try to adopt the rate of income on high-grade securities with a
long dividend record as a guide, only to find that any rule we may
formulate is empirical. In 1881 the market collapsed from an
average yield of five and one-quarter per cent. In 1891 prices
advanced until the yield on the same securities was reduced to four
and one-half per cent, and in the boom of 1906 the high stock
prices cut the yield down to three and one-quarter per cent. At
present the average is about four per cent. If we equal the record
of 1906 our stocks would have to advance ten to fifteen points, on
the average, from the present prices. But in looking at the possi-
(44O
4 ■ The Annals of the American Academy
bility of such an advance, we must remember that early in 1906
stock prices overleaped themselves very badly, and that the pin-
nacle was of an artificial and temporary nature. Personally I
should say that four per cent is a small enough yield and that fur-
ther advances should be based more upon dividend increases than
upon present conditions. It will not do to lend a too credulous
ear to the inspired talk or street rumors of forthcoming dividend
increases or other emoluments. The only way to arrive with any
degree of accuracy at a probable increase of distributions is to
scrutinize the published reports of the corporation in question and
see if such an increase is warranted. Such study will sometimes
develop the fact that a dividend is increased without any justifica-
tion, in which case we may be certain that the stock is a trap and
that the increase is for the edification of the public, in order to
induce careless and unsophisticated people to buy. There is always
some talk of "concealed assets" when a corporation advances divi-
dends without a reason for so doing, but it is a good plan to avoid
properties which resort to concealment of anything.
One thing to which the student of security values should give
earnest consideration at present is the comparative values of rail-
road and industrial securities. Industrial issues may be said to be in
their infancy, but many of them have excellent dividend records
particularly in relation to the preferences. The business and
earnings of industrial corporations are more flexible than is the
case in railroads, but the gradual enhancement of value is more
rapid. The growth of the United States Steel Corporation is 'an
instance of what a well-managed industrial enterprise can do. Fun-
damentals are also in favor of industrial stocks. The steady advanc-
ing trend of commodity prices operates against railroad issues and
in favor of many industrial issues. Bonds and securities, with a
fixed rate of income, are also unfavorably afifected by this continued
rise in commodity prices. The basic cause of this tendency has been
assiduously sought by students for some years, and the consensus
of opinion favors the gold theory. Personally I have accepted the
theory as being correct, and also as being the most vital funda-
mental afifectmg the different classes of securities.
I cannot undertake, in the space assigned to me, to enter into
a full discussion of this large phase of the question, but a few
suggestions may be of interest. The increasing supply of gold
(442)
Securities Market as an Index of Business 5
tends to advance commodity values. The index numbers of Dun's,
Bradstreet's, and other compilers, show that in ten years commod-
ities generally have advanced almost fifty per cent. Gold, being
a fixed standard, cannot apparently decline, but the oversupply is
represented by a loss in purchasing power, i. c, an advance in the
things gold will buy.
This advancing trend of commodity prices tends to increase
interest rates or, rather it tends to add amortization to interest.
The man who loaned ten thousand dollars ten years ago at five
per cent has the principal returned to him to-day with its purchas-
ing power reduced almost thirty-three and one-third per cent.
Therefore he has had very little, if any, interest on his loan, as
money can be measured only by what it can buy. If these two
influences are admitted^ we may adduce the following effects on
security prices :
(i) Bearish on bonds, preferred stocks, or other securities
having a fixed rate of interest.
(2) Bearish on the conmion stock of railroad corporations.
The cost of maintenance, equipment, rails, and all other com-
modities, including labor, goes up steadily, while traffic rates rise
grudgingly. The evil effects are offset, to some extent, by returns in
the form of dividends, enhancement of property values, etc., but these
emoluments do not entirely overcome the higher cost of operation.
(3) Bullish on the securities of industrial corporations. Here
the selling price of the commodity produced rises with the cost
of production. Exceptions should be noted in the case of gas,
electric lighting and other public utilities corporations where the
selling prices are fixed by law.
(4) Bearish on securities of traction corporations. This is
probably the weakest spot of all. The five cent fare is proverbial
and will be advanced with great difficulty to meet the increased
cost of producing transportation.
(5) Bullish on the prices of speculative commodities, such as
wheat, corn, cotton, etc. We need only glance at the nominal
prices of these commodities a decade ago, as compared with to-day,
to see how steadily the level has risen.
It is a great mistake to argue that the effects of increasing gold
production are too remote, or too slow of operation, to affect the
investor or speculator. The matter should receive the serious atten-
(443)
6 - The Annals of the American Academy
tion of every man who is interested in, or contemplates being- inter-
ested in, securities or business of any kind. The literature on the
subject is rather meager, but there are several good works which
cover the main question thoroughly.
In examining the numerous influences which aflfect security
prices and values from year to year, we may count the salient
factors on the fingers of one hand. Crops, gold production, money,
mining and politics. There are many interdependent factors, of
course. In fact, so far as the movements of security prices are con-
cerned, everything appears to hinge on the crops. It is found that
only once in twenty-five years has the stock market failed to advance
in good crop years, or to decline in poor crop years. The excep-
tion occurred in 1896. That year was a cardinal exception, as the
silver agitation had tentatively discredited .us, in the eyes of the
entire financial world. Bank clearings, trade balances, etc., which
have been mentioned as being barometrical, depend primarily upon
the crops. With large cereal, cotton, fruit and hay production, we
will have satisfactory bank clearings and satisfactory trade bal-
ances. Mining is not subject to the climatic influences bearing on
the crops and can be more accurately gauged.
It has been my intention in this article to emphasize the necessity
of continually studying future probabilities in forming our opinions
as to the future of security values. In this I have probably
digressed from the subject as laid down for me by the editors of
this work. Reverting to the exact title, "The securities market as
an index of business conditions," I will ofifer the brief opinion that
business improvement is about discounted in the rank and file of
securities. For bonds I see little hope of an advance from this level
and some strong possibilities of a sagging tendency in the not distant
future. The preferred stocks of railroads are also high enough.
There are still some bargains in the industrial preferences but they
are few in number. Railroad common stocks which pay dividends
are on a four per cent income basis, which is high enough under
present money conditions. Further advances in this group are
dependent on the ability of corporations to increase dividends or show
a greater net earning power. Industrial common stocks are in the
speculative class as yet, but the investor who is capable of discrimina-
tion, will probably find his greatest opportunities in this group.
(444)
PRESENT CONDITION OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE
By John J. iMacfarlaxe,
Librarian and Statistician, Philadelphia Commercial Museum.
The total value of international trade is now double what it
was in 1880, when it amounted to 14,500 million dollars. In 1900
it was 21,500 million dollars, and in 1907, 30,854 million, an increase
of 9.354 million in seven years, a greater increase than in the
preceding twenty years.
The value of the imports in 1907 was 16,329 million dollars
and of the exports 14,525 million. Although imports and exports
include the same articles and should be of equal value, the total
combined value of the imports of all nations is always about ten
per cent greater than that of the exports. This arises from the fact
that in some countries the cost of freight and insurance is added to
the invoiced value of the goods, and in others a system of evaluation
of imports is adopted, which is usually larger than in the country
from which the goods are exported.
The total value of the world's commerce in 1908 was about
28,720 million dollars, or 2,154 million less than in 1907. The
imports amounted to 15,120 million dollars and the exports to
13,600 million. The charts give the value of the imports for home
consumption into and the exports of domestic products from every
country, in which they amounted to over 100 million dollars in 1908.
They also indicate how much the value is greater or less than it
was in 1907 by prefixing plus or minus signs to the difference.
Two-thirds of the value of the commerce of the world is
made up of the exports from and the imports into European
countries. If the value of the trade of the United States is added
to this it will be over three-fourths. The combined commerce of all
countries in Asia, Africa, Oceania, !>c)uth America and North
America, outside of the United States, is less than one-fourth that
of the whole world.
It can also be readily seen from the charts that the combined
value of the exports from and the imports into four countries —
Great Britain, Germany, the United States and France — makes nearly
(445)
8
The Annals of the American Academy
one-half of the world's trade. The combined values of the countries
given in the chart amount to about ninety per cent of the total
trade. The 1907 values for the Netherlands/ Dutch East Indies,
Straits Settlements, Turkey, Sweden and Roumania are given in
the charts, as those of 1908 are not yet available.
COMMERCE OF THE WORLD
Exports of Domestic Products, 1908. Total Value — $13,600,000,000
Values by countries given in millions of dollars,
the difference between igoS and 1907.
"-|-" and " — " indicate
The imports of every nation decreased in value, excepting
Italy, Russia, India and Austria Hungary. In like manner, the
exports of every nation decreased, excepting Argentina, Chile,
* Netherlands, 1908 — -Imports, 1,134 million dollars; Exports, 876 millions.
(446)
Present Condition of Intetiiational Trade
Canada and Denmark. Tlie largest decreases in imports were in
the United States, 307 million dollars ; in Germany, 257 million ; in
Great Britain, 197 million ; in Canada, 83 million ; in P.elj^ium, 82
million ; and in China, 73 million. In exports, the largest decreases
were in Great Britain, 237 million dollars ; in the United States,
COMMERCE OF THE WORLD
Imports for Consumption, 1908. Total Value — $15,120,000,000.
Values by countries given in nullio)is of dollars.
the difference bettveen igo8 and 1907.
"+" and " — " indicate
167 million; in India, 126 million; in Germany, 107 million; in
Belgium, 66 million ; in France, 63 million ; in Australia, 58 million ;
and in Brazil, 50 million. The only very large increase was 68
million dollars in the exports from Argentina.
(447)
lo The Annals of the American Academy
How general the depression of commerce throughout the world
wjas in 1908 is readily seen from the predominance of minus signs
before the differences between the trade of 1907 and 1908. This
depression was the result of a number of causes, but it is generally
attributed to the financial panic in the United States in October,
1907. The public knew no other reason for so sudden a collapse
of financial credit and therefore took an effect for a cause.
Five years of prosperity had succeeded each other and it
seemed at times that in some lines of business it was almost impos-
sible to supply the demand. New mills were erected or new
machinery installed in order to increase the output. Over three
million spindles a year were added in the cotton industry alone, but
there was no corresponding increase of consumption. As a natural
result of the increased output, supply soon overtook demand. Then
large stocks of goods began to accumulate in the leading centers,
waiting for a hoped-for increase in demand to take them off the
market. In addition, in many small markets, where no one had any
suspicion of their existence, smaller stocks were being held. In
this way a condition was created which would be affected adversely
by •influences which under ordinary circumstances would have no
effect.
In Southern and Eastern Asia lie two countries — India and
China — in which nearly half of the people of the world are to be
fovmd. Anything that affects these people injuriously is bound in
time to react on the rest of the w^orld. In 1907, the southwest
monsoon, which occurs from June to September, failed, and famine
conditions with their accompanying distress extended over an area
of 133,000 square miles, with a population of fifty million.
The production of nearly all the food products in India was
short, leaving the millions engaged in raising them without the
regular pay for their labor, and as a consequence unable to buy the
usual quantities of food and clothing. The effect of this was not
immediately apparent in the statistics of trade. India exported 498
million dollars' worth of goods in 1907, but in 1908 their exports
fell off 126 million dollars, thus showing how much India had
suffered.
The great financiers of New York and elsewhere, through their
unusual facilities for obtaining information, knew all about the
failure of the monsoon and that there would be a failure in the
(448)
Present Condition of International Trade II
crops of India, before any indications of it reached the general
ptibhc. They immediately began to take in sail and prepare to
save their interests from the coming storm. Others seeing their
actions, but not knowing the cause, took fright and followed their
example. Soon the general confidence was lost and the panic
was on.
This panic made Xew York and other financial centers draw
on the gold reserves. As a consequence of this a fall in the price
of silver followed, and the Chinese Ilaikwan tael decreased in value
from seventy-nine or eighty cents to sixty-five cents, thus lowering
the purchasing power of China, In 1908 the value of the exports
from China had fallen from 209 million dollars in gold to 180
million, and the imports into China from 329 million to 256 million.
This falling off reacted on Japan, as well as India and other coun-
tries, and the exports from Japan fell off twenty-six million dollars.
The depression of commerce in 1908 is, therefore, like most
economic conditions, the result of a number of causes. First in
point of time came the unwise overproduction of the manufac-
turing industries of the United States and Europe, causing a large
accumulation of unsold goods. Next, the failure of the southwest
monsoon in far-off India, resulting in famine and the consequent
underconsumption of food and clothing among hundreds of millions
of people. This made it certain that the accumulated stocks could
not be sold at current prices. Then followed the endeavors of the
financiers of Xew York to save their interests from the impending
storm, which precipitated the financial panic of 1907, the effects of
which soon reached every country in the world. From this may be
learned the lesson that no country is benefited in the long run by
the misfortune of another ; that losses arising from famine and
pestilence, from wars, from poor government, or bad economic
conditions, wherever occurring, affect all.
Turning to the consideration of tlie present condition of the
world's trade, a fair idea of it can be obtained from a study of the
following table, in which the value of the imports and exports of
the countries named are given for as many months of 1909 as
statistics are available at the time of writing. The values for the
same periods of 1907 and 1908 are added in order to show the
progress of the trade. The complete change in the course of
trade in 1009 from that of 1008 is evident at a glance. In 1908, as
(449)
12
The Annals of the American Academy
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(450)
Present Condition of I tit emotional Trade 13
shown in the charts, decreasing trade is the rule; in 1909, as shown
in the table, increasing" trade is the rule. Only six countries show
a decrease in imports — IncUa, Japan, Brazil, Mexico, Australia and
Russia ; and only two a decrease in exports — the United States and
Great Britain. Four countries — Argentina. Austria-Hungary,
Russia and Italy — imported more than in 1907; and four — Argen-
tina, Austria-Hungary, Russia and Canada — exported more than
in 1907.
The United States and Great Britain are the largest exporting
nations in the world. In the United States, the exports \vere 83
million dollars less than in 1908 and 188 million less than in 1907.
In Great Britain, the exports were 46 million less than in 1908 and
192 million less than in 1907.
The falling off in the United States is mainly in raw cotton
and a number of food products. The falling off in these is equal
to the total decrease in the value of all products, as can be seen
from the following table, where the values are given in millions
of dollars :
1907. 190S. 1900. Decrease.
Cotton 238 212 193 ig
Wheat 29 53 21 32
Flour 40 38 26 12
Cattle 23 16 10 6
Fresh beef 19 10 6 4
Bacon 15 18 15 3
Pork II 7 3 4
Hams 17 17 15 2
392 371 289 8?
This falling oft' is due to the high ]irices of raw cotton, wheat
and flour, which the markets of the world are not yet willing to
pay. There was also a decrease in the quantity of wheat and flour
exported, as well as in the value. Of raw cotton, seventy million
pounds more were exported than in 1908.
In Great Britain the falling off in the values of three articles
is more than the total decrease, as is shown in the following table,
in which the values are given in millions of dollars :
1907. 190S. 1900. Decrease.
Cotton yarn and textiles 370 335 306 29
Machinery 102 103 93 10
New ships 35 29 20 9
48
(451)
14 The Annals of the American Academy
Nearly one-half of the loss is in the value of the exports of
cotton goods, yarns, etc., to India, which fell off twenty-five million
dollars from that of 1908.
The facts given in the charts and tables will enable any one to
form his own opinion as to the course of trade during the last
three years.
In Great Britain and Germany, in 1909, there was a great
falling off in the value of textiles exported, especially cotton goods ;
and in the United States, in the exports of cotton. The imports of
raw materials will show whether the manufacturing countries have
exhausted their stock and are ready to make new textiles. The
imports of wool into the United States have increased twenty-
three million dollars ; into Great Britain, sixteen million ; and into
Germany, fifteen million. The imports of silk into the United
States have increased fourteen million dollars ; into Germany, three
million ; but those into Great Britain have decreased slightly.
Cotton, the most important of all, and one of which the United
States does not import any quantity, being the largest producer,
does not show any great increase in value. In Great Britain it fell
off one million dollars, although it increased two million pounds.
In Germany it increased two million dollars in value and in quantity
eight million pounds.
In jute, the United States increased its imports over one
million dollars, while those of Great Britain decreased three million.
In hides and skins, the United States increased twenty-five million
dollars ; Great Britain, six million ; and Germany, four million. In
rubber, the United States increased seventeen million; Great
Britain, thirteen million ; while Germany fell off slightly.
Taking these as examples it will be found that the tendency
in these countries is an increased use of raw materials, but that in
the United States the increase is far greater than in either of the
other countries. This increase of imports in the large manufac-
turing countries is the m.ost promising feature in the world's trade,
because it means that the money from wealthy nations is going to
the suppliers of raw materials. This will enable them to purchase
the manufactured products of other nations, by exchanging their
raw materials and food products for them, so that next year the
non-manufacturing countries will increase their imports and wipe
out the decrease in exports of the two leading countries.
(452)
Present Condition of International Trade
15
Tliree nations will be the leading competitors in the future
trade, tach ot them has certain advantages which the other does
not possess. Great Britain has the accumulated capital arising
rom ,ts manufacturing industries during a long period of freedom
from mvasion It also has the inherited skill and tendency for
commercial and nulustrial operations. It is the leading shipping
nation of the world, the trade of other countries being largely
earned on m its vessels. It is the leading banking nation of the
world, London at present being the world's financial center
although It may not be long until that is shifted to \ew York '
Germany has the advantage derived from the careful develop-
ment of Its industries through the scientific skill of those in char4
of them This is largely the result of their s^^stem of education,
it also has the advantage in foreign trade of habits of working
together for an end, and the influence which the German c^overn-
ment, more than any other, gives to advance the trade of the indi-
vidual German merchant or corporation. As a result of its mili-
tary system, the habit of following the government's orders is
extended into business lines.
The United States has more of the material resources neces-
sary for the expansion of trade. lx)th at home and abroad, than anv
other nation. If it were not that its manufacturers and merchants
were so busy keeping up with tlie demands of home trade their
competition in the foreign markets would be more dan-erous to
their rivals.
_ To-day, the United States is the greatest agricultural nation
m the world, 8,000 million dollars' worth of grain, cotton and other
farm products being raised annually. This is more than anv other
two nations in the world. The United States is also the greatest
mineral producing nation of the world, the value of the annual
product of Its mines being over 2.000 million dollars, or more than
all the countries of Europe combined. The value of the product
of the coal mines of the United States is greater than that of all
the gold mines in the world, and more than the value of all kinds
of minerals produced in Great Britain or any other country.
The United States is also the greatest manufacturing countrv
of the world, the output of its factories in 1005 being valued at
13.000 million dollars. The United States raises seventy-five per
cent of the cotton of the world. It consumes twenty-nine per cent
(453)
i6
The A}inals of the American Academy
of the world's product, or eight per cent more than Great Britain,
the next largest consumer. It imports more silk, rubber, manila
hemp, sisal hemp, hides and skins than any other country.
When we turn to the foreign trade we find that as yet the
United States ranks below Great Britain and Germany in imports
and below Great Britain in exports, according to the annual statis-
tics. The rate of increase of the exports of the United States, how-
ever, is such that if continued it will soon surpass even Great
Britain. This will be brought out more clearly in the following
table, in which the average annual value of imports and exports
for the decades n^.entioned are s:iven :
Average Annual Imports
FOR Home Consumption.
Average Annual Exports op
Domestic Products.
Decade.
Great
Britain.
Germany.
United
States.
Great
Britain.
Germany.
United
States.
Millions of Dollars.
Millions of Dollars.
1880-1880
1898-1907
1,610
2,297
768
1.542
676
963
1,119
1,464
749
1,236
759
1,469
Increase
Per ct. of increase
637
42.6
774
100.7
287
42.4
345
30.8
487
64.8
710
93-5
In this table the value of ships has been omitted from Great
Britain, because they were not included in the statistics of that
country prior to 1898, when for the first time the exports from the
United States exceeded those from Great Britain. The trade of
Hawaii and Porto Rico with the United States is not included since
they came into the possession of the United States, although it
would be fair to do so.
From this table it will be seen that Germany has increased its
imports more than Great Britain, not only in percentage but also in
actual value, and that the percentage of increase of the United
States is about the same as that of Great Britain. We have been
told by the political economists that high tariffs would prevent an
increase of imports, and yet we have here two high tariff countries
increasing their imports in a greater ratio than the great free trade
country, and when we take up exports the contrast is still greater,
the increase in the exports from the United States being more than
double in value that of Great Britain.
(454)
Present Condition of International Trade 17
Since the enactment of the Din.e^ley tariff in the United States,
in 1897, the average annual excess of exports over imports has been
500 milHon dollars. In the nine months of 19a) this excess has
fallen to sixty million dollars, and while it is probable that the later
months will increase this excess, it will still be far below the
average.
The exports from the I'nited States are changing in character.
In 1899, forty-four per cent of the exports consisted of food prod-
ucts. In the first seven months of 1909 these products only repre-
sented 24.6 per cent of the total. This has been made up by an
increase in the exports of manufactured products, which in 1909
amounted to 47.2 per cent, or nearly one-half, the balance being
made up of crude materials for use in manufacturing, of which raw
cotton was the principal part.
As to the future of the United States we cannot do better than
quote the following from "The Statist." In speaking of the United
States it says, "With this rapidly increasing population, this great
accumulation of wealth, and the still vaster expansion of produc-
tion, no doubt whatever can be entertained of the continued pros-
perity of the American people and of American industries. Only
after there is no fresh land to ])ut under cultivation, no new mines
to open up, no additional oil-we'.ls to tap, no new supplies of lumber
to be cut, no further economies of transportation to be made, can
there be even a diminution in the rate of expansion ... all
the signs and conditions are favorable to the continuance of this
rate of expansion for the next ten years, the depression of
trade resulting from the recent crisis is passed, already the
volume of production and of trade is approaching the high-water
mark of 1907, and in the next twelve months new records will
be established by producers and manufacturers, by traders, by
railways, by bankers, and by all others that will participate in the
work of creating and distributing the unprecedented quantity of
wealth that will be produced, consumed and accumulated."
The improvement in the condition of trade in the United States
is alreadv having its influence on other countries. The increase of
246 million dollars in imports has improved C(^nditions of Euro-
pean and Asiatic countries, from which the bulk of these products
has been obtained. The good harvests in Russia and other coun-
tries and the improved conditi(Mis in India, as a result of a
(455)
i8 The Annals of the American Academy
favorable monsoon, have increased the pvtrchasing power of those
countries.
One of the drawbacks to a rapid increase of the world's trade
is the present high price of many of the products entering into it.
This is no doubt due partly to the enormous increase in the produc-
tion of gold, which is the measure of values under the present
system of currency. The decreasing va'ue of silver also acts as a
drawback, because in China and other silver countries the ability to
purchase where paynient n.ust be made in gold is very much
decreased.
In the value of international trade the pendulum has started
upward. The world has again entered an era of prosperity after a
much shorter duration of financial depression than usual. We can
all join heartily in the wish that nothing shall occur to mar the
present bright prospects.
(456)
CONDITIONS IN STOVE MANUFACTURING
By William J. Myers,
President, National Association of Stove Manufacturers,
New York City.
For a better discussion and understanding of present business
conditions in this industry, some reference for the purpose of com-
parison should be made to the recent past when business in nearly
all lines was on a high plane of prosperity.
When the financial panic swept over this country in October,
1907, the stove manufacturers had hardly completed the delivery
to the retail trade of the stoves which had been ordered for the early
fall demand". Such orders under the stimulus of the prosperity of
the three or four preceding years, which seemed likely of continu-
ance, had been liberally made, and manufacturers realized the
largest output for any October in the history of the industry. The
belief so general at first that the panic was but an unpleasant finan-
cial gust soon to pass over, with only a few blow-downs chiefly
among stock speculators and so-called frenzied financiers, was
shared by the stove interests, and hence manufacturers did not suffer
countermands of orders as w^ould have been the case had the crash
precipitated itself two months earlier. They did suffer in the
month of December, when business fell ofif alarmingly, but the
year remained a record one for large sales. The full force of the
business depression, however, was felt in 1908, and was early indi-
cated when salesmen were sent out for new business.
The element of weather is one that plays an important part in
the stove business and often operates to offset general business
depression. Two-thirds of the annual business in stoves is trans-
acted by manufacturers and wholesalers in the last four months of
the calendar year, and with good, crisp fall weather and a cold
winter, stove manufacturers and the dealers as well, except from
delayed pa)Tnents and losses from bad debts, do not feel the full
force of bad times. In the fall of 1908, however. Jack Frost did
not come to the rescue of those interested in the stove business,
and thev felt the depression equally with those in many other lines.
(457)
20 The Annals of the American Academy
Stove manufacturers for the most part are broad-minded men
and harbor few jealousies. A high degree of harmony and a wide
spirit of co-operation exist among them. Many are members of
the National Association of Stove Manufacturers, with its principal
office located in Chicago, and nearly every devotee of the industry
is a member of one or more of the nine constituent associations,
covering the various districts into which the United States is
divided. There is no such thing as a trust, holding company or
consolidation of interests in the stove industry, but the manufac-
turers are well organized for their mutual welfare and the correc-
tion of abuses that often creep in and tend toward the destruction
of a great industry, preventing the concentration of the mind upon
ideas for its betterment, which in this branch means the creation
of more artistic designs, new serviceable attachments, increased
cooking conveniences and the development of improved methods in
foundry practice. It cannot be said, however, that great advance-
ment has been made in the application of machinery in stove pro-
duction, the molding machine having so far been developed for but
limited use and economy.
It is due to the splendid organization of the stove manufac-
turers that but few failures were recorded among them during
1908, notwithstanding that the business fell off in some sections
thirty-five per cent, with an average decline in all of fully twenty-
five per cent. The stove industry is one that employs capital to the
extent of about $60,000,000, with an annual output of about the
same amount, hence requiring one dollar of capital for every dollar
of sales. This is due to the necessity of manufacturing and carrying
for months numbers of stoves to meet the demand in fall and
winter, which often becomes extra large ancf urgent, and to the
further fact that a very large percentage of the cost of stoves to
manufacturers is the wages of workmen which are generally paid
weekly.
Upwards of fifteen thousand hands are employed in the stove
shops and factories in the United States, and over three million
pieces of goods are distributed annually. Without organization
and perfect machinery for the gathering and dissemination of
information as to the effects of the general business depression
upon the demand for stoves in all sections, ignorance of the facts
and fear would have prompted price cutting and reprisals with
(458)
Conditions in Stove Mannfactnrin\^ 21
complete demoralization as the result. The trade suffered loss of
profits through reduced sales and continued high cost of distribu-
tion, but was spared the inroading of its capital by added losses
through slaughter of jjrices.
Coincidently with the falling off in domestic sales was the
decline in the foreign demand. Almost as soon and almost in the
same ratio the demand for stoves from foreign countries declined.
The export of stoves does not make a large item of our foreign
commerce, owing to the fact that it is almost entirelv confined to
types designed for cooking. Comparatively few American heating
stoves are shipj:)e(l abroad, and those that are shipped go mainly to
China. J^'ipan, Chile and Argentina; Germany and France supplying
the larger European demand. While heating stoves form a large
part of the product of American stove foundries, the world's
markets are little open to them. Our export possibilities are con-
fined to cooking stoves, the use of which is limited in many of the
warm countries which are good customers for other lines of Amer-
ican manufacture.
It was stated during tbe recent panic that the Ignited States
had become so large a factor in the world's commerce, and New
York City so much of a financial center, that the effects of our
panic were felt around the world. It may be due to this fact that
the reduction of the export demand in 1908 kept such regular step
with the domestic decline, but it was certainly due in many cases to
special causes in the countries themselves. For instance, we could
not have been responsible for the depression in South Africa, which
liad continued for nearly four years and reached its climax in 1908,
and was due to the natural reaction of overspeculation after the
Boer war, and the vast quantities of canned provisions and war
supplies sold there bv the r>ritish government at its close.
Orders from China had not been liberal since the boycott
placed on American goods ; the Japanese were not overanxious to buy
American stoves while the excitement continued over the California
incident ; Chile was having a controversy with Peru ; and Cuba was
under the military control of the Ignited States and her people were
full of jealousy and more or less of hatred for us. For two or three
years prior to 1908 the demand from .some of these countries had
been reduced, but was not felt in the midst of our phenomenal
home prosperity. It was unfortunate, however, that untoward cir-
(459)
22 . The Annals of the American Academy
cumstances continued during the year of our business decline. In
Mexico, where merchants and business men had been enjoying a
season of prosperity second only to that enjoyed here, the American
panic did cause much distress, and much capital of Americans held
in banks in Mexico for investment or for use in enterprises there
was hurriedly withdrawn to cover sudden obligations in the states.
Australia and New Zealand, for thirty-five years a profitable field
for American stoves, have been almost entirely yielded up to Great
Britain on account of low prices impossible for American manufac-
turers to compete against.
The export demand for stoves is often a fluctuating one and
increases but slightly even when normal conditions prevail, for, in
proportion as the demand increases in certain parts of the world,
competition grows or local makes supply part of the additional
demand. In several places in South America local-made wrought-
iron or sheet-steel cooking stoves are sold in considerable numbers,
while Gennan and French competition is extremely keen, and more
favorable terms are oflfered than American manufacturers seem
willing to make. Since the Japanese-Russian war, factories have
been established in Japan and American stoves imitated. The same
is likewise true of New Zealand, where local foundries have been
established within the last few years.
Notwithstanding all this, it can be said that the export revival
as shown this year is greater than the domestic. With the opening
of the year the demand from South Africa was distinctly an
improvement over what it was for four years previous, and has
thus far been maintained throughout the year. It would seem that
they have passed through their period of reconstruction and, with
good crops, have returned to prosperous conditions. But little
recovery is realized in the Mexican demand. Capital has not been
replaced, and floods, earthquakes and insurrections have further
hindered the return of prosperous conditions. Some increase in
demand is noted from Argentina, owing partly to the steady ad-
vancement being made in that country, the increase of population
and the influence of the forthcoming transportation exposition to
be held next year. But the demand would be greater in all South
American countries if our people had followed up the advantage
opened to them by the passage of the United States fleet around
the continent and ex-Secretary Root's visit.
" (460)
Conditions in Stoz'c Manufactnrin<^ 23
The direct effect of the tariff on the stove industry is almost
a netjligible quantity. The inchrect effects are considerable, because
whatever affects adversely the production of other American manu-
facturers and shortens factory operations reduces the purchasing
power of the wage earners, and the stove is about the first among
the articles of household utility that in bad times the workman aims
to repair instead of appropriating money for a new one. Foreign
made stoves, however, cannot obtain a foothold in this country in
competition with our own goods. They are heavier, clumsier, un-
suited to our needs, and with all packing, shipping and commission
charges added to the initial cost, their price would be too high.
It is not a fact that underselling us secures to our foreign
competitors an advantage in the disputed fields of Central and
South America so much as the willingness of the Europeans and
British to make long terms and bestow more attention upon the
packing requirements. In nearly all countries south of us the
American stoves are preferred for their lightness of weight, style
and many conveniences, but much complaint is heard of the inatten-
tion of American manufacturers to detail and of their unwillingness
to extend credits. We are no doubt largely to blame that our
exports amount to only about two per cent of the total value of
our output of stoves, amounting in 1908 to only a little over one
million dollars.
While not directly affected by the tariff, stove manufacturers,
realized how seriously tariff discussion interrupts general business,
and their national association sent delegates to the National Tariff
Commission Convention in Indianapolis in February last, and aided
the movement to petition Congess for the appointment of a com-
mission of experts and business men of probity to gather tariff
facts for the use of Congress and the Executive, so that in future
an intelligent and scientific tariff might be constructed.
Save in an industrial panic such as overspread this country in
1893, when the harmful effects endure longer and business men
weary in waiting for the tide to turn, it is seldom that the stove
trade experiences two poor fall seasons in succession ; and the indi-
cations are that the approaching season will not be an exception to
that rule. The demand this year, despite the tariff agitation, has
increased. For the first eight months of 1908 sales fell off twentv
per cent on the average, while for the same period this vcar they
(461)
24 ■ Tlic Annals of the American Academy
have increased twenty per cent. This by no means signifies a full
recovery of 1907 volume, as the increase is based on a much
smaller total than the decline, but it has been steady and carries
hope and confidence of continuance.
The autumn demand is expected to be very satisfactory from
the fact above stated that two bad seasons in this line rarely come
together. The expectation seems especially founded this year, when
improvement in so many other lines is noted. Increased stove sales
should be made if the earning power of the people has been and is
being increased over last year, because many old stoves that were
patched to last out the winter of a year ago must go to the junkman
this fall. The natural increase in population, moreover, and return
of many of the emigrants who left our shores in 1907 and 1908
will furnish a good extra demand. The increase this year would
need to be nearly thirty-three and one-third per cent to equal stove
sales in ,1907, and this is too much to expect so soon. The volume
will hardly equal that of 1906, but will probably run close to that
of 1905, a very good year in the stove trade.
The people's savings were much larger when the reverse came
in 1907 than they were at the previous panic and they did not run
so heavily in debt during the period of idleness. Aside from the
reduced purchasing power of wage earners, the business horizon
is almost clear of obstacles to the spending of money for all the
ordinary wants of the people, and the more liberal purchasing of
luxuries by those in more comfortable circumstances. The business
skies are clear, the air is not foggy with complex economic or
political problems to clog the mind, check ambition or block enter-
prise ; the tarifif is settled, building is improved, crops are abundant,
even though not of bumper proportions ; there exist no serious
international controversies ; no presidential election stares us in the
face for three years to come. The people have confidence in the
good judgment and fair-mindedness of President Taft ; there are no
alarming labor troubles to disturb the country ; stocks remain high,
reflecting good times, and unless the weather proves very unpropi-
tious for stove trafBc, stove manufacturers will have reason to feel
satisfied with the year's business. It ought certainly to be a twenty
per cent increase over that of 1908, with every prospect, barring
the intervention of war, pestilence or great convulsions of nature, of
greater improvement in the year to come.
(462)
THE STOVE TRADE
By James W. Van Cleave,
Former President of the National Association of Manufactnrcrs ; President
of The Buck's Stove and Range Company of Saint Louis, Mo. ;
Chairman, National Council for Industrial Defense.
The annual value of the stove manufacture in the United States
for all cooking and heating^ apparatus is in round fii^urcs about
$100,000,000. Some one has said that there is no business in this
country so much like the coffin business as the stove trade, inasmuch
as no one ever btiys a stove for cooking or heating pitrposcs tintil
dire necessity forces the issue, and no one ever buys two because
they are cheap. Accepting these statements as facts, and following
the conclusion in its last analysis, we find that the stove trade is the
very last to recover from trade dislocations of all kinds.
We find the farmer must re])lenish his farm implements ; that
the children of the homes must have their winter shoes and their
Sunday-school hats ; and at last, that the drudge of the family, the
mother, is given some consideration and the kitchen is fitted with
a new stove. The stove trade has not experienced any recovery
from the recent depression, and is not likely to enjoy a normal
business until at least the beginning of the coming year, and not
then, ttnless all trade conditions have reached the normal and have
climbed to the maximttm trade volume of 1906.
The stove manufactttrer, however, enjoyed with American
industries generally a prosperous period of nearly ten years, with
the result that no serious injury, except failure to accumulate addi-
tional money, has resulted from the late panic and business disturb-
ance. There have been no notable failures in the stove trade. The
stove manufacttircr in general is able to pay his bills promptly, and
is to all intents and ]nirposes in a good financial condition. The
American stove trade is almost exclusively in home markets ; that
is to say, less than five per cent of the $100,000,000 of volume is
distributed to other nations. The competition of stove manufac-
turers is at home and among themselves. In no other nation of the
globe can be found so many comforts in the homes of the common
(463)
26 " The Annals of the American Academy
people as are found in the homes of our people. FaciUties for good
cooking and heating, the two most important of all the home com-
forts, are easily obtained and are regarded as necessities of the
American household. American stoves and ranges are found in
the homes of the pioneers in the very uttermost parts of territory
now owned by the United States, except the Philippines, as well
as in the homes of New York's "four hundred."
Wonderful progress has been made during the last ten to twenty
years in the manufacture and construction of cooking and heating
apparatus for the home. This is more pronounced in the more
populated districts, cities and industrial centers, where natural and
manufactured gas has been made a common fuel. The use of gas
as a fuel in these districts is becoming almost universal, notwith-
standing the fact that experiments have been made for years with
electrical devices for use in the home kitchen. As modern con-
structions are brought into use and presented for the consideration
of the American people, they are quickly adopted wherever fuel
and other conditions make it possible to do so. In this v/ay the
American stove manufacturer still has a most profitable market for
his products at home, and is not interested to any great extent in
foreign trade, or international trade conditions, and is not likely to
be for many years to come, except in spots here and there.
The only effect that the recent tariff legislation had, or possibly
could have, upon the stove trade, is the collateral effect of trade
dislocations, trade depressions, the stoppage of manufacture and
non-employment of the American workman. In this way a wide-
spread general depression was brought about, and it directly
affected the trade of the stove manufacturer as has already been
shown. So serious was this result that the average loss in volume in
1908 as compared \vith 1906 was a fraction more than 50 per cent.
The recovery in 1909 will be slight, so that the effect of the panic
and trade conditions, growing out of the tariff discussion and tariff
legislation and general trade depression, was to practically demolish
temporarily the stove trade, and the date of its recovery is fixed
after general business has reached normal conditions.
But while I am very conservative in my estimate of the time
required for business revival, I am thoroughly optimistic as to the
outlook for the future. Everywhere in this broad land, from Alaska
to Florida an/1 from Maine to the Mexican line, can be seen evidence
(464)
77;^ Stoz'c Trade 27
of marvelous prosperity. Everywhere we find improvement,
progress and success. Everywhere we find opportunity opening- to
our peoi)le who are making liomes for themselves in the uttermost
parts of our land. Everywhere we find marvelous and wonderful
opportunity ofifered to American enterprise, and on all sides we
find the guiding hand of the Almighty God seeming to favor our
people. There was no natural reason for the recent panic. It was
brought about primarily by designing promoters, and principally by
the great army of calamity howlers, who are ever ready to destroy
and never to upbuild. Even now our people have plenty, compara-
tively speaking. Our farmers, the great backbone of our country,
are prosperous. True, employment in the industrial communities
has not been as plentiful within the past eighteen months as it was
during the decade just prior to the beginning of the panic in 1907,
but the impression is created everywhere in the mind of any
observant man that all nature seems ready to burst out in an over-
whelming demand for the products of the American manufacturer
and in turn for the produce of the American farmer.
Therefore, the general outlook for the immediate future is all
that the most skeptical mind could wish for. It seems we are to-day
on the very threshold of a period of prosperity and trade volume
such as this country has never known before. It is believed by even
the most conservative that the next two, three or four years will
m'ark a period of trade prosperity and general uplifting conditions
such as has never been experienced by any nation in the world before,
and it is to be hoped that these Utopian promises will not be marred
by a short-sighted policy of the work people, and that on the
contrary they will go on making all the money they can, giving to
their wives and children their heritage, a real American home.
The panic may have been a blessing in disguise to all of us,
warning us not to become extravagant, arbitrary or careless. Xew
duties confront us as we are changing from an agricultural country
into an industrial one. Competition with old, established industrial
nations for the world's markets compels us to follow their example
and pay special attention to the industrial training of our youth.
It is to be hoped that the public schools of the nation will take up
seriously the matter of industrial training in jirimary grades, along
the lines that are now in vogue in Germany, {or in this way we can
make of our working population a nation of independent, qualified
(465)
28 TJie Annals of the American Academy
American workmen, and raise still higher the standard of American
industries.
Aside from the unrest and dissatisfaction among a limited
number of our work people, brought about by the false teachings,
sophistries and criminality of part of the leadership of trade
unionism, there does not seem to be a fleck on the commercial
horizon.
(466)
DIFFICULTIES AND NEEDS OF THE PAPER AND
PULP INDUSTRY
By Arthur C. Hastings,
President American Paper and Pulp Association, New York.
The past year has seen less activity in business ckie to a Hght
demand in every grade of paper. Returns on capital were not
satisfactory, and labor was not steadily employed. This condition
of the paper manufacturing industry, however, was no different
from that in all the large manufacturing plants of the countrv, and
reports from abroad indicate that these conditions have prevailed
there, particularly in this indttstry.
The paper industry is probably more sensitive to conditions
than many others, mainly because advertising falling off or increas-
ing suddenly, causes less or more paper consumption, with little
notice to the manufacturer, who does not know general conditions a^
quickly as does the advertiser. While the daily newspapers and
magazines probably printed as many copies of their issues as for-
merly, they curtailed the amount of paper used, by printing less
pages or reducing the mmiber of columns per page. This in the
aggregate amounts to a saving of many hundred tons.
In addition to this smaller demand, the jobbers in every city
have reduced their stocks of all grades of paper to the lov.est point
possible, thus causing thousands of tons, usually held to properly
conduct their business, to be ptit on the market. The result is
a decreased demand and practically an increased production. As
usual under these conditions, prices were low and competition extra-
ordinarily keen. Mills have run on part time and in general have
reported business as unsatisfactory. Since August first, however,
the demand is increasing and a nnich better tone is apparent in the
paper market in general.
The recent tariff legislation had a very disquieting effect on
the paper business as it had on every other. No one would buy
for more than his immediate wants and very few contracts for a
supply were made until the tariff was fixed. The demands of the
publishers were selfish and without regard for the rights of manu-
(467)
30 The A)iiials of the American Academy
facturers, who were being taxed on their supply of raw material
and who must pay wages sufficiently high to enable their workmen
to live as they are accustomed. The manufacturers demanded that
all duty should be removed from the finished product. This was
a most unfair position, and the inherent desire of Americans for
fair play induced Congress to pass a tarifif which, while lower than
facts warrant according to "comparative cost at home and abroad,"
will, I believe, serve to protect the American manufacturer against
ruinous foreign competition.
The removal of all duty from paper and pulp in the lower
grades would, in a very few years, put the mills of the United States
out of existence. The world's supply and demand interests each
country. To-day there is an overproduction in certain grades of
pulp and paper in some European countries, and with no protection
the American market would be flooded with paper at perhaps a loss
to the manufacturer, and at a price that would shut down fifty
per cent of our plants. When normal business conditions prevailed
in these countries the export would stop, but in the meantime our
mills would be in no condition to resume.
Any investor in a manufacturing plant is entitled to a fair profit
on his investment, and more than a mere interest charge. The busi-
ness is hazardous and constantly changing through improvements in
machinery and replacements, and maintenance expenses in the paper
manufacturing business are greater than in almost any other manu-
facturing industry. Water power conditions, moreover, are uncer-
tain and make it impossible to foretell the cost of manufacture a year
ahead. Yet competition has apparently made it necessary for mills
to sell their product at a very small estimated profit under most
favorable conditions. This, under abnormal conditions, means a loss,
as with but few exceptions and for short periods, the prices of all
grades of paper have, in the past twenty-five years, been steadily
decreasing, in spite of the enormous increase in consumption. In
every grade of paper the industry has more than kept pace with
demand. The use of all grades of paper in the United States is
greater per capita than in any other country of the world, and we
produce, in the lower grades, nearly fifty per cent of the world's
consumption. This fact alone shows the progress of the industry.
The protection afforded by the government has been an important
factor.
(468)
Needs of the Paper and Piilf Industry 31
I believe the manufacture of so-called wood paper in the United
States will not increase very much in the future. Certain more
favorably situated mills may increase their capacity somewhat, but
others less fortunately situated will cease making- the lower grades
or will dispose of their water powers for other purposes. The
vicious attacks made on the paper manufacturers by their customers,
who have grown prosperous, partly at their expense, does not
stimulate new ventures by capital and in the end may cause higher
prices due to lack of production.
This condition of trade does not indicate that we will ever
become a factor in the export l)usiness even with a general revival
abroad. The home demand will increase, and has already shown
a fair increase as compared with other staple articles. With condi-
tions nearly as satisfactory as 1907, the increase of about five
million population, must alone increase the consumption of
all food stuffs and manufactured articles. On the whole the
outlook for the future of the paper industry in this country is
healthy. While, I believe, there will be little or no additional
growth of the manufacture in the lower grades, and that we will
not export this quality, this argument does not apply to the finer
grades of book and writing papers. These grades are made by
many mills, each one having a special brand or use, and the prices
are made on quality, quantity, manner of packing, etc. The con-
sumption is more uniform and the prices more .steady. They are
used in smaller quantities, so that the prices are not as much a
factor as quality or reputation. There is no reason why the Ameri-
can manufacturer with his ability and taste cannot export these
higher grades in competition with many other countries.
The paper manufacturing industry as a whole is one of the
important ones of the United States. It has a capital investment of
some $350,000,000, an annual product $250,000,000 in value, repre-
senting an annual output of over 4.000,000 tons of paper in different
grades, and employing over 100,000 people directly in the business.
Since the census of 1880, or w-ithin thirty years, there has been
an increase of $300,000,000 in investment, $200,000,000 in annual
output, and 75,000 in the number employed in the industry.
On one of the principal grades of paper, during this period,
the price has been reduced from $140 to $40 a ton. No one can
claim, therefore, that the manufacturer has not invested his money
(4C^f))
32 " The Ajinals of tlie American Academy
freely to build up the industry, that he has not taken care of the
growing demand, or that he has gotten an unreasonable price for
his product. It takes longer for capital to be turned over in this
manufacturing business than in almost any other large industry.
I have endeavored in a brief and simple way to refute many
statements which were no doubt published with the idea of influenc-
ing Congress in tarifl:" arguments and to affect the value of our
product. I desire to impress the public with the belief that this
is a legitimate manufacturing industry, subject to conditions of
trade the same as any other industry. The men engaged in it are
reputable business men and in good standing in the communities
in which they reside, having in many instances their "all" invested
in it. The cry of the intermediate consumer, not the ultimate,
is from a desire to buy his supply cheaper than it can be made, and in
order to get this result on twenty-five per cent of the annual product
of the paper mills he proposes to put all manufactures of all kinds
of paper in one class. No thinking man believes that a reduction
in the price of newspaper, or cheaper grades of book paper, for
instance, would reduce the cost of a single copy of a publication to
the purchaser ; and yet it has been claimed that a duty of about ten
per cent on printing paper is a "tax on intelligence."
The interests of the consumer and producer are alike, and
we have no objection to their profits. We do, however, object to
misstatements made with a view of ruining our investments. The
average man believes the pulp mills of this country are devastating
the forests, not because he knows anything about it, but because it
has been brought to his attention by publishers in the shape of
articles and cartoons. The facts are, that less than two per cent
of the annual drain of American forests goes into paper and pulp.
Railroad ties consume more timber and mine supports nearly as
much. The two together consume twice as much as goes into
paper in its different forms, but the public does not read that they
are such destroyers of natural resources. These facts are taken
from government reports and are therefore authoritative. The
"golden rule," although not used as much as formerly, is still a
good measure.
(470)
PROSPECTS OF THE MEAT PACKING INDUSTRY
Bv Michael Rvan,
President. American Meat Packers' Association. Cincinnati, O.
Within twenty years the meat packing industry in this country
has grown to extraordinary proportions. The entire meat output
of the United States may be safely computed at $1,200,000,000,
and five or ten of the largest houses report their annual sales at
about $700,000,000. However, a great many food articles other
than meat enter into these sales, and reduce the meat sales proper
to about $550,000,000, or not quite one-half the total business of
all the ])ackers for one year. The transactions of the five large
corporations are immense ; yet it will be seen that they do not
control the meat industry. It is too much scattered, localized and
diversified for any one combination to control, and it is best for
the packers, large and small, and the general public, that it should
be as it is.
The panic which came in ( )ctober and continued to November.
1907, did not in the beginning affect the meat business disastrously.
On the contrary, for at least six months, it was rather a blessing in
disguise. Coming as it did at the commencement of the packing
season, when the large droves of stock prepared and fed for market
usually begin to pour in, with money tied up in banks and withdrawn
from circulation, live stock (lro])pcd at least twenty ])er cent in
price as compared with what it would have been if normal condi-
tions had prevailed. Consequently, for the whole winter season,
packers, who could raise the moncv. realized substantial profits on
the raw material laid in at low prices. Nor did the demand for
meat slack oft' by reason of the stagnation and general depression
in business. The lower prices invited consumption, and. notwith-
standing the increased packing, stocks of provisions did not accu-
mulate so as to be burdensome. All went well with the packers
imtil about the first of July, 1908, when live hogs again began to
advance to a much higher level of values. The great prolonged
drought of last year seriously endangered the corn crop and conse-
quently the fall months saw vast droves of immature live stock
(470
34 Tlic Annals of the American Academy
rushed into the markets, and as the packers thought they foresaw
a great scarcity in the later winter and early spring months, they all
brought high prices. In this they erred, for the hogs continued to
arrive in larger number than expected, and as a result, in the spring
of the present year, the meat cellars were well filled with high-
priced hog products.
The effects of the drought on live stock were not felt until
May and June, when the greater part of the winter packing had been
marketed without profit to the packers. The last two months —
July and August — have witnessed higher prices for hogs than at any
time but once for the last twenty years ($8.45 for live hogs). On
the whole, the packing season for the year now closed, October i,
1909, has been very unprofitable to pork packers in this country.
Owing to the exceedingly high price for hides and fat products,
beef packing shows somewhat better results, but the margin of
profit in this branch of the packing industry has been light. Our
foreign exports of provisions have fallen off very materially in the
past year. Up to ten years ago packers depended upon the foreign
trade to take the surplus, but with the increased consumption at
home and the consequent higher prices, Europe has not been so
liberal a buyer of our provisions. Great Britain is the only buyer
of any magnitude. Exports of meat and dairy products were
valued as follows for the past nine years :
•
1901 $196,959,637 1906 $190,766,669
1902 199,861,378 1907 180,342.341
1903 179,027,586 1908 170,498,626
1904 176,027,586 1909 146,280,220
1905 169,999,685
On this the "National Provisioner," a journal devoted to the
packing interests, thus comments :
The showing for the past year is one not calculated to encourage our
exporters and the trade as a whole. Conditions existing abroad for the past
two years which have decreased Europe's buying powers, have undoubtedly
affected the volume of this trade. The same thing was felt in the United
States for a shorter period following the financial disturbance of 1907, but
Europe has taken longer to recover. There are present signs of recupera-
tion, but they do not in the case of most of our products afford us any
encouragement.
As long as foreign governments can discriminate against our meat
products as Germany and France do now, so long will there be no chance
(472)
Prospects of the Meat Packing Industry 35
for improvement. IMore than that, our trade witli these countries is rapidly
being wiped out, and when this is accomplished it will take more than
amended tariffs and commercial treaties to get it back again. The tariff bill
now pending in Congress offers us hope of relief in this direction through
the maximum and minimum provisions it contains, giving the President the
power to retaliate against those countries which do not give our products
fair treatment.
We have heard a great deal of late about the "unwise" and "infamous"
character of this policy of retaliation as contrasted with a policy of "con-
ciliation." After a study of the figures quoted here and of the conditions
which have confronted our export trade in some countries, the only policy
of "conciliation" which would seem to be at all reasonable or effective is this
"conciliation with a club" which is contained in the new tariff law. Our
friends, the importers of foreign commodities, do not like it, of course. That
is natural, and it is from them and their organs that the opposition to it
arises.
There is every prospect that this feature of the tariff bill will become
law, and that under the wise, far-seeing administration of Mr. Taft it may
be effective in giving our industry the foreign outlet for its surplus products
which it needs and to which it is entitled.
The writer of the above is somewhai blunt in his description
of the situation, but what he states is a fact which we must face
sooner or later. The foreigners who find a market here for their
wares and shut their doors against the products of our soil should
be made to taste of their own medicine.
Reciprocity, the principle of "give and take," is not only bene-
ficial to individuals, but to nations as well. It is noticeable also that
the prejudice against American products is so strong among the
most prominent of the continental nations of Europe that no oppor-
tunity is permitted to pass wherein a drive can be made at American
meat or live stock. The recent canned meat scandal was used as a
powerful weapon against the meat packers. So much so, that the
canning industry was practically annihilated for two years ; nor has
it risen to its normal condition as yet.
It would astound many to know the tremendous losses sustained
by the unlucky holders of canned meats upon the breaking out of
the so-called scandal. The trade was paralyzed in this country and
Great Britain, and coming as it did at a time when dealers had laid
in full supplies of the article and borrowed heavily frpm banks to
carry the goods for which there was no market, the strain was most
oppressive. The indiscreet and violent manner in which those in
authority sought to correct an alleged evil in the manufacture of
(473^
36 The Annals of the American Academy
an important product in general use, and held up our large packing
houses to public reprobation, was taken hold of by the sensational
press. The American packers were brought to shame before the
whole w^orld, and competitors in other countries, taking advantage
of all this, used it against us in a most effective manner.
The bumper crop of corn which is assured this year means
much cheaper meat for the people. Statisticians estimate the pro-
duction at three billions, which is the largest on record. However,
it must be borne in mind that corn is so universally used as food for
man and beast at present, and for manufacturing purposes also,
that the price will be well maintained. When corn can be had at
fifty cents per bushel at the seaboard, exporters will become buyers
for it and they will not permit a large surplus to accumulate. It is
estimated that eighty per cent of the corn crop is used by the
farmers themselves in the fattening of stock, as this is generally
more profitable than selling the grain. Other crops give promise of
a generous yield, and we may reasonably expect a revival in all
lines of business this fall._
The best evidence of good times for some time to come lies in
the fact that the agriculturists are better oflf now than they ever
have been in this country. Abundant crops for the past ten years,
coupled with a continuous and steadily increasing demand for all
farm products at unusually profitable prices, have brought heavy
gains to the coffers of the farmers. There is no surer means of
livelihood offered in this country than farming. I have before me
an editorial from the Cincinnati "Enquirer" which is to the point.
The writer says :
In professional life it is well known that but few grow rich and the
man}' barely earn a living, even in the prosperous United States. In Great
Britain it is said statistics show that but fifteen per cent of professional men
have living incomes. In industrial pursuits the eras of prosperity and
those of depression succeed each other so rapidly that it is most difficult for
the owner or operative to save enough from the years of activity to sustain
and carry through the years of dullness or enforced idleness. Statisticians
a score of years ago placed the final failures in mercantile affairs at ninety-
five per cent of those who engaged in traffic, and while the percentage of
recent years has no doubt been reduced very much below those figures, yet
it is well known that two fail where one succeeds in merchandising.
It is in the tilling of the earth that lies the safest and most certain
return to man for his labor. The advance in the agricultural development
during the past thirty years, in combination with advanced prices for
(474)
Pros/'c'cts of the Meat Pacl'iiii::; Iiidustry 37
products, vastly greater and hotter transportation facilities for reacliing
markets and the creation of new markets and constant growth in demand in
every part of tlie world, have tremendously increased the possibilities, prob-
abilities and certainties of amassing fortunes through agriculture.
Every county in every state in the entire Union needs tillers of the land
and every city, village and hamlet would have greater comfort and larger
volume of prosperity if millions of farmers were added to our population.
No class of all the classes of workers in our nation has made the profits and
saved such a large percentage of its earnings during the last twelve years
as has the farmer class. This year, while the banner year for those who
till the land, is but one of a long series in which the profits have come to
them from their work.
The prosperity that has attended farming has been confined to no section
of the Union. Tt has been abiding in the East, the North, the South and the
West, and from each and all of those regions to-day come invitations to
millions of other men to join with those who already are enjoying the
rewards of their foresight and labor. The opportunities to secure inde-
pendence, comfort and prolit upon the lands of the United States were never
so numerous or so available as they are to-day. The very best possible
results to our government and our people would be obtained through a great
increase in the number of those who derive their income through the
products of the soil.
The writer of the foregoing is absohitely correct. The tremen-
dous growth of our cities of late years does not make for national
virility. The precarious means of existence which the busy marts
of commerce afford is not to be compared with life in the country,
and the wonder is whv the millions who flock to these shores froiu
the overpopulated countries of Europe instead of crowding into the
cities do not take advantage of the vast domain whose fertile soil
and diversified climate, with ready markets for what the earth
])roduccs. make an absolute certainty of coiufortable and inde-
pendent living. The tendency now, however, is to urban life, not
only here btit in Europe, and it seems as if the tide cannot be
arrested imtil it has spent its force. While the necessaries of life
through our continuous growth in ])opulation may not cheapen
materially even with the abundant crops assured this year, still
there will be enough for all and considerable left after our wants
are supplied to sell to our less favored brethren in other countries.
We have one thing to be thankful for — when the people of this
country elected Mr. Taft to the presidency, they builded wiser than
thev knew. After the strain and the excitement of the previous
administration and (he lack of cnnfidencc caused by the panic, an
(475)
38 The Annals of the American Academy
era of quiet and rest in order to recuperate our wasted energies
and settle our over-wrought nerves became absolutely necessary.
The great good sense, discretion and tact injected into governmental
affairs by Mr. Taft have wrought a wonderful change for the
better, and it now looks, with abundant crops and the new stimulus,
life and activity apparent on every side, as if we are about to enter
on a long period of unprecedented prosperity.
(476)
REVI\\\L OF THE TRADE IN WOOLENS
By William Whitman,
President, National Association of Wool Manufacturers, Boston, Mass.
In common with the other prothictivc interests of America,
the wool and woolen industry paid the price of the severe financial
depression which set in suddenly in the autumn of 1907. This
depression which spread over the entire nation soon made itself
felt in a decreased demand for woolen fabrics, due to the general
disturbance of business confidence. The inevitable result was that
some woolen mills became idle and many more were working on
reduced time, and the reflex was felt far away from the older manu-
facturing states on the farms of the Middle West and the ranches
and ranges of the Far West and the Rocky Mountains. Manu-
facturers of the East, having no market for their fabrics, could not
buy and utilize the Western wool, and the indivisibility of the indus-
try received one more vivid and compelling demonstration.
The wools in common use fell off sharply in price, in sympathy
with the falling demand for all kinds of woolen cloth and clothing.
Of course, the dismay and suffering of the free wool period of
1894- 1 897 among the farmers and wool growers of the great agri-
cultural and grazing states were not paralleled, but the conditions
were the severest that had confronted the wool growers as well as
the manufacturers since the system of adequate protection, so vital
to the wool and woolen interests, was re-established in 1897 in the
enactment of the Dingley law.
Following the year of the financial panic came, in 1908, the
always nervous year of a general Presidential election, with the
accompanying clamor for immediate tariff revision. Peculiarly sus-
ceptible to foreign competition, the wool and woolen industry felt
this double stress more keenly than man}-^ other interests, and though
conditions in the industry gradually improved in the spring and
summer of 1908, the industry had not attained a normal or satisfac-
tory volume of business.
(477)
40 The Ainials of the American Academy
Prosperity Under tlie Nezv Tariff
Now, however, wool growing and wool manufacturing have
attained and held for some time a reasonably strong, buoyant pros-
perity. This did not wait for the final settlement of the tariff ques-
tion by Congress and the actual enactment of the new Aldrich-Payne
law. Improvement began to be marked and rapid early in the
latter half of 1908, as soon as it had become manifest that the
political forces pledged to a maintenance of the protective principle
were practically sure to win the Presidential election in November.
There was no perceptible halt or decline in this prosperity when
tariff revision became inevitable in the announcement of Chairman
Payne, of the Committee on Ways and Means, immediately after
the election, that his committee would begin at once to hold a series
of hearings for the great producing interests of the country, with
a view to the preparation of the first draft of a new tariff law.
The wool and woolen industry of this country had not asked
for a tariff revision. It had not advocated a reduction of the rates
of duty protecting other industries, and it felt that it could not
afford any material reduction in the duties covering its own. There
was, moreover, no difference of opinion between the growers of
wool and the manufacturers of wool as a whole as to the wisdom
and justice of the maintenance of adequate protection on the
materials of manufacture. Raw wool, though classified as a crude
product, is nevertheless the finished product of the ranch, the range
and the farm.
Both wool growers and wool manufacturers in the main
believed that there was no serious danger to their interest in a
revision of the tariff by the friends of the protective principle,
but both well understood how complex a thing a tariff is and espe-
cially the wool and woolen schedule. Both were loth to exchange
a legislative system which had worked with such unexampled
smoothness and success for the upbuilding of their industry as had
the Dingley law for a new law framed, doubtless, in good faith and
with honest intent to maintain adequate protection, but which
through human fallibility might nevertheless embody errors of con-
struction or involve errors of interpretation from which the Dingley
law had been singularly free.
It was the frank, dominant opinion of this industry, how-
(478)
Rc7'k'al II f the 1 ratic in H'oolciis 4I
ever it may have been with other industries, that the time had
not come when another general revision of the tariff was neces-
sary or advisable, anrl that the proposed action of Congress was
distinctly premature. Yet the industry, as a whole, did not
actively dispute the determination reached by the leaders of the
National Administration that there should be a general revision
of the tariff. Careful preparation was made by the National
Association of Wool Manufacturers, co-operating, as always, with
the National Wool Growers' Association, to present an exact and
comprehensive statement of conditions in the industry and of the
amount of tariff protection absolutely needed, to the members of
the Committee on W'ays and Means, who were holding their series
of tariff hearings in Washington. This statement was delivered
before the committee on December 2, 1908, shortly before the
opening of the last session of the Sixtieth Congress. On behalf
of the industry we asked for no increase in duty whatsoever. We
did urge that substantially the existing rates of protection to the
wool grower and to the manufacturer should be maintained un-
changed, but that for the sake of better symmetry and accuracy
there should be a reduction in the duty on that semi-manufactured
article known as "tops." Subsequently this position was reaf-
firmed to the Senate Committee on Finance, and a great amount
of supplementary argument and information was submitted.
The wool and woolen schedule of the new tariff, the Aldrich-
Payne law, is highly satisfactory to our industry in general. The
duty on "tops" was reformed and reduced exactly as we had
recommended, and there were some real though not deep reductions
in the duty on certain kinds of dress goods and worsted yarns.
Otherwise, the wool and woolen schedule of the Dingley law was
left intact in the new tariff, a fortunate circumstance considering
the conscientious skill with which this difficult schedule had been
constructed by Chairman Dingley and his associates in 1897.
When I say that the wool and woolen schedule of the Aldrich-
Payne law is highly satisfactory to our industry in general. T am
not unmindful of the fact that to create an absolutely perfect
tariff law, every detail of which shall suit all diverse and conflict-
ing interests and every fallible individual human judgment, is
something that involves a superhuman wisdom. There are within
our industry a few critics of the new tariff, but in numbers they
(479)
42 The Annals of the American Academy
are very few indeed and in the proportion of the industry which
they represent they are almost inconsiderable. Moreover, their
criticism of the new tariff is unquestionably due to a serious mis-
apprehension of the principles upon which it has been constructed.
Never, probably, has a new tariff law approved itself so almost
universally as this to the wool and woolen industry of America.
Since the Aldrich-Payne law took effect the purchases of wool
by the American mills have reflected the buoyant confidence of
manufacturers that we are entering now upon an era of genuine
prosperity, and that, secure in adequate protection, the wool and
woolen industry of this country will enjoy its rightful share of the
national good fortune. Mills that were idle have been reopened,
and mills that were on reduced time have gone on full time.
There is no lack of business now for any manufacturer who knows
the practical conditions of his trade and has kept pace with the
march of modern requirements.
Alleged Price Increases
There have been some increases in the price of goods but
these are not due to any tariff changes, for the only changes in
the tariff, as has already been said, are downward. They, more-
over, are increases in price as compared with the abnormal panic
conditions of last year, and not with prices of the normal year
preceding. They constitute merely a restoration to figures that
should naturally prevail when trade conditions are reasonably
good. There has been a notable strengthening in the demand for
wool, and a very great enhancement in the prices paid to the pro-
ducers as contrasted with the panic figures of a year or more ago.
Of course, this inevitably compels an increase in the cost of goods,
but it is the ancient and inexorable law of demand and supply and
not any tariff change or any tariff increase that is responsible.
Fully two-thirds of the wools consumed in the manufacture
of the clothing of the American people are grown on our own soil,
and these clothing wools should be carefully distinguished from
the cheaper and coarser carpet wools, almost all of which have
to be imported. This statistical comparison of the imports of
wools of both kinds into this country during the three fiscal years,
1907, 1908 and 1909, shows how firmly the wool and woolen industry
(480)
Revival of the Trade in Woolens
43
is recovering from the financial .ieprcssion-indecd. h.nv the indus-
try began to recover, even before the new tariff law was enacted
as soon as ,t was clearly seen that it was to be fully protective
in Its character:
Imports of Wool ix Pounds
Clothing wools 82.982,116 45.798,303 I42.58.>.993
Class II
Clothing wools 10.671.378 13.332.540 21,952.259
Class III
Carpet wools 110,194,051 66,849.681 101.876,052
203,847.545 125.980,524 266,409.304
There is every reason to believe that the total consumption
of domestic and foreign wool in the American wool manufacture
carpets included, during the fiscal year 1909, will represent 600-
000,000 pounds.' '
International Trade Conditions
In both clothing and carpets the American wool factories of
to-day control the great bulk of the huge domestic market the
richest and best market in the world. But they do this only by
incessant effort, for. especially in the higher grades of manufac-
tured goods, they are constantly pressed by foreign competition
Contrary to a general belief, our imports of wool manufactures
especially of cloths and dress goods, are not decreasing but are
increas.ng-this larger purchase of foreign goods representing
a gain of about 70 per cent, in the decade between i8r;S and 1007
It should be remembered that undervaluation has been t^a-rant
in our imports of textile manufactures, and the foreign values
with the duty added represent very much more accuratelv the
actual amount of domestic manufactures displaced by these imported
goods. The record of imports of manufactures of wool entered
for consumption in the fiscal years from 1898 to 1907 is shown
in the Table R.
_ On the other hand, our exports of wool manufactures are
inconsiderable, amounting to r.nlv $2,330,058 in 1907. and to
(481)
44 " Tlie Ajiiials of tlie American Academy
$1,942,774 in 1908. These exports consist chiefly of ready-made
wearing apparel sold in the nearby markets of Canada and Mexico.
The high protective duty on the raw material, the superior wages
and standards of comfort of our work-people, and the rather petty,
provincial preference manifested in some quarters for foreign
woolen goods regardless of their real quality, all combine to make
the wool manufacture in America a difficult art, and to put out of
the question all thought of developing a considerable export trade
to other countries. Yet if American manufacturers of woolen
goods can supply the needs of the great domestic market, the
market of the most prosperous and exacting people in the world,
there is sufficient here to guarantee to the industry a steady, whole-
some growth and reasonable prosperity in all the years to come.
Table B.
Year. Foreign values. Duty-paid values.
1898 $13,500,241 $24,150,565
1899 13.978,852 27,249,433
1900 15,620,487 29,905,268
1901 14,729,450 28,178,756
1902 16,977,872 32,526,112
1903 19,302,007 36,866,701
1904 17.632,313 33.961.347
1905 18.021,042 34,568,634
1906 22,353,591 42,538,640
1907 22,357,206 42,349,232
Competition in the Woolen Industry
There are more people — many more people — in this country
than in any other country who can afiford to buy good woolen
clothes. And the rigor of the climate over the greater part of
our domain compels the wearing of woolen clothing of firm, honest
quality. This demand is being successfully met by American manu-
facturers at the present time, and this is one of the greatest and
most characteristic of American industries. It is unlike some
other manufacturing industries in that the w^ool manufacture takes
its material in the raw state from the farms and ranches, and by
its own processes transforms this raw material into highly finished
goods. The woolen factory, therefore, is far more than a mere
place where many products already finished are assembled.
During the heat of the recent tarifif debates in Congress a
(482)
Rcz'k'til of till' Trade in ll'oulciis 45
great (leal has been heard about the "woolen trust." There is no
^uch thing' in this industry as a trust or monopoly. It is not one
of the interests that have come to be dominated by one gigantic
corporation. There are more than a thousand separate wool manu-
facturing establishments in the United States. Some of them
are large concerns, but the great majcjrity are of small or moderate
dimensions, and all are competing' actively with each other in the
purchase of wool and in the disposal of their hnished products.
This industry is now paying to its operatives wages more than 30
per cent higher than the ruling rates of ten or a dozen year.s ago.
The workers in American woolen mills receive about twice the
wages of those who perform similar labor in Great Britain, and very
nearly three times the wages of those who are engaged in like
employment in the textile mills of the continent of Europe. A
careful compilation of the actual net earnings of representative
woolen mills of New England shows that they are making an
average profit of not far from 6 to 7 per cent — certainly not an
inordinate return from an industry exposed to so many caprices
of fashion and to the hazards of trade.
Outlook for the Future
In conclusion, I regard our new tarifif law as sufficient to con-
serve the manufacture in the United States of all classeis of woolen
goods that are worn by the American people, and as sufficient for
the proper development of the industry in its present status.
Therefore, in regard to competition from Europe, the industry is
certainly as well protected as ever before. It is to be borne in
mind, however, that the wool and woolen industry is an inter-
dependent one ; that its prosperity and the prosperity of those who
are engaged in it are involved in the general prosperity of the
nation. The public men upon whom has rested the responsibility
of framing the present tariff law have been governed by the under-
lying principle that what is good for the whole must be good for
each part, and that all that can be expected for any one industry
is its proportionate share of the prosperity of the whole. I believe
that the new tariff is favorable not only to the wool and woolen
industry but in general to all the other productive interests of
the United States. Under these circumstances, if the American
(483)
46 The Annals of the American Academy
people are prosperous, the wool and woolen industry, adequately
protected as it is under the new law, will inevitably be prosperous
also. But it would not be prosperous, however fortunate might
be the peculiar legislative and other conditions surrounding it, if
the new tariff legislation were not beneficial to the other great
interests of the United States.
(484)
THE PROSPERITY OF TFIE BREWING INDUSTRY
P>v Hugh F. Fox,
Secretary, United States Brewers Association, New York City.
While the condition of all trades is a matter of common con-
cern, the heer business is specially interesting because it is such
an infallible barometer of general industrial conditions. When
capital and labor are employed in constructive development, when
the building trades are active, railroads prosperous, factories run-
ning full time, and the coal and iron men receiving steady wages,
the laborer regards beer as a necessity. But in hard times, after
his savings are gone and poverty begins to pinch, beer becomes a
luxury, which he has to deny himself. He does not, however, lose
his taste by self-denial, and the beer-drinking habit is readily
resumed as soon as he can afford it. There is a curious analogy
to be drawn between the savings bank deposits and the beer sales,
for they seem to go up and down together. In times of sudden
panic, neither the savings banks nor the brewers are immediately
affected, and it is not until the consequent industrial depression
has become general, and the labor market slumps, that savings are
withdrawn, and the sales of beer fall off. Thus the beer consump-
tion for the year which ended June 30. 1893, actually showed an
increase of 8.58 per cent over the previous year, but the sales for
the year following showed a decrease of 3.68 per cent, and the
sales for the year ended June 30, 1895, showed a decrease of three
per cent, as compared with 1893.
The volume of the beer trade in the United States during the
past decade is shown by the table on the next page.
The sales for the year which ended June 30, 1909, showed
a decrease of 4.14 per cent, which may be accounted for, in part,
by the spread of prohibition, although in the main it is believed
to be due to industrial conditions. The detailed figures will not be
known until the complete report of the Commissioner of Internal
Revenue is published. The preliminary report, which was issued
on July 27, only gives the gross total, and this shows a decrease
(485)
48 The Annals of the American Academy
of 2,444.183 barrels. I have, however, obtained reports from sev-
eral collection districts in the important manufacturing states, which
furnish conclusive evidence that the decrease is largely due to
industrial conditions. For instance, in the first Pennsylvania dis-
trict, which takes in Philadelphia and vicinity, there was a decrease
of a fraction over five per cent, and the figures for Western Penn-
sylvania will, it is believed, show a still larger decrease. This is
particularly significant, as there is no dry territory in the State of
Pennsylvania. Connecticut and Rhode Island show a decrease of
2.40 per cent. In Greater New York, which is certainly not dry
territory, the decrease is also nearly five per cent, and the same con-
ditions are reported from the district which includes Newark and
Jersey Citv. It is believed that the tide has now turned, for the
months of June, July, August and September. 1909. show a marked
increase over the sales of the same months in 1908. The increase in
August alone amounted to 480.685 barrels, which makes up for
twenty per cent of the entire decrease of the previous fiscal year.
Beer sales (to
Y'ear. June 30) in Percentage of increase or de-
barrels of 31 crease, as compared with
gallons. each previous year.
1898 37.493.306
1899 36.581. 114 2.43 per cent Decrease
1900 39.330,848 7.52 per cent Increase
1901 40,517,078 3.02 per cent Increase
1902 44,478,832 9.77 per cent Increase
1903 46,650.730 4.89 per cent Increase
1904 48,208,133 3.34 per cent Increase
1905 49,459,540 2.59 per cent Increase
1906 54,651,637 10.49 per cent Increase
1907 58,546,111 7.12 per cent Increase
1908 58,747,680 .34 per cent Increase
1909 56.303,496 4- 14 per cent Decrease
The following table shows the beer ?ales by states for the
fiscal year which ended June 30, 1908, with the increase and decrease
as compared with 1907. The total production of 1908 was slightly
larger than that of 1907. in spite of the decrease which took place
in the business in dry territory. The table indicates the relatively
small importance of the prohibition movement in the Southern
States. The total of the sales for the entire territory south of
Ohio was only 2,817,672 barrels, which is less than five per cent
(486)
The Prosperity of the Breicing Industry
49
Sales of Bi
States and
Territories.
Alabama
Arkansas
California and Nevada
Colorado and Wyoming
Connecticut and Rhode Island
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas and Oklahoma
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maryland, Delaware and District of
Columbia
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
Montana, Idaho and Utah
Nebraska and South Dakota
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico and Arizona
New York
North Carolina
Ohio
Oregon, Washington and Territory of
Alaska
Pennsylvania
South Carolina
Tennessee
Texas
Virginia
West Virginia
Wisconsin
1908.
Increase as compared
1 90S
89.566
11.775
1.259,175
437,780
1.239,905
14,968
1 18,370
5.535,167
1,365,420
411.455
27,100
738,381
510,258
1,443,952
2,aoi,86i
1.539.8.33
1.337.976
3.841.337
464,042
428,933
301,132
3.178958
27,197
12,962,152
10
4.40 1.3 1 3
1,068.023
7.569-557
4.090
260,638
546,917
192.774
341,700
4,875965
with 1907.
1,675
39.551
38,734
17.150
111,887
19,993
43,01 1
18,528
99,044
41,082
32,086
Decrease.
23,681
Total barrels 58,747,680
40,560
10
78,172
6.302
27,761
1,089
7.459
624,094
2,232
57,490
46,906
9.501
14.885
5.152
9,830
7,356
22,231
2,150
54,752
30.257
9.859
17,069
109.174
422.525
of the total production, and this includes Kentucky. Louisiana,
Texas and the Virginias, which are "wet" states The total
production in Alabama. Georgia, the Carolinas and Tennessee, now
under prohibition, in 1908. was only 471,000, and the Georgia
50 The Annals of the American Academy
brewers are still doing business at the old stand. There is, how-
ever, a considerable quantity of beer shipped into the Southern
States from Milwaukee, St. Louis and Cincinnati, and from other
points on the border line. I do not know just what the total of
these shipments is, but it is estimated at over a million barrels.
By the way, the Statistical Abstract of the United States for
1908, published recently by the Department of Commerce and Labor,
is illuminating. It reveals that the per capita consumption of wheat
flour, corn and corn meal, sugar and coffee decreased in 1908, as
compared with 1907, much more largely than the decrease in the
per capita consumption of beer. The consumption of tea for some
unexplained reason dropped from i.io pounds per capita in 1906 to
.99 in 1907, and went up again to 1.07 in 1908, but the amount of
tea consumed as compared with coffee is very small. The exact
figures are as follows :
Per cent of decrease in per
Per capita consumption. capita consumption 1908
1907 1908 as compared with 1907.
Wheat and wheat flour.. 6.86 bushels. 5.40 bushels 21.28% Decrease
Corn and corn meal... 33. 11 bushels. 29.10 bushels 12.11% Decrease
Sugar 82.61 pounds. 75.42 pounds 8.70% Decrease
Coffee 11.36 pounds. 10.04 pounds 11.62% Decrease
Tea 99 pounds. 1.07 pounds 8.08% Increase
Malt liquors 21.23 gallons. 20.97 gallons \. 20% Decrease
Distilled spirits 1.63 pf. gallons. 1.44 pf. gallons... 11.66% Decrease
Wines — .67 gallon. — .60 gallon 104^% Decrease
The enormous expansion of the American beer trade, which
has marked the progress of the temperance movement, is, of course,
remarkable, but it is due, in part to the unprecedented increase in the
urban population. It is generally estimated that eighty-five per cent
of the entire beer business of the LTnited States is a city trade. At
the same time, the percentage of increase during the past twenty
years in beer production, is believed to be much larger than the
percentage of increase either in the total population of the country,
or in the urban population. The total population of the United
States in 1890 was 63,037,704, and in 1900, 76,303,000, an increase
of 21.04 per cent. The urban population in 1890 was 20,768,881,
and in 1900, 28,411,698, an increase of 36.8 per cent. The beer sales
in 1890 were 27,561,944 barrels, and in 1900, 39,330,848 barrels,
(488)
The Prosperity u{ the Brewing Industry 51
which shows an increase of forty-three per cent. The comparative
figures of the urban and rural population of the past decade are not,
of course, available, but the total population in 1908 is estimated at
89,770,126, being an increase of 17.52 per cent since the 1900
census was taken. The beer sales increased from 36,581,000 barrels
in 1899 to 58,747,680 barrels in 1908, an increase of 60.6 per cent.
Evidently, therefore, the consumption of beer is increasing much
faster than either the total or the urban population. In this con-
nection, it is interesting to note that the sales in the principal
revenue districts for 1908 were 41,422,295 barrels, which was seventy
per cent of the total sales. These revenue districts comprise the
following cities and vicinities, in the order of importance named :
New York, Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Philadelphia, Newark,
Pittsburg, Boston, Cincinnati, Albany, Rochester, Baltimore, Cleve-
land and Scranton.
In preparation for this article I addressed an inquiry to the
principal brewing centers, asking for information showing the trend
of the trade, and its relation to industrial conditions, the prohibi-
tion movement, weather conditions, soft drinks, the resort business,
Sunday closing, etc., etc. Replies were received from twenty of the
most important distributing points, representing sixteen states. The
substance of these replies indicates that over half of the decrease
in the beer sales during the past year was caused by industrial de-
pression, and that probably twenty per cent of the beer is now sold
in bottles. There has been no marked displacement of beer by
soft drinks, even in dry territory. In the largest cities the Sunday
beer business is variously estimated from five per cent to fifteen per
cent of the total, but where the saloons have been closed on Sundays
during the past two or three years, there has been a considerable
increase in the trade in bottled beer. There is no doubt that the
family consumption of beer is increasing everywhere out of all pro-
portion to the general beer consumption. The perfection of bot-
tling machinery, improved methods of distribution, reduced cost,
and the advertising campaign which brewers are now entering
upon, all tend to develop this branch of the business. Besides this,
however, the operation of prohibition and local option tends to
bring the consumer direct to the producer, and the demand for
bottled beer in dry towns has become sufficiently important to
indicate the promise of a profitable mail-order business. There
(489)
52 The Annals of the American Academy
is, indeed, little new territory to be found in connection with the
saloon trade, except as new cities spring up with the expansion of
the railroads, and the development of suburban points, for there
is hardly a city of any size that does not now have quite as many
saloons as are actually needed for the reasonable convenience of
the public. But every family within the range of a delivery wagon
now has its own ice-box, and can keep beer at a palatable tem-
perature, and when once a family tries the experiment, and finds
how pleasant and harmless it is, the habit is almost sure to become
fixed. Curiously enough, the development of the bottled beer busi-
ness is decreasing the "growler" or bucket trade. The working-
man's family in the cities is getting into the custom of keeping
bottled beer on the premises, instead of sending to the nearest
saloon for a pail of draught beer at meal. times.
With the exception of the family trade, it seems to be the
general opinion of the brewers that the country business is hardly
worth having. The waste from loss of packages and broken
bottles is considerable, the volume of the trade is small and collec-
tions are expensive and uncertain. Of course, when a family has
a case of beer sent by express, the cost of the bottles is included
in the bill. The draught beer business of the average country
saloon is usually very small, and the freight charge relatively high.
The following letter is enlightening on this subject:
"In New England the country trade is no considerable factor.
Rural New England is dry, because the preponderance of rural senti-
ment is against license. Dry territory takes considerable beer in
bottle. But our belief is that no more than a third of our own prod-
uct in bottles goes into country districts. Of our own draught beer,
probably ninety-five per cent is sold and consumed in cities and towns
of 10,000 and upwards. We might hazard the guess then, that not
more than fifteen per cent of our own product at the outside is for
rural consumption ; though we do not undertake to give actual fig-
ures. The tendency in the country is towards the use of spirits,
as evidenced not only by the character of the mail-order business
which the cities carry on with the rural people, but by the fact that
the saloons of small license towns in the center of rural communi-r
ties sell their out-of-town customers far more than the urban pro-
portion of spi-rits to beer. What the country market might become
if beer and ale might legally be sold, no one can say ; but the
(490)
The Prosf^crity of the Brcti'iiig Industry 53
rural communities are the stronghold of prohibition as a matter
of fact under any system of local option, and they bear the inevit-
able result of prohibition in the shape of little beer and much
whiskey. In this section, then, the country market for draught
beer is negligible, for bottled beer is only passable, but for the dis-
tiller it is a mint. Draught beer, in the large, is sold in the cities,
and the industrial towns."
The average percentage of alcohol in draught beer is from
three to three and one-half per cent, and in bottled beer from three
to four per cent. It seems to be the general experience that the Near
Beers, which have been exploited so much during the past eighteen
months, are not giving satisfaction, and will not be a permanent
factor in the business. These beers, which are sometimes called
"Uno" and other fantastic names, contain only about one per cent
of alcohol, and are practically soft drinks. They look like beer, and
smell like it. but as a Southern critic puts it, "It ain't got no conversa-
tion." One of the leading brewers writes about it as follows :
"\Yt do not make 'Near Beer,' or 'one per cent' as it is called in
this section. Our observation is that it is not liked, is used only
under compulsion, has its real function as a cover for the illegal
sale of spirits, and has no permanent commercial future on its
merits or as a satisfactory substitute for the more substantial fer-
mented malt beverages. The volume of sales of 'near beer' fluc-
tuates greatly. In territory newly dry, sales are large so long as
prohibition is rigidly enforced, but as soon as enforcement slacks
ofif in newly dry territory, conditions become what they ar^' habitu-
ally in long dry territory — that is, the 'near beer' sales drop ofif to
a minimum, employed chiefly as a cover for the sale of contraband
spirits. In general, sales of 'near beer' furnish a fairly accurate
barometer for judging the rigidity or laxness of enforcement of
prohibition."
Another brewer writes that "at one time it looked as if Near
Beer was going to play an important part in the business, but as
long as the public can get the genuine product, they will not drink
an imitation of it." I find that this opinion is quite generally con-
firmed by brewers in different sections of the country.
All of my correspondents are agreed as to the relation of the
weather to the beer business. Many brewers keep a record of
weather conditions in relation to their daily sales. In fact, some
(49 o
24 " The Annals of the American Academy
brewers go so far as to say that weather governs the voktme of
business, other conditions being normal, and that the thermometei
is a true indicator of the beer sales. A Chicago brewer puts th^
matter thus:
"We have some data showing the relation of the weather to
beer consumption, but our data is not as complete as we would
like to have it. However, the information does show that in warm
dry days we sell considerably more beer than in moist and cool
days. In July, 1908, for instance, it rained eight days, and the
average temperature for the month was seventy degrees. In the
same month of the year previous it only rained seven days and
the average temperature was seventy-three degrees. In July,
1907, we sold a great deal more beer than in July, 1908. The
largest proportion of the decrease in 1908 was of course due to
hard times and the wave of prohibition, which hit us pretty hard
a month or two previous, but we think the weather conditions also
had a great deal to do with it. In July, 1909, we only had six
rainy days and the temperature averaged seventy-three degrees,
and the sales were just as large as in 1907. Taking different
days in the same month we find the same conditions exist ; for
instance, the twenty-third and twenty-fourth of June this year we
sent out considerable beer, but it rained on those days, and the
next five days the weather was excellent. The first two of the five
days the sales were very small, because the customers had stocked
up on the two rainy days, but the last three of those five days
the sales showed increases of several hundred barrels each day."
A number of my correspondents find a close connection
between the immigration figures and the beer sales, which, of
course, is perfectly natural. The schedules of the Bureau of Immi-
gration which are made up for the year ending June 30th, corre-
spond to the fiscal year of the Revenue Department and of the
brewers. The number of immigrants and aliens admitted to the
United States for the two years which ended June 30, 1907, was
2,386,084, and for the two years subsequent, 1908 and 1909,
1,534,656, a decrease of over thirty-five per cent. The actual differ-
ence is much greater because of the large number of immigrant
aliens who departed from the United States during the same period.
In 1908 alone, these reached a total of 395,073 persons. The
attempt to get data as to the nationalities which comprise the prin-
(492)
The Prosperity of the Breiciiiii: Industry 55
cipal beer drinkers in the United States is baffling because of the
univcrsahty of beer drinking. Practically every nationality that
is found in the census list is nientionetl by one brewer or another
as being particularly good customers. One naturally associates
beer drinking with Germans and the English speaking races, but
the Italians in this country have adopted the beverage almost
universally, and the Russians, Poles, Scandinavians and Belgians
are all noted among the regular beer drinkers. Some brewers,
however, speak of the native American as being their best cus-
tomers. The fact is that in this country, as in Europe, the bev-
erage has become so popular that it is evidently destined to be the
universal drink of the future.
The growth of the lager beer business, which comprises ninety-
five per cent of the entire beer business in the United States, is most
remarkable when it is considered that it has only been in popular
favor for about fifty years. Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia,
who is often spoken of as the real father of the temperance move-
ment in the United States, labored persistently over a century
ago to popularize beer as a measure of temperance. The intro-
duction of the internal revenue system in 1861 gave a powerful
impetus to brewing, and the business was helped along by the
German immigration, which at that time had assumed large pro-
portions. From 1863 to 1909 the brewers have paid no less than
twelve hundred million dollars of revenue into the United States
Treasury.
The capital invested in American breweries is now estimated
at five hundred and fifty million dollars, which puts it sixth in the
list of the three hundred industries that are mentioned in the
United States Census of Manufactures, pul)lished in 1905.^ Eighty
per cent of the capital invested is represented in the cost of
buildings and machinery. In the same bulletin is given the
average yearly w^age in the various industries, and it is inter-
esting to note that brewery employees are at the head of the entire
list, their average wage being given as $719.64. The government
report shows that "in the manufacture of beer, labor gets one dollar
out of every $5.50 produced. In the manufacture of flour, labor
gets one dollar out of every $26.35 produced. In the manufacture
of fruit preserves, labor gets one dollar out of every $6.35 produced.
' Census Bulletin No. 57.
56 The Annals of tJie American Academy
In the manufacture of cheese, butter and condensed milk, labor
gets one dollar out of every $16.50 produced. In the manufacture
of coffee and spices, labor gets one dollar out of every $27.75 P^O"
duced. In the manufacture of cordage and twine, labor gets one
dollar out of every $7.70 produced. The list might be extended to
the same effect. It is clear that the brewing industry does well by
labor, pays the highest wages and gives the workingman the largest
proportionate share in the financial profit."
In common with other great industries there is a marked
tendency in the brewing trade towards the concentration of the
business in the hands of the largest concerns. There are some
1,600 breweries in the United States. One hundred and fifteen
brewing companies sold during the year which ended June 30, 1909,
over 28,000,000 barrels, constituting about forty-eight per cent of
the total output. Many of these companies are consolidations of a
number of brewing plants, so that they represent some 200 plants.
The following table will show the growth of the business since
1880 in the various divisions of states :
States. 1880 1890 1900 1908
North Atlantic 7,967,534 14,491,585 19,592,693 27,453,565
South Atlantic 343, 380 904,249 1,447,163 2,115,864
North Central 4.673-371 10,290,605 I5,433,470 23,764,499
South Central 250,058 695,006 1,289,893 2,157,535
Western 512,768 1,180,499 1,567,629 3,256,217
Totals 13,747,111 27,561,944 39,330,848 58,747,680
The percentage of increase was as follows :
States ifioo over 1880. 1900 over 1890. 1908 over 1900.
North Atlantic 81.8 35.2 40.1
South Atlantic 163.2 60.6 46.3
North Central 120.2 50.1 53.4
South Central 177.7 85.5 67.7
Western 130.4 32.8 107.7
The growth of beer manufacture in the South is clearly shown
in the above table. Until the development of the ice machine,
brewing was practically restricted to the northern states. Thus,
up to about 1880, most of the beer consumed in the South was
shipped in from the breweries of the North. With the perfection
(494)
The Prosperity of the Brcwiu'^ Industry 57
of refrigerating- machinery, however, and the scientific dis-
coveries which made it possible to brew and store beer in any
cUmate, breweries began to spring up in all the important cities
of the South. In many cases capital was secured frtDm the North,
by the inducements which were offered by local enterprise. In
fact it is not too much to say that the cities of the South solicited
tlie brewing trade, and that most of the breweries in the southern
states were originally built by northern men with northern capital,
under the assurance of moral support and an unlimited franchise.
There is no doubt that lager beer has already changed the
drinking habits of the masses in the cities of the South, and that
it has been an important factor in promoting true temperance.
But the men who lead the prohibition movement do not discriminate
between beer and spirits, and in the wild hysteria which has marked
the recent exploitation of the temperance sentiment, all beverages
which contain alcohol have been classed together, excepting only
cider — which is an "agricultural product," though it contains fifty
per cent more alcohol than bottled beer, and patent medicines — which
are supposed to be taken with a wry face, and must therefore be
good for both body and soul. But the people of the cities are so
thoroughly dissatisfied with the imposition of prohibition that there
will surely be a readjustment before long, and with this will come
a great expansion in the beer business in all the progressive south-
ern states.
(495^
THE AMERICAN IRON TRADE OF 1909 AND THE
OUTLOOK
By a. I. FiNDLEY,
Editor "The Iron Age," New York City.
The recovery in the iron trade of the United States from the
depression beginning witii the panic of October, 1907, has been
unparalleled in the history of such periods. In the summer months
of this year the view was expressed that the revival in demand had
come too soon after a serious unsettling of confidence to be consid-
ered the real beginning of another period of prolonged prosperity.
The so-called Sunshine Movement of 1908 and the false starts that
came with it were one reason for doubting the permanence of this
year's improvement. There was a disposition in some quarters, in
fact, to find a resemblance between the behavior of the market this
year and the effervescent demand which came in 1895, two years
after the panic of 1893, and vanished before the year was out. But
the developments of the past three months have shown that the
present movement has far more back of it than supported the little
boom of 1895. Apart from the palpable signs of strength in the
iron market itself, the present situation differs vastly from that of
1895 in respect to credit, soundness of the currency basis, the crops,
the buying power of the country, and its capacity for adding to its
wealth, saying nothing of the greater confidence in financial insti-
tutions.
What is said above refers not at all to the tremendous increase
in the scale of iron and steel consumption in the United States since
1895, expressed by a ratio of about three to one, but to the state of
health in finance and industry to-day as contrasted with the diseased
condition that persisted in the years following the crash of 1893.
Whatever may have been the opinion of some students of the situa-
tion in the iron trade two or three months ago, it is now plain that
practically but one ground exists for comparing the movements of
1895 and 1909 — the fact that an interval of two years separates each
from a severe monetary panic.
It is not necessary, in waiting of the revival in the iron trade,
(496)
The American Iron Trade of ipOQ 59
to go at length into the causes of the late depression. Yet there can
be no ignoring its railroad phases. Every estimate of iron trade
conditions and prospects in the past two years has begun and ended
with the railroads. Last year's prophets of an early return of pros-
perity, who said that the unsound methods of a few New York
banks should not stop the wheels of industry all over the country,
saw at length that it was more than a local affair and more than
the penalty of bad banking. What the iron trade found out at
heavy cost was that railroad demand, one of the strong props of the
prosperity of 1906 and 1907, had all but disappeared. There was
no escaping the conclusion that the Hepburn act and the various
official notifications that it was but a fair beginning in the applica-
tion of untried policies to the operation of railroads, had raised a
serious question as to the value of railroad securities. It is now
evident that while that doubt has not altogether disappeared, a saner
view is taken of the whole railroad problem. That may be some
compensation for two years of hardship. Railroad financing over
long periods is again possible on terms which can be entertained,
not only for the refunding operations and note redemptions which
were common earlier in the year, but for the new track, new bridges
and new equipment which all the large systems are now planning
or have actually under construction.
As in all other periods of recovery the abundance of money,
due to the enormous accvmiulations in banks in the many months
during which industry has languished, is an important factor. It is
true that thus far much of these accumulations have been devoted
to a vast speculation in securities, but even this use, much as it has
been deprecated, has not been without its stimulating effect upon
the business situation. The common stock of the United States
Steel Corporation has been in a spectacular way the leader in this
speculative movement. No such gigantic operation for the lifting
of a security value has ever been conducted and no other has been
so successful. There is no question that the psychological factor in
the advance of Steel common from 21 "s in October. 1907, to a
fraction over 90 in September, 1909, has been an influence in tlie
market for iron and steel products. It was evidently the belief of
powerful financial interests that the actual demand for the products
of blast furnaces and rolling mills would speedily overtake the
speculative movement, so that the values established by the latter
(497)
6o " The Annals of the Ajiicrican Acadony
through skilful manipulation and the command of an enormous
supply of cheap money, would in time be justified by the market
for steel itself. Unquestionably this belief thus backed had no little
to do in creating confidence in the continuity of the recovery that
set in plainly in the spring of 1909.
Opinions will dififer as to the extent to which the making of
an open iron and steel market in February of this year has figured
in the expansion of demand in the past six months. Those who
consistently believed in the price maintenance policy of 1908 have
been disposed to say that confidence was returning and that the
time was ripe for a larger consumption. There were others who
believed, as Andrew Carnegie did, that "the way to lift the market
is to get under it." They considered that the only way to end the
hesitation in demand, which they held due in part to doubt of the
ability of the steel manufacturers by lawful co-operation to hold
prices close to the level of 1907, was to make such cuts as w^ould
attract buyers. It was known for weeks before the open market
announcement of February 18, 1909, that the co-operative move-
ment was seriously threatened. Nominal market prices had been
cut from $1.00 to $3.00 a ton, some of the smaller companies lead-
ing in these reductions. The sales managers of the various sub-
sidiary companies of the United States Steel Corporation had been
urgent for some time in appeals for permission to meet the prices
of their competitors. The decision of the United States Steel Cor-
poration that it would no longer maintain prices was announced by
Judge Gary, its chairman, on February 19th. Of the reasons for
this course he said :
It appears that, for one reason or another, including particularly the
tariff agitation, many of the smaller concerns who have not been disposed
to co-operate during the last year have become more or less excited and
demoralized, and have been selling their products at prices below those which
were generally maintained. This feeling has been somewhat extended and
has influenced unreasonable cutting of prices by some of those who were
opposed to changes but felt compelled to meet conditions in order to protect
their customers. As a result of these conditions there has been a material
decrease in new business during the last month for the reason, as stated by
consumers, that they proposed to wait until after they were satisfied bottom
prices had been reached.
In view of the circumstances stated, and the further fact that the stocks
on hand at the time the panic occurred have been disposed of and the contracts
(498)
The American Iron Trade of i(^OQ 6l
in force at that time have been completed or taken care of so that the neces-
sities for the maintenance of prices which formerly existed have been modified,
the leading manufacturers of iron and steel have determined to protect their
customers, and for the present at least sell at such modified prices as may be
necessary with respect to different commodities in order to retain their fair
share of the business. The prices which may be determined upon and the
details concerning the same will be given by the manufacturers to their
customers direct as occasion may require.
In the week followinc;- the appearance of the above statement
the prices of nearly all iron and steel products fell several dollars a
ton. The price of steel rails, however, was held at the $28.00 level
for Bessemer rails and has remained there. The pig iron market
had been practically an open one throughout the depression, and
yielded but little when the finished material price structure fell.
On most grades of pig iron the early reduction in February amoimted
to fifty to seventy-five cents a ton. For a time users of finished
material bought sparingly, as they had done before, believing that
it would take some time for prices to touch bottom. Successive
reductions in mill products came in March. April and May. The
low point for most products was reached in the last named month.
Fluctuations in Iron .^nd Steei. Prices in 1907 and IQ09.'
High. Low, Oct. I.
1007. 1909- 1909.
Bessemer pig iron $23.28 $14.58 $i7-50
Basic pig iron 23.00 14.12 16.50
Southern No. 2 foundry iron 26.00 14-25 1775
Bessemer billets 30.00 22.00 25.50
Rails 28.00 28.00 28.00
Plates 1.70 1. 10 1.50
Structural shapes 1.70 I.IO 1. 50
Merchant bars 1.60 I.05 1.40
Sheets, 28 gauge 2.55 2.10 2.30
Tinplates 385 3-45 3-55
Plain wire 1.90 1.40 1.60
Pipe, ^ to 6 in 2.47 1.81 1.81
An idea of the movement of prices in the past two years may
be obtained from the foregoing table, in which Pittsburgh prices are
represented, except in the case of pig iron. For Bessemer and basic
'Prices for pip; iron, liillpts and rails in dollars per gross ton; prices of other
products in dollars per 10(» pounds.
(499)
62 The Annals of the American Academy
pig iron the 1907 price is the average price at Mahoning or She-
nango Valley furnace for the high month of that year, while the
1909 price in the next column is the average in the "Valleys" for
the low month in that year. The freight from the "Valleys" to
Pittsburgh is ninety cents a ton. In the case of Southern No. 2
foundry iron the price given is for Cincinnati delivery. The prices
in the third column are all as of October i, 1909.
Perhaps the most marked response to the reductions in steel
prices was noticed in the market for structural steel. Fabricating
companies made low bids on building contracts in 1908, so low in
fact as to indicate plainly that some steel manufacturers were fur-
nishing them structural shapes at considerably less than the prices
ostensibly maintained for the latter by the co-operative movement.
When steel prices were openly cut this year further reductions were
made in structural steel, and these stimulated the placing of orders
for new buildings and bridges. Large contracts for bars were
placed also in the spring of this year, some of these running to the
middle of 1910. There was good buying, too, of wire products, but
the most pronounced movement in these came just after May ist,
when reductions of $4.00 a ton in wire nails were announced and
of $7.00 a ton in barb wire.
Buying by the railroads was not particularly stimulated by the
cuts in prices. Occasional orders were placed for new cars and
locomotives, but it was the general report that the railroads were
not in need of new rolling stock. However, as the buying move-
ment in the iron trade broadened and demands upon the railroads
increased, new equipment orders became more frequent. At this
writing most of the car works have orders enough to keep them busy
until the end of the year. For most of 1906 their books showed
that their capacity was engaged for about twelve months ahead.
This was true, also, in the early part of 1907.
Perhaps the best measure of the recovery in the iron trade
this year is found in the statistics of pig iron production. At the
beginning of 1909 the blast furnaces of the country were producing
at the rate of 21,000,000 tons of pig iron a year. On September
I, the rate had increased to 27,750,000 tons a year, with additional
furnaces going into blast each week, indicating that new records
would be made in September and October. The greatest pig iron
production in the United States for a year was 25,781,361 tons in
(500)
The Auicrican Iron Trade of KJOQ 63
1907. While 1909 is likely to fall more than 1,000,000 tons short
of this the indications are that the 1907 record will be considerably-
exceeded in 1910.
Mention should not be omitted of the effect of the February
reductions in steel prices on the wa.c^es of iron and steel workers.
All the important steel companies apart from tho>e included in the
United States Steel Corporation reduced wages ten per cent, mak-
ing the new rate effective April i, and in some cases similar reduc-
tions were made in all salaries from president down. A number
of blast furnace companies in the Central West and in Central and
Eastern Pennsylvania made reductions also, though for the most
part blast furnace wages were readjusted in 1908 as prices for
pig iron fell. One of the most noteworthy of all the surprising
phenomena of 1909 w^as the prompt restoration of wages by iron
and steel companies. The general expectation that the United
States Steel Corporation would reduce wages was not realized.
Accordingly in May and June announcements were made by the
various other steel companies that the wages of their employees
would be restored to the basis existing before April i. The marked
improvement in business was the reason generally given for these
restorations, in spite of the fact that some of the steel companies
had been forced to make prices leaving little profit, in the sharji
competition for orders. It was recognized, however, that the cost
of living was persistently high and that after the short working
time and short pay of 1908 steel workers were ill prepared to stand
a general reduction in wage rates.
Though much was said about the tariff in comments on the
course of the iron trade in the early part of this year, the down-
ward revision of iron and steel duties in progress at Washington
was really not an important influence. The effect of the Payne-
Aldrich tariff act, as passed in August, is thus far scarcely appre-
ciable in the iron trade. The best opinion is that under ordinary
conditions foreign iron and steel products, even under the new
duties, need not be expected to enter the Ignited States in any
significant quantity. The difference between ordinary market
prices abroad and those in the United States is not sufficient to
warrant the cost of transportation from foreign steel works, the
payment of the duties and the penetration of foreign pig iron or
finished products any considerable distance into the interior of this
(501)
64" The Annals of tlie American Academy
country at competitive prices. The Atlantic seaboard, in fact,
may be considered practically immune from competition except
when domestic prices are pushed up rapidly under the impetus of a
boom. The Pacific slope is most exposed, but there the tonnage
involved is relatively small. When any large orders come up in
that territory it may be expected that our iron and steel works
nearest the Pacific, or even those in the Chicago district, would
make any concessions needed to hold the business at home. The
chief possibility of the reductions in the metal schedule is the cut-
ting off of part of the peaks in prices reached in boom times.
Of actual developments thus far on which the new tariff has
a bearing, the most important is the report that a large Pacific
coast steamship interest has bought 50,000 tons of Chinese pig
iron and is now placing it with consumers in that district. A cer-
tain amount of Chinese pig iron, as well as foundry iron produced
in Great Britain, has been imported on the Pacific Coast in recent
years. In view of the high cost of transportation to the coast from
domestic centers of pig iron production, importation has been ad-
vantageous and is more so now that the duty has been reduced
from $4.00 to $2.50 a ton. On the Atlantic seaboard the rapid ad-
vance in the price of domestic pig iron suggested to a number of
buyers as early as August of this year the advisability of import-
ing iron from the Middlesbrough district in England. The low
state of the British iron market in the eighteen months preceding
had brought values down to an attractive level. Middlesbrough
No. 3 foundry iron, for example, was selling at fifty shillings in
August. Early in September arrangements were made for bring-
ing in several thousand tons of this grade, which corresponds to
No. 2 foundry iron in the United States, at $17.50, duty paid. At
that time deliveries of No. 2 domestic pig iron at plants of tide-
water consumers were on a basis of $17.75 to $18.00. It is a ques-
tion how far the import movement will go. Already advances have
been made in Great Britain, due to expectations of further Ameri-
can demand. It is always the experience that higher prices abroad
follow advances here. Whether these will now be rapid enough
to check the shipment of iron to the United States will depend in
part on the extent of the actual accompanying improvement in con-
sumption in Great Britain.
The possibility of imports of scrap iron and steel is also of
(50:^)
The .liiicricaii Iron Trade uf i(jo(j 65
interest in view of the reduction of duty on such material from
$4.00 to $1.00 a ton. The rapid increase in the production of basic
open heartli steel in the United States in recent years, and the large
employment of scrap iron in the manufacture of such steel has
created a comparative scarcity of what is known in the trade as
"heavy melting steel scrap." Eastern steel works in particular
found the advance in the price of this material an embarrass-
ment and naturally such companies favored the reduction in the
scrap duty as a means of holding in check the domestic scrap
market. Arrangements have already been made for bringing in
several thousand tons of "bloom ends" from the Middlesbrough
district in England, and it is believed that a considerable movement
of South American and Mexican scrap into the United States may
yet be seen, in addition to imports from Germany and Great
Britain.
Every revival in the iron trade like the present one brings up
the question of the immediate and prospective relation of consump-
tion to producing capacity. It is not the habit of iron and steel
companies to enter upon new programmes of construction in slack
times. But it has often been noticed that new rolling mills, steel
works and blast furnaces on which work was started in a boom
are nearly ready to produce when the break comes and thus have
to be reckoned with when demand again shows signs of strength.
Another fact about the American iron trade which should be put
alongside this one is that the potential consumption which the iron
trade faces on emerging from a period of depression is not that
which existed when prosperity departed. Not only in every such
interval is there a gain in population, but new uses for iron and
steel are developed. Thus as the tide of prosjierity rises again it is
with the certainty that a new high point will be reached on the
ensuing movement.
The United States Steel Corporation was the chief builder of
new capacity in the recent depression. Its appropriations for new
construction out of the earnings of prosperous years were enor-
mous. The plan was that the works at Gary. Indiana, which are
counted on, as now laid out, to add 2,500,000 tons a year to the
Steel Corporation's product, should be pushed ahead regardless of
conditions in the iron trade. In deciding on these works the Cor-
poration's officers took account of the average increase in iron and
(503)
66 TJie Annals of the American Academy
steel consumption in the United States over a period of years.
They decided that there were advantages in building in times of
depression, even though the capacity should not be immediately
needed. Comparatively little was done in new construction in 1908
by the independent steel companies. Some of them had just fin-
ished additions before the panic broke, others had plans for exten-
sions which in some cases were held in abeyance last year, but
were taken up in the early part of 1909. The result is that the
iron trade enters upon a new period of prosperity with a consid-
erably increased ability to produce pig iron, steel and finished mate-
rial. Further, construction now under way and plans about to be
carried out will bring forward other new plants at intervals in the
next twelve months. It is reckoned that at the beginning of 1907
the effective blast furnace capacity that could be simultaneously
worked was capable of producing 26,400,000 tons of pig iron a year.
In 1907 fifteen new furnaces were put in blast, with an annual
capacity of 2.050,000 tons of pig iron. In 1908 eleven new furnaces
were started up, with a capacity of 1.300,000 tons a year; in the
first nine months of 1909 nine new furnaces, with a capacity of
1,250,000 tons a year. In addition fourteen blast furnaces of modern
capacity are under construction, while twelve furnaces are being
rebuilt and enlarged. Thus by the early part of 1910 our pig iron
production could reach 33,000,000 tons a year, as against a produc-
tion on October i, 1909, at the rate of about 29,750,000 tons a year.
i\Iuch of the blast furnace construction referred to above is accom-
panied by new steel works capacity and new rolling mills, the latter
representing a proper increase in the production of various finished
forms of iron and steel. It is plain, therefore, that demand may still
increase materially in the next twelve months without putting the
industry under such strain as was experienced in the first half of
1907.
The predictions of leaders in the iron trade concerning 1910
are highly optimistic. These are not based on the amount of busi-
ness actually booked for next year, for that is not great as yet. The
reasoning of those who predict the greatest year the iron trade has
ever seen is this : with partial recovery from the depression the iron
industry is making a record production in the closing months of
1909. Even allowing that the present movement represents in part
the rebuilding of depleted stocks, continued recovery, following the
(504)
The ^Imcricaii Jroii Trade of Jpop 67
marketing of enormous crops, will carry the iron trade well past its
best record. The steel manufacturers made every effort to prevent
speculative buying at the low prices of four months ago. For the
most part deliveries were limited to 1909. Already orders for 800,-
000 tons of rails have been entered for 1910, and it is expected that
further large purchases will soon follow. The rail mills have done
little better in 1909 than in 1908. Their production in the latter year
was about 1,900,000 tons, as against a record of 3.977,000 tons in
1906, and a total of 3,633,000 tons in 1907. The prediction that 1910
will make a new record in rail production is based on the idea that
that year must compensate for the restricted purchases of 1908 and
1909.
Cautions are already being sounded, in view of the rapid
advance of prices for iron and steel in the past month. Particu-
larly has the pig iron market shown signs of excitement. There is a
feeling that if the buying movement covering pig iron deliveries for
the first quarter and first half of 19 10 goes on at the pace of the
last half of September it will be succeeded by a reaction that can
only retard healthy recovery. All raw material markets seem to be
afifected by the high expectations entertained for the coming year.
Prices of coke for delivery in 19 10 are now nearly double those
touched at the low point last year. The expectation of Lake
Superior ore shipments in 1909 entertained early in the season was
about 35.000,000 tons, as against record shipments in 1907 of
42,245,000 tons. Predictions are now made that this year's ship-
ments will exceed 40,000,000 tons and may come close to the total
for 1907. ^^'hcreas authorities in the ore trade were quite con-
vinced last year that a period of years would elapse before the
demand upon Lake Superior mines would approach that of 1907,
they now believe that it will be much exceeded in 1910.
In connection with the lake ore movement it should be noted
that Eastern Pennsylvania blast furnaces are now importing iron
ore from Cuba, Newfoundland, Sweden and Spain to an extent that
makes them almost independent of the Lake Superior supply. Here-
tofore they have bought from 1,000,000 to 2,500,000 tons of lake ore
a year. The present indications are that the low prices at which
foreign ores can be delivered, due in part to the reduction in the
iron ore duty from forty cents to fifteen cents a ton, will result in
imports of fully 2,500,000 tons of iron ore in 1910. whereas in three
(S05)
68 The Annals of the American Academy
years only have importations exceeded 1,000,000 tons, the high
record being about 1,300,000 tons.
The iron trade in both Germany and Great Britain has been
favorably affected by recent developments in the United States. In
Germany complications over the existing iron and steel pools must
be reckoned with in any calculations for 19 10. There were evidences
of a certain amount of dumping of German steel in Great Britain
last year, and in semi-finished steel the movement has persisted in
1909. The steel manufacturers of the United States, however, are
quite persuaded that there is no profit immediate or ultimate in
dumping material on foreign markets. The operations of the United
States Steel Products Export Company, which conducts the export
trade of the United States Steel Corporation's subsidiaries, have
been steadily carried on with a view to making a profit. This com-
pany did not increase its exports in 1908 and 1909 because of the
lessened demand at home, but rather sent less steel abroad, accepting
the foreign situation as it found it. On the next upward movement
at home it may be expected to follow the policy of 1906 and 1907,
when it vigorously pushed its foreign trade, in contrast with the old
time policy of withdrawing from foreign markets when home
demand was extraordinary.
(506)
THE OUTLOOK FOR PAINT MANUFACTURE
By G. B. Heckel,
Secretary, Paint Manufacturers' Association of the United States,
Philadelphia.
The paint mantifacturing- iiickistry is one of the few important
fields of enterprise which still remain comparatively free from the
tendency towards combination and consolidation ; consequently the
distress attendant upon the recent business depression was more
widely distributed, but less acute in this than in some other fields.
The paint trade enjoyed a distinct advantage from the fact
that while the manufacturing-, commercial and financial institu-
tions of the country were seriously embarrassed by loss of confi-
dence and shortage of fimds, the rural populace, especially in agri-
cultural communities, were at no time seriously incommoded, one
good crop year having succeeded another, so that the "panic"
scarcely afifected the country districts at all, except sentimentally.
This condition, coupled with the extraordinary selling efforts put
forth by the trade, maintained the consumption of what are tech-
nically known as "shelf-goods" at nearly the average normal
volume. In structural, railway, manufacturing and technical lines,
the condition was, of course, reversed, consumption falling to the
minimum, and the competition for such trade as was offered cutting
away all possible margin of profit.
The annual consumption of paints, and varnishes of all kinds
in the United States, certainly exceeds $2oo,ooo,0(X). the three
items of white lead, zinc oxide and linseed oil alone amomUing to
nearly $40,000,000 of the total. Roughly speaking, this consump-
tion is about equally divided between what may be called house-
painting products and technical j^roducts (railway and bridge
paints, wagon and implement paints, etc.). W'e may. therefore,
estimate pretty closely, that during the two years of depression,
paint consumption was reduced by about one-half, the reduction in
the first classification being about balanced by the remaining de-
mand in the second.
Such a condition naturally involved some expert financiering, a
reduction of forces to the mininunn and the enforcement of rigid
(507)
70 The Annals of the American Academy
economy all along the line. That practically the entire industry
weathered the storm speaks volumes for the business sagacity and
ability of those engaged in it. Recovery has been gradual but per-
sistent. The demand in house-painting goods had reached the nor-
mal volume nearly a year ago, and in manufacturing and structural
goods there now is almost complete recovery.
The demand in the car-building and railroad department has,
however, lagged behind. In fact it is only at this writing that
these lines give evidence of recovery. Recovery in this particular
industry is significant. According to Dr. C. B. Dudley, Chief
Chemist, the Pennsylvania Railroad alone in 1906 consumed annu-
ally nearly a million dollars' worth of paints. According to Poor's
Manual, the Pennsylvania Railroad operates about one-fifteenth of
the railroad equipment of the country, while its mileage is less
than one-thirtieth the total. Allowing for the high grade of main-
tenance characterizing this road, we shall perhaps be conservative
in estimating the total railway consumption of the country at $12,-
000,000 to $15,000,000 annually. The addition or svibtraction of this
consumption naturally means much to those houses that cater to it.
But we have further to consider the fact that during more than
two years past, this consumption has been limited on the basis of
"rigid economy," and that now not only must the railways add their
normal annual equipment, but they must also add the new equip-
ment deferred for two years, besides providing for the repairs
and renewals deferred during the same period. We may, therefore,
expect that the railways during the coming year will be forced
to distribute between $20,000,000 and $30,000,000 among paint and
varnish manufacturers.
Large construction also has lagged notoriously during and
since the fall of 1907, but a vast revival is already apparent in this
department. Here, again, we shall find, along with the construction
of normal times, an important increment from deferred operations.
In this field then we may also anticipate an extraordinary demand
during 1910. These are but concrete examples of what is to be
anticipated from the entire field of paint consumption.
The paint manufacturing industry as a whole, has advanced
rapidly during the past ten years, the temporary set-back of 1907
being but an incident. This is particularly true of the prepared
paint industry, including in the term "prepared paint" all those
(50B)
TIic Outlook for Paint Manufacture yi
products in which the materials are prepared practically ready for
use by mechanical means, in contradistinction to those products
which the consumer must temper and combine for use. During
the decade under consideration there has been a general reconstruc-
tion of factories along modern lines of mechanical efficiency and
operating economy. Wood construction has been widely replaced
by concrete or slow-combustion millwork and electrical distribu-
tion of power has in many places superseded distribution through
shafting and belting.
Side by side with this advance in mechanical efficiency has
proceeded an interesting technical development of which the end
is not yet in sight. The trained chemist and physical investigator
has risen in authority over the old inherited "formula book," or
the private "note book" of the shifting factory superintendent.
This vital change has been reflected in increased efficiency, both at
the buying and the selling end ; the raw materials being bought
and inspected according to chemical and physical standards and
formulas being revised to fit discovered facts of se'vice, rather than
the reverse.
Consolidation, as has been remarked, has made but little head-
way in the paint trade, yet the modern co-operative spirit has made
its way here as elsewdiere. This spirit is manifested not only in the
social, financial and industrial betterment schemes operative in
many of the larger plants, but also in the co-operative work main-
tained in the Bureau of Promotion and Development of the Paint
Manufacturers' Association. This bureau not only carries on sys-
tematic educational work among paint dealers, but also in its "Sci-
entific Section," maintains a well equipped laboratory for technical
experiment and research, the results of which are regularly placed
at the disposal of all the members. The bureau furthermore, in
co-operation with various technical bodies — the North Dakota Agri-
cultural College, the American Society for Testing Materials, the
Geological Survey, the Bureau of Roads, etc. — has erected and
maintains wood and steel test fences at various points, to test on a
large scale and under known conditions, the action of the various
pigments, vehicles and formulas.
To illustrate the significance and importance of this wcxrk, let
us consider briefly the steel test fences at Atlantic City and Pitts-
burgh. Some three years since. Dr. Allerton S. Cushman, of the
C509)
72 The Annals of the American Academy
United States Department of Agriculture, and Dr. Percy H.
Walker, one of his colleagues, in investigating the corrosion of
steel fence wire and steel highway culverts, became convinced that
some commonly used paint materials promote, while others prevent
— or, to use Dr. Cushman's lucid term "inhibit," corrosion. Drs.
Cushman and Walker communicated their observations to the
American Society for Testing Materials and the Department of
Agriculture issued a bulletin on the subject.
The Bureau of Proportion and Development, realizing the
importance of the matter to the paint trade, then came forward
and proposed to erect, under the supervision of the American
Society for Testing Materials, a steel plate fence at Atlantic City
and a steel wire fence at Pittsburgh, where these conclusions could
be given a comprehensive field test. The results thus far seem to
justify the conclusion that corrosion in steel structures is ordi-
narily caused by electrolysis induced by currents set up in the
steel itself; that some pigments and vehicles promote such corro-
sion by acting as electrolytes to conduct the current ; and that
others inhibit such corrosion by rendering the steel surface "pas-
sive" or incapable of electrolytic corrosion. The final confirmation
of these apparent facts and their practical application in the indus-
try will mean much, not only to the farmers who use fence wire
and the railway and other interests which utilize vast quantities
of steel materials, but also to the natural resources of the country
• — for iron ore is an exhaustible commodity, which, as has been
pointed out, when once gone can never be renewed.
The wooden fences referred to are maintained for similar pur-
poses and have already thrown much light upon the causes for the
deterioration of paint and the means to be adopted for preventing or
deferring it. One very important conclusion already officially pro-
mulgated as a result of these tests is the maxim that "a mixture of
two or more of the prime white pigments (white lead, oxide of zinc,
sublimed white lead, etc.) when used alone or in combination with a
small percentage of inert pigments (barytes, silica, silicate of alumi-
num, silicate of magnesium, etc.) makes a paint far superior to
that made from one pigment alone." This is almost a revolutionary
dictum, coming from technical men, meaning as it does in plain
English, that the prepared paint manufacturers are right and the
advocates of so-called "pure paints" wrong in their contentions.
(510)
The Outlook for Paint Manufacture 73
During the past three or more years well-intended but igno-
rantly devised paint legislation has threatened and harassed the
trade. Laws now exist in several states requiring the complete
paint formula to appear on the package. Similar laws have been
proposed in a number of the remaining states and in Congress, but
have thus far been successfully opposed. In some of the Western
States also, legislation, modeled on European lines and looking to
the prohibition of white lead on the ground of its toxic properties,
has been introduced, but that also has been successfully opposed.
As this subject concerns the public and is of vital importance
to the paint manufacturing industry, it may not be out of place
to idevote a paragraph to it here. The ostensible object of such
legislation is to guard the paint consuming public against fraud.
Its practical result is to check investigation and improvement, to
promote the sale of known materials as against unfamiliar ones,
and eventually, by exalting the published formula at the expense
of the trade-mark and brand, to force consolidation on a reluctant
trade. If the formula gave the information it is supposed to give,
more might be said of such laws ; but every practical paint man
knows that the chemical formula is but one factor in the service-
value of a paint, and that to publish the formula alone serves
merely to mislead the purchaser. The demand for such legislation
is but a manifestation of the social awakening that has been evi-
dent among us since the dawn of this century — a little eddy of
the wave of reform that is sweeping over us. The people are
eager to clean house — to "cleanse out the old leaven" to the last
trace. Abuses have been discovered in the paint trade, and in the
eagerness to correct them, the purifiers have not taken serious
thought of the consequences of lopping off a limb to cure a corn.
The same abuses have characterized all commerce, and legis-
lation to correct them should be broad enough to include them
all. To effect this a general law requiring a statement of net con-
tents on goods sold ostensibly by weight or measure, and penalizing
misstatements on labels or in advertising (such as the British
merchandise mark act"), would cover the entire range of products.
In conclusion, the paint industry of the country is. at this
writing, in a healthy and prosperous condition, with an inspiring
outlook in the near future.
(51O
TRADE REVIVAL IN THE LUMBER INDUSTRY
By Jno. E. Williams,
Editor "Lumber Trade Journal," New Orleans.
To be of public service a discussion of present conditions of
the lumber industry must deal primarily with those phases of it
least generally or not at all miderstood. It is a curious fact that
the American lumber industry, although ranking fourth in the
country, is very largely an object of public misinformation, indif-
ference or ignorance. It rarely happens that wood products are
included in the commercial reviews appearing in secular news-
papers, and when discussed at all, results are generally misleading
and often grotesquely absurd. The reason for this is perhaps not
far to find. Lumbering operations are generally remote from the
centers of afifairs and familiar to those immediately interested only.
To the average person, wood is in a manner not unlike water, it
seldom excites little conscious heed until missed. Since earliest
times this human intimacy with wood has begun in the cradle and
ended in the coffin. In the interval it is inseparable from practically
all of the domestic economies — houses, barns, furniture, vehicles,
walks, railroad equipment, boats and the thousand and one minor
articles designed for as many practical and ornamental purposes.
As a result timber consumption has been and still is on a scale of
inconceivable magnitude.
The white pine forests in the lake region or in the old North-
west for upwards of fifty years have been supplying much of the
country lying between them and certain sections of the East. They
were at one time regarded as practically inexhaustible, but are to-
day largely depleted. In those days, too, this supposed superabund-
ance of timber naturally operated to depreciate commercial values
and to restrict development to the largest and choicest trees only.
In the meanwhile the rate of consumption has kept pace with the
fabulous growth of the country and foreign requirements, until, at
the present time, dependence for wood products is upon all the
wooded regions of the country, notably, besides the older sections,
the southern and Pacific coast states. The larger residue of stand-
(512)
Trade RctizvI in tlie Lntnbcr Industry 75
ing timber is in the latter, but the South is supplying a larger share
of domestic and foreign requirements.
The entire wooded area of the United States has been esti-
mated to be, according to available data, 550,000,000 acres. This,
like most other kindred statistical estimates — nothing of the sort
has ever been systematically verified — conveys at best a doubtful
sense of the reality. An example of a sort was that of an article
appearing years ago in a popular magazine on the timber resources
of Mississippi. The article was well written and superbly illus-
trated. In a general way it possessed educational value except in
the all important particular of showing the timber at the time
standing in the state, which, it was gravely stated, amounted to
"18,000,000 feet!" There are scores of mills in the state that cut
as much or more every year. Whether the error was typographical
or not, the absurdity of the estimate would naturally in either case
have excited in the editor or average reader no clearer or more
intelligent consciousness than 18,000,000,000 would have done. As
a matter of fact, it is doubtful if one of ten citizens could, if
suddenly called upon, define the exact meaning of a standard
foot of lumber. The nine uninitiated probably do not know that
this standard means a piece twelve inches square and one inch
thick. Whether applied to sawed products an inch in thickness, or
any dimension including the heaviest timbers, this standard unit of
measurement is uniformly the basis of all computations.
The woods of commerce in this country embrace principally
the pines or other species known as conifers, cypress, in a class of
its own, exclusively indigenous to the South, more particularly in
the gulf states, and the hardwoods which, speaking untechnically,
embrace in great number and variety all of the woods of commerce
with deciduous foliage. This classification is anomalous in that
some of the so-called hardwoods are softer and lighter than one
species of the pines indigenous to the gulf states and known as long-
leaf yellow ])ine, which weighs as much as, and possesses the tensile
strength of, even certain of the more sturdy hardwoods. The
weight of wood products varies of course according to the texture,
general character and condition of any given example. If rough
and lately cut green, \veights range from 3.500 to 6,000 pounds
per thousand feet, or, of course, three and one-half to six pounds
per standard foot. If drv and surfaced, or planed or dressed — all
(513)
76 - The Annals of the American Academy
terms signifying the smoothing process — the weight is reduced to
say from 2,000 pounds upward, according to the character and
dimensions of the material. An average carload of dry lumber
amounts to about 20,000 feet. The importation of foreign woods
is largely restricted to mahogany and other tropical and costly
cabinet species and the coarser grades of Canadian white pine. The
laity, so to speak, should find these details useful in connection with
lumber statistics and justified, in a prefatory way here, on the
ground that the present discussion may to a limited extent serve an
educational purpose.
Degree of Recovery from Recent Depression
The money panic of 1907 promptly and sharply undermined the
lumber industry and to an extent believed to have been equaled in
the case of no other commodity of like or greater importance. The
crisis interrupted a period of activity and prosperity unprecedented
in the history of the industry. The volume of trade and prices had
attained proportions previously unexampled and were on a level with
the then inflated state of trade generally. From prices thus without
precedent and a demand scarcely less phenomenal, both fell off until
producers found themselves seriously embarrassed and perplexed.
The situation called for immediate and decided curtailment, but
the mill men were slow to adopt either policy. The general belief
was that the revulsion would be short lived and operating crews
must be cared for. In this the American saw mill contingent is
peculiar, for though largely incorporated, its votaries are unfail-
ingly humane. In some quarters the trade kept up a steady and not
seriously shrunken volume of business. At first not only building
operations underwent a marked falling off, but the railroads whose
requirements had previously absorbed from thirty to forty per cent
of the entire forest products of the country, abruptly withdrew
from the market and until recently kept out of it almost entirely.
Other branches of consuming industry, notably furniture and
vehicle factories, were affected, and there was general and de-
pressing shrinkage of demand and an even greater per cent of
falling off in prices. This outlines, briefly, the situation during 1908
and the first half of 1909. In the meanwhile the farming contin-
gent, for the most part blissfully exempt from the ravages of hard
times, continued fairly good customers, and with the revival of
(514)
Trade Revival in the Lumber Industry 'J'J
building operations to really unprecedented proportions, the reduc-
tion in consumption ceased and the industry was saved from dis-
astrous stagnation. When later, about a few months ago, the rail-
roads began cautiously to place orders for material long needed for
neglected repairs and reconstruction, the clouds broke and bright-
ness began to shine through. The factors to-day lacking to restore
ante-panic conditions include, most notably, still greater activity in
railroad requirements, more conservative production and greater
confidence in the future behavior of markets.
Tariff Legislation
The prices of lumber preceding the panic while publicly re-
garded as abnormally high and in point of fact comparatively higher
than at any former period, were not relatively excessive. It is a
matter of repeatedly demonstrated fact that during the inflated
period a given quantity of any of the leading farm products turned
into money would at the same time have bought more lumber than
at any previous period. Lumber, as a matter of fact, and largely
on account of an abundance of timber has never in this country
attained to selling values commensurate with its intrinsic worth.
The public has been educated by events to esteem lumber too
cheaply ; to underrate its supreme importance and to remember its
past degraded selling values. Incidentally, however, and apart from
comparative and relative considerations, the prices of lumber had
been forced upward by previous advances in the value of standing
timber equal in many instances to a maximum of 800 per cent : cor-
responding to the prices of necessary machinery and operating sup-
plies, food stuffs and labor. When the panic came, all of these
vital factors counted for nothing and prices of lumber precipitately
tumbled to a level, in many cases below the actual cost line.
In spite of these undeniable facts, however, a strong public
conviction had falsely been "shed abroad" by agitators that the
country was in the clutches of an all powerful, relentless and vora-
cious combination or trust. A populistic senator had declared
these things with great particularity and vehemence on the floor of
the senate, where he also moved the adoption of a joint resolution
instructing the Bureau of Corporations to probe the whole matter
and report its findings to the congress. The masses, for the most
part ignorant of the facts, took the senator for a man of, at least,
(515)
78 The Aiuials of the American Academy
ordinary veracity, and naturally believing what he said, waxed
indignant and assumed a militant attitude. Thus it happened that
when the special session of congress convened early last spring
to revise the tariff, the administration at Washington, the congress
and the people at large were alike disposed and determined to make
of lumber a special and sacrificial example. When soon thereafter
a group of lumbermen eminent for conservatism, honor and intelli-
gence appeared before the house ways and means committee and
laid the matter bare, a change of sentiment began that resulted in
not putting lumber on the free list as was the original determina-
tion, but in merely a reduction of the Dingley schedule for rough
lumber of thirty-seven and one-half per cent, or from $2.00 to $1.25
a thousand feet. In addition to the outcome of the belligerent cam-
paign above outlined, the Bureau of Corporations found its investi-
gations bootless. The odious trust had eluded discovery, although
lumbermen themselves had very generally and unreservedly aided
in the investigation. The tariff agitation in this way proved a source
of education without which the public would have remained in
ignorance of the merits of the questions involved. The incident
affords a powerful object lesson. Prior to this agitation nobody
had taken any pains to acquaint the public with the facts and the
masses, of course, were in a state of irresponsible ignorance of
them.
The industry has undoubtedly suffered more from the combined
ravages of the reactionary effect of the panic and tariff agitation
and uncertainty than any other of the leading industries. The
effect of the tariff upon the prices of lumber has never been and is
not now tangibly discoverable. Agitators are in the habit of tracing
the stimulating effect of the tariff on the prices of lumber and of
glibly attributing robbery and wrong to its operation, but nobody
in a position to see and know all about it has been or is now able
to do either.
International Trade
The export trade of the lumber industry reflects its chief im-
portance. Aside from the importation of tropical cabinet woods,
there has been an average of possibly two per cent of the entire con-
sumption of the country imported from Canada and that of a low
priced character. This per cent was not materially increased under
Trade Revizvl in the Lumber Industry 79
the Wilson tariff, which a(hnittc(l rough lumber free. Perhaps it
may be said api^ropriatcly in ])assing' that the lumber industry has
the same claim as other protected industries, and that if protection
is right on general principles, lumber is and should be no exception
to the rule. It has become axiomatic in lumber circles that the export
trade automatically reflects domestic conditions. Importers on the
other side are vigilant and quick to detect changes of market ten-
dencies. If downward the latter are always exaggerated and made
to serve as a dead weight. If upward, they are denied or dis-
credited or minimized. Their own markets derive and assume the
color and tone from and of conditions on this side. Hence it is not
surprising that the export trade of the last two years has been
especially unprofitable, although the volume of business has been
less markedly shrunken than have average prices. The following
tables, taken from the "Lumber Trade Journal," of New Orleans,
exhibit the falling oflF in comparative valuations and average prices
of wood exports as stated :
1908. 1909.
Unmanufactured $16,694,908 $12,580,389
Lumber 36, 189,226 29,435.493
Shingles 75,535 61.784
Shocks and cooperage 14,084.291 14,060.712
Doors, sash and blinds 479.266 534,534
Furniture 5631,325 4 293,904
Miscellaneous 8,366,754 6.900,616
Grand totals $81,521,305 $67,867,432
Decrease in total value, $13,653,873, or 16.7 per cent.
Expressed in Standard Feet.
1908. 1909.
Sawed timber 463,440,000 383.309,000
Boards, deals and plank 1,548.130.000 1,357,822.000
Joist and scantling 27,332.000 22,122000
Totals 2,038,902,000 1,763,253(000
Decrease, 275,649,000 feet or i3'/2 per cent.
Comparative Average Prices.
1908. 1909.
Boards, deals and plank, per M. feet $23.00 $21.41
Joist and scantling, per M. feet 21.28 17.13
Sawed timber, per M. feet 23.82 21.95
Hewed timber, per cubic foot 27 .284
Staves, per piece 098 . 105
(517)
8o The Aiuials of the American Academy
The comparative number of staves exported for the two years
w^ere respectively 61,696,949 and 52,538,016 pieces, most of which
were shipped to France from New Orleans.
The principal importing countries include the United Kingdom,
British North America, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Nether-
lands, Central America, Mexico, Cuba, West Indies and Bermuda,
South America, Chinese Empire, Hongkong, Japan, British Aus-
tralasia. Philippines, Asia and Oceanica, Africa. Great Britain is
the largest importer. Exports to oriental countries largely come
from the Pacific coast.
Co-operative efforts are in progress among gulf coast exporters
of yellow pine products to reform and improve existing inspection
methods on this side and to install representatives to guard against
unjust reclamations on the other, the growing need of which has
been impressed upon exporters by experience. The principal
Atlantic and gulf outlets include Baltimore, Norfolk, Newport
News, Brunswick, Savannah, Jacksonville, Pensacola, Mobile, Gulf-
port, New Orleans, Port x\rthur and Galveston.
General Outlook
This is a branch of the general subject under review involving
in a larger measure than the others matters of opinion or conjectural
problems. At the present moment the producing capacity inherited
from ante-panic stimulation exceeds the power of the country and
the ordinary export movement legitimately to absorb. The fact is
even now retarding price recovery and must be arrested before
otherwise warranted advances can be made effective. The yellow
pine industry, which in point of magnitude and importance leads all
the rest, is extremely sensitive to market influences and is pre-
disposed to fall upon the slightest provocation. Many habitually
conservative, well informed authorities believe, however, that the
industry faces another period of extraordinary activity and pros-
perity.
In this and other branches of industry not free to go into
any agreement, other influences are in progress to induce individual
producers to voluntarily curtail their outputs until the anticipated
revival shall have been consummated. Building operations continue
exceptionally active and railroad requirements are expected to
undergo a large margin of increase. The crops afford promise of a
(518)
Trade Rcz'ival in the Lumber Industry 8l
heavy farmers' demand, and conditions in contributivc classes of
trade are believed to be of a character to justify an optimistic
outlook.
The residue of standinf;^ timber in the country is being ex-
hausted at a rapid rate, the amount destroyed by fire, storms and
vermin being estimated at about one-half of the whole amount used
in industry. The latter is estimated at about 40,000,000,000 feet
annually. One important factor the industry is now facing and
must reckon with is the enormous substitution of other materials
for uses formerly monopolized by wood, notably steel, iron and
cement. The life of woods exposed to the weather is also being
increased several fold by artificial preservatives. Upon the whole,
the popular propaganda of a rapidly approaching timber famine is
very considerably exaggerated and the present generation need not
be greatly alarmed.
(519)
SOUTH AMERICA— OUR MANUFACTURERS' GREATEST
OPPORTUNITY^
By Hon. John Barrett,
Director, International Bureau of American Republics, Washington, D. C.
Without wasting any of your time in preliminaries, beyond say-
ing" that I am grateful for this opportunity of meeting you, I want to
say that in the subject assigned to me there is perhaps a little
apparent presimiption. I did not intend to give the impression that
might be given by this title, that it was the greatest opportunity
in the world. I meant the greatest foreign opportunity. Of
course I always except the Opportunity that there is in our own
country, and I think that idea ought to have been conveyed in the
title. Also in referring to our greatest foreign opportunity I do not
mean to be understood that it is necessarily the greatest field at the
present moment, for it is not the market which is consuming the
largest portion of our manufactured products at this hour, but it is
the one which offers the greatest opportunity of development.
Before I refer specifically to that subject, however, I want to
state, as one who has just come from Washington, and who has
been watching very closely the discussion upon the tarifif bill, that
you can imagine how closely the subject comes to me, when hardly
an hour has passed during the last two months that some member
of the House of Representatives or some senator has not called
upon our ofiice for information regarding our trade relations with
foreign countries. Inasmuch as nearly half of the foreign coun-
tries are comprehended within the jurisdiction of the International
Bureau of which I am the head, you can appreciate that there is
plenty of work for us to do. Almost every schedule in the
great tariff bill that is now imder consideration aflfects, directly or
indirectly, each one of these twenty nations to the south of us on
the western hemisphere.
There is one thing which I think every manufacturer in this
country should consider in the discussion of this tariff bill, and a
*An address delivered at the annual meeting of the National Association of
Manufacturers, and here printed through their courtesy.
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Our Manufacturers' Greatest Opportunity 83
thing- which I am afraid the majority of our senators and repre-
sentatives have overlooked. Now I pass no criticism upon any
member of the Senate or House of Representatives. The major-
ity of those men are far greater experts on tariff questions than
I can ever hope to be, and I do not wish to appear as endeavoring
to say anything derogatory of them, or laudatory of myself ; but
if you will g-o through all the speeches that have been made so far,
and almost all the discussions that have appeared in the news-
papers, you will notice that there has been an absolute neglect of
the efifcct the tarifif may have upon our export trade. Inasmuch as
the tariff regulates imports, the whole of Congress and almost our
whole people seem to have forgotten how possibly that tariff bill
may be framed in such a way as to injure our export trade. Now
when you stop to think that our export trade amounts to more
than a billion and a half of dollars a year, and is going on rapidly
to the mark of two thousand million dollars, it is of great impor-
tance to see that a tariff bill is passed of a kind which will not cur-
tail that export trade, which will not cut it down, but which will build
it up. Our country cannot become great as a manufactur-
ing nation, our manufacturers cannot reach the very highest de-
gree of prosperity, unless we consider the export market at the
same time that we consider the home market. Of course the
home market is the first consideration. There is no argument on
my part against that proposition. That is to be conceded ; but let
us not hold this so near to our eyes that we do not see the
export field beyond. When we are putting a duty on anything
that comes from a foreign country we are too prone, and it seems
to me that in the discussion of this question in Congress they have
been too prone, to forget what effect the cutting off of the import
trade from that country may have upon our export trade with that
country, or what effect it may have upon the manufacturing indus-
tries of this country. Now if we are going to become a great
exporting country, in competition with Germany, France and Great
Britain, we have the absolute necessity before us in framing each
schedule of the tariff bill of thinking not only of the question of
raising revenue, not only of considering the question of protection,
but also of considering whether it is going to hurt our trade with
foreign countries, whether it is going to cut off that velvet as it
were which comes to the manufacturers of this country from send-
ing abroad nearly two billion dollars' worth of material each year.
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84 " The Annals of tiic Anieriaui Acjiieiny
When wo stop to think that this means twenty-live dollars per head
lor every one of onr people, men. women ami children, then it
becomes an issue of the highest consideration to all of lis. I do
not know how many senators and representatives I have talked with
on this point, but it seems as if it had been almost entirely forgotten.
If there is any one question that comes np in the discussion of a
tariff bill before the German Reichstag" or before the Parliament of
France or the British House of Commons, it is the question of
their export trade. That is always discussed there : but in all the
discussions of our House of Representatives, in their long debate,
not one speech was made, and not one speech has yet been made in
the United States Senate, that has given any consideration to the
question of protecting" and building up our great export trade. Yet
all the time our papers are talking about our export trade. They
are talking about improving our consular service, about studying
how to pack our manufactured goods for foreign shipments, how to
get acquainted with the foreigii market, how to study their neces-
sities, and yet we are forg-etting, or giving" very little consideration
to. the effect of the pending tariff bill upon cur export trade. As
I have said. I am not criticising, but simply throwing out the sug-
gestion that the manufacturers of this country should watch the
tariff bill, to see whether in the changes of the various schedules
there may not be involved the diminishing or absolute cutting off of
our trade with certain countries in a way that will bring far more
damage, a far greater decrease of revenue to this country, and by
revenue I mean the good that comes to all our citizens, than
could possibly come under existing conditions. It is of the high-
est importance that when we are protecting ourselves possibly
against another country we should at the same time make sure
that we are protecting our export trade to that country and not
cutting it off.
Now this comes home to me because it is my privilege to be
in the closest touch with every one of these twenty governments
south of us. I am in close touch with their foreign offices, with
their representative statesmen, and I am watching the great news-
papers from ^Mexico City and Cuba south to Buenos Aires, repre-
senting, mind you. a population of 70.000.000 of consuming people,
people who should become buyers of our manufactured products;
and I find this one thought numing through their editorials, nmning
through the speeches of their men in their different congresses that
(522)
Our Manufacturers' Greatest Opportunity 85
the United States in framinf^ its tariff bills is always thinking rather
of the one question of protection and the one question of revenue,
and not how possibly they may hold out the right hand of fellow-
ship to these sister republics and help them to build up their com-
merce with our country, so that they can buy more from us. That
is what we all desire, and. Mr. President, I think one of the strongest
arguments in favor of a tariff commission is that such a commission
will study carefully the inter workings, the shuttling of trade rela-
tions, so that while framing that tariff bill they will frame one that
will not only be just to our own institutions, to our own manu-
facturers, but also just to foreign countries at the same time.
The International Bureau of American Republics, if you re-
member, was organized about twenty years ago under the splendid
leadership and direction of one of the great master minds of our
country, James G. Blaine. It was he who first conceived in its
fullest strength the necessity of our getting into closer relations with
our sister nations. The International Bureau of American Repub-
lics was organized to provide information to the people of the United
States about Latin-America, and in return to provide information
to Latin-America about the United States. The institution had a
dignified and honorable existence, but did not accomplish the great
work that it was intended for until in a later day another great
statesman, Elihu Root, conceived the necessity of getting into closer
touch with those countries ; and under his help and with the co-
operation of all these countries the International Bureau has been
reorganized, and now I say, without any reference to my being at
the head of it, that it is becoming a world-recognized institution,
and I will tell you why. When, two years ago, it was my privilege
to take charge of that bureau, the correspondence amounted to not
over six hundred letters a month. In the month of April just past
the correspondence of the International Bureau of American Repub-
lics was greater than that of the State Department at Washington.
In addition to our other work we exchanged in April with the rest
of the world over four thousand letters. Every State in the Union
had correspondence with us, as did every nation upon the western
hemisphere, and the majority of the European countries. It is
with great pleasure that I state that upon the private tables of a
majority of the monarchs of Europe are to be found tTie Bulletins
of the International Bureau of American Republics, and the word
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86 The Annals of the American Academy
has come to us from nearly every foreign office of Europe that our
pubHcations are desired by them as showing what the United States
is doing in the development of closer relations with Latin-America.
Our circulation is limited, because we are dependent upon the
appropriations of governments ; we have no income from adver-
tisements, and we are to-day in the position of not being able to
supply twenty-five per cent of the demand for that publication,
simply because we have not sufficient copies. We shall have to
go before Congress at its next session and ask for an increased
appropriation. When I took charge of the bureau two years ago
only ten per cent of the members of Congress made any use of the
International Bureau. I think last year ninety-seven per cent of
the members of the United States Senate and House of Representa-
tives called upon the bureau more than two times, and some of them
a score of times, for information and for assistance in securing data
that would be a help to them.
Another thing: Whereas two years ago it was comparatively
rare that an American manufacturer called upon us for informa-
tion and data, now there is not a day when we do not receive
inquiries from a score of manufacturers and business men in all
parts of this country and of the world, asking for information about
these sister republics, and what are the opportunities for the develop-
ment of trade and commerce down there.
Now, my friends, the other day I opened the newspaper "La
Prensa," of Buenos Aires, Argentina, which is, with the exception
of the "Jornal Do Comercio" of Rio de Janeiro, the greatest news-
paper of South America. You have heard of it. It has the finest
newspaper plant in all the world. There is no newspaper building
in New York or in any city in the United States or in Europe that
is equipped so magnificently, so perfectly, in the building and its
appurtenances as is the newspaper "La Presna" of Buenos Aires.
It has an enormous circulation and a mighty influence. The lead-
ing editorial in that paper was to this efifect : "Will the United
States be selfish, or will it be generous in framing the present tarifif
bill? Will it frame that bill so that Argentina can sell more of her
products in the United States, and in return Argentina can purchase
more of the manufactured products of the United States?" Now
that is something for us to stop and think of. Argentina has only
six million people, and yet last year Argentina bought and sold
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Our Manufacturers Greatest Opportunity 87
more than Japan with her fifty niilhons of people, or China with her
three hundred milHons of people. The trade of Argentina last year
amounted to nearly $600,000,000, divided almost equally hetween
imports and exports. And yet when you look over the list of the
imports of Argentina, you will find that Great Britain sold to her
twice as much as we did, and Germany led us by a good big figure,
and yet we sold to Argentina $35,000,000 worth of our manufactured
products. We purchase from her only about thirteen to fifteen
millions, and she says : "Give us a chance to sell more to you so that
we may not be under the necessity of possibly discriminating against
you and buying more from the European countries. Give us a
greater market for our natural products, so that we can purchase
more from you."
Now here is a cardinal point which every manufacturer under-
stands better than I do: When you ship out of the United States
a manufactured product that has required the use of capital, the use
of labor, the use of a manufacturing plant and all that it involves,
you bring far greater wealth back into the country than when you
export a simple natural product, an agricultural product. The more
highly manfactured anything is, the more innumerable the processes
of manufacture, the greater the wealth that is returned. Now do
you stop to think that there is no portion of the world which buys
out of the total export of the United States a greater proportion,
in ratio to population, of our manufactured products than do the
Latin-American republics? The most interesting point about our
trade wnth Latin- America is that those people buy all these manu-
factured things that embody labor, embody capital, embody great
plants, embody great investments, and therefore bring the chief
return to us. Our great natural products which bring us the least
profit go to Europe in larger quantities. South America will always
be a w^onderful field for the development and sale of our manu-
factured products, arid that is why I call it to your attention as per-
haps our greatest foreign opportunity. Down there they lack the
capital, they lack the labor, they lack the fuel which are necessarv
before they can become great manufacturing countries. There is
not a country from Mexico and Cuba south to Argentina and Chile
that has sufificient labor. There is not a country down there that
has one-fortieth of the capital it needs for the development of its
industries. There is not a single country down there that has a
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88 The Annals of the American Academy
great fuel supply like the United States either of coal or oil, and you
know what that means.
In Europe they have any amount of labor ; in Europe they
have any amount of capital, and in various portions of Europe
they have any amount of fuel. In the Orient, in Japan they have
labor to burn, so to speak ; they have capital, they have fuel. Eook
at the enormous supply of labor in China. She lacks capital, but
she will get it presently, very likely from the European world.
She has great coal fields and possibly oil fields. But to the south
of us is a mighty country, covering an area of nearly 12,000,000
square miles, three times the area of the United States, having a
population of 70,000,000, tw^enty independent nations whose forms
of government are based upon our own, clamoring for our manu-
factured products if we will only sell them to them under favorable
conditions in competition with Europe, if we will show them the
consideration in return that Europe is showing them.
Now it is all poppycock talk about the prejudice of Latin-
America against the United States. The Latin-American merchant
will buy from the United States manufacturer just as quickly as he
will buy from the manufacturer of Spain or France, or Germany or
Italy, provided you show him a price so that he can buy from you.
The only way that sentiment will come in is that if they feel that we
are discriminating against them, that we are passing a tarifif bill
which does not consider their interests, there is danger that their
congresses will put an extra tax on such products as are manu-
factured in the United States, or will frame their schedules in such
language that Germany, France, Spain, Italy and Belgium and other
countries will have the advantage over us.
Now I consider the interests of the manufacturers. I have
always tried to be their friend. That has been my ambition where-
ever I have been a diplomatic officer during the last fifteen years in
different parts of the world. I believe the noblest ambition that any
minister who goes out from our country can have is to be a com-
mercial agent of the great manufacturers of our country. I do not
believe in this idea that ministers should go abroad just for the pur-
pose of attending social functions, just to entertain. I have no
sympathy with that ambassador or minister who writes back and
says that the commercial work is entirely in the hands of the
consuls, that he knows nothing about it. I have seen the ambas-
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Our Manufacturers' Greatest Opportu)iity 89
sadors and ministers of Germany, France and England acting- as
the commercial agents of their countries over here, and I want to
see every ambassador and minister who goes abroad, even if he
goes to a capital where plush pants and knee breeches are the order
of the day, I want him to be ready if necessary to put on his over-
alls in order to find out what a market there is abroad for the manu-
facturers of the United States. Perhaps the proudest recollection
I have of the four or five different posts where I have been minister
is that at one time a certain under-official, I will not mention his
name, in our State Department a number of years ago mildly
censured me because he said I was trespassing upon the duties of
the consul, that it would be better if I sent fewer reports in regard
to commercial opportunities for our manufacturers. Now of course
I had to expect that criticism, but I want you to know that I was
proud to receive it. I think that is the only censure I ever
received in my diplomatic experience in different parts of the world,
and if I should ever be in a position to invite it again. I should be
very proud of it. But what I am getting at is this, that the com-
petition to-day is becoming so keen on the part of Europe that
we have to realize all these things, and I see it all over South
America, all over Latin-America to-day as never before. I can see
from the papers that come up from there, I can see from the letters
that we are getting. I can see from the stories that the Latin-
American ministers themselves are telling me, that there never was
a time before when the exporters of Germany, the exporters and
manufacturers of France and Belgium and Holland and Spain and
Italy and Austria were working as they are now to get such a
foothold down there among those countries that we cannot supplant
them.
Now please understand me. I do not say this in criticism of
Europe. I rather say it to the credit of those countries. I admire
the exporters and manufacturers of those countries for doing it.
I admire those European governments for backing them up. I
admire the European governments because they back up their
ministers and their consuls in their efforts to get a fair share of the
trade of that part of the world. Now what T want to see is a great
public sentiment in this country that will stand back of our govern-
ment, that will stand back of our manufacturers, so that we shall
go into this field realizing that it is worth the effort that we must
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cp The Annals of the American Academy
put forth in competition with these other countries in order to obtain
control of that market. Why, think of it ! You say, "Oh, they are
dago countries, they are lands of revolution." Now, gentlemen, I
for one get out of patience with that suggestion. Just stop and
think that three-fourths of the great continent of South America
(I am not speaking of all Latin- America, which comprises every-
thing from the Rio Grande and Cuba south to the Straits of
Magellan), two-thirds of South America, by which I mean every-
thing south of Panama, has known absolutely no revolution of any
kind, shape or form for over fifteen years. Two-thirds of the total
population of South America has been absolutely free from rev-
olutionary trouble, and only the other day one of the great financial
papers of Berlin called attention to the fact that German investments
in South America to-day were returning an average of from two to
five per cent more than German investments in the United States,
and that they were considered now almost as safe.
Great Britain has three hundred million pounds sterling or one
billion five hundred million dollars worth of money invested in
Argentina. I do not think there are more than $20,000,000 or
perhaps not more than $15,000,000 of United States capital invested
in that part of the world. When I say that, I do not mean to be
thought a fault finder, because I realize that the necessities of our
marvelous development and expansion and the building up of our
manufacturing plants have absorbed our surplus capital, but I just
mention it for the purpose of letting you know that the field is a
great one and worthy of study.
A great financial journal of London has made the announce-
ment that after careful study of the field it was convinced that the
next twenty years would see two billion dollars invested in South
America for the development of its mighty resources. Let us stop
and remember that all South America is almost where the United
States was seventy years ago in its material development, with a
greater population in proportion to area than the United States then
had. Think what has come to this country in the last seventy
years, and then stop and think what is coming in South America.
She has the advantage of the experimenting of all the rest of the
world. Where would the United States be to-day if we had known
seventy years ago what we know now about material development?
South America is profiting bv every experiment that the world has
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Our Manufacturers' Greatest Opportunity 91
made, and as that country is exploited, as it advances along those
lines, it is going to become still more a land of opportunity.
I wish I had time this afternoon to go into the details of this
market, but I have not. I am only urging you, in the discussion
of greater and more important questions, not to forget entirely
this market to the south of us.
Now there are just four things upon which our development
of trade with that part of the world depends. I have mentioned
one of them : First, right now, is this tariff bill pending in Wash-
ington. I have discussed that sufficiently, and have referred to
the question of a tarifif commission.
The second is the improvement of our shipping facilities.
Now I am not going to utter a single word about the so-called
ship-subsidy. I am just going to present it in this light: Where
would the great cities of our country be, where would our vast
commerce in our own country be, if we did not have fast mail,
fast express and fast passenger trains? Where would New York,
Chicago, St. Louis and San Francisco be if they were dependent
upon freight trains alone to carry the mails and carry passengers
and carry fast express? The situation with all Latin-America
to-day is that we have practically only a freight service on the
lines of the seas between here and South America. In other words,
we have practically only freight vessels. Now if we are going to
find cargoes to fill those vessels, we must have another class of
vessels that w^ill carry the letters back and forth between the manu-
facturers of this country and the importers of that part of the world,
that will bring their buyers up here and take our sellers down there,
and that will enable us to dispatch our manufactured products down
there quickly when they want them dispatched quickly. You have
heard me say before that when I was your minister to Argentina
I saw more heads of firms in Buenos Aires — a city with a popula-
tion of 1,200,000, and growing faster than any city in this country
except New York and Chicago — I saw more heads of great firms
sail from Buenos Aires in one week upon the fast, commodious and
beautiful vessels of the European lines, to buy goods in Europe, than
came to the United States in a whole year upon the kind of steamers
that come to this land. When I asked them the reason they said :
"If you will put the same kind of ships on the line from Buenos
Aires up to New York, we will go there." In Rio Janeiro more
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g2 The Annah of the American Academy
merchants went over to France and England on one steamer than
came to the United States in seven months upon the vessels
running- from Rio Janeiro to the United States. Time and time
again the head of a great firm in Buenos Aires w^ould walk into my
office and lay before me a correspondence with a manufacturer in
Germany and a correspondence with a manufacturer in the
United States. His letter had gone to Germany and the answer
was half way back to Buenos Aires before the letter to the American
manufacturer had reached its destination. You have to carry the
mails quickly between New York and Buenos Aires and Monte-
video and Rio Janeiro, just as you must carry them quickly between
New York and Chicago. Now you may call it a subvention, you
may call it a subsidy. I do not care what you call it. We must
have it if we are going to stand the competition with these other
countries.
I want to go just as far to say that I would pay money to a
steamship company flying a foreign flag, if we can only have the
service ; and I want to say right here that it is splendidly to the
credit of one European company that it has just placed on the line
from New York south to Buenos Aires a magnificent new vessel
of 12,500 tons, that has passenger accommodations which the most
luxurious manufacturer in this country could desire. In other
words, ships belonging to England are coming right over here
imder our own noses and teaching us how to build up trade with
South America. I say shame on us, when we tamely allow foreign
countries to take the hazard of providing the conditions necessary
to build up our trade, and are not willing to do anything for our-
selves.
The third condition is this, the establishment of better banking
relations. I think I can say with confidence that we are on the
verge of getting that great change. Eor over two years I have
been laboring uphill and downhill with the great bankers and finan-
ciers of this city and this country to have them establish here in
New York City a great Latin-American or Pan-American bank, with
branches in Rio Janeiro, in Montevideo, in Buenos Aires, in Santi-
ago, in Lima, in Bogota, in Quito and other places, and I believe
that within another year you will see this great change come about.
When you tell me it cannot succeed, I say how is it then that the
great banking interests of Great Britain, Germany and France have
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Our Maiitifactitrcrs' Greatest Opportunity 93
succeeded all over that part of the world. Hardly a week passes
that some manufacturer, some business man, does not write to me
saying: "Is there an American bank in this or that city through
whom we can operate for the establishment of an agency and find
out what are the trade conditions in that part of the world?" You
have got to have banks controlled by American capital, and having
the interests of our country at stake to build up our trade, just as
much as you must have banks in every city and town of importance
in this country. It is a plain ABC question.
Now I might go on and call your attention to other points,
but I simply want to say this in conclusion, that the International
Bureau of American Republics is proud of the interest that the
National Association of Manufacturers has taken in it. More than
once I think you have passed some kind of a resolution approving
of its labors. We want to be of use to you. We want you to be
of use to us. I want to see you solve these other great problems
of labor and of industrial education. Let me say on that point that
only the other day one of the great South American countries
through its interior department sent me a long cablegram asking me
to send them all the data I could about industrial education in the
United States. And with your permission, Mr. President, I am
going to send a copy of this report, and I shall be glad to forward
anything further that may come from you along that line. South
America is awakening to the necessity of industrial education, and to
all these questions that you are discussing. I want you to remember
that the International Bureau of American Republics is not an orna-
mental institution any longer. It is a useful institution. It wants
to co-operate with you and it wants your support.
(531)
THE YELLOW PINE SITUATION^
By C. D. Johnson,
Frost-Johnson Lumber Co., St. Louis, Mo.
It must be evident to everyone here who has kept pace with
affairs, even if only casually, that this broad and wealthy land of
ours has never seen a year of greater material prosperity than the
present one. Abundance and wealth are to be found everywhere.
Essentially an agricultural country, the basis of its prosperity is,
and doubtless always will be, the products of its soil. Recent
reports issued by the government show that this year's increase in
the combined yield of the five leading cereals, viz., corn, wheat,
oats, barley and rye, amounts to approximately 540,000,000 bushels
over last year. The yield per acre and the quality of the crops
are better in all cereal growing states than they have been for
several years, and everywhere do they exceed the ten-year average.
But prosperity is noticeable also in other directions — the
healthy condition of the iron and steel industry, for instance, which
in volume of business and earnings bids well to equal, if not eclipse,
1907, the best year in its history; and of the railroads as evidenced
by their heavy expenditures month after month for maintenance,
structures and equipment — expenditures far in excess of those
trade in the last several years. The reports of railroad earnings
are highly satisfactory, and in the daily press now one can read
nearly every day of large orders being placed for rails, engines
and cars. Factories, foundries and mills everywhere, hitherto rttn-
ning indifferently, have resumed normal operations as a direct or
indirect result of the country's abundance. Finances are in a good
way and money is exceedingly cheap and plentiful. The tendency
to harass large corporations with adverse legislation seems to have
passed, and there are no momentous political questions to disturb
the present satisfactory pose of business ; the tariff is settled and
out of the way and will remain out of the way for the next ten
or twelve years ; everybody seems to be satisfied with the sched-
^Rpprinted from the St. Louis "Lumberman," September 15, 1909.
(532)
T}ic ]'cll()w Pliic Situation
95
ulcs a(loi>tccl and l)y this time llie subject lias almost ceased to be
a topic of current discussion.
Average Biisincss But Uiisaiisfactory Price
Under conditions so prosperous there is bound to be an aver-
age amount of business transacted in the United States, and
naturally, there must be at least an average amount of lumber
used. lUit what do we find? Instead of marketing our product
with the ease warranted by the i)revailing normal and healthy con-
dition of business and at a price that will net us a fair return on
our investments, we are now and for the last two years have been,
selling the products of our forests at an appallingly demoralized
price — a price wholly unprofitable. There are. of course, reasons for
this. lUit it does seem strange that a business the size of ours,
ranking as it does, fourth among the industries of the country, it
does seem strange that it alone, amid all this general prosperity,
should continue in its demoralization and with such scant hope of
improvement. There are only two other industries that occupv
about the same unenviable position, namely, the coal mining and
cement industries, and it is interesting to note that in each case
the same basic principle is involved.
Each succeeding year brings an increase in the crops of the
country and each succeeding year brings also an increase in prices
for farm products. At no time in the business history of the country
has the farmer received more for his crops and his live stock than
he is receiving to-day. His wealth and the purchasing power of
his products have multiplied amazingly in the last ten or fifteen
years. The following story which I saw in a western newspaper
recently, strikingly illustrates this fact : A farmer bought a wagon
in 1894 for $60.00. Recently he needed a new wagon and went
to the same dealer, who priced him the same kind of a wagon at
$70.00. The farmer objected to the extra $io?oo and demanded a
reason. The merchant reflected a moment and then said he would
sell him on the same terms as the first one. "You paid for the
one you bought in '04 in corn, and if T remember correctly, you
brought me 600 bushels of corn at ten cents a bushel. Now. vou
bring me 600 bushels of corn.'' "Well. say. hold on." began the
farmer. "Hut," interrupted tlic dealer, "your wife can select a
$125.00 surrey; you can have the best self-binder in the store,
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^6" The Annals of the American Academy
worth $125.00, then you can have an $80.00 kitchen range and
$20.00 worth of kitchen furniture, all for 600 bushels of corn. The
wagon at $70.00 and the other items foot up to $420.00. Six hun-
dred bushels of corn at seventy cents a bushel amount to $420.00."
The farmer was stunned, and without saying another word about
monopolies or the tariff, counted out $70.00 for the wagon. The
value of the farmer's corn increased seven-fold in fifteen years,
but how has the lumberman's product fared in the same period,
and why?
Fundamental Lazv of Trade Involved
I think we all know and understand the one and the only
cause for the impotent condition of our business, a cause so essen-
tial that it is of itself sufficient. In a word, the difficulty involves
directly the fundamental law of trade — the law of supply and
demand as applied to the lumber industry. There is, and has
for several years been, an over-production, and lumbermen have
not yet learned to fit their output to the demands and needs of the
country. The manufacturers in the South fixed their capacity
under the extremely prosperous conditions that prevailed two or
three years ago — conditions that in all probability we cannot expect
again in this country for a long time to come.
Good times have come, but the present prosperity is normal.
I use the word "normal" in a comparative sense, having in mind
the almost unnaturally fiovirishing conditions a few years since. It
will be some time before users of material, purchasers of equip-
ment, constructors of railroads, and builders of various kinds of
enterprises will expand their business to the extent they did in the
years 1905. 1906 and 1907. There is everywhere a greater con-
servatism in business to-day, a tendency to stay closer to shore.
The financial upheaval of the latter part of 1907 has made the
general business public apprehensive and afraid of owing too much
money. The consumption of lumber is directly affected after such
conditions. The country's wealth increases ; economic conditions
are stable ; business generally is good ; the demand for lumber in
conformity with all of these, is average, no more nor less than it
can reasonably be expected to be, while the production of lumber,
fixed at a time of extraordinary demand, continues at the same
enormous rate. In other words, the manufacturer right now is
(534)
The Ycllozi' Pine Situation 97
capable of making: more lumber tban tbe country can use, and he
is making it.
The extent to which the consumption of lumber has been
affected in recent years by revolutionary methods of building has
not, I think, been given the serious consideration it deserves, in
fact, it seenis to me that manufacturers of lumber have never
looked upon the subject as one of any particular importance. In
connection with the question of production, however, it is becoming
a factor of such significance that it cannot nwch longer be over-
looked. The tendency in all branches of construction and in most
lines of manufacture is to find substitutes for wood. Concrete and
steel are coming more and more into use every year, taking the
place, wholly or in part, that which has heretofore called for lumber.
Substitutes for Lumber
Nearly all modern freight cars are being built with steel under
frames, gondolas and coal cars being made entirely of steel. The
new passenger equipment now being built for many of our largest
railways is entirely of steel construction. Bridges heretofore built
entirely of timbers are now being made of concrete, and depot
platforms are being constructed of gravel or concrete. The largest
street car plant in the country, located in St. Louis, has recently
begun building street cars of steel construction throughout, except
the floors, wdiich are concrete. A large box manufacturer recently
made the statement that boxes made of wood pulp are eliminating
the use of six million feet of lumber every year in the city of
Chicago alone.
Five or six years ago large buildings* of the slow combustion
type called for from one to five million feet of timbers and factory
flooring each. All such structures are now being built of rein-
forced concrete. Treated pine pole ties and ties made of inferior
species of various woods are being used to such an extent by the
railroads in recent years that the use of sawn pine ties is decreas-
ing at a surprising rate. While not, in fact, a substitute, the use
of such treated ties has the same effect as a substitute, considering
that most of the inferior w^oods of which these ties are made had
little or no commercial value until so used.
It is only natural that when the demand for such material
ceases, the mills that formerly catered to that class of trade will
(535)
98 The Atinals of the American Academy
turn their attention to the manufacture of yard stock. The advent
of the steel freight car dispenses with the use of car sills, and the
sills made hereafter will be used only in repairing old cars. There
is no way of arriving at the actual amount of lumber that these
various substitutes are replacing, but it must surely run into the
hundreds of millions of feet per annum. I do not mean to convey
by this that I think less lumber will be consumed hereafter ; on the
contrary, I think the country will use as much as it ever has, but
there can be no doubt that the per capita consumption on account of
these substitutes will be less. How^ever, the point I wish to make is
this : When the customary uses for a commercial w^ood of any species
or for lumber of any kind fall off or cease altogether, the manu-
facturer of that kind of lumber will naturally be compelled to divert
his product into other channels — another tendency to overproduc-
tion. During these times of revolutionary building methods, and
while the production of yard stock is thus constantly increasing,
it is going to be necessary for us all to go a little easy so as to
allow the general output of lumber to fit and adjust itself to the
requirements and demands of the country as we now find them.
Overproduction the Problem
But no matter what the reasons, we find that overproduction
exists as the one condition with which we must cope if we expect
to ever attain prosperity in our business. We cannot look for a
remedy in the demand, for the reason that it will be many years
until the country will have grown to the point where it can con-
sume under normal conditions the amount of lumber that the
mills in the South are capable of producing to-day. I firmly be-
lieve that if the manufacturers would operate their plants to their
fullest capacity for eight months, they could produce as much
lumber in that time as the country would use in a year. It is,
therefore, clearly to the best interests of the entire industry if
each and every manufacturer will, for himself and in his own way,
reduce his output to conform to the demand. For the past two
years the average price of lumber has hovered around $12.00 per
thousand. Let us take, for example, a manufacturer producing
20,000,000 feet a year and consider his interests under a policy
of curtailment should he consider the advisability of making less
lumber. At the prevailing price of $12.00 during the past two
(536)
The Yellozv Pine Situation 99
years, he would receive for his annual cut of 20.000,000 feet, $240,-
000.00. Let us say that this manufacturer decides to make 30 per
cent less lumber, or 14,000,000 feet instead of 20,000,000. Under
a curtailment to that extent, if generally applied throughout the
lumber producing territory, lumber would, without difficulty, bring
an average price of $17.00 per thousand. At $17.00, then, this
manufacturer would receive just as much money for his 14.000,000
feet ($240,000.00), as 20,000.000 feet would have netted him at
$12.00. Besides, he has 6,000,000 feet more standing timber left
in his forests than he would otherwise have had.
Couiparison of Costs
Against this, some one will, no doubt, advance the argument
that under curtailment it costs more per thousand feet to produce
lumber, for the reason that the fixed charges remain practically
the same as when running full time. That is true. But let us see
how it works out in the operations of the manufacture we have
taken as an illustration. With an output of 20.000,000 feet per
annum let us say that the cost of labor in the production of this
lumber amounts to $6.00 per thousand, and we will grant that labor
will cost him $7.00 per thousand while making only 14.000.000
feet. But, it must be remembered, he is making 6,000,000 feet
less lumber, which at the cost of $6.00 per thousand for labor,
saves him on his pay rolls $36,000.00 by the end of the year. Now,
then, since the cost of his labor while producing only 14,000,000
feet has increased $1.00 per thousand, he loses on that account
$14,000.00 on his year's cut; but even so, this loss being offset by
the $36,000.00 which he saved on his pay rolls by leason of having
made 6,000.000 feet less lumber, still leaves him $22,000.00 ahead ;
that is, he has saved himself the outlay of that much money on
labor. Besides he has standing in his forests the 6,000,000 feet
of timber that he has saved. This, at $4.00 per thousand — which
it would cost to replace it — would amount to $24,000.00. Thus,
it can be seen that the total saving — on labor $22,000.00 and on
timber $24.000.00 — would be $46,000.00 on his year's operations.
But the point is this: He has received just as much money, gross,
for the 14,000,000 feet as 20,000,000 feet would have brought him,
and, besides, he has done a profitable business.
Instead of cramming every log through the saws that he pos-
(537)
lOO The Annals of the American Academy
sibly could, he has taken his time and made the most of his raw
material, using the logs in the tree tops and the defective timber
which, at the price of $12.00, he could possibly not afford to bring
in from the woods. One of the greatest public concerns of the
day, local and national, is the conservation of the forests. With
as many saw mills in operation as there are, there can possibly be
no better way of conserving the forests than to use every tree
and every log of merchantable size in them ; that is, to utilize all
of the timber and not waste any of it. But it is impossible to con-
ceive how our forests can be conserved if the production of lumber
is so great and the market, as a result, so unprofitable that nothing
but the choicest timber can be used and the balance left to waste.
(538)
HOSIERY MANUFACTURE IX THE UNITED STATES
By C. B. Carter,
Secretary-Treasurer, National Association of Hosiery and Underwear
Manufacturers, Pliiladelphia.
In discussing the present conditions confronting- the hosiery
manufacturers of America, it will prove of value first to ascer-
tain the growth and extent of the industry. The manufacture of
hosiery in the United States is a comparatively new industry,
although foreign machinery was introduced many years ago, by
which a few pioneers were enabled to conduct a very profitable
business in certain classes of hosiery that were not imported from
abroad, and which by its peculiar manufacture, appealed particu-
larly to the American trade. The invention of knitting machinery
by American interests naturally caused an increased number of
persons to engage in the business. During the past ten years espe-
cially, the increased manufacture of knitting machinery and the
production of American made hosiery have made very rapid strides.
To-day there arc 600 hosiery manufacturers in the United States,
representing a capital of $70,000,000; employing nearly 100,000
persons and aie doing in the aggregate an annual business of
$80,000,000.
Naturally the large number of persons who embarked in the
hosiery manufacturing business brought alx)ut competitive con-
ditions, which have reduced the margins of profit to a very staple
basis, particularly on the class of goods manufactured only in
America, and which do not come into competition with foreign
made goods. To avoid this excessive competition, American knit-
ters have gradually built or imported new and improved machinery,
making a different class of goods from that which had been pre-
viously produced in this country and which were quite similar to
the goods imported from abroad.
The marked difference in wages paid by .\merican inanufac-
turers in comparison with those paid by foreign producers neces-
(539)
I02 The Annals of the American Academy
sitated tariff protection ; but during some periods it was not
sufficient to afford adequate protection. The American knitters,
previous to the adoption of the Dingley bill, were very much han-
dicapped in this direction, but during practically the entire life
of that bill they prospered until the adoption and promulgation
of the German-American agreement, which went in force July i,
1907. The direct and indirect effects of that agreement resulted
in the enforced curtailment and idleness of at least fifty per cent
of the capital and labor represented by the manufacturers making
competitive goods with foreign manufacturers. While not fifty per
cent of the United States consumption was imported, nevertheless
the granting to German manufacturers of the privilege to export
goods to the United States under-valued, demoralized conditions
in America.
The American manufacturers soon realized their inability to
compete with Germany under such adverse conditions, and steps
were promptly taken, either to secure the annulment of the agree-
ment, or else to work for such revision of tariff as might make that
or any other agreement null and void. Pending the adjustment
of these questions, which embraced practically two years, during
which time the recent panic developed, the American hosiery manu-
facturing business was in a very unprofitable and demoralized
condition. American manufacturers could not possibly retain their
help on the wage scale prevailing and maintain their organization
in competition with foreign manufacturers. This resulted in the
closing of many mills and decreased production in practically all
others.
In considering the necessity for higher tariff protection than
that afforded by the Dingley bill, it must be realized that labor
constitutes a very large proportion of the hosiery manufacturers'
cost of production, both in the type of the goods, peculiar to the
American production — seamless hosiery — as well as in that kind
hitherto exclusively imported from abroad, and which has only
recently been produced to any extent in America — full fashioned
or shaped. Both classes are made upon knitting machines, but
under different conditions and requiring different machinery. The
seamless goods are known as cheap stockings, while the latter
are more expensive. In estimating the German wages at about
thirty per cent of American wages all official and unofficial reports
(540)
Hosiery Manufacture in the United States lu^
available, as well as a large quantity of confidential figures from
a number of responsible and reliable sources have been consid-
ered. A fair comparison will show the average weekly wages
paid in the German hosiery mills to be somewhat less than thirty
per cent of wages paid in American hosiery mills.
It is impossible to go further into detail and compare prices
paid for piecework, as the different operations in the mill are
divided up and grouped together dift'erenlly in Germany from this
country, making a flat comparison of rates practically impossible.
A large percentage of German hosiery exported to this country
is the product of the so-called "cottage industry" in the villages
around Chemnitz. In the "cottage industry" the manufacturer
leases m.achines to individual operators, who work them in their
homes and who are often assisted by each member of the family.
The wages paid under this arrangement are incredibly low, even
for Germany. There are no restrictions as to hours of labor and
age of the workers. In figuring the comparative costs of produc-
tion, however, the "cottage industry" feature of German hosiery
manufacturing has not been taken into consideration, but the cal-
culation has been based on the average wages paid in the factories
in the Chemnitz district.
When the tariff of 1897 went into operation the hosiery indus-
try was suffering from the baneful effects of the Wilson tariff
bill. Wages were low and each and every item entering the cost
of manufacturing cotton hosiery was cheap. The rates given in
the tariff of 1897, notwithstanding the low wages and cheap mate-
rials, barely afforded sufficient protection to the wage earners as
against the cheap labor of Germany, the principal nation engaged
in the exportation of cotton hosiery.
With the constantly increasing cost of living during the past
ten years in this country, labor has demanded and has received
material increases in wages, so that to-day wages paid the opera-
tives in cotton hosiery mills are fully twenty-five per cent higher
than eleven years ago.
This increase in wages paid the work people, coupled with
large increases in the price of materials necessary to manufacture
cotton hosiery and to put it into marketable condition, has placed
American hosiery manufacturers in a serious position, making it
impossible for them to continue the operation of their plants under
(541)
I04 The Annals of the Anieriean jlcadeiny
the conditions of the Dingley act. Under it they were confronted
with this proposition: Either they must receive more protection,
measuring fully the differential between the cost of manufacturing-
abroad and the cost of manufacturing in this country, or else they
must reduce wages, which are none too high when the cost of
living is taken fully into consideration.
A careful census of the hosiery mills of this country showed
the desperate condition of this craft ; almost without exception, a
week not exceeding four days prevailed, and in many cases three
days a week was the true state of afifairs. The serious necessities
of the industry were due entirely to the low cost of labor and
materials in Germany, the keenest competitor for American cotton-
hosiery trade.
During the eleven years of the tariff of 1897 we find after a
careful investigation that the weekly wage of the German hosiery
operatives for the same class of work w^as in reality lowered, and
that to-day they are receiving less remuneration for making fine
qualities in hosiery than they did eleven years ago on the coarsest
numbers.
Last summer the German manufacturers- forced a strike, and
after a lockout of some four weeks the work people succumbed and
accepted a reduction aggregating about twenty-five per cent of the
wages they had been receiving, and the result is the German manu-
facturers are on a lower basis of cost than ever before, thus enabling
them to sell goods to this country at prices in marks and pfennigs
thirty-three and one-third per cent cheaper than the lowest price
quoted in the past for the same article.
There has always been more or less undervaluation, notwith-
standing the best eflforts of the local appraisers to prevent them,
but to-day the German manufacturers, through a system of aver-
aging their selling prices, have brought it to apparent perfection.
It is a well-known fact, which every buyer who visits Chemnitz
will admit if he is so disposed, that German manufacturers freely
and unblushingly have ofifered certain quantities of merchandise
worth $1.25 at $1.00, thus paying a duty of fifteen per cent ad val-
orem and fifty cents per dozen pairs specific, the duty under the
Dingley tarifif, whereas if sold at their real value they would pay a
duty of fifteen per cent ad valorem and sixty cents per dozen pairs
specific ; provided certain other quantities of better goods are pur-
(542)
Hosiery Maiiufacliirc in the United States 105
chased at $1.50 and $2.00 per dozen, the German manufacturer
making sufficient profit on the quantities -sold at $1.50 and $2.00,
respectively, to average him a satisfactory profit on the whole
purchase. If asked for a price on each article separately he de-
clines, saying that he is forced to sell all in conjunction in order
properly to distribute the business on the various classes of machin-
ery he is operating; thus keeping the proper balance in his plant —
certainly an ingenious explanation, to say the least. Through this
operation it has been almost impossible for the local appraisers to
establish and levy the duty on the actual market value, the value
being so adroitly suppressed.
It is a well-known fact, common knowledge amongst reputable
and honorable importers of hosiery, that many German manufac-
turers felt that evasion of American tariff laws was justified by the
fact that it is no offense against German laws to offer unscrupulous
importers merchandise the actual market value of which is $1.15
on the following basis: $1.00 to be paid by invoice and fifteen cents
in cash, through the buyer's German agent. By this process the
dishonest American buyer has an advantage over the honest im-
porter of ten cents per dozen in the duty ; the American wage-earner
receives less protection than Congress intended he should have.
Much study has been given to the evasion of the tariff' laws,
and the only effective method to remedy it is to arrange the sched-
ules so that the cost of cotton hosiery, duties paid and landed, in
this country will be such as to make such practices uninteresting.
The cotton-hosiery industry of this country is in the hands of
some five hundred separate and distinct manufacturers located in
some thirty states. It is thoroughly comj^etitive. Xo trusts in the
craft exist and a gentleman's agreement, so called, is unknown.
Competition in the hosiery industry is keen and the margins of
profit small. On account of the great number of manufacturers the
competition amongst them for the best help is sharp. Wages are
high, and the operatives will compare with any in intelligence. The
cost of equipment of an American hosiery mill is double that of a
German hosiery mill.
Heretofore attention has been paid only to the low cost of
manufacturing cotton hosiery in Germany, which has been the prin-
cipal exporting nation of this commodity. Attention, however,
should be called to the conditic^ns of cotton hosiery manufacturing
(543)
lo6 The Aiiiials of the American Academy
in Japan. Within the past five years the Japanese have been rapidly
erecting hosiery mills, which they have operated most successfully ;
up to the present time they have confined themselves chiefly to
supplying the needs of their own home market and that of China
and India.
The recovery from the recent panic conditions which have pre-
vailed has been very slow, not only with manufacturers who come
in competition with foreign made goods, but also among those who
make the cheap hosiery which was not afifected by the foreign im-
portations. It has been difficult for many to understand this slow
return of prosperity, particularly to this latter class of manufac-
turers, but it is generally conceded that the abnormal purchases by
the large jobbing interests jvist prior to the panic, resulted in ab-
normal stocks, not only in their hands, but also among retailers.
The distribution and sale of these surplus stocks required more
time than the most conservative manufacturers estimated, many of
whom had run their mills continuously during the depression and
had accumulated large stocks for which no orders were on hand or
forthcoming. In the course of time these manufacturers found it
necessary to raise cash on their stocks, not only to provide for
operating expenses for the future but frequently to reduce indebted-
ness to their banks. In going out on the market to sell the goods,
buyers were few and prices were repeatedly cut before sales were
effected.
The jobbers who were gradually coming into the market for
goods realized the existing conditions and by shopping around and
"bearing" the market they were enabled to purchase their require-
ments not only much under the market price but frequently below
the cost of manufacture. Jobbers not actually in need of goods
feared to place their orders, thinking that prices would be cut even
further and thus place the hosiery manufacturer in a most unen-
viable position. Fortunately the yarn market showed an upward
movement and manufacturers who Had not covered their rea-
sonable requirements were compelled to increase their prices to
cover the increased cost of raw material. The jobbers soon real-
ized this upward tendency and showed a more willing spirit to con-
tract for their present and future requirements, and prosperous con-
ditions as a result began to materialize. The tariff agitation and
the likelihood that the old Dingley rates would be increased in the
(544)
Hosiery Manufacture in the United States 107
new Payne bill was another incentive for activity among the buyers,
resulting in an increased operation among the mills.
After the Payne bill, which gave the hosiery manufacturers the
additional protection desired, became a law, it was supposed by
some that the hosiery manufacturing business would realize a
marked impetus, but such has not been the case, for the reason that
the importers fearing the increased duties in the Payne bill, had
been exceedingly busy getting in goods from abroad under the old
prices and protection. The accumulated importations of the better
class of goods were enormous and it will yet require many months
to relieve the market of this surplus, pending which time the Ameri-
can hosiery manufacturers must curtail to a great extent their
aggregate production.
Naturally, it may be asked, now that additional tariff protec-
tion has been afforded the American manufacturer, will he be
able to do an export business? It can be said definitely that the
exportation of American-made hosiery is both impracticable and
unprofitable in view of the fact that Germany is seeking other out-
lets for its production and Japan is striving for recognition as a
textile manufacturing nation. The low wage scale prevailing in
Germany is large in comparison to that which prevails in Japan,
and America has much to fear from that nation even under the addi-
tional protection afforded in the Payne bill.
The outlook for the American hosiery manufacturer is bright,
provided the present Payne rates prevail, but the agitation of the
tariff question, whether referring particularly to the hosiery industry
or otherwise would unquestionably prove disastrous and might bring
about the conditions which have prevailed during the last two years.
Even with the protection afforded by the Payne bill, the American
manufacturers are only placed on a competitive basis with Ger-
many. There is no opportunity whatsoever for the manufacturers
to increase prices yielding them unusual profits. Owing to the
large number of concerns manufacturing knitting machinery, its
cheap cost, facilities for installation, quickness of operatives to
learn the technical processes and the small amount of capital re-
quired to operate the business, a so-called hosiery trust is an im-
possibility. The diversity of goods manufactured is such as to
make uniform i)rices impossible. The raw material also constitutes
a large part of hosierv values, and under the fluctuating conditions
(545^
loS The Annals of the American Academy
that have always prevailed, it is generally and correctly considered,
that even communitive interests, as existing in other industries
are impossible; consequently each manufacturer must stand on his
own feet. Upon the knowledge of the business depends his suc-
cess. In the business of manufacturing hosiery, it is a case of "the
survival of the fittest."
(546)
THE MARKET FOR LOCOMOTI\'ES
By Alha R. Johnson,
Vice-President, Baldwin Locomotive Works, Philadelphia.
During the summer of 1907, there were plenty of indications
of the approaching financial storm, which, during the following
autumn, swept over the country and affected the greater part
of the civilized world. Manufacturers who, in obedience to the
imperative law of demand, had been enlarging their plants, had
generally completed the extensions and were waiting to realize
the profits to be derived from operations upon the larger scale. For
several years most manufacturers had been working under the
inconvenience caused by simultaneous pressure of orders and dis-
turbance incident to reconstruction. This is always costly, and it was
reasonable to suppose that the reconstruction being over, a breathing
spell would follow when business could be systematized, and
enlarged profits reaped. These hopes, however, were not realized.
Notwithstanding large investments in labor-saving machinery and
improved appliances, the co.sts of labor and administration con-
stantly mounted higher, so that when the accounting was reached,
profits were found to be lower rather than higher. Many manu-
facturers discovered that the largest gross business ever done in one
year, had produced little more if as much net profit as had been
realized in lean years. This may partly be explained by the extraor-
dinary advance in the rates of interest charged by lenders for the
use of money, which was due to the fact that the expansion, both of
legitimate business and of speculation, had become so great as to
demand more than the world's available capital. The wages of
labor continued to advance because the cost of living constantly
increased, and, the two being interdependent, the cost of living
advanced because wages form an important part of the cost of every
necessary of life. There appeared to be no end to the operation of
this tendency, except eventual panic. Furthermore, there was great
cause for concern in the adverse public o])inion, reflected in the
hostile attitude of legislatures towards the railroads. This mani-
fested itself in the passage of nimicrous laws increasing the taxa-
(547)
lid The Annals of the American Academy
tion of railroads, limiting fares, and interfering with the discretion
of railroad managers in the administration of their properties. That
much of this legislation was clearly unconstitutional, and must surely
be set aside by the courts, scarcely checked the lawmakers. The
national administration not only shared this hostility, but set the
example to the states.
The prosperity which the country was enjoying had such mo-
mentum that it was some time before these powerful causes pro-
duced their inevitable results. The railroads stopped work where-
ever possible on track construction or improvements, and made few
contracts for new equipment. Locomotive car builders and other
manufacturers ceased placing orders for machine tools. Whilst this
was the condition of affairs, the confiscatory decision of Judge Lan-
dis was rendered against the Standard Oil Company. This was in-
terpreted at home and abroad as an indication, subject of course to
further legal developments, that the money of investors in the securi-
ties of large corporations no longer enjoyed the traditional protec-
tion of the courts, and that judicial decisions affecting corporations,
were to be based upon a presumption of guilt rather than of inno-
cence.
The result of these several causes was that by the beginning of
1908, makers of railway equipment, who had been exhausting their
ingenuity to increase production, found themselves without orders.
The building-up process had to be reversed, organizations had to be
reduced, and the severest economies had to be inaugurated. The
rapidity with which this occurred, is shown by the following figures
which represent the percentages of the monthly payroll of one of
the largest single establishments engaged in the manufacture of rail-
way material :
Per cent.
October, 1907 100
November, 1907 91
December, 1907 92
January, 1908 56
February, 1908 22
March, 1 908 24
April, 1908 20
May, 1 908 15
The number of employees fell in like ratio, from 100 per cent in
September, to 95 per cent in October, 90 per cent in November,
(548)
The Market for Locomotives ill
8i per cent in Decom],>er, 70 per cent in January, 43 per cent in
February, 32 per cent in March, 25 per cent in Aj)ril. Nor did
even this rapid decrease in the number employed, fully represent
the strin,c:ency of the situation, for the average earnings per man
weekly, fell from $14.22 in Novenil)er to $8.40 in May. Taking
the average of monthly sales during 1907 as 100 per cent, the busi-
ness of the whole year 1908 averaged but 197-8 per cent, that of the
first three months of 1909. 25 per cent, and that of the second three
months of 1909, 24^ per cent. This prostration affected to pretty
much the same degree, every branch of manufacture dependent solely
upon railways, and there were few which did not suffer a reduction
of business ranging from fifty to seventy-five per cent. The past
two years have therefore been. years of great hardship to all indus-
tries dependent u])on railway business, and fortunate indeed have
been the concerns which have succeeded in showing any balance,
however small, upon the profit side of their ledgers.
Amongst the causes which contributed to the depression, were
the approaching presidential election of 1908, and the declaration
of both the great political parties in favor of a revision of the tariff.
The election of President Taft removed one disturbing element, and
the general belief in his ability and conservatism, was an active
element in the restoration of confidence. The long and painful
deliberations of Congress over tariff revision during the spring and
summer of the present year, not only depressed business, but effec-
tually convinced the country that a more scientific method of tariff
building should be found. When the tariff bill was finally passed,
the effect was immediately felt. The railways began placing con-
tracts for locomotives, cars and rails. Xo doubt the promise of
abundant crops had much to do with this. Nevertheless, however
great the need for equipment may have been, and however little it
was really affected by tariff legislation, the railroads did not begin
to place contracts until the tariff question had been settled. The
idle cars which, at the beginning of 1908. had exceeded 400,000,
have now practically disappeared, those remaining being fully ac-
counted for by the fact that there may always be an excess of cars
of particular types, notwithstanding that there may be a scarcity of
other types, and also by the fact that the statistics include cars of
obsolete pattern awaiting sale or demolition. The car surplus, which
for two years has been one of the gauges of busmess depression,
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112 The Annals of the American Academy
is therefore at an end, whilst the large contracts for cars which have
been placed, indicate conclusively that the railroads are now guard-
ing against the possibility of a future shortage.
Simultaneously wuth the increase of railroad traffic and the
consequent disappearance Of the car shortage, rates for bank loans
began to stiffen, and from three and a half per cent for gilt-edge
paper, rates have advanced to from five to six per cent, according
to the grade of credit of the borrower. This is due to three
causes, all indicative of returning prosperity, viz., increased spec-
ulation in securities, due to confidence that the future has larger
earnings in store ; money to move the crops resulting from abundant
harvests ; and increased money needed by manufacturers and mer-
chants, because they are called upon to finance an increased and
increasing volume of business. Furthermore, the stream of invest-
ment which has been checked during the past two years, appears
to be breaking over the barriers of distrust, and to be starting
afresh upon the undertaking of new projects and the extension or
development of old ones.
Previous business depressions have generally been local. The
depression which followed the Baring failure of 1893, was the
first which seemed to afifect all countries alike. The increase in
commerce betw'een the countries, and the constant interchange of
intelligence, have caused business depressions to be more widespread
in their effects. Perhaps Canada, South America and Australia
are less affected by business conditions in America than are other
countries, but the United States has grown to be so great a factor
in the world's commerce, that depression here affects both Europe
and Asia, and to some degree the commercial world. Therefore,
as the lessening of demand was general, so the consequent business
depression affected all manufacturing countries, Germany, Eng-
land and France sharing, though perhaps to a less degree, the de-
pression existing in America.
International competition in railway materials has constantly
strengthened during recent years. This is due to the consolidation
of groups of works respectively in the United States and in Eng-
land, and to the strong government support which has been given
to German manufacturers. German diplomacy constitutes a pow-
erful sales organization for German manufacturers. In conse-
quence thereof, German competition has become an important
factor in South America, and to some extent throughout the British
(550)
The Market for Locomotiies 113
colonies. The English government and English boards of con-
trol, whilst nominally adhering to the free trade principles of
Cobden, have met German trade aggression by adopting the prin-
ciple that British money must be expended to support British indus-
try. Therefore, there has been an increasing reluctance on the part
of English buyers, whether governmental or private, to arlmit for-
eigners of any nationality to competition for British contracts for
railway material whether for use at home or abroad. The growth of
a national consciousness in other countries, as for instance, Norway,
Italy, and Australia, has led to the fostering of home manufactures
to such an extent that the purchases of these countries abroad, have
been either greatly reduced or altogether discontinued. These sev-
eral causes have combined to increase the difficulty of securing a
large foreign trade for American manufacturers, and the keenness
of competition has been such as to bring prices to the lowest pos-
sible point. Especially has this been true in China, which is the
commercial battleground of the world, all nations meeting in com-
petition there upon an equal footing. Nevertheless there is a con-
stantly increasing preference for American locomotives wherever
they are once used. Unless kept out by the prejudices of officials
educated abroad to prefer other equipment, or unless debarred
by foreign financial interests, American locomotives and railway
material are not only holding their own. but are creating new
markets for themselves.
The present outlook for the future is bright. Not only have
the disturbing elements of two years ago disappeared, but all
classes of business men look v/ith confidence to the future. At the
present time the volume of manufacturing in the line of railwav
equipment, has increased from alx)ut twenty per cent to fifty-five
or sixty per cent of the high-water mark of 1907. whilst in other
lines of business which did not suffer so heavy a reduction, the
percentage is no doubt higher. The volume of railway traffic is
in some instances unprecedented, and the average is close to the
maximum figures of previous years. The predictions of Mr. James
T. TTill are likely to be fully realized, that for many years to come
American manufacturers will be fully employed in providing the
rails, the cars and the locomotives required for the necessary recon-
struction and extension of our railways, to keep pace with the growth
of population and the development of the country.
^550
AUTOMOBILE SALES AND THE PANIC
By David M. Parry,
President, Parry Auto Company, Indianapolis, Ind.
Far better is it in these days to be preachers of prosperity than
howlers of calamity. Confidence, faith and courage move the
world; distrust, unbelief and timidity throttle action in its incep-
tion. The psychic side of industry is a subject little considered,
but there is no question that the sanguine American temperament
is a basic cause for our marvelous productive power. We have
boundless natural resources and the highest developed institutions
of freedom, but we also have a nation of men imbued with the
spirit that conquers. It is the energy of hope, not the inertia of
despair that furnishes the key-note of our national life.
Still there are some among us who are social hypochondriacs.
Their minds dwell on social ills, diagnosing symptoms of disease
where few or none exist, and their voices have acquired a habit of
direful prophecy. These are the men without faith, to w'hom the
future is always dark and fearful. Often cheerful enough in the
ordinary ways of life, in their capacity as independent American
citizens they are confirmed misanthropes. For them I know of
but one cure that might prove efficacious and that is the Christian
Science treatment of mental suggestion. For, as Shakespeare has
somewhere said, the earth is a heaven or hell as thinking makes
it so. President Taft has recently been applying a little of this
thought cure. He has been telling the country that prosperity is
not merely on the w^ay but is actually here. The social hypochon-
driacs may be inclined to ascribe his announcement to political
license which may make some kinds of romancing pardonable, but
facts do not support their contention.
In the automobile industry about which I am requested to
write there has been no such word as panic. It may at first seem
hardly fair to cite this industry as proof of general good times,
but I think on consideration it will be seen that there is much that
can be said on this line. In 1909 there were 100,000 automobiles
manufactured and sold, and in 19 10 there will be 200,000 manu-
(552)
Aiitojiiubilc Sales and the Panic 115
faclurcd and sold. This is a remarkable increase. This means
that two or three hundred million dollars were put into auto-
mobiles just when it was sui)i)osed the country was on the ragged
edge of bankruptcy. Was it reckless folly or were the times better
than some believed? I am inclined to think that it was not >uch
a bad panic after all, that in fact as a nation we were more scared
than hurt.
It must be remembered that prosperity and depression are rela-
tive terms, that what may be regarded as good times in one decade
may be set down as bad times in another. There were no soup
houses or Coxey armies in our late exj)crience. There was no
overproduction of manufactured goods, no unsalable surplus of
farm products. Neither was there anything else organically the
matter with the country — no war, pestilence or famine. The let-up
in activity was principally to be attributed to psychological rea-
sons, to a wave of conservatism or caution which was partially
a natural reaction from extraordinary activity and partially the
result of distrust because of over-speculation, strained credit and
the demagogical crusade against the railroads and other corpora-
tions. Liquidation has cleared the skies, the public enemies of
capital have taken to the woods and the tariff is laid on the shelf.
The basic conditions being good and there being no longer grounds
for distrust we have but to make up our minds that prosperity is
here again to have it in fuller swing than ever before.
The sale of so many automobiles proves that there is a wide
diffusion of wealth in this country and that there are hundreds of
thousands who are not satisfied with anything less than the best
that is going. The American people must move fast, and the auto-
mobile is a popular and useful means to that end. If it were
merely an extravagant luxury the automobile industry would rep-
resent a colossal and unpardonable 'social waste. Eut under the
standards of the twentieth century it is a necessity. The ox cart
gave place to the horse vehicle, and the horse vehicle nnist be rele-
gated to antiquity by the motor car. Some one has said that the
inventions that have most profoundly affected the development of
civilization, aside from that of the alphalx't, have been those of
transportation. Steam and electricity have been performing their
part in annihilating space, and now they are to be supplemented
by the gasoline motor. The latter is destined to conquer the earth
(553)
ii6 The Annals of the American Academy
and air for men. With it every man may be his own distance
annihilator — the twentieth century ideal. As it heightens man's
pleasure and as its utihty is of a higher order than the vehicles it
displaces, the motor car, despite its cost, must be set down as a
necessity of the times. Some burden may be felt because of the
current revolution from horse to motor transit, but the transfor-
mation once completed the world will be the gainer by it.
The automobile industry was born before the panic, it flour-
ished undismayed through the panic and it will wax mightily now
that the panic is over. This year the manufacturers could not
keep up with the demand although their factories underwent mar-
velous expansion, and next year additional millions will flow into
the industry and additional thousands of men will find a new
employment. The continued expansion of the automobile indus-
try shows that the hard times were not so hard as they might
have been, and now that the worst is over there can be no doubt
that it will contribute its share to the rising flood of new pros-
perity.
(554)
GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE TO EXPORT TRADE
By C. S. Donaldson,
Chief. Consular Division, Bureau of Manufactures, Washington, D. C.
The lofty attitude of the United States government toward the
foreign trade of the country is now a matter of history. Irresistibly
has the official energy been directed toward the fostering of Ameri-
can business interests abroad. This endeavor will continue to ex-
pand and bear fruit, though it can never become as potential a
factor as the paternalistic aid given in Japan and Germany by the
Imperial governments. We can only try to make up in activity
what these competing nations accomplish through associating pub-
lic and private interests in strengthening their economic position.
Emperor William II recently asked a German industrialist
why he had placed a large machinery order in the United States.
The answer was because the American quotation was several thou-
sand dollars lower, in reply to which the emperor is reputed to have
requested the business man to place his next order in Germany, and
send him the bill for- the difference in cost. This was a patriotic
commercial lesson, and is the sentiment that obtains to-day. The
strong German banking houses in China. South America and else-
where turn all the trade possible to their nationals, and we admire
them for it. French and British financial interests do likewise,
and, with the strong supporting arm of the government representa-
tives, are invincible against the keenest Yankee trader who tries
to compete for profitable orders. Repeated incidents bear out this
stateinent. Extensive port works in Brazil, for illustration, were
laid out by an American engineer full of enthusiam for the superior
mechanisms produced in his country, who is obliged to witness the
installation of French machinery, which was stipulated by French
bankers who advanced a loan for the harbor works. Under such
conditions it is not difficult to understand why our exports to Brazil
are only one-fifth of our $80,000,000 imports from that country.
New York financiers, however, interested by the Atnerican consular
advices, are now planning a chain of South American banks.
Against such tripartite combinations of government, banker
(555)
ii8 The Annals of the Ajucrican Academy
and the manufacturing exporter, the American seeking trade abroad
has contended single-handed. To a certain extent, however. Uncle
Sam is now beginning to lend a hand — how strongly it will be
extended depends on the expressed desires of the people and on
Congress in supplying the sinews and in wise legislation. The dip-
lomatic and consular service has already been wonderfully advanced
in efficiency, and further improvement may be confidently expected.
Ministers interest themselves in commercial matters to an ex-
tent that would have shocked the social proprieties of the diplomat
a decade or so ago. Hamilton King, who represents us in Siam,
has repeatedly exploited American wares, his latest effort being
an endeavor to secure for his countrymen the contract for the
proposed water works system at Bangkok, which is to cost a
million dollars, the award of which will soon be given. To
Mr. Leishman, formerly Ambassador at Constantinople, must be
ascribed some credit for the fact that over American steel rails the
devout Mohammedans now proceed to INIedina on their way to
Mecca. Minister Sherrill at Buenos Aires is developing a system
by which those Americans who have been shut out of the Argentine
market, through inability to conform to the credit system, may get
cash for their goods. These are only a few instances of the com-
mendable activities of a large number of our diplomatic repre-
sentatives.
One of the questions of the hour is this government's policy
of the maintenance of the "open door" in China ; yet of equal or
greater importance is the entrance of American interests into Turkey,
fostered by this government and heartily welcomed by the new
Ottoman regime. Americans are obtaining concessions there, and
plan a railroad trunk line through Asia Minor, the establishment of
telephone systems, etc., while Turkish officials are now in the United
States arranging for a loan among a people who can have no
thoughts of territorial aggrandizement, nor of political suasion.
In this new era of government participation in the promotion
of commerce one cannot overlook the beneficial effect of this coun-
try's administration of the customs revenues of the Dominican Re-
public, or the prospective stability and growth of trade that must
ensue with Central America as a result of the participation by the
Department of State in refunding the $20,000,000 debts of Costa
Rica and Honduras.
(556)
Government Assistance to Export Trade 119
About five years ago Congress committed to the Bureau of
Manufactures in the Department of Commerce and Labor the huge
task of promoting foreign trade. Its agencies are through a tyriff
division, which collates and publishes the customs charges and regu-
lations of all foreign countries ; a staff of traveling special agents —
technical experts who investigate and report on industries and trade
abroad; and the consular division, which molds the reports of con-
sular ofificers into effective commercial campaign literature. The
bureau is ably directed by IMajor John M. Carson, whose whole-
souled enthusiastic management has developed practical results.
The bureau has had many letters telling of foreign orders for
American merchandise as the outcome of information supplied by it.
The business public is acquainted with the transformation
effected by the bureau in the publication and utilization of consular
reports. Daily Consular and Trade Reports is the only daily com-
mercial and economic journal issued by any government. The num-
ber of copies that may be printed is limited by an old stipulation of
Congress to 10,000, which was long ago reached, and the mailing
list is therefore restricted. The contents of the daily are systemat-
ically grouped and classified in Monthly Consular and Trade Reports,
which is likewise limited to 10,000 copies. A gratifying improve-
ment is manifest in the selection and treatment of live business ques-
tions by American consular officers, whose rank for efficiency in this
respect is contested by no foreign nation.
It must be admitted that there still are consular officers of the
United States who only shine socially, or whose slumbering silence
is only broken by a brief annual report ; yet it is pleasing to note the
influx of strong new blood through the present competitive exami-
nation system that is constantly improving the service, and likewise
the position of our country in the world. These young men start at
the bottom and by meritorious conduct advance slowly, but surely,
to the higher posts.
Consuls-General Mason, at Paris, and Thackara, at Berlin, are
veterans, the former now completing his twentieth and the latter
his thirteenth year of efficient work ; while Consul-General Griffiths
at London made his merit record at Liverpool. It would indeed be
a stupendous task to recount the commercial achievements of the
many consuls which aided their promotion. There is the natural
inclination of the appointee to some obscure post to feel that noth-
(557)
120 The Annals of the American Academy
ing can be done in his limited district, where trade may be dull and
the people sluggish. But that Yankee spirit which was manifest
in two sailors who were shipwrecked on a desert island, and swapped
jack-knives every day, enables all consuls who possess it to "make
good."
About three years ago Consul Coffin went out to the isolated
post at Maskat, the capital of the Arabian sultanate of Oman, a little
country stretched along the coast at the entrance to the Persian Gulf.
There is little else there save date growing, yet Mr. Coffin succeeded
through the co-operation of the Bureau of Manufactures at Wash-
ington in having an American water works system placed in the
palace of the Sultan, and interested other American firms in pro-
viding improved appliances for irrigating the date orchards, and
motor equipments for small craft at the port. He also mastered
the Arabic tongue, completing the attainments which made logical
his appointment to Tripoli-in-Barbary, where an important new
consulate was opened last year. His activities continue, and the
Moors of Tripoli are now baking bread from American flour, and
are apt to learn the convenience and use of many more things
American.
In small islands of the sea other consuls have shown similar
zeal. Dr. Dreher in the Society Islands, \ an Dyne in Jamaica,
Grout in Malta, promoted later to Odessa ; Blake in the Madeiras,
now in Scotland ; Maynard in Borneo, now in Vladivostok ; Tot-
ten in Santo Domingo and Baker in Tasmania are all on record at
the Bureau of Manufactures as having continuously made reports
of great value to our business interests.
An experiment is about to be undertaken in Mr. Baker's case
that gives promise of extensive adaptation in the consular service.
A trained Chicago newspaper man, he thoroughly exploited the
island of Tasmania in the interests of American trade. At the sug-
gestion of the Department of Commerce and Labor Mr. Baker has
now been detailed to investigate and review trade conditions in the
entire Commonwealth of Australia, and will be temporarily attached
to the consulate-general at Sydney.
Another phase of consular efficiency is the unselfishness shown
by the officers when they come home to the United States about
every other year on vacation. They pay their own traveling and
other expenses while here, and spend much of the time in conference
(558)
Government Assistance to Export Trade
121
with American manufacturers, imparting at first hand valuable in-
formation for the development of an export trade. Consul-General
Anderson is now back from Rio de Janeiro, and is thus employed ;
Consul-General Smith has just returned to Genoa, leaving a wealth
of commercial suggestions concerning Italy and the Belgian Congo,
where he was formerly stationed. Consul Connor is about to return
to Cochin China, after presenting to a number of manufacturers a
plan for sending some sample goods there to pave the way for large
sales. Consul-General Lay, of Cape Town, made a special effort
while on his vacation in the States a few months ago to meet the
manufacturers who were interested in the South African trade, in
which we are slipping back, while Germany and England are forg-
ing ahead. Consul Dunning, who performed such valiant commer-
cial deeds at Milan, and is now at Havre, and Consul-General Ozmun
at Constantinople, also chose to spend their recent vacations by
traveling through the business centers of the United States, while
a favorite feat of Consul de Soto at Riga is to send Russian busi-
ness men and manufacturers to this country to inspect our goods
and machinery. The Russians always leave good orders.
At the commercial gateways of the leading countries vigilant
consular officers are necessary. Thus at Hamburg Consul-General
Skinner keeps as watchful an eye as he did at Marseilles and in
his mission through Abyssinia. With equal vigilance Consul-Gen-
eral Michael at Calcutta and Consul Wakefield at Rangoon watch
the gateways to India and Burma, Consuls-General Harris at Smyrna
and Ravndal at Beirut the gateways to Asiatic Turkey, and Consul-
General Rodgers at Habana, the metropolis of Cuba. In the new
world Consul-General Bartleman at Buenos Aires and Consul Wins-
low at \'alparaiso are effectively caring for our interests in Argen-
tina and Chile, Consul Manning at La Guaira the re-opened door
in \^enezuela, Consul Canada at Vera Cruz the expanding Mexican
markets, and Consul-General Jones at Winnipeg the development
of middle Canada. Out on African prairies an introductory steam
plowing outfit is one of the many imported American mechanisms
to the credit of Consul Hollis, of Lourenco Marqucz, while Consul
Snodgrass performed such effective service in the Transvaal that
he was given the opportunity to conduct a wider trade campaign
from the post at Moscow, where he is now consul-general.
Many manufacturers have voiced the opinion that the most prac-
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122 TJie Annals of the American Academy
tical consular effort yet put forth was that inaugurated by Vice-
Consul Frankenthal at Berne, and elaborated by Consul Van Dyne
at Kingston. They addressed suggestive interrogatory letters to
all the leading business firms in their respective districts. The re-
plies reveal the attitude of the merchants toward American goods
and furnish the basis for many new purchasing connections in the
United States. This information is conveyed in confidential bulle-
tins by the Bureau of Manufactures. Transmission confidentially
of trade opening details is a developing feature of this bureau's
work. Blue prints and specifications, samples, etc., of foreign de-
sires are forwarded daily to all manufacturing concerns from Maine
to California which wish to compete. Reference to most of these
matters is made in the foreign trade opportunity column of Daily
Consular and Trade Reports, with a keyed number. The immense
and growing correspondence required in this clearing-house work
is overtaxing the limited office force of the bureau.
A commercial directory of the world for the American export
trade is one of the ambitious plans of the bureau. To this end the
consuls have been compiling selected lists of importers and mer-
chants. These are being systematically grouped and arranged in
the bureau, and embrace every leading city in the world. There
will also be included such large purchasing bodies as the Zemstvos of
Russia, the agrarian societies of Germany, the co-operative pur-
chasing associations of England, the bazaars of India, etc. The
publication of this large work has not yet been arranged for, but
in the meantime various manufacturers are copying at their own
expense the addresses of foreign houses handling special lines of
goods.
The commercial agents who are attached to the bureau work
under a special appropriation of Congress. They are selected ex-
perts for the investigation of special industries and trades. Captain
Carden of this branch is now making a second trip through Europe,
studying and reporting on the machine shops, where many American
tools are already in use. Special Agents Clark and Butman are in
South America, the former studying the cotton goods' and the
latter the shoe and leather goods' markets. Special Agent Brode
is touring Europe for the enlargement of the sales of cottonseed
products. Special Agents Pepper and Davis, who have recently
resigned to become a commercial advisory board to Secretary Knox
(560)
Government .Assistance to Export Trade 123
and the President, were effective trade campaigners, the former
along broad general lines, the latter on the flour trade of Europe,
the economic interests of this country making it more desirable to
sell abroad our farm products in finished form for consumption.
Monographs on these and many other subjects at present engross-
ing business men are constantly being issued by the bureau. It may
be mentioned that the establishment of the new direct steamship
line between New York and Constantinople was due largely to the
efforts of Special Agents Davis and Erode.
Space permits only this brief outline of how the government
is striving to help the export trade. Many elements and factors are
also necessarily passed over, while in justice to the consular officers
it must be stated that many are on the honor roll for efficient ser-
vice Avho have not been mentioned. There is a general esprit de
corps and a willingness to serve our commercial interests abroad
of which the 80.000,000 people at home may well be proud.
If I were asked how to make more effective the consular ser-
vice the answer would be :
1. Supply each consulate with a higher priced and more effi-
cient clerk; $1,000 is altogether inadequate.
2. Give each officer the privilege to make investigation tours
through his district, and pay his expenses. This now comes out
of his pocket, if there be anything there after meeting current ex-
penses and helping stranded Americans.
3. Provide a fund of about $5,000 for the entire service to
enable consuls to employ experts on technical subjects. American
industrial and economic associations frequently request exhaustive
details concerning such matters in foreign countries, which the
consuls are directed to supply — at their own cost.
4. That more American business men take time to write com-
mendatory letters of consular and special agents' reports that have
aided them. It will encourage the officers and benefit the entire
service.
The building of battleships and the Panama Canal is also an
integral part of foreign trade extension. They are powerful fac-
tors, the influence of which will insure the highest consideration
for our diplomats, consuls, special agents, commercial travelers and
pleasure seekers who go abroad. They are the only basis which
will preserve the "open door" in China, and any semblance of .Ameri-
124 ^/^^ Annals of the American Academy
can trade in the Pacific. The lack of this pervasive influence was
painfully evident to an American business man on a trip to China
a few years ago. Through a consul of the United States he sought
an audience with a provincial viceroy to no avail, until finally the
American official introduced him to the British Consul, who easily
gained him the coveted interview. That was a kindly act, indica-
tive of the friendship between the great English-speaking nations,
but it also indicated our comparative weakness and the necessity
for a naval strength to make effective our inert power.
(562)
THE RETURN OF PROSPERITY
By Hon. O. P. Austin,
Chief, Bureau of Statistics, Department of Commerce and Labor,
Washington, D. C.
No careful student of present conditions in the United States
as related to production, manufacture, transportation and internal
and foreign trade can fail to recognize a marked improvement in
conditions to-day when compared with those of a year ago. Indeed
the improvement made in all branches of popular activities is so
great that there seems every reason to accept these conditions as
an evidence of a return of prosperity and of entrance upon a long
period of activity, industrial, financial, and commercial.
In the manufacturing and mechanical industries, which occupy
the attention of over seven million wage earners, the evidences of
returning prosperity are uniformly convincing. The United States
measures its output of manufactures at quinquennial periods only,
and it is therefore impossible to state in positive terms the actual
growth from year to year. Fortunately, however, it is possible to
measure activities in the manufacturing industries at much shorter
intervals. One reliable method of measurement is through a com-
parison of the quantity of materials imported at various periods
for use in manufacturing. While much of the raw material of the
factory is supplied by local production, the proportion drawn from
abroad is so great and has so necessary a relation to the activities
and product of the factory that a measurement of imported manu-
facturing materials may be relied ujion as affording a true indica-
tion of existing conditions in the manufacturing industries. Prac-
tically all of the silk, india rubber, hemp, jute, and tin used in our
domestic industries is brought from abroad. For a large part of
their wool, cotton, hides and skins, copper, wood, chemicals, and,
to a less extent, their iron and steel, local manufacturers must look
to foreign countries. Of all these articles the Bureau of Statistics of
the Department of Commerce and Labor makes a monthly record of
importations, from which it is possible to form an intelligent esti-
mate of conditions in the industries in which those articles are a
126 The Annals of the American Academy
necessary factor of daily use. Selecting the first eight months of the
current year and comparing conditions in that period with those of
the corresponding months of 1907, a period of unprecedented pros-
perity, and of 1908, a period of industrial depression perhaps un-
equaled in the history of the country, the figures of importations of
raw materials show many evidences of a return to good times, nu-
merous articles showing records equal to, or exceeding, the high
levels reached in 1907. Imports of pig copper, for example, which
fell from 142 million pounds in the first eight months of 1907, to 89
millions in the same period of 1908, rose to 152 millions in the cor-
responding months of thepresent year. Fibers, which showed a total
importation of 488 million pounds in the eight months ending with
August, 1907, fell to 434 millions in the same period of 1908, but
more than recovered the lost ground in 1909, showing for the eight
months a total importation of 563 million pounds. Other repre-
sentative articles of consumption in our domestic industries whose
imports show large increases during the past eight months when
compared with the corresponding period of 1907, include hides and
skins, india rubber, lead in ore and base bullion, raw silk, wool,
sulphur ore, ammonia sulphate, palm oil, logs, and wood pulp ;
while raw cotton, tin, lumber, and gums, though still a little below
the levels established in 1907, are making substantial progress in
recovery.
The table on page 127, compiled from official figures of the
Bureau of Statistics of the Department of Commerce, shows more
in detail the upward trend of importations of manufacturers' mate-
rials from the low records made in 1908.
A study of the following table seems to justify the conclu-
sion that the manufacturing industries are not only more pros-
perous at present than at the corresponding date in 1908, the year
of depression, but fully as active as in 1907 when those industries
were enjoying a degree of prosperity such as the country had
never before known. Other evidences of activity in the manu-
facturing industries are seen in the large shipments of iron ore
from the great iron mines of Michigan and Minnesota by way of
the Great Lakes, which for the five months of lake navigation
ending with August, 1909, are estimated at 22 million tons, compared
with 12 millions in the corresponding period of 1907 ; and in the
production of pig iron, which amounted to 1554 million tons in the
(564)
The Return of Prosperity I27
eight months ending- with August, 1909, against 9V3 milHons in
the same months of 1908 and 17^ millions in the corresponding
period of 1907.
Imports of Principal Articles used in Manufacturing in the Eight
Months Ending with August 31, 1907, 1908, and 1909.
1007. igo8. lyog.
Articles. Millions of Millions of Millions of
pounds. pounds. pounds.
Copper ore 42.7 28.4 53.0
Copper pigs, etc 141.6 88.6 152.0
Raw cotton 97.5 56.3 67.4
Fibers 488.2 433.5 563.3
Hides and skins 266.4 196.9 356.3
India rubber 50.5 45.6 57.4
Lead in ore 84.0 140.3 147.3
Raw silk 9.6 10.2 14.3
Tin in bars, pigs, etc 64.3 52.5 63.7
Leaf tobacco 25.2 24.5 28.9
Lumber' 539.4 397.9 534.5
Raw wool 150.4 89.2 229.8
Sulphur ore 939 9 1,041.5 1,006.6
Wood pulp 368.7 271.4 440.1
Logs and round timber 80.5 78.4 1 13.8
Sulphate of ammonia 38.3 31.9 50.6
Argols 21.8 14.1 21.4
Muriate of potash 114.0 91. i 177-3
Gums 56.8 43.9 59.1
In agriculture, the largest of our domestic industries, meas-
ured by the number of inhabitants engaged therein, the outlook
is especially bright. This industry occupies the activities of loY^
million people, as compared with 7 millions in manufacturing, 4^
millions in trade and transportation, 53^2 millions in domestic
service, and i)4 millions in professional service. It is therefore
fortunate that in this, our largest domestic industry, conditions
remained fairly prosperous even during the period of industrial de-
pression which characterized the larger portion of 1908, and that
now when general conditions are improving, prospects for large
and generous crops arc bright, thus giving assurance of a solid
foundation to an era of great prosperity. The estimates of the
Department of Agriculture place the average condition of spring
^Lumber is stated In million fpft.
(565)
128 The Annals of the American Academy
wheat when harvested at 88.6 per cent on September i, 1909,
as compared with 77.6 per cent in 1908, 77.1 per cent in 1907,
and an average of 76.9 per cent during the past decade. The
oat crop is estimated at 80.5 per cent, compared with a ten-year
average of 76.9 per cent ; and the corn crop, 74.6 per cent, com-
pared with 80.6 per cent for the past ten years, though the higher
prices at which corn is being marketed this year make it probable
that the net return to the farmers will closely approximate that of
earlier years. Cotton conditions were also somewhat less favorable
on September i, 1909, than heretofore, being on that date 63.7 per
cent, compared with an average of 71.6 per cent for the past ten
years.
Transportation is so closely associated with, and dependent
upon agriculture and manufacturing as to reflect with a fair degree
of accuracy conditions in those important factors of national pros-
perity. In this industry, too, the outlook is encouraging. Railroads
are reporting increased earnings and greater activity generally.
The number of cars handled by the car service associations
was, for the eight months ending with August, 1909, 20 mil-
lions, or but a half million below the figures of the prosperous
year 1907, and three millions more than those of last year, for corre-
sponding periods. The number of idle cars on September i, 1909,
was reported at but 119,474, against 221,214 on September i, 1908,
and 339,513 on January i, 1909. Bradstreet's, a reliable authority,
states in a recent issue that gross earnings on about 95 per cent
of the country's total railway mileage was in July of the present
year twelve per cent greater than in July of last year, and that net
earnings in July, 1909, were 14.6 per cent greater than those of
July of the preceding year.
That financial conditions have improved is not surprising in
view of conditions in agriculture, manufactures and transporta-
tion. For the 104 principal cities for which figures are reported,
the bank clearings during the eight months' period ending with
August are given at 93/^ billion dollars in 1909, against 80 bil-
lions in 1908 and 100 billions m 1907. For the city of New York
the bank clearings during the period under review are stated at
65 billions in 1909, compared with 47 billions in 1908, and 62
billions in 1907. For the single month of August, the bank
clearings of the 104 cities reporting were 13V3 billion dollars,
(566)
The Return of J 'ros [verity 129
against 10 billions in August, 1908, and 11 3/2 billions in August,
1907 ; those of New York alone amounted to 8j/> billion dollars
in August of this year, compared with 6l4 billions in the same
month of 1908, and less than 7 billions in August, 1907. The fail-
ures reported by "Dun's Review." an accepted authority, shows
liabilities in the eight months ending with August, 1909, of 45 mil-
lion dollars, against 79 millions in the corresponding period of
1908, and 52 millions in the same months of 1907. Individual
deposits in national banks on September i, 1909, were reported
at $1,988,000,000, against $1,808,000,000 on September 23, 1908.
The money in circulation September i, 1909, was $3,096,000,000,
against $3,077,000,000 on September i, 1908.
Foreign commerce shows distinct signs of improvement but
has not yet reached the proportions shown in the fiscal year 1907,
just before the period of depression. The activity in manufac-
turing, the prosperity of the great agricultural community, and the
general employment in all branches of domestic activities make
the home market good and domestic trade active. Internal com-
merce is now greater perhaps than ever before, and foodstuffs,
cattle and other farm animals command unusually high prices.
It is largely because of these conditions, coupled wnth the steady
drift of population away from the farm and to the cities and
the consequent diminution of surplus food products that the
export trade has declined. For the eight months ending with
August, 1909, domestic exports were valued at but 989 million
dollars, against 1,075 niillions in the same months of 1908, and
1,176 millions in the corresponding period of 1907. This falling
off in exports occurred chiefly in foodstuffs, in raw cotton, and in
manufactures of iron and steel. The decrease in exports of food-
stuffs was due. in part, to the increase in home demand, in part to
the fact that certain foreign countries, especially Argentina and
British Australia, are increasing their supplies of meat and wheat
for the world's markets and thus reducing to some extent the
demand upon the United States ; and, in part, to the high prices
offered by our own domestic market, thus discouraging the exporta-
tion of these articles. Whether the export trade will improve will
depend also, in part, upon conditions abroad. Much of the falling
off in our exports in the last two years was due to decrease in
imports the world over, and with the resumption of prosperous
(5^7)
130 TJic Annals of the Ainericaii Academy
conditions abroad our exports may be reasonably expected to
increase.
Imports show less change when compared with the immediately
preceding years. For the eight months ending with September,
1909, the total imports aggregated 948 million dollars, compared
with 700 millions in the corresponding months of 1908, and 1,002
millions in the same period of 1907. The increase over 1908 rep-
resents chiefly enlarged importations of materials for use in manu-
facturing, though smaller gains are also shown in other classes.
Thus in practically all the great factors of national prosperity
— agriculture, manufactures, finance, and commerce — conditions
are such as to give reasonable assurance that existing prosperity
will not only continue, but increase. The demands for iron and
steel, for railway cars and other equipment, for construction and
manufacturing m.aterials, all point to greater activity in the indus-
tries, in transportation and in manufacturing. The completion of
the recent tariff will aid in the improvement, not so much by reason
of any radical changes in actual rates of duty imposed as because
of the fact that the manufacturing, transportation and other indus-
tries, which had delayed activities pending possible changes, will
now be able more accurately to forecast future conditions than
was the case last year.
(568^
PRESENT AMERICAN BUSINESS CONDITIOXS IX THE
DISTILLING INDUSTRY
By Morris F. Westheimer,
President, National Wholesale Liquor Dealers Association of America,
Cincinnati, Oliio.
Government statistics in the distilling indtistry are acctirately
tabulated and promptly furnished to all applicants, thus offering
to any one desiring to study them the means of reaching conclu-
sions to an extent impossible in almost any other line of manufac-
ture. We need not, therefore, indulge in any surmises, but can go
at once to the facts and figures contained in the reports of the
Commissioners of Internal Revenue in Washington, D. C. The
records of the L'nited States Internal Revenue office show the fol-
lowing:
Prior to 1900 the largest quantity of distilled spirits tax-paid and with-
drawn for consumption in any one year was in the fiscal year ending June
30, 1893, during which period the amount was 97,424,825 gallons.
The financial panic and the following depression brought about a gradu-
ally decreasing demand until we reach the fiscal year ending June 30, 1896,
which year shows the smallest annual quantity tax-paid in a quarter of a
century, ;'. e.. 60,635,356 gallons; a decrease of 37 per cent.
The tax-payments for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, show 87,087,-
618 gallons.
Comparing this with the year ending June 30, 1896, 60,635,356 gallons;
a reduction of 30 per cent.
Let us compare these government statistics with present condi-
tions :
Spirits tax-paid and withdrawn for consumption for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1906, 122,617.943 gallons.
Spirits tax-paid and withdrawn for consumption for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1909, 114,799465 gallons; a decrease of 6 per cent.
For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1907, 134,031,066 gallons.
For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, 114,799,465 gallons.
Decrease in consumption due to commercial depression beginning with
the financial panic in the fall of 1907, 14 per cent.
It is evident that the depression in general business conditions
(569)
132 The Annals of the American Academy
during the years 1907 and 1908 did not reduce the consumption of
spirits as greatly as did the hard times of 1893 to 1896.
Tax-paid for consumption during fiscal year ending June 30, 1908,
119,703,594 gallons; a decrease as compared with 1907 of 10.7 per cent.
The United States Geological Survey gives the production of coal in the
United States for the year of 1907 as 480,363,424 short tons. For the year
1908, 415,842,698 short tons ; a decrease of 13.4 per cent.
Coal being an accurate barometer of general manufacturing
conditions, the decrease of 13.4 per cent in coal production, as
compared to 10.7 per cent in consumption of spirits, is extremely
interesting. A study of the following table will more clearly indi-
cate the comparative effect of 'depressed business conditions, follow-
ing the panic in 1907. (All figures are taken from governmental
reports) :
'Production of pig iron, long tons.
'Production of steel, long tons
^Imports of sugar, pounds
^Bank clearings, dollars 157,673,000,000
'Production of coal, short tons....
"Tax-paymen.t of distilled spirits,
gallons
The statistical abstract of the United States gives the per capita
consumption of all liquors and wines :
For fiscal year ending June 30, 1888 14.65 gallons
For fiscal year ending June 30, 1898 17-37 gallons
For fiscal year ending June 30, 1907 23.54 gallons
For fiscal year ending June 30, 1908 23.01 gallons
The ProJiibition Movement
These facts are all the more striking, impressive and remark-
able in view of the widely heralded "Prohibition Wave," now slowly
receding, but which attained its greatest strength in 1908. They
indicate beyond dispute that legislative prohibition, instead of largely
reducing the quantity of spirits consumed — as contemplated by its
advocates — has very little, if any effect in that direction. It has,
however, reduced the quality of goods consumed and 'has driven the
1 Fiscal year.
"Calendar year.
(570)
Dec
rrease
1907.
1908. per
cent.
25.781,000
15,936,000
38.1
23,363,000
15,000,000
35-7
4,391,839,975
3.371.997,112
23.2
17,673,000,000
127,755.000,000
19-
480,363,424
415,842,698
13-4
134,031,066
119.703.594
10.7
Bitsuicss Cuiiditioits in the Distilliirj^ Industry 133
retail business into less reputable and less responsible bands. VVbere
prohibition prevails there will be no improved demand for goods
of the higher grades. Where goods are selling under the sanction
of the law, commercial conditions bring keen competition, necessi-
tating good quality and small profit to the legitimate dealer. When
traffic of any kind is carried on under the ban of the law, these
conditions are reversed, resulting in diminished competition, poor
quality, and larger profits to the violator of the law, all at the expense
of the consumer and with the added moral damage of destroying
respect for all law.
The consumption of distilled spirits is always afifected by gen-
eral business conditions. With the tariff settled, and abundant
crops assured, there will be a revival and extension of manufac-
turing in many lines, which w'ill include a corresponding revival
in the distilling industry.
Effect of the Recent Tariff Legislation
It is too early to forecast any direct result of the new tariff
law. The quantity of liquor imported is at all times very small
in comparison with home production, and in character such impor-
tations belong largely in the class of the higher luxuries, such as
champagnes, fine cordials, bitters and other special preparations.
It is not probable that the new tariff law will have any important
efTect upon home production — certainly, no detrimental effect.
The exportation of American distilled spirits for consumption
abroad has never reached important proportions; this is partially
due to the fact that the growth of the business in this country
has been so steady and rapid as to make it unnecessary for the
American distiller to shoulder the expense of seeking a market
abroad. Furthermore, the exportation of distilled spirits has been
handicapped by cumbersome and antiquated revenue and customs
regulations.
The General Outlook for the Future
The general outlook for the future from commercial and finan-
cial standpoints has seldom been better. The growing crops of all
cereals used by distillers promise to be phcni^menally large this
year. This means raw material at fair prices for the distiller and
(5/0
134 The Annals of the American Academy
abundant purchasing power for the consumer. Prosperity for one
industry means prosperity for all, and with tariff uncertainties out
of the way, it is the consensus of opinion among merchants and
manufacturers in all lines that our country is on the eve of pros-
perous times.
Anything adversely affecting so great an industry as that of
distilling in this land of ours, bears with almost equal hardship
upon the collateral trades dependent upon it. The forester who
cuts and sells stave timber for barrels, the iron dealer furnishing
hoops, the bottle maker, box manufacturer, cork and cap and label
maker, the printer, the lithographer, the cooper, the farmer pro-
ducing corn, rye and barley, the maltster, the coppersmith, the iron-
worker and distillery builder, and innumerable other industries
dependent upon that of distilling, are all equally interested with the
distiller in auguries of the future.
Over all of these, there lowers at the present time, the one
menace of confiscatory and destructive legislation, such as has been
enacted recently in some of our states, as a result of the hysterical
and emotional prohibition campaigns, conducted under the auspices
of the Anti-Saloon League. A notable instance is furnished by recent
legislative enactments in Tennessee. In that state, since the first
of July, 1909, the sale of liquor ivithin the state has been practically
prohibited, and after the first day of January, 1910, manufacture
is absolutely prohibited even for sale outside of the state. Needless
to say this is practical confiscation of brewery and distillery
property and without one penny of compensation from the people
of Tennessee who are presumed to be the beneficiaries of such
confiscatory legislation.
For more than a century of national life, the distilling industries
have been protected, fostered and encouraged by national legisla-
tion. The space accorded me by your invitation forbids my going
into details on this question. So unique and revolutionary in Amer-
ica is the present tendency toward confiscation and destruction of
vested rights and property interests, that it might well be the theme
of future contributions to your volumes. The law of eminent
domain alone justifies the taking of private property for the public
good, and nowhere and at no time should this arbitrary powe- of sup-
pression be exercised without due compensation to the owners. If all
the people of Tennessee are to be benefited by the suppression of
(572)
Bitsiitcss Cundilions in the Distilliiii:; Industry 135
distilleries and breweries within the limits of that state, should not
the people of Tennessee be willing to pay for the alleged benefits
thus secured to them? In England, when it was recently proposed
to reduce the number of licensed public houses (saloons) there
was no suggestion by members of Parliament of any plan which did
not include full compensation to the publicans (saloon-keepers) to
be eliminated, for the full value of leases, fixtures, stock on hand
and good will.
I anticipate the sophistry with which this protest will be met
by the Anti-Saloon League. They will tell us: *'We do not confis-
cate your distilleries and breweries — we merely forbid you to operate
them." The flour mill which is forbidden to grind wheat is as
valueless an asset as a railroad prohibited from running trains
over its rails.
There are signs of an awakening among the owners of prop-
erty of all kinds in the face of this destruction of vested rights
and values — a confiscation planned and carried out at the behest of
a league, or organization, whose promoters and leaders tell us
that it is the "united church forces in action."
The leaders of this movement are largely ministers, men con-
secrated to the teaching of morality. The following, from the
Cincinnati "Enquirer," of April 5, 1908, is interesting in this con-
nection.
New York, April 4, 1908: — Chancellor James R. Day, of Syracuse Uni-
versity, made a statement to the New York Methodist Episcopal Conference
to-day, in which he declared, on behalf of Bishop Moore, that the Bishop
\vas not in sympathy with the barn-burners of Kentucky, but that the Bishop
felt the destruction of the tobacco, in view of the position of the Methodist
Church, to be a commendable thing. The Chancellor said that the Bishop
did not look favorably upon the destruction of the barns and warehouses
containing the tobacco.
These niceties of anarchistic discriminations are interesting,
but they make faint appeal to a property-owning, liberty-loving and
law-abiding American public.
The distilling industry in the United States is of vast propor-
tions, representing hundreds of millions of invested capital. Many
thousands of men and their families are directly, or indirectly,
dependent upon it for their livelihood. The immediate extermina-
tion of their means of support is as directly threatened as is the
(573)
136 The Annals of the American Academy
property of the owners of hundreds of distilleries, breweries, coop-
erage, box and bottle plants. By whom is this destruction and
extermination demanded? Let us see. In The Annals of the
American Academy of November, 1908, appears an article con-
tributed by Rev. W. M. Burke, Cahfornia State Superintendent of
the Anti-Saloon League, entitled "The Anti-Saloon League as a
Political Force," which concludes as follows:
Let any question have the support of the entire evangelical church, then
organize this force for action; put into the field four hundred and fifty keen,
bright, able men ; let them draw their support from the millions who are in
favor of the objects proposed, and you can create and organize sentiment
enough to accomplish almost any purpose desired. That is what is happening
in the political arena to-day as against the open saloon. It is merely the
united church forces in action.
As further defining the attitude and methods of the Anti-
Saloon League, the following quotation from an interview with the
Rev. Purley A. Baker, General Superintendent of the Anti-Saloon
League, written by James B, Morrow, and printed in the Cincinnati
"Enquirer" of Sunday, February 22,, 1908, is significant:
You must remember that the Anti-Saloon League is not in politics as a
party, nor are we trying to abolish vice, gambling, horse-racing, murder,
theft or arson. The gold standard, the unlimited coinage of silver, protection,
free trade and currency reform, do not concern us in the least. In no instance
has the League ever nominated a candidate for public office. Nevertheless, we
are the most skilfully and completely organized political force in the country.
In the same interview Rev. Baker further informs the public:
"We had to beat eighty-seven men for the legislature in a certain
state before the leaders of the two political parties ceased to sneer
at us." Lack of space forbids further reference to vauntings in this
interview of the work done by the "united churches" — skilfully or-
ganized as a "political force" in electing and defeating almost entire
state legislatures, and of doing and undoing state senators and mem-
bers of Congress in the effort made by the "federated churches"
to control the reins of government. Enough has here been quoted
to make evident that commercially, financially, and politically we
are confronted with a new problem in American life.
Men more competent than I am to analyze this problem
assure me that many good and earnest church men and women
deplore the fact that so many of their fellow-workers are being
'(574)
Business Conditiuns in the Distillini^ hidustry 137
misled and misrepresented by a majority uf their clerj^y, who have
been swept away from safe moorings by the emotionaHsm of Anti-
Saloon League methods.
An interesting sermon was delivered on Sunday. August 15,
1909, in St. Paul's Church at Richmond, \'a., by the Rev. W. E.
Evans, D.D., Rector of The Church uf the Advent, of Birmingham,
Ala., from which I quote:
A fierce political contest has been going on in Alabama, for quite a time.
It was not the question of temperance, but of prohibition. To preach tem-
perance is to preach religion, but prohibition is politics. Failing to make this
distinction, certain ministers turned theic place of worship into lecture halls,
where this phase of politics was discussed, and political harangues — in the
churches, mark you — were applauded to the echo ! In a paper received only
day before yesterday, I saw that crowds of ministers were gathered at the
state c^itol, and were lol)bying in the interest of their political party. What
is the impression made upon sober, thoughtful minds? Just that which St.
Paul deprecated, "the ministry is blamed" as forsaking its legitimate sphere
and obtruding into politics.
Yet, I recall that several years ago, when Roman Catholic priests appeared
as lobbyists in the halls of Congress, the Protestant press, from one end of
the country to the other, was unanimous in protest, and I presume it expressed
the feeling of the Protestant clergy and laity. These priests were working
for appropriations for their Indian schools, yet against them the newspapers
sounded a trumpet blast of indignation. In Alabama it is a state capitol that
is besieged by crowds of ministers using the power of their office to promote
a political movement.
For centuries, the union of state and church in the countries
of Europe, has been a source of unrest and contention. The trend
there has been toward complete separation of church and state.
Where such union still exists, for instance, in England, the func-
tions of civil and ecclesiastical authority are each defined and lim-
ited. The church there is respectful in its attitude toward civil
authority. It is only necessary to study the methods and utter-
ances of the Anti-Saloon League leaders in this country to see
that among them, at least, no such spirit prevails here.
The movement here appears to be an attempt at domination
of civil by church authority, accomplished bv seizing the power
of government, through the medium of the ballot, and exercising
that power for purposes of confiscation and destruction, aimed
(575)
138 TJie A)inals of the American Academy
at any and all things standing in the path of the "federated
churches" working as a "skilfully organized political force."
The future of the distilling business can be accurately fore-
seen only by one of prophetic powers, far-seeing enough to deter-
mine how long the American public will permit this tendency
toward church supremacy in politics to work unchecked. The fact
cannot be too strongly emphasized that no property is safe from
a menace of this nature.
Forecast
As bearing strongly upon the future of the distilling industry,
there are being slowly, but surely, evolved from the great mass of
suggestions, coming from many sides, well-defined plans for the
regulation of the retail sale of liquors under state control, which will
doubtless eliminate those features which are now made the excuse
for complaint and attack against the business as a whole. The
National Wholesale Liquor Dealers' Association of America believes
that public sentiment is rapidly shaping itself in opposition to pro-
hibition and is turning towards regulative license laws.
Based on the sane and successful laws in force in Pennsylvania
and Massachusetts, the license plan of the future will no doubt
provide safeguards which will embody the following features for the
control of sales of liquor at retail :
First : The character of the applicant, and not the fee, should
be the determining factor in granting license.
Second : Licenses should be issued by a non-political board,
and be hmited in number and based upon population.
Third : A license should be revoked when the owner violates
the law.
Fourth : Where owners of licensed premises are voted out of
business, under state wide or county option laws, such owners,
who have not violated the law, should be compensated for the loss
inflicted upon them by being forced out of business.
Fifth: Officers of municipalities should be compelled to enforce
all laws, and laws should be so framed as to remove temptation
from the saloon-keeper to enter into active politics. In many states
it might be desirable to include laws limiting the sale of liquors to
unbroken packages, not to be consumed on the premises, except
(576)
Business Coiuiitioiis in the Distilling Industry 139
in inns, hotels and restaurants. I quote from the platform of our
association :
It is true that in the growth and development of our industry, in common
with all others, be they railroads, insurance, or banking, excesses have crept
in which menace the welfare of those engaged in them. It is as unfair to
say, as it is impossible to achieve, that the evils can be cured only by destroying
the industry.
It is our firm conviction that those who honestly seek to promote the
cause of true temperance will find the surest and safest method in the continu-
ance of the licensed saloon, conducted under proper laws and reasonable
regulations strictly enforced.
In conclusion, in the well-known words of Patrick Henry, "I
have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the
lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future
but by the past," and so, judging by the past, I confidently count
upon a steady revival of the distilling industry commensurate with
other lines of manufacture. I hope and believe that the "Prohibi-
tion Wave," so often erroneously entitled the "Temperance Wave,"
will, in receding, leave in its wake equitable, fair and right-minded
regulative laws, which will remove the liquor question from tlie
reahn of politico-clerical agitation.
(577)
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE LIFE INSURANCE
BUSINESS
By L. G. Fouse,
President of the Fidelity Mutual Life Insurance Company, Philadelphia, Pa.
Conditions are ever changing. The question under considera-
tion, however, is whether in the Hfe insurance business since 1906
they have changed for the better or for the worse. Enough time
has not elapsed to estabhsh authoritative facts, but there are indica-
tions which should be thoroughly and carefully considered in order
that the future of life insurance may have whatever benefit there is
to be derived therefrom.
The recent financial depression has had a marked efifect upon
the business of life insurance. The cause is in dispute. Financial
authorities, however, agree that the immense destruction of capital
through the Boer War. the Japanese-Russian War, the San Fran-
cisco earthquake, and other disasters, was the fundamental cause of
the break of one of the weakest links in the financial chain of the
world.
The great system of life insurance is one of the strongest sec-
tions of the chain, but it had a link weakened by mismanagement
in a few of the companies. This link has been removed and a new
one put in its place. The question now before us is, have the
changes as a whole resulted in any impairment of the business, or
are they for its betterment. They were designed to be for its
betterment, but are they? New insurance laws have been passed
in most of the states of the Union, and such radical changes made
that the most experienced men hesitate even to venture an opinion.
As an example, a few of these laws may be mentioned : Dis-
crimination in matters of rates against the colored men is pro-
hibited when it is a statistical fact that there is a material differ-
ence in the longevity of races. In at least one state, no matter
what the contract provisions may be, suicide, even though imme-
diately after issuance of policy, and deliberate and with fraudulent
intent cannot be a bar to recovery. In another state the recom-
(578)
Developments in Life Insurance Biisi)iess 141
mendations of the medical examiner are final, even though he may
have conspired with the applicant to perpetrate a fraud on the
company. Another state imposes a penalty of twelve per cent
for exercising the constitutional right of defending a claim believed
to be unjust. In a number of states, laws have been enacted which
prevent removal of a case to the United States courts, while others
undertake to regulate the details of management with requirements
that are impractical, expensive and even dangerous. In the State
of Wisconsin, twenty-one companies unwilling to incur the risk
of impracticable laws, voluntarily withdrew from the state. Twenty-
seven life companies withdrew from Texas because of the unjust
and oppressive tax and deposit laws. Fourteen states have enacted
statutory provisions for life policies. Some of these provisions
conflict with those of other states, and render difficult interstate
business, wdiich is essential to a proper average.
The only recent improvement noted in legislation is in the
line of reducing the too burdensome tax on life companies. The
companies now pay for taxes, fees, licenses and cost of supervision
more than $12,000,000 per annum. This tax is the equivalent
of 2.25 per cent of the premium income. In 1890 it amounted to
1.4 per cent, and in 1908 it had increased to 2.3 per cent. It is
generally conceded that the tax rate should not exceed one per
cent of the premium income, and this should include the tax of one
per cent on surplus recently imposed by the United States Gov-
ernment. In Germany the life companies pay only twenty- four
cents in taxes, against $2.26 in America. In Canada the ratio
is a trifle over one per cent of the premium income ; In Australia
less than 1.5 per cent. However, the indications are that policy-
holders are waking up to the fact that they are paying the tax, and
are demanding that their representatives in the several legislatures
remedy the injustice.
December 31, 1904, the statements of the life companies,
numbering ninety-two — having $12,539,499,890 insurance in
force — showed that a trifle over fifty-three per cent of the income
was disbursed in expenses, payment of losses, surrender values,
etc., while in December, 1908, the number of companies had in-
creased to 170, with $14,540,781,439 insurance in force, and the
disbursements represented fifty per cent of the income, or a gain of
about three per cent. This indicates an improvement, but the
(579)
142 The Annals of the American Academy
fullest analysis would not at this time disclose the actual facts. It
may be, and probably is, largely due to the effect of medical selec-
tion of the seventy-eight new companies which have written all
their business since 1904, and hence a very small portion of their
business is beyond the effect of medical selection. Again, it n;ay
be due, to some extent, to the recent retrenchment in expenses
incident to the restrictive laws, which is responsible for the large
reduction in business of the New York State companies. Again,
the business of the seventy-eight young companies, not old enough
to have many surrender values, neutralized the effect of the busi-
ness in the older companies in which the increased amount paid
for surrendered and purchased policies was fifteen million dollars
more in 1908 than in 1907 ; or the reverse, to some extent, is
due to the liberalizing of contracts in favor of the individual as
against the aggregate, the effect of which is questionable and
uncertain. Indeed, it will require the lapse of at least another
decade before an analysis can be made with any degree of certainty
as a guide for the future.
If we take individual companies, which are affected differently
by changed conditions, we will find that those that have been able
to reduce the expense of business-getting, have been enabled to liber-
alize their contracts to meet both the letter and the spirit of the laws
enacted, all of which would seem to be to the advantage of policy-
holders. It is, however, a question which time alone will enable
one to answer truly, whether laws and conditions which make pos-
sible, if they do not encourage, fraud upon life insurance compa-
nies, that prescribe and limit conditions regarding the investment
of assets, the sale of securities, the loaning of reserve to policy-
holders, limiting the amount of business a company may do, lim-
iting the amount of surplus that it may maintain for the protec-
tion of policyholders, etc., are, after all, for the best interests of
policyholders.
The life insurance companies in the United States have about
three and one-quarter billions of assets, and over thirteen billions
of insurance in force. This insurance is carried by about twenty
millions of persons.
While the general outlook of business conditions in life insur-
ance is favorable, especially in view of the improved conditions
of business in general throughout the country, it is not by any
'(580)
Dez'clopiiicnts in Life Insurance Business 143
means certain that the chang^es in recent years have been for the
permanent good of the business.
State or Go^'ernnioit Insurance
The economic and social conditions of recent years have given
promise of an experiment in some form of state or government insur-
ance. Mr. WilHam Jennings Bryan, former presidential candidate,
in April, 1905, made this statement in a periodical: "I believe in
state insurance, in the state government conducting an insurance
business on a basis where the premiums would cover all expenses,
and at the same time give insurance to the masses at absolute cost.
I advocate issuance by the state of both life and fire policies."
Paternalism has crept into the laws of a number of states, the
efifect of which is yet to be determined. Massachusetts has enacted
a savings-bank insurance feature, which has had strong support,
and which, we are glad to say, has been established on a scientific
basis, but from a practical point of view, it will probably show
little better results than the forms of government insurance as
established in New Zealand, France and other countries. Not-
withstanding the many advantages secured to the New Zealand
life insurance scheme by the government, private companies have
more than held their own, and the government scheme is, in com-
parison, on the wane. In Great Britain a plan introduced by Mr.
Gladstone, which makes every post ofiice in the nation an agent,
has languished, and has hardly been a factor in the insurance busi-
ness. The French government established a department July 11,
1868. The insurance in force in the department, December 31,
1908, represented $1,300,000 insurance, or hardly enough to be a
reasonable amount for a month's business of an average American
company. In order to increase the business, the government re-
insured some mutual societies, but in this it has already had a dis-
astrous experience. While the premium income in one year on the
reinsured business was $47,000, the losses for the same period
amounted to $45,000, with no accumulation for the future.
The National Civic Federation made labor insurance a part
of its program for the annual meeting held on December 15, 1908,
in the subject: "How may the employee and his family be protected
against financial stringency in case of accident, illness or death?"
Shall the plan followed in Fngland. or shall the Massachusetts
(581)
144 ^^^^ Annals of the American Academy
voluntary savings bank annuity plan ; or shall the state or the em-
ployer; or the state, employer and employee, jointly, as in Germany,
be adopted? The discussion did not result iu anything definite,
but was "decidedly favorable to some form of state insurance."
Consideration was given to some form of state tnsurance in Wiscon-
sin, Massachusetts, Texas, Illinois, Florida, and in New York as far
back as 1905 ; and later in Michigan, Tennessee, Virginia, Kansas,
and in some other states, but no substantial progress has been made
with it. "A strong tendency, however, exists toward retirement
funds, industrial pension fundSj employers' relief associations, etc.,
all of which are commended, provided they are based upon sound
actuarial principles."
"The Standard," of Boston, in 1908,' said, "The tendency of
the recent reform in life insurance legislation is to fossilize the
business. The public has infinitely more to gain from competition
in insurance by companies conducted by private enterprise than
from the dry rot of any state system of Insurance."
In Great Britain, where insurance is much older than in this
country, by reason of which the impractical has largely been elimi-
nated, the policy of "publicity and freedom," has been found to
give the best results. Under the laws of England the company
management is restricted as follows:
Directors of a company cannot avail themselves of their position to
enter into beneficial contracts with the company; nor can they buy property
and then sell it to the company at an advanced price. . . . Directors
cannot receive commissions from other parties on the sale of any of the
property of the company; and generally, they cannot deal for their own
advantage with any part of the property or shares of the company. . . .
Upon similar principles a court of equity converts a party who has obtained
property by fraud into a trustee for the party who is injured by that fraud.
Aside from the foregoing restrictions, which prevent managers
from having interests antagonistic to the interests of policyholders,
details are left to be worked out through competition, "publicity
and freedom." There is no legal standard of solvency, as we have
in this country, and a method of computing reserve is not pro-
vided by law, but publicity must be given to the method adopted
by the company. Instead of pursuing plans which within the
last half century have been found to be entirely satisfactory in
Great Britain, the disposition in this country, from an insurance
(582)
Dcz'clopiitciits ill Life Insurance Business 145
point of view, has been to control and regulate by law the niinulext
details.
The business depression in recent years, from which the coun-
try has, for the most part, recovered, and the revival of business
in general, have had their economic lessons, which will prove bene-
ficial to the life insurance business. Rebates, primarily responsi-
ble for many wrongs and misdeeds, have practically ceased. Im-
provements have been made in policy contracts, and in many of
the details of the business, but much of the legislation has fixed
and rendered inflexible conditions over which the companies can
exercise little or no control — like the rise and fall of flowing streams
— that it is calculated ultimately to injure the business. For ex-
ample, the surplus that a company may have is limited by law ; the
loan and surrender values, together with the rate of interest on loan
values, are fixed by law ; and whenever such values and rate con-
flict with the financial and commercial conditions prevailing in the
country, trouble is sure to follow^ Such legislation cannot be modi-
fied or repealed too soon for the general good of the business.
(583)
THE RECOVERY FROM THE DEPRESSION
By John Moody,
Editor of "Moody's Magazine;" author "Moody's Analyses of Railroad
Investments," New York City.
The twelve months prior to the panic of October and November,
1907, was a period of high levels in practically every trade and
industry. The steel and iron reports surpassed all records previ-
ously obtained ; the country's agricultural values mounted to totals
far beyond any reached before; railroad and other transportation
earnings soared to wonderful heights, and in practically all retail
and general distributing lines vast activity was notably the feature.
This twelve months' period and that immediately preceding it
was a time of high and steadily ascending commodity prices and
of high and steadily rising rates for money. The time money rates
in New York and the other large centers ranged steadily above five
per cent, and early in 1907 even six per cent was regarded as not
excessive for the temporary uses of loanable funds. In the com-
mercial paper market even higher rates than six per cent were con-
sidered not excessive, and all through the spring months of the
year prime paper was being placed in large amounts on bases which
cost the borrower anywhere from six and one-half to eight and one-
half per cent, and in some instances considerably more. The loaning
of money on call in the financial markets was on an equally high
basis. Not only did the call money market not "loosen up," after the
stringency of the fall and winter of 1906-07, but the rate steadily
maintained its average above six per cent and frequently soared
during the spring to new and unusual heights. It is unnecessary to
say that during this period bank credits were enormously extended
and reserves everywhere depleted.
The tremendously inflated level which had been reached in
practically every field of industrial and commercial activity was
concisely reflected by the condition of the security markets at that
time. The prices of active shares on the New York Stock Ex-
change were hovering around figures which, in the light of dividend
returns,, were ridiculous in the extreme ; stocks which had no
(584)
The Recovery from the Depression 147
dividend-paying power whatever were in many cases selling close
up to their par values; while bonds of the better type, wdiich, in
the times of easy money a year or two back had sold freely on a
three and one-quarter to three and one-half per cent basis, were
commanding prices which gave a yield of but four per cent or a
little more, right in the face of a permanently fixed six to seven
per cent money market.
Many theories have been advanced to explain the panic of 1907,
and the brief period of depression which followed in its train. But
as a matter of fact the causes of the panic were so patent that they
have never needed explaining. The facts regarding the year pre-
ceding the panic, which I have stated in the foregoing paragraphs,
are the panic's explanation. That the country was riding for a
fall during this entire period is now apparent to the most super-
ficial observer. The vanishing point must ever be reached in
material activity when mounting commodity prices, climbing interest
rates, distended bank credits and feverish "prosperity" are found
traveling side by side.
The interesting question, however, which still begs for an
intelligent answer, is an explanation of the unusual phenomena
which have followed in the wake of the panic. Any careful analysis
of events during the past two years will show that this period is
altogether unique as compared \vith former depressed periods that
have been outgrowths or aftermaths of panics. Just as ante-panic
times are characterized universally by a rising trend in prices of
commodities, in advancing wages, over-valued lands and a high
level for interest rates, the few years of liquidation which logically
follow are noted for a radical lowering of all commodity costs and
prices, a heavy fall in wages, the bursting of all land value bubbles
and the decline of interest rates to comparatively nominal levels.
This was the case of the panic of 1873; it was true during the
troubled years after 1893. -^^^ ^^ other countries, where panics
have occurred, these were the cardinal characteristics of the years
which came after.
And in the security markets, which are each decade becoming
more and more a concrete reflection of the trend of general condi-
tions, due to the rapid absorption of all business undertakings under
the corporate form, the same features have been regarded as the
earmarks of after panic periods. Prices of securities, after the
(585)
148 The Annals of tlie American Academy
temporary but extreme collapse of the panic itself, have always in
the past, after their normal rebound, settled down to a basis of
slow but steady liquidation which has sometimes extended over a
period of a year or more. After the 1873 panic, this liquidating
period was present for at least three years ; after 1893 we had two
periods of liquidation in the security markets, one in 1894, another
in 1895 and 1896. In each case the course of the security markets
directly reflected the state of trade and the general industrial situa-
tion throughout the country.
But we find that since the panic of 1907, these former normal
events have apparently not taken place. We have had no real period
of liquidation, either in the general industrial field or in the security
markets. We have had no extended period of falling prices of
commodities, nor any very pronounced price declines wiiatever,
barring a few specific industries. W'hile the price level reacted
moderately from the high average of August, 1907, it did not drop
radically, and within six months of the panic was resuming its
upward trend again. At this writing, as shown by Bradstreet's, it
has risen once more to about the highest average of the ante-panic
year.
There has been no heavy fall in wages, such as has character-
ized periods following previous panics ; and the wage level to-day
is in many industries fully up to the plane of 1906-07, and in many
instances considerably above it.
At practically no time during the past two years have wages
held at the comparatively low levels following other panics ; and this
has been true despite the fact that when industry dropped to its
lowest ebb, the labor market recorded an enormous surplusage and
a larger percentage of skilled labor was out of work than had been
the case for a decade before.
In the bursting of land speculation bubbles, we have always
heretofore recognized a cardinal feature of after-panic periods.
But this time there has been no such thing as a slump in land values.
Instead, we have witnessed both urban and agricultural land retain
its full value through the entire two years ; inflation in prices has
practically never halted, and to-day values of this nature are soar-
ing as never before.
And if we examine the trend in the rate of interest, we will
find the unusual phenomenon present here also. It is true that with
(586)
llic Rccut'cry from the Depression 149
the cessation of the enormous speculative and industrial activity
immediately following the panic, interest rates dropped quickly to
normal figures ; bank credits were liquidated in vast volume, and
reserves piled up to unusual amounts. Money was a drug on the
market, as it could not help but be. But while money was plenti-
ful, it was not cheap. It is not cheap to-day. With reserves
heavier than ever before in history, the trend of the money market
in the financial centers has at no time been downward since 1907,
and within a single year after the panic-collapse, resumed its upward
trend. While for a few months it was confidently predicted in New
York that the money troubles were over for another decade, and
that we would soon see high-grade railroad and government bonds
selling on the levels of 1902 again, this position was soon abandoned
by the thoughtful. In 1902 the highest type of railroad bond,
like Lake Shore first mortgage 3>^'s sold on a basis to yield but
three and one-eighth per cent. Many anticipated that prices
would return to this level again, after the fall in money rates after
the panic. But these prices have at no time been even approached,
and for the last six months the trend has been quite definitely in
the other direction. If we look across the water we find the same
situation demonstrated. English consols once sold on a basis
to yield but two per cent. This was not the result of credit, for
the credit of the English nation has since risen to even greater
heights ; and yet to-day we find that, like the owner of Lake Shore
33^'s, the holder of British consols faces a shrinkage in principal
equaling more than twenty per cent from the high figures of a
few years ago.
Superficially, money seemed easy for awhile. But it has at no
time been really cheap. Prior to 1906 first mortgages were easily
negotiable in all the Eastern centers on a four to four and one-half
per cent basis ; but ever since the panic year, six per cent money in
this field has been far more easily placed, and to-day is in greater
demand than ever. Commercial paper has not, for even the shortest
periods, settled back to the bases of former times of cheap money,
and there has been immense truth in the remarks heard from
merchants during the past year that "there is plenty of money, the
banks tell us, but we have to reach mighty high to get any of it."
I am fully aware that comparisons with former industrial
periods are dangerous things to make, and that the point will be
150 The Annals of tJie American Academy
immediately raised that special factors can be shown to account
for the long periods of liquidation after the panics of 1873 and
1893. All of which may be true, but the fact remains that whether
these periods had been long or short, they would have followed as
the normal outgrowth of the burst of inflation which preceded them.
When the foundations are removed from under the house, the
house should logically fall, even though events may quickly follow
to repair the wreck and set the building up again. But although
we had a panic in 1907 and the foundations were apparently re-
moved, the house has really never fallen. We have had no real
period of liquidation ; no abnormal drop in wages, no slump in
commodity prices, no collapse in land values, and no return in the
cost of money to the levels of other normal times.
Instead of this logical sequence of events, what do we find?
As a concrete reflection of other things, let us take for example,
the security markets. The fall in security prices in 1907 which was
occasioned by the panic conditions, aggregated a truly enormous
sum. At that time I was at some pains to ascertain what this vast
decline might reach in round figures, taking into consideration
practically all the corporate capitalization in the country. I found
that on a total par value of about thirty billions of dollars, and a
market value of twenty-seven billions, there had been a shrinkage
of fully ten billions of dollars within the short space of ten months.
In other words, while the corporate stocks and bonds quotable in
this country enjoyed a market valuation of about twenty-seven
billions in January, 1907, by the middle of November of the same
year this valuation had shrunken to about seventeen billions of dol-
lars. More than one-third of all the corporate values in the United
States had disappeared in ten short months like a mist before the
morning sun.
But the rebound in these valuations was immediate and spon-
taneous. No long period of low prices ensued, as has always hitherto
been the case after a financial cataclysm, and it is entirely true that
the "bull market" in active securities has continued without any
important break from November, 1907, to the present date. To-day
the security valuations as a whole are back to the levels of 1906
again, with this difiference, they do not seem to be on the brink
of a precipice, but rather only part way up the hill toward a distant
summit.
(588)
The Rccozcry from the Dcf>rcssion 151
This remarkable and uninterrupted rise in security valuations
definitely reflects the trend in all fields of commercial effort. In-
dustry has awakened in nearly every line, all trades are taking
the optimistic view that they are entering upon a period of unusual
activity. But the following difference must be noted between the
two years' record of security quotations and the activity of business
itself. While stock valuations have been steadily growing, business
activity remained at a low ebb until within the past eight or ten
months. The revival in production assumed its logical sequence
as after other panics. It did not begin until a reasonable period of
intense dullness had preceded it.
But just here is where the unusual situation comes in. After
previous panics, the revival has never taken place except upon a
level of low prices for commodities and a considerably low^er wage
scale, accompanied by the cessation of extensive liquidation of
inflated land and other artificial values. In other w'ords, the present
period of business activity and advancing prices has started from its
approximate high level of the ante-panic year and we are building
upward from the roof instead of starting from the ground.
The thoughtful student can only regard this entire situation
as unusual and unique. It cannot, in my opinion, be explained
away in any touch-and-go fashion. There must be some under-
lying cause at work of more than ordinary nature to account for
a situation which is absolutely new in economic history.
It is not merely the "spirit of speculation" which so thoroughly
permeates the American people. This is not the cause ; but it is
one of the earmarks of the true cause. Let us probe a little deeper.
Rising prices, rising interest rates, growing profits, stationary or
moderately rising w^ages, increasing costs in every line, expanding
values of realty and of legal benefits ; they can all be traced largely
to one general cause. This cause is not the "awakening of pros-
perity." We had all this phenomena present when prosperity was
asleep; stock prices climbed steadily up while industry slept; com-
modity prices nearly maintained their levels or increased when the
markets were glutted ; realty values soared when they ought to have
come down ; money commanded its price when bank reserves over-
flowed.
Now either values are actually rising or the thing by which
we measure them in shortening. I believe the latter to be the case.
(589)
152 The Annals of the American Academy
The decreasing value of gold, due to its enormous production, is
steadily depreciating the value of our money standard, and having
an effect of far-reaching nature on our whole industrial fabric.
Probably it is safe to say that the value of the gold dollar, in
relation to other things, has declined to the extent of at least forty
per cent during the past eight or ten years, and the trend is still in
the same direction. This it is which has caused the unusual sta-
bility in commodity prices during the past two years ; it has largely
accounted for the maintenance of high valuations for real estate
and steadily increasing costs in every line. It has tended to main-
tain interest rates at a higher level than was formerly normal, and
is largely back of the remarkable advances in stock market valua-
tions which we have witnessed ever since the close of 1907. For
let it not be forgotten that the great rise in security values is found
chiefly among the stock issues of unlimited dividend paying power,
and not among high grade mortgages of limited income. The
latter, in response to the prevailing strength of the money market,
have never returned to the bases which they enjoyed a few years ago.
I believe that the banker, business man, student or ordinary
observer who fails to give proper attention to this phenomenon, and
undertakes to forecast coming events in business and finance without
considering its effect, will be in danger of going far wrong in his
calculations. We have not, in my opinion, entered a long period
of prosperity similar to that which obtained from 1898 to 1907;
we are not justified in expecting another ten or twenty years to
pass before we have to face a recurrence of business disaster and
panic. In fact, I do not believe we are justified in expecting,
unless new signs appear on the horizon, a period of more than two
or three years more before we will be in danger of facing a crisis
far more serious and far-reaching in its effects than that of two
years ago.
For if advancing prices and abnormally rising values mean
anything, they mean speculation. They nurse the speculative desire
as nothing else can ; they divert effort from normal to abnormal
channels. The "holding for a rise" is as potent an element of
speculation in the dealings between merchants and their customers
and between manufacturers and their buyers, as it is in the pur-
chasing of wheat, cotton, stocks or real estate. And the more
gteady and intense the rise in prices, the more rapidly the fever of
(590)
The Recovery from the Depression I53
speculation spreads, until, as is inevitable as long as consumption
has its limit, the unavoidable crash arrives.
Barring- this far-reaching- factor, I think the present revival
from the panic is healthy and sound. I do not think we stand in
danger of any immediate set-back in industrial activity or in com-
mercial fields as a whole. Rather I believe we may look forward
to a continuance of rising prices for many months to come, increased
railroad earnings with perhaps smaller profits relatively, due to
the limitation of rates, phenomenal profits in some of the industrial
fields and an unusual volume of business in most retail lines. But
I also believe that we will witness a continuance of the upward
trend in commodity prices, further high valuations for realty, ad-
vancing and higher interest rates ; phenomena which in time must
work the undoing of this peaceful period, and cause us to press for
solution a factor which is robbing us of our future safety almost
without our knowing it.
(591)
THE PRESENT SUPPLY OF FREIGHT CARS^
By Arthur Hale,
General Agent American Railway Association, New York and Chicago.
The usually accepted law of supply and demand applies no
more to the supply of freight cars than to the supply of any other
form of transportation. This is because the price of transportation
— that is, the rate — does not vary. If this law of supply and de-
mand applied to railroad work, when the demand for transportation
was less than the supply the rate would fall until the demand in-
creased or until the cost of producing- transportation was reached
When the demand exceeded the supply the rates w^ould rise until,
under the stimulus of a high rate, the production of transportation
would be quickened, and again the supply would meet a demand
which might have been somewhat lessened by the increased rate.
These fluctuations in price, so familiar to traders in all articles, do
not occur in transportation. Freight rates are now stable, and when
they do change, the slight changes made do not usually occur under
the law of supply and demand.
The above statement I take to be axiomatic, but the facts are
often lost sight of, because usually the supply of cars is greater than
the demand. The business world takes it for granted that the car
supply is adequate against all demands, and when a car shortage
does come, it comes with a shock and as a surprise.
Everyone is used to receiving goods on tender of the price.
So accustomed are we to the law^ of supply and demand that when,
in trading, we tender an agreed price we feel w^e have a right to
the goods. When people tender the agreed price for cars and do
not receive the cars they feel shocked and even aggrieved, and
too often they discuss the subject from the point of view of their
grievance. Not infrequently they appeal to the law. Now, the
common law enjoins carriers to make a reasonable provision of
'This paper was prepared by the author for simultaneous publication by the
American Academy and by the "Railroad Age Gazette." The Academy volume
appearing somewhat later than its usual time of issue has caused the paper
to be printed in the "Railroad Age Gazette" in advance of its publication by
the Academy. — [Editor-]
(592)
The Present Sii[>[>ly of Freight Cars
'd5
vehicles, but only a reasonable provision. It does not prescribe
any excessive provision to meet an extraordinary demand, and it
does not satisfy people nith grievances. Attempts to modify the
law so as to meet these grievances are not as yet general enough to
demand attention here.
If it were practicable to apply the law of suppiv and demand
to railroad rates, it seems possible that there would' be more car^
and other railroad facilities than there are now. Railroads in the
hope of profiting largely in periods of great demand, might be
wilhng to take more risk in providing facilities which would be
ordinarily unnecessary. In trades where the law of suppiv and
demand applies, if only in a limited way-as in the hotel and'livery
business-the trader often feels justified in maintaining an unduly
large number of rooms or horses, because he is repaid bv hicrh prices
during a "rush season."
Certainly, if the law of supply and demand aflfected railroad
rates there would be few car shortages, and none of any extent
or duration. An immediate adjustment of freight rates would keep
the demand and supply approximately equal. This much is .aid
only in explanation. There seems no prospect of anv chan-e in
conditions which will subject the railroads to the law of suppiv and
demand. It remains to consider the actual situation.
Here it will be found that the absence of the law of suppiv and
demand aggravates the situation as soon as a car shortage appears.
When the demand for a commodity in one localitv so raises the
price as to make it very profitable to supply the demand, the differ-
ence between freight rates from distant and from near points be-
comes a negligible quantity, and new sources of suppiv are opened
up. The amount of the commodity available at these different points
may become so great as to exhaust the car suppiv. \Mien the car
supply is once exhausted, the demand for cars is onlv limited by
the imagination of the shipper. No increase in freight rates is pos-
sible to restrain this demand, and he is impelled to demand more
and more cars by his certainty that he will make large profits if
only he can somehow ship large quantities of his commodity. Of
course, these profits will not accrue to him if all his rivals in trade
can ship as well. Such over-shipments would break the market.
Rut considerations of this kind do not avail with a man with a
grievance and eager for profit.
(593)
156
The Annals of the American Academy
This extreme demand for cars occurs, of course, only in times
of car shortage, and chiefly from the producers of and the dealers
in the great staples — coal, grain, ore, cotton, lumber and the like.
For such commodities demands are often made on different rail-
roads to supply cars to ship the same goods, causing an exaggera-
tion of the demand which can hardly be estimated.
In a situation of this kind, all a railroad can do is to avoid
unjust discrimination in its distribution of cars; and this is a very
COMPARATIVE CHART
OF SURPLUSES AND SHORTAGES
2— C
4—10
5—15
5—29
()— 12
6—26
7—10
7—23
8— 7
8—21
9— 4
9—18
10— 2
10—16
10—30
11—13
11—27
12—11
12—24
IS^OOO 200,000
difficult thing to do. It has been said that in times of car shortage,
the only way in which a railroad can treat all its patrons justly is
to make them all equally dissatisfied — and there is much truth in
the remark. The railroads, are, however, trying to form rules of
car distribution which will justly meet any emergency. The Inter-
state Commerce Commission and the state railroad commissions are
helping in their way, and the Supreme Court will be heard from
at its coming session.
(594)
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(5')5)
158 The Annals of the American Academy
Something can be done by the railroads to increase their car
supply, by the purchase of additional cars. This, however, is not
as easy as it looks. In times of car surplus the railroads feel justi-
fied in doing but little more than replacing their equipment which
goes out of service, and the manufacturers of freight cars meet
this situation by a reduction of their forces.
When a car shortage comes, the railroads at once order cars
and the manufacturers promptly accept the orders ; but it becomes
a physical impossibility to supply cars as fast as they are ordered. .
The coming of a car shortage is only an indication of revival of
industry and consequent full employment of labor, so that the
manufacturers of cars have great difficulty in increasing their
forces to meet the sudden doubling or quadrupling of the demand,
and as a consequence deliveries of cars are very slow. On such
occasions railroads have had to wait for their new cars for a
year or more. This is not always an unmixed evil, for many
roads are so well equipped with cars that they could not use more
to advantage without an increase of facilities. Most of the roads
would need an increase in the number of their engines to properly
handle any considerable increase in their cars. All roads in times
of car shortage have great difficulty in procuring competent help
to man their trains, yards and shops. Alost roads would be obliged
to increase their track facilities, both in the yards and on the line,
before they could use any largely increased number of cars to
advantage.^
It will therefore be seen, as stated above, that all the railroads
can do at once, when they are confronted by a car shortage, is to
avoid discrimination, with all the difficulties, real and imagined,
attending such a course. When the car shortage is an ordinary
one, such as may be expected every year for two or three months,
this seems all that can be expected under the present circumstances.
It is only when the car shortage extends over a longer period, as
occurred in the car shortages of 1906 and 1907, that it becomes practi-
cable for the railroads to so increase their facilities that the supply
will equal the demand without the help of a change of freight rates.
There is still another way in which railroads can increase the
^It should here be noted that in acquiring new cars and new facilities, and also
when they increase tlieir force, the railroads find the old law of supply and
demand working against them. The price of cars and all other facilities rises
rapidly, and so do rates of pay.
(596)
The Present Siipf^ly of J-reii^lit Cars 159
efficiency of their equipment so as to postpone or end a car sliortage,
and that is hy moving- their cars faster.' by loading them heavier,
and by avoiding the movement of empty cars when this does not
involve undue delay. This means, of course, that there is oppor-
tunity for the railroads to improve their methods in general ; but it
is also a matter in which the railroads are very largely dependent
upon the public. The railroads are very anxious to load their cars
full. Certain shippers find it to their advantage to ship small lots
of freight at carload rates. The railroads would be very glad to
have alf cars loaded and unloaded promptly. Some shippers find
it to their advantage to take their time in loading, to take their
time in unloading, and to store freight in cars.
As may be imagined from the above statement of the general
principles involved in car supply and the general conditions sur-
rounding it, a recital of the present situation on this continent,
involving, as it does, half the railroads and half the cars in the
world, is a matter of considerable difficulty. The reports, however,
received by the American Railway Association for the latest date
available — that is, up to October 13, 1909 — indicate a total shortage
on all the principal railroads, except one, amounting to 23,431 cars.
The Interstate Commerce Commission reports that a ton moves,
on an average, 242 miles. The American Railway Association
reports that the car, on an average, now makes about seventy per
cent loaded mileage. We may assume from these data that the
average time of the round trip of a car is something over twelve
days. To obtain this we use the best monthly record of the American
Railway Association — 27.2 miles per day.
As there are something over two millions of cars on the con-
tinent, the indications are that 185.000 cars are loaded every day,
and this shortage of 23,431 cars is therefore a shortage of thirteen
per cent. This means that thirteen per cent of the freights offered
are delayed one day or more before they can be shipped. Rut this
is all that this shortage means. It docs not necessarily mean any
restriction in production, except in those trades where absolutely
no storage is provided before shipment. It is not a shortage which
can be compared with the great shortages occuring in iqoft and
1907. It should also be remembered that the present shortages
are only local, and that the car supply is ample in the regions and
trades where car surpluses are reported ; and further, that the rail-
C507)
l6o The Aiuials of the American Academy
roads are now doing- probably as much business as they did in
October, 1907, when the shortages reported amounted to over 90,000
cars, or fifty per cent of the shipments.
It is too early to fully explain how the railroads of the country
are carrying this immense business with so small a car shortage, but
this can be said : The number of cars in the country has increased
in the last two years by nearly 200,000, and the average capacity
of the cars is much greater than it was two years ago. Further, the
railroads of the country, by increasing their facilities and by improv-
ing their methods, are able to give a better movement to their freight
cars than they did two years ago. In this they now have the assist-
ance— even if it be the reluctant assistance — of a large part of the
public in the enforcement of demurrage rules, and this has un-
doubtedly increased the equipment available by hastening the loading
and unloading of cars.
The present shortage appears to be on the increase, as will be
seen by the accompanying chart. As noted above, it is not a net
shortage. Although there are shortages reported on various rail-
roads amounting to this figure of 23,431, there are surpluses reported
amounting to more than this — namely, to 35,977. This surplus
amounts to very little compared to the surpluses which we have had
in the last two years ; but it will be noted that the rate of decrease
in the surplus is much slower than it was one and two months ago.
There are several reasons why this surplus is not used to fill
the shortages. In the first place, the surplus cars are generally
stored at considerable distances from the points where shortages
occur, and not infrequently represent cars in transit to meet short-
ages. Second, the surpluses are often in one kind of car, while
the shortages are in other kinds of cars. It is, of course, practicable,
in an emergency and at additional expense, to use box cars for
products which are ordinarily shipped in open cars, and vice versa.
This occurred two years ago, but the present shortage is not yet
sufficient to justify devices of this kind.
No survey of the situation is adequate without an indication of
the prospects for the future, at least for the immediate future, and
such indications are usually based on experience. Here we are
somewhat at fault, for the records of car supply in the country only
go back to January 1907. All prior records are local in their
character. A summary of the records of the American Railway
(598)
The Present Supply of I'rcii^ht Cars l6l
Association is ^irivcn herewith in g^raphic form. A comparison with
the two prior years shown would seem to indicate that the shortages
will not increase much longer, and the surpluses will increase very
soon. It must, of course, be considered that the records for 1908
were made at a time when the business was much less than it is
now ; and the records for 1907 were influenced by the panic.
The indication of this record is largely confirmed by the recol-
lection of railroad men of many October shortages which have been
"cleaned up" between Thanksgiving and Christmas. On the other
hand, many well posted men believe that the present increase in
production will be maintained throughout the winter, and that we
are about to face another long continued car shortage. With this
view many railroads are ordering additional equipment.
Among the assumptions of this paper which may not be generally
accepted, is the assumption that the railroads of the country have
made adequate provisions for the average needs of the shippers,
and the assumption that the periods of car shortage are compara-
tively infrequent. This view may not be accepted by railroads and
shippers who have suffered so severely in previous car shortages
that the long continued car surplus of the last two years seems to
them exceptional. There arc possibly railroads and shippers who
have operated more months under a car shortage than under a car
surplus, but this is very doubtful. Certainly, there are few shippers
of freight in small lots who have had occasion to know that there
has ever been a car shortage at all. The only shippers who can feel
that they have really suffered in car shortages are the producers of
and dealers in the great staples, and usually those staples most sub-
ject to the law of supply and demand and of which the price varies
most. That there were great car shortages in the years 1906 and
1907 is denied by no one. but these shortages were wholly excep-
tional. The only shortage of similar magnitude was that which
followed the anthracite coal strike of 1902. when the production
of that staple was absolutely discontinued for such a long time
that the efforts to supply the demand with a similar staple created
an extreme shortage in cars and other things. Other car shortages
are remembered, as in 1901 and 1887. but none of them compared
with the car shortages of 1906 and 1907; and here we should
remember that the increase in industry during those periods did
not equal the increase in industry of 1906 and 1907.
(599)
i62 The Annals of the American Academy
It is hoped that the imperfections discovered in detail in this
paper may be traced to the lack of evidence available on this very
important subject. It is somewhat unfortunate that this attempt to
deal with it must be made at a time when conditions are so rapidly
changing. It seems, however, important that an attempt to give the
present state of car supply should accompany statements of the
present business situation. It is even more important that it should
be appreciated that the railroads are alive to the situation and are
striving to meet it, even after the untoward events of the last three
years.
It must not be supposed that this paper is an attack on any
principle of collectivism, as opposed to any principle of individual-
ism or laissc.': faire. Experience has shown that unregulated com-
petition between railroads is destructive, and it may well be urged
that all the plans heretofore devised to meet this unbridled competi-
tion are based on collectivism. How far this principle should
extend in railroad and corporate affairs is hard to say. The spread
of collectivist principles, however, in the afifairs of a country so
thoroughly imbued as ours with the laissea faire doctrines of the two
last centuries is bound to create friction, and any attempt to bring
about a better understanding of such a problem as this of car supply
should be useful.
(600)
BOOK DEPARTMENT
NOTES
ArbeitscinstcUungen und Ansspcrrungcn in Osterrcich, Die. Pp. 591. Wicn :
Alfred Holder, 1909.
Ayres, L. P. Laggards in our Schools. Pp. xv, 236. Price, $1.50. New
York : Charities Publication Committee, 1909.
The investigation conducted by the Russell Sage Foundation into the back-
wardness of school children concludes that: (i) That the most important
causes of retardation of school children can be removed; (2) that the old-
fashioned virtues of regularity of attendance and faithfulness are major
elements of success; (3) that some cities are already accomplishing excellent
results by measures that can be adopted by all, and (4) that relatively few-
children are so defective as to prevent success in school or in life.
In reaching these conclusions several able chapters have been compiled
dealing with the percentage of attendance in the different grades, sex and
attendance, and nationality and attendance. Each of these chapters discusses
fully the phase of one particular problem.
It is most interesting, after this brilliant showing of the causes of retarda-
tion and elimination as operating primarily in the upper grades, to have the
author advocate a card-index system as a remedy for what he clearly shows
to be at fault, the curriculum. Elimination from school is most noticeable
after the pupils reach the age of twelve when they are required to take up a
continuation of a wearyingly monotonous curriculum. The remedy clearly
lies far deeper than a mere change in method of administration.
Baschurtz, K. Die Organisation dcr Stadlischcn Haus- und Grundbcsitccr in
Dcutsclilajid. Pp. 206. Berlin: J. G. Cotta, 1909.
Benoist, Charles. Pour la Rcformc clccioralc. Pp. 7,22. Paris: Plon-
Nourrit et Cie., 1908.
This is a series of essays written at various times upon a subject that con-
tinues to be of great interest to the French electorate — the reform of the
election system. This question the author believes is "at the beginning, at the
center and at the end" of the problem of good government. The first part of
the book is a polemic against present political conditions in France — in fact,
these three essays were avowedly written to be used for political purposes.
In the latter part of the work some of the chief remedies now advocated are
reviewed in detail ; they include the list system, proportional representation,
corrupt practices acts, secrecy of the ballot, reduction of the number of
representatives, etc. The author is an enthusiast as to what may be accom-
plished bj^ these changes in machinery.
Bernhard, E. Hohcrc Arbeitsintcnsitiit bci kiircercr Arbcitszcit. Pp. 94.
Price, 2.50 m. Leipzig: Duncker & JIumblot. 1909.
(601)
164 The Annals of the American Academy
Browne, J. C. Parcimony in Nutrition. Pp. iii. Price, 75 cents. New
York : Funk & Wagnalls Co., 1909.
Dr. Browne has enlarged his 1908 presidential address to the section for
preventive medicine of the Royal Institute of Public Health, England, into a
book to warn the public of the dangers that lurk in the Chittenden and
Fletcher heresy of low diet. He admits that Professor Chittenden's revolu-
tionary results were obtained under the most perfect laboratory methods
possible. He does not question them directly, but points out that it "conflicts
violently with the orthodox physiological faith ;" that it is Chittenden against
the world which, beginning with mothers milk and coming down through
the experience of histor}^ has established things differently. "All the suc-
cessful races have habitually consumed proteid far in excess of the Chit-
tenden standard, and far in excess of what was required for tissue repair,
and when we find a definite relation between proteid consumption and racial
success there is good ground for believing that behind it there is biological
law." Possibly the successful races have done many things that were
neither causes of nor aids to progress. Dr. Browne's method of defence may
be sound, but it would defend almost any new thing. He at least would
have us feel that more evidence should be collected and proofs should be
matured by more time before the Chittenden results can be finally accepted.
Buschkiel, A. H. Das Kasscn- und Zah}ungs7ccsscn dcr staatlichcn und
konuniinatcn Belwrden im Konigreich Sachen. Pp. 93. Berlin: J. G.
Cotta, 1909.
Denison, T. S. Primitive Aryans of America. Pp. 189. Price, $2.50. Chi-
cago : By the Author, 1909.
One of the most fascinating riddles of ethnology is the source of the Ameri-
can Indians. The author believes that a careful study of the language of
the Aztecs and kindred tribes reveals their early connection with the Indo-
Iranians, and that the Aztecs, therefore, belongs to the Aryans. He offers
in evidence a comparison of many words and phrases from the Indian
language with the old Aryan roots. Whether further investigation will
establish clearly his claim may be a matter of question, but any serious
attempt to solve the riddle is to be commended.
Depreciated Currency and Diminished Railway Rates. Pp. 127. Philadel-
phia : Railway World, 1909.
Eastman, F. A. Chicago City Manual for iQog, containing names and official
addresses of city officials with description of their functions. Pp. 291.
Chicago : Bureau of Statistics, 1909.
Errera, P. Le Congo Beige. Pp. 26. Paris : V. Giard and E. Briere, 1908.
Forman, S. E. Advanced Cit'ics. Pp. xvii, 456. Price, $1.25. New York:
Century Company, 1909.
Teachers of advanced classes are relying more and more upon collateral
reading to visualize the subject for the student. The text should give
(602)
Book Dcpartinoit 105
numerous suggestions for further study. Advanced courses, too, must of
necessity cover narrower fields than those whicli treat only "the elements."
Judged by these standards Dr. Forman's book falls short of the first
requirement and attempts to cover too wide a field. There arc only occa-
sional suggestions as to where additional material may be found, and conse-
quently the statements in the text, because of their brevity, sometimes convey
an impression, if not false at least only partially correct. For example,
in the discussion of the house of representatives it is stated : "Every bill
must be duly discussed and must be disposed of in an orderly, decent way."
Again. "The senate goes about legislation in a reposeful, dignified way. It
does not have to hurry for it always has at least four years to accomplish
its purposes." Anyone familiar with the present condition of congressional
procedure would be badly misled by such sentences as these. If the discus-
sion must be left so brief, the student should at least be shown where a more
exact and adequate treatment may be found. The second criticism to be
made is the broad field which the author attempts to cover. It is impossible
to treat in these less than four hundred pages the topics usually discussed
in texts on political theory, constitutional law, party government, charities
and corrections, public finance, and general jurisprudence without making the
discussion elementary and fragmentary. In spite of its defects it should be
stated that the book is written in a very entertaining style and will, doubtless,
lead many to an acquaintance with the subject it treats who would be
repelled by more detailed studies.
Fuller, H. B. The Speakers of the House. Pp. xiii, 311. Price, $2.00.
Boston : Little, Brown & Co., 1909.
Sketches of speakers of the House form the warp upon which most of this
book is woven. It takes its color from other men. The first two-thirds
especially are devoted to discussions which drift far from the speakership.
Newspaper quality is in evidence repeatedly — "after heroic periods of national
grandeur the state . . . embraces the repose of inertia." "The brazen
age of commerce" and the "seductive atmosphere of distant Washington''
make it impossible to "revel in the carnival of intellect" which the House
offered early in the century. It will jar on many after being told that
Clay "drank to excess," was morally loose and "seemed to . . . prefer
the plausible to the solid," to read that "through an intervening century he
stands out clearly the typical American."
The book improves decidedly when recent congressional history is
reached. The author evidently has a good first hand experience of Wash-
ington. His discussion of the "Revolution" under Reed, puts that partisan
contest in a new light. The estimate of Cannon and analysis of his power
are well done. The recent changes in the rules of the House are al.so dis-
cussed. They will bring about but little change in Congressional procedure.
Garr, M. Die Inseratensteuer. Pp. y^- Price, 2ni. Wien : F. Deuticke,
1909.
Gibson, T. The Cycles of Speculation. Pp. 187. Price, $1.50. New York:
Moody Corporation.
(603)
i66 The Annals of the American Academy
Goodnow, F. P. Municipal Government. Pp. ix, 401. Price, $3.00. New
York : Century Company, 1909.
Grant, P. S. Observations in Asia. Pp. xi, 141. Priced $1-25. New York :
Brentano's, 1908.
Mr. Grant made a trip around the world in company with Bishop Potter in
1899-1900. This series of side lights on the East gives us his impressions at
the time. Chief emphasis is placed on the Philippine problem and the
position of the missionaries in China. There are also several interesting
chapters, descriptive of the journey itself. In the discussion of the Philip-
pines there are many sweeping generalizations and contrasts which a decade
has proven to be inaccurate or unjustified. The conclusions are too often
based upon what happened to come to the notice of the traveler.
In the portion dealing with missions, however, the author is upon solid
ground. The chapter on Christian missions and social progress is one of the
soundest statements that have been made to justify missionary work in the
East. "As a scheme of salvation attested by the miraculous, Christianity in
the East cannot succeed." "Swapping miracles with a brown man or a yellow
man is an unedifying business — as an Occidental, as a Christian, as a modern,
then the missionary's appeal and justification to-day is visible social progress."'
Clean life, mental and physical; pure family relations; a just penal system
and universal brotherhood ; these are the things the missionary must empha-
size in order to lead the Oriental to the larger meaning of Christianity.
Haines, C. G. TJic Conflict ozrr Judicial Powers. Pp. 180. New York:
Longmans, Green & Co., 1909.
This volume is one of a series of studies in historj% economics and public
law, edited by the faculty of political science of Columbia University. Its
six chapters deal respectively with the judicial powers before the adoption
of the federal constitution; the early conflicts over judicial nullification by
federal courts; the extension of federal judicial authority; the conflicts over
the extension of judicial authority; the principles of the Jacksonian democ-
racy, and judicial pow-ers from 1856 to 1870.
It is not to be expected that this subject of constitutional history could
be exhausted within so brief a compass as 180 pages, so the author tells
us that the said essay "is the outgrowth of a special study of one of the
problems of constitutional law begun at Ursinus College in 1903 and is
intended to serve merely as an introduction to a more exhaustive treatise."'
It fully measures up to this purpose. While it does not attempt to
discuss the principles underlying the conflict, it is an admirable and concise
history of the conflict itself, as evidenced by the leading judicial decisions,
executive messages, legislative debates and contemporaneous newspaper
conuncnts.
To the student who desires a general knowledge of the subject and
familiarity with the arguments advanced by the strongest advocates, pro and
con, this little book will prove of value. The author has been happy in his
selection of material and is unusuallv clear and concise in statement.
(604)
Book Dcparliiicnt 167
Hall, Bolton. The Garden Yard. Pp. xv, 321. Price, $1.00. Philadelphia:
David McKay, 1909.
"The Garden Yard" is far more definite and helpful than either "A Little
Land and a Living" or "Three Acres and Liberty." by the same author. The
book deals specifically with soil fertility and methods of preparing land for
intensive gardening. Each garden vegetable is taken up in turn, and a short
discussion is given of its habits and growth, and the method best calculated
to secure the largest returns from the cultivation.
After dealing generally with methods, the last portion of the book dis-
cusses specifically the production of the various crops. While planned along
similar lines, the book falls distinctly below the standard set by such books
as Bailey's "Principles of the Vegetable Gardening." In no cases does the
author show better judgment than when he emphasizes the necessity of hard
work if success in gardening is to be attained.
Hail, Bolton. A Little Land and a Living. Pp. 287. New York: Arcadia
Pre^s, 1908.
The book differs but slightly from the author's earlier work, "Three Acres
and Liberty." In some cases even the chapter headings are similar and the
grouping of the material is much the same. The book is very general and,
in view of its declared object, might even be called discursive, covering all
phases of agriculture from the buying of the land to the producing of the
crop. There are sections on vacant lot cultivation ; record yields of crops ;
soil tillage ; the forcing of winter vegetables ; the raising of live stock, fruit,
vegetables, flowers ; the proper buildings for a small farm, and finally a plan
for the development of a sanitarium. "Three Acres and Liberty" was
equally discursive and general, but while one such book is valuable, two
books of such a nature by the same author are scarcely pardonable.
Handle, J. K. India. Pp. xvi, 126. New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1909.
One can but feel, in reading these interesting sketches, that the author
w-ent to India to criticise, yet there is so much current oflicial praise of
the English administration of India that we welcome any discussion from
the other side.
Mr. Hardie finds that the "revenue" is a heavy charge upon India and
that its increase is a cause of growing discontent. The government lacks
human sympathy, the Indians are practically shut out of the higher posi-
tions, the English treat them with disdain, even drawing the color line on
the railways. In addition many bad blunders, notably the partition of
Bengal, have offended native feeling. As a result the Indian is dis-
gruntled but not disloyal. Sedition, Mr. Hardie asserts, is a hobgoblin
that exists only in the minds of officials. The system of taxation should
be reformed — payments in kind should be restored ; the military expendi-
ture, now that Russia is no longer feared, should be cut down; public
spirit, now repressed, should be cultivated. Above all "the government —
lifeless, soulless and impersonal" should be given a touch of human sym-
pathy and the Indian should no longer be forced to ask "Why will not the
English trust us"?
(605)
i68 The Annals of the American Academy
Henderson, C. R. Social Duties from the Christian Point of VieuK Pp.
xiii, 332. Price. $1.25. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1909.
Horrocks, J. Railci.'ay Rates.. Pp. 4S5. Price, 21s. London: S. Sonnen-
schein & Co., 1909.
Jensen, C. O. Essentials of Milk Hygiene. Translated by L. Pearson. Pp.
291. Price, $2.00. Philadelphia : J. B. Lippincott Company, 1909.
In these days all the world goes to Denmark to learn how the highest class
dairying is done. The last to go was the late efficient and much lamented
state veterinarian of Pennsylvania, who translated this book written by a
professor in the Royal Veterinary and Agriculture College in Copenhagen.
"No food under ordinary conditions is so exposed to contamination, so
easily contaminated, or so fosters contamination as milk, hence the necessity
for the study of milk hygiene Microscopic and bacteriological
examinations of milk show that a very large proportion of the city supply
fails to meet even a moderate standard for cleanness, thus revealing the
need for measures at the seat of production and during transit to prevent
injurious contaminations."
This book was written for those persons who would produce clean
milk and preserve its cleanness, and it places at their disposal the latest
available information. The awakening interest is shown by the fact that this,
the second and enlarged edition, was called for within a year after the pub-
lication of the first.
Johnson, Emory R. Elements of Transportation. Pp. xvii, 360. Price,
$1.50. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1909.
Lewis, F. W. State Insurance: A Social and Industrial Need. Pp. 233.
Price, $1.25. Boston: Houghton, jMifflin & Co.. 1909.
"There is a principle underlying this discussion which is briefly compre-
hended in the maxim that every man is entitled to a living, or, stated in other
words, that he is entitled to a living wage for his labor." In these words, the
author states the premise of his argument. A strong carefully worked up
arraignment of the conditions surrounding the life of the modern wage
worker follows this statement together with an excellent presentation of the
functions of a modern state. The state must move cautiously and deliberately,
but it must move in the direction calculated to conserve the welfare of the
individual. "There is a feeling widely prevalent, though not often bluntly
stated, that it is legitimate for the state to assume a paternal attitude toward
certain worthy classes, to enable them in turn to take a similar attitude toward
others. The practice of this theory has always wrought untold misery and
wretchedness."
The author's discussion of the incidence of state insurance is by
no means satisfactory. There is no more important question connected
with the problem than who bears the burden of the tax, and the author
throws aside the question by saying that of course the burden is not borne
by the average taxpayer. His explanation of his position is, however, neither
adequate nor satisfactory.
(606)
Book L)cpait)nciit 169
The conclusions of the book are by no means so competently drawn as
one might expect from a reading of the chaptei-s on the problem and func-
tions of a state. The author concludes in favor of state insurance, but his
conclusions lack dctiniteness and directness.
Low, A. M. Protection in the United States. Pp. 167. Chomley, C. H.
Protection in Canada and Australia. Pp. xiii, 195. D.\\v.soN, \V. H.
Protection in Germany. Pp. 259. Meredith, H. O. Protection in
France. Pp. 194. Price, 3s. 6d. each. London : P. S. King & Son.
These comprise a series of handy volumes under the editorship of W. H
Dawson dealing with the practical operation of protection in the countries
named. Each volume is written by an expert. The volume on Protection
in the United States is a study of the origin and growth of the American
tariff system and its economic and social influence. Its treatment is his-
toric; its style is popular, though its contents show a wide knowledge of
literature on the subject on the part of the author. Mr. Low has written
an impartial historical survey of protection in this country endeavoring
merely to state facts, from which every reader can draw his own conclu
sioiis according to his prejudices or predilections. The other volumes in
the series are equally popular in style but written from a somewhat different
standpoint. In their treatment the authors have added a moral to their
tale. One has the feeling that they are trying to prove a thesis.
Masten, V. M. The Crime Problem. Pp.156. Price, $1.50. l-:hnira. N. Y. :
Star-Ciazette Company, 1909.
The author is military instructor at the Elmira Reformatory and has had
opportunity to study the criminal and the institutions provided for him.
The first two chapters dealing in a general way with crime are rambling
and incoherent. Apparently the author views immigration as the chief
factor in our crimes, yet he notes that crime seems to be increasing faster
in England than it is here. In the third and fourth chapters the English
prison system is well summarized. Then follows a clear description of the
system Col. Masten advocates for American primary and secondary indus-
trial schools, reformatories, convict prisons. He makes a plea for houses of
reception and some better system of employing prison officials so that there
may be an incentive for good work. The subject matter of the volume is
good and deserves attention.
Mathews, John L. Remaking the ^fississif>pi. Pp. 265. Price, $1.75. Bos-
ton: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1909.
Mathews, John M. Legislative and Judicial History of the Fifleenlh Amend-
ment. Pp. 126. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1909.
This monograph follows a similar study of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The study divides itself into chapters, on the growth of the movement in
favor of the amendment, its formulation in Congress, congressional interpre-
tation, adoption by the states, enforcement legislation and judicial inter-
pretation. As in the case of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is shown that
the intent of Congress was wider than the scope finally given to the amend-
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170 The Annals of the Ainerican Academy
ments by the courts. The later chapters especially present a clear view
of the process by which the broad interpretation originally given was cut
down by the higher courts through the series of cases extending from
McKay vs. Campbell to Williams vs. Mississippi. The material used in the
monograph is chiefly drawn from the congressional discussions and the court
reports. The study is careful and its spirit is judicial.
Maybon, Albert. La Politique Chinoisc. Pp. 268. Price, 4 fr. Paris: V.
Giard et E. Briere, 1908.
Mr. Maj'bon presents an interesting series of studies of the shifting phases
of Eastern politics which, though often elusive, are of first importance in
international affairs of the present day. The survey covers the period from
1898 to May, 1908, and is divided' into chapters treating the Manchu court,
the conservative movement, the reformist school and the revolutionary
party. All factors non-political have been omitted. The author has had at
his command a wealth of untr-anslated Chinese documents which he has used
with the greatest skill. His secondary references are to only the most
reliable authorities. An extended personal acquaintance with China also
gives the discussion weight. No recent monograph presents so well the
present status of Far Eastern politics.
McCain, C. C. The Diminishing Purchasing Power of Railzvay Earnings.
Pp. III. New York: By the Author, 1909.
Misawa, T. Modern Educators and their Ideals. Pp. 304. Price, $1.25.
New York : Appleton & Co., 1909.
Mumford, Eben. The Origins of Leadership. Pp. 87. Price, 50 cents.
Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1909.
Leadership is considered first in its relation to the science of sociology and
to the social process. It is discussed in both its innate and acquired aspects
and its evolution is traced through the associations of some of the lower
animals, of children, and, in particular, of hunting people, the main problem
being to show its relation to the development of personality and the various
institutions.
Leadership originates and centers about the problems, crises and changes
in the conditions of the group-life and the leader may function either in the
maintenance or change of institutions. The hunting type of life through its
long duration has given us the fundamental patterns of association. Leader-
ship in this type of association requires extraordinary keenness of the senses
of sight and hearing, exceptional endurance, promptness of decision, superior
ability in making motor co-ordinations, and direct, immediate, pers'Onal
adaptation of the social habits of the group to new situations. Leadership is
usually determined by purely personal qualities and by merit, for at this
stage ownership of property, the principle of inheritance, and other aids to
position in the group have not developed far. Institutions as distinguished
from control by instincts or unanalyzed customs originate in the stimulating
and inhibiting influences that arise through the conscious direction of social
activity on the part of some superior individual or group of superior Individ-
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Book Department 171
uals. In most cases leadership among hunting people is temporary and poorly
defined, but the more favorably located groups show beginnings of institu-
tionalization of almost all the elemental social impulses and interests. In
some instances in the expression of political interest, the principle of in-
heritance of rank and property is fairly well estahlislied. In the councils
of the Australians and American Indians we have the beginnings of the
various kinds of deliberative bodies of more highly organized societies.
In religion the clearness of the concept of the deities or preternatural
leaders is in direct proportion to the degree of development of leadership
and authoritative personages with definitely recognized prerogatives and
superior personal attributes that make them stand out clearly from the other
members of the group.
Munro, W. B. The Government of European Cities. Pp. ix, 409. Price,
$2.50. New York : Macmillan Company, 1909.
There is no subject in political science more intimately associated with every-
day life than city government. Our own lack of success in the management
of our urban populations also makes any study of means and results in
other countries welcome. Professor Munro gives us in this book a study of
French, Prussian and English cities. He has made the study a real con-
tribution to the literature of comparative government by contrasting the
systems of Europe with each other and with the general practice in the
United States. French and German experience and practice are first dis-
cussed, each occupying about one hundred pages, then the latter half of the
book is devoted to the government of English cities — a proportion justified
by the greater importance of the latter to the American student.
Each section begins with a historical resume bringing out the develop-
ment of the present position of the city in the national life. The importance
of the Revolutionary period in France, the Stein-Hardenberg reforms in
Germany and the reformation of city government in England following
1835, are all well brought out. The newness of the city problem in Germany,
the continuity of city life in England, "the classic land of urban concentra-
tion" receive extended attention.
Next follow analyses of the present structure and function of the systems
of city government. We learn who the city authorities are, how they are
elected, what are their powers and how these are exercised. Typical services
are discussed in detail to illustrate the general practice in other departments.
Paris and London are treated separately because of the exceptional arrange-
ments in force due to the location of the national capitals within them.
In discussing English cities it is brought out that the reform which has wiped
out the corrupt governments of the first third of the nineteenth century was
not accomplished by a change in organization, but chiefly by the new civic
spirit that has made itself felt in the administration.
Numerous references to sources and secondary authorities throughout
the book place additional material at the command of the student. .\t the
end of the book also there is an excellent working bii)liography.
Dr. Munro's book is the most important recent addition to the litera-
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172 The Annals of the American Academy
ti'.re of comparative municipal government. It should be read by everyone
interested in local government and its improvement.
MMrphy, E. O. Basis of Ascendency. Pp. xxiv, 250. Price, $1.50. New York :
Longmans, Green & Co., 1909.
Osborn, C. S. The Andean Land. 2 vols. Pp. xxviii, 643. Price, $5.00.
Chicago : A. C. McClurg & Co., 1909.
Pratt, J. B. What is Pragmatismf Pp. xii, 256. Price, $1.25. New York:
Macmillan Company, 1909.
In philosophical circles in recent years no subject has awakened more gen-
eral interest than that which is known as "pragmatism." This volume is
made up of half a dozen lectures given by the assistant professor of philos-
ophy at Williams College to a summer group. The author endeavors to
present to the ordinary man and woman the significance of this new phil-
osophy, by showing that truth is not the hard and fast thing as formerly
conceived, but is rather the outgrowth of certain relationships and varies,
therefore, with individuals. The discussion is summed up under such head-
ings as "Meaning and Method in Pragmatism," "The Ambiguity of Truth,"
"The Pragmatic View of the Truth Relation," "Pragmatism and Knowledge,"
"Pragmatism and Religion," with a final lecture on "The Practical Point of
View." This so-called "practical point of view" is to make us realize that
truth is a means to an end rather than an end in itself, that truth and
knowledge are implements to be used for the achievement of a higher life.
Punnett, R. C. Mendelisni. Pp. 112. Price, 50 cents. New York: Wilshire
Book Company, 1909.
The greatest discovery in biology since Darwin's time and a discovery greater
than his in its economic results is the newly-discovered law of heredity
known as Mendelism, after its first discoverer, Gregory Mendel, an Austrian
monk, who worked it out fifty years ago and cast it, an unappreciated pearl,
before a world that saw not. It has been recently discovered simultaneously
by four other men. In brief the law is this : The crossing of animal or
vegetable parents differing in one or two qualities will result in offspring
whose qualities will be a mixture of those of the parents in a proportion that
can be numerically predicted and numerically verified. Plant and animal
breeding henceforward become but a kind of manufacture in the hand of a
breeder. Already a vast literature has arisen, but his little book is the gist
of it. It is published with an introduction by that most ingenious socialist,
Mr. Gaylord Wilshire, who would have us see that Mendel's law overturns
some of the strongest objections to socialism.
Relnsch, Paul S. Readings on American Federal Government. Pp. vii,
850. Price, $2.75. Boston : Ginn & Co., 1909.
Beard, C. A. Readings in American Government and Politics. Pp.
xxiii. 624. Price. $1.90. New York: Macmillan Company, 1909.
Contemporary accounts of important movements and events are being drawn
upon more and more bv educators to enliven the study of the social sciences.
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Book Dcf'iirtnu'nt 173
These two excellent volumes are tlie result of the demand for compilations
of extracts which shall place within small compass what could otherwise
be obtained by the student only in the larger libraries and even there only
by great expenditure of time and effort.
Professor Reinsch addresses himself exclusively to selections illustrating
the processes of the central government. The extracts are almost without
exception from first-hand authorities— rthe men who have exercised the
powers they discuss. The "Congressional Record" is sifted to secure the
most vivid expressions on public problems, chiefly of the present day. As
is to be expected the discussions drawn upon are largely senatorial, since
the house is no longer a distinctively debating body. Special emphasis is
placed upon extracts showing the procedure in Congress and its defects —
for example, the rules of the house and the recent developments toward a
modification of the time-honored "senatorial courtesy." Outside criticism
of the government is drawn upon only when the public debates fail to show
the points to be illustrated. The plan adopted for the volume makes it
especially useful for university classes where the student can be relied upon
to reason out for himself the problems suggested by the debates.
Professor Beard's volume aims to cover a larger field in a smaller
space. National, state, and municipal goverments are treated, and many of
the selections show the historical development of governmental powers rather
than their present status. Necessarily, too. the extracts are shorter. They
are so short in some cases that the setting is hardly made clear enough for
the beginner. On the other hand this compactness keeps the point well
in the mind, an advantage often hard to keep when the thought must be
followed through the prolixity of a congressional debate. Professor Beard
draws freely upon outside discussions of government, departmental publica-
tions, statutes at large, court decisions and campaign arguments. The selec-
tions are well suited to accompany an elementary course in government in
either college or secondary instruction.
Schloss, D. F. Insurance .Igainst Uncml^loymcnt. Pp. x, 132. Price, 3s. 6d.
London : P. S. King & Son, igog.
The author divides his work into a discussion of compulsory insurance and
voluntary insurance against unemployment. In dealing with compulsory
insurance, he cites but one illustration, that of St. Gall. However, in dis-
cussing voluntary insurance, he uses numerous excellent illustrations fur-
nished by Berne, Venice, Cologne and a score of other European cities. The
author's description of the insurance systems in vogue in these various cities
is rather general but good.
The book is written from an English standpoint, and the conclusions,
therefore, relate to the unemployment problem as found in England. The
author favors a system of assisted voluntary insurance which must be na-
tional in character and organized by trades. While the arguments are not
by any means conclusive, the book presents an excellent, brief discussion of
the subject of insurance against unemplovment.
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174 The Annals of the American Academy
Scott, W. D, The Psychology of Advertising. Pp. 269. Price, $2.00.
Boston : Small, Maynard & Co., 1908.
Professor Scott's latest contribution to the literature on advertising must
be regarded as an elaboration of his Theory of Advertising published some
years ago. After reviewing the psychological principles which the advertiser
should keep in mind in constructing ^his appeal, Professor Scott illustrates
the uses and the applications of these principles in every day advertising
work.
The volume is valuable for the concise and simple way in which many
psychological principles have been stated, for the excellent illustrations
taken from current advertisements of wide circulation, and for the presen-
tation of the results of experiments made by the author upon his classes
in Northwestern University. As a comprehensive treatise upon the subject
of advertising, or a text-book for the use of classes in advertising, the
book is by no means ideal. As a method of arousing the student's interest
in the subject, of teaching him logical methods of investigation, and as a
stimulus to the application of scientific principles to this art, it is without
an equal at the present time.
Sinclair, U., and Williams, M. Good Health and Hozv to Regain It. Pp.
302. Price, $1.20. New York: F. A. Stokes & Co., 1909.
Sweet are the uses of adversity. Mr. Horace Fletcher was refused life
insurance, and he started on a series of investigations of nutrition which
has resulted in his well-known system of thorough mastication, reduced food,
low consumption of proteids and increased health and vigor. Professor
Irving Fisher, of Yale, had tuberculosis, with the result that he is doing
splendid work in the great and much needed movement toward improved
national hygiene. Messrs. Sinclair and Williams had respectively nervous
prostration and tuberculosis and have investigated Messrs. Fletcher, Fisher,
the work of Dr. Chittenden, at Yale, and of Metchnikoff, of Paris, who tells
us that we may live to be 120 by the use of yogurt and the elimination of
deleterious bacteria in the alimentary canal. They also investigated Kellogg
and his famous Battle Creek Sanitarium where people recover on one vege-
tarian meal per day. The results of all this dietary and hygienic investiga-
tion are well summarized by Messrs. Sinclair and Williams, who tell how they
put them into practice and regained their health.
Small, Albion W. The Cameralists. Pp. xxv, 606. Price, $3.18. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. 1909.
Smith, C. Henry. The Mennonifes of America. Pp. xviii, 484. Price,
$2.00. Scottdale, Pa. : Mennonite Publishing Company, 1909.
In this work the origin and the history of the Mennonite church and a de-
scription of the Mennonite people are given. The Mennonites have been a
quiet rural people with little interest in government and the affairs of the
world. They were the founders of the first German colony in America, and
were numbered among the earlier pioneers of the West.
The author speaks of Menno Simons, the founder of the church in The
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Book Department 175
Netherlands ; of the persecutions of these people on the continent ; of their
early settlements at Germantown, Pa., and at Pfeqnea, Lancaster County, Pa. ;
of their friendly relations with the Indians; of their principles, culture, cus-
toms and literature, and of the development of their church.
As a historical work it is carefully planned and the facts well founded.
Its value to students of social science lies in its clear analysis of the social
life of a rural people.
Spiegel, L. Die I'erzcaltuugsrcchtsurssenschaft. Pp. 222. Price, 5.50 m.
Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1909.
St. Maur, Kate V. The Earth's Bounty. Pp.430. Price, $1.75. New York :
iMacmillan Company, 1909.
This is an interesting and inspiring account of the way a city family went
back to the land and succeeded after years spent in unconfesscd failure in
the quest of fame and fortune in many cities. The new life in the country
was begun on a rented place with twelve acres of land, where three years of
success demonstrated the ability to use more land, which was secured and
the success was extended. Mrs. St. Maur is a sample of that class of most
successful farmers who come from town free from bias of how grandfather
did it, and have applied their brains to the business, and have sought light
in that now large fund of printed material at agriculturists' disposal. The
book is therefore partly practice and partly the result of .scholarly investiga-
tion of the work of others. Its scholarly origin in combination with the
previous city experience of the author gives the book at times a suburban
tinge and fantastic touch which, however, does not keep it from being of
interest to that large class in cities and elsewhere who would do well to
follow the author's example.
Van Dyne, Frederick. Our Foreign Service. Pp. 316. Price. $2.50. Roch-
ester, N. Y. : Lawyers Co-operative Publishing Company, 1909.
Mr. Van Dyne's previous works on Citizenship and Naturalization are ex-
haustive legal treatises intended for study and reference. The object of this
volume, by contrast, is to put in popular form a description of the organiza-
tion of our foreign service and the duties of its officers. The style shows
that the book is intended for the general reader or for him who is just
entering upon a study of the subject. Two hundred pages of text are
divided into four chapters which present a very readable discussion of the
Department of State, Our Diplomatic Service, Our Consular Service,
Citizenship, Expatriation and Passports. Each subject is brought well up
to date by a discussion of the latest laws and department regulations The
last hundred pages are devoted to a select bibliography and appendices pre-
senting the forms used in consular and diplomatic corrcspniulence and a !i>;t
of the officers of our present service abroad. In comparison with the space
devoted to the text of the book the prominence given to these technical and
changing subjects is disproportionate.
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176 The Annals of the American Academy
Zahn, F. Die Finatizen der Grossmdchte. Pp. 144. Berlin: Carl Heyman,
1908.
Extreme care has been taken to make the comparisons in this monograph
trustworthy. The material was originally collected under the auspices of
the German government. Dr. Zahn compares the income, expenditures
and debts of the nine Great Powers. The statistics cover the period 1893-
1905. Especial attention is paid to the source of the revemies, the object
of the expenditures and the amount of the public debt, central and local,
in comparison with population and total national wealth. Germany is used
as the standard of comparison. The main conclusions are : Public reve-
nue and expenditures are greater in Germany than in the other states;
public expenditures are rapidly growing in the empire especially for pro-
ductive ends and for the military — though in this not so markedly as in
France, Great Britain and Russia. There are still important unexhausted
sources of income, especially tobacco, liquors and inheritances. Germany is
in at least as good a financial condition as En-gland
REVIEWS
Birdseye, Clarence F. The Reorganization of Our Colleges. Pp. 410. Price,
$1.75. New York: The Baker & Taylor Companj', 1909.
The thesis of the author is simple, his suggestions few but far reaching.
Our colleges, modelled after English schools, were at first practically homes
for young boys in constant contact with their masters and under their con-
trol. Time has brought great changes. The boys are now older, have become
young men, in fact, competent of self-government. The home idea is lost,
students and faculty are no longer intimate and nine-tenths of the student's
time is spent away from his instructors. The students' activities are not
chiefly those (jf the classroom. Formerly college was a professional train-
ing school for ministers and a few others. Now it is a great culture medium
for many others and a few ministers.
What is done, or to be done, to meet these changes? Very little has
been done, the author says. Put the college on a business basis is the solu-
tion. Separate the executive and the pedagogical fields. Have a staff whose
business it is to "follow up" these students and prevent failure. The teacher
cannot do this. Study the "waste heap" as does the chemist of a fac-
tory. Systematize the work. Limit the students to the number for which
present endowment is adequate. Pay decent salaries. Reward successful
teachers. The fraternity houses are the model for the home life of the
sLudents and their success only emphasizes the colleges' failure. Athletic
management is the model for the business reorganization. Learn from it.
Our colleges are no longer private home schools. They are great public
institutions, quasi-state in fact, all more or less supported by public funds.
Therefore the public must insist on adequate management and better results.
The author presents a great mass of evidence. No honest observer
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Book Dcpaitiiicnt 177
doubts that many changes are needed. This vohnnc sliould he read hy every
member of every faciiUy and every trustee, whether the author's ideas are
accepted or not.
From a literary standpoint the hook is greatly marred by its redundancy.
One gets wearied by having the same thought constantly presented. It must
be remembered too that the picture drawn will not apply equally at all points
and to all schools. This the author often says. For instance, in some colleges
the finances are well managed.
Mr. Birdseye states that the chief duty of the college is to prepare for
citizenship and therefore that the intellectual is not alone to be considered.
Here he goes too far. It is no more the business of the college to prepare
for citizenship than it is of the home, the public school, the church, or any
other social institution.
The author may be too sanguine as to the benefits of the changes he
suggests. Be this as it may, the time is surely ripe for improvement. Mr.
Birdseye says political science is to be the backbone of the new college
course. Does the fact that he is a lawyer color his opinion? Why study
the state rather than other social institutions? In one respect he is right,
the study of man, his history and his institutions is destined to supplant
those studies whose roots as well as whose tops are in the air.
Carl Kelsey.
University of Pennsylvania.
Cleveland, F. A., and Powell, F. W. Railroad Promotion and CapitalicaiioH
in the United States. Pp. xiv, 368. Price, $2.00. New York : Longmans,
Green & Co., 1909
This work is distinctly the best of all recent contributions to the history
of railroad construction. Its title is misleading, as it deals but briefly with
many subjects which the reader would expect in a book on present day
"Railroad Promotion and Capitalization." It is a concrete financial history
of railroad construction in the aggregate, and it is the intention of the authors
to treat present-day promotion and capitalization in a separate volume.
Fully and with authorities cited, the various factors which influenced
the construction of the railway net-work are explained — the inadequacy of
canals, and turnpikes, the embargo and war of 1812, the effect of early
experiments and literature, the rivalry between competing ports and inland
cities, traffic conditions, local, state and federal aid, private ways and
means of procuring capital.
While the work is primarily historical, two chapters in particular deal-
ing with promotion of to-day have been inserted. One of them contains
a welcome discussion of a subject of which but little has thus far been
written, namely, "financial institutions and syndicates as agencies of capitali-
zation." The other deals with the "promotion of private companies." The
viaws on investment, speculation and gambling expressed in this chapter are
(615)
178 The Annals of the American Academy
open to serious criticism. It is held that "investment is a capital venture
which is entered upon as the result of calculative judgment. In principle
speculation is gambling, the difference being a matter of law. The gambler
or the speculator places a wager on the happening of one or more events,
over which he has little or no control. In case the stipulated event does not
happen according to the terms of the agreement, the speculator or gambler
usually forfeits all right to the capital ventured, t. c, he loses his mar-
gin or wager. . . . The stock speculator may not know even the
location of the railroad or other enterprise whose stock is margined. The
only facts before his mind are the market quotations of yesterday and to-
day, his only hope is for a fluctuation in the price which will determine the
wager or contest in his favor . . . Investment, on the other hand, care-
fully considers the industry, enterprise or security to be purchased. . .
From the point of view of general welfare, speculation and gambling are
vicious."
The presence of gambling in the stock market and the trading on margins
has doubtless confused the writer of these views. There is far greater differ-
ence between gambling and speculation than there is between speculation and
investment. Gambling is a matter of blind chance, but speculation is as
much a matter of calculative judgment and careful consideration of industry,
as is irivestment. Gambling is a wager on prices, but speculation involves
the purchase or sale of actual property. The bucket-shop keeper must be
distinguished from the legitimate broker. Likewise, the idea that the purchase
of stocks outright is investment, while the purchase on margin is gambling-
is fallacious. Any purchase made in the hope of a rise in price, whether
for cash or on margin is speculative. The margin does not make it gambling
any more than the operation of a grocery store on money partly borrowed
makes it gambling. It is equally wrong to say that the speculator depends
only upon market quotations while the investor studies fundamental condi-
tions. Any purchase or sale for a rise or a fall in value is speculative.
Pure investment depends upon the yield of the security in interest or
dividends, and as soon as the investor is influenced by an expectation of gain
through a future change in the security's value he becomes speculative. There
are very few investors who are not also speculators. There is no similarity
between gambling and speculation, but a very close connection between specu-
lation and investment. Gambling is vicious, but there is nothing wrong in
sane speculation.
This criticism in no way should detract from the historical treatment
which makes up the bulk of the volume. It is an authoritative historical
work of the highest merit. The abundant citations of consulted authorities
give evidence of the vast amount of labor performed, and the bibliography
is in itself a contribution to railroad literature. Every library and student of
railway history should have a copy as a bibliographical reference and as an
excellent history of railroad construction.
Grover G. Huebner.
University of Pennsylvania.
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Book Department lyg
Coolldge. Mary Roberts. Chinese Immigration. Pp. 531. Price, $1.75. New
York : Henrj- Holt & Co., 1909.
Chinese immigrants have few defenders. Mrs. Coolidge has made a thorough
study of the facts and her investigation leaves her champion of the Chinese.
The discussion is careful, detailed, convincing, one that should be read
by every student of immigration problems whether he agrees with all the
conclusions of the author or not.
Public documents have so often been questioned as sources of information
that it is not surprising to find abundant contradiction of their testimony
here. Mrs. Coolidge shows that the information presented to Congress was
in major part manufactured evidence. The Chinaman was made the victim
of a "California for Americans" movement which had already driven out
Chilenos, Mexicans and French. The outbursts of ill feeling against him
were caused by economic pressures quite independent of his alleged compe-
tition with white labor. He did not take the job of the white man, but took
the job the white man would not take — filled in, in labor which the white
despised.
The legislation against the Chinese was inspired by the laboring class
who, when periodically out of employment, due to seasonal occupations, hard
times, or the completion of great railroads, blamed the Chinaman who by his
adaptivenc^s was better able to weather the storm. Sharp and justified
criticism is given our various exclusion laws and particularly their present
administration. Even Californians now feel their injustice, the author
asserts. "The Anti-Chinese cry no longer deceives anybody in the West.
Certainly the time is not far off when the wave of Mongolian-know-nothing-
ism w^ill vanish." In view of recent events this is indeed sanguine. Even
on the ground of assimilability the author regards the Chinaman as^ 0
desirable immigrant and good prospective citizen. He is much to be pre-
ferred to the former Irish and present Italian comers against whom every
serious charge leveled at the Chinese can be justly made. Restricted immi-
gration we should have, but one obtained by a horizontal exclusion to keep
out the low'er stratum, not by a perpendicular exclusion against any race.
This is one of the best studies of a race problem we have seen. It is
optimistic, perhaps too optimistic at times, but the statements made are dis-
criminating and the conclusions generally sound.
University of Pennsylvania.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
Davidson, J., and G. A. The Scottish Staple at Veere : A Study in the
Economic History of Scotland. Pp. xii, 453. New York: Longmans,
Green & Co., 1909.
This volume is another illustration, and a most welcome one, of the great
difference, which exists between the history of North Britain and the his-
tory of South Britain. The neglect of Scottish history in America is re-
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i8o The Annals of the American Academy
sponsible for the strange fact that American students, working on the com-
parative method, whether in law, or politics or economics, are always draw-
ing parallels or contrasts between English and French or German or Spanish
or Italian conditions and neglecting the more obvious use to be mad'e of
Scottish history. This has been particularly true so far in the field of
economic history.
The student of English economic history is perfectly familiar with the
workings of the English staple and, if he hears of a Scottish staple, as-
sumes it to be the same kind of thing. "The English staple was developed
in order to concentrate trade and with the object of facilitating the collec-
tion of customs duties" (p. 2>2>7< 338). "It was thus to a large extent a fiscal
device" (p. 339). "The object kept in view was the increase of revenue,
rather than the privilege of merchants or the general welfare of trade" (p.
340). "The exclusion of foreigners from the trade was no essential feature
in the system" (p. 340). "In the Scottish staple on the contrary, the attitude
to the foreign trader was one of rigid exclusion. The development of the
nation's trade, or rather the prosperity of the merchant classes in the royal
burghs, was the object kept in view by the Convention, and any participation
in trade by imfreemen, by unfree burghs, or by foreign merchants, was
regarded as taking away some portion of that trade, which, in the view of
the Convention was the right of freemen of the free burghs." These quota-
tions show the essential thesis of the book and draw out a very interesting
contrast between English and Scottish economic history.
But, though the Scottish staple is the main subject of the book, the
authors have dealt w'ith the whole question of the organization of Scottish
trade. In doing so they have brought out the importance of the Conven-
tion of Royal Burghs and its services and drawbacks to the development
of Scottish prosperity. There is nothing like this in English history. Most
interesting, though not of the same importance to the student, is the account
given of the life of the Scottish mercantile colony at Veere or Campvere
in the Netherlands, of their church and factory, of the powers of the Con-
servator, and the conditions of their existence. The book is well illustrated
with views of old Veere and does honor to the industry and intelligcncel
of the late Professor John Davidson of the University of New Brunswick
and of Mr. Alexander Gray, who has completed the work from Professor
Davidson's notes.
H. Morse Stephens.
Berkeley, Cal.
Devine, E. T. Report on the Desirability of Establishing an Employment
Bureau in the City of Nezv York. Pp. 238. Price, $1.25. New York:
Charities Publishing Company, 1909.
This report considers the advisability of establishing an employment bureau
on a business basis, but by philanthropic men whose purpose it is to make
(618)
Book Department i8l
such a bureau a genuinely effective agency for the remedy of unemployment.
The report reviews the attempts of both public and commercial employment
bureaus to distribute labor and to find work for the unemployed. The
inadequacy of these agencies is clearly shown, the former suffering from
political interference and the latter being quite unreliable as well as dis-
reputable to a considerable extent. Ciiaritable employment bureaus have not
been successful.
The report itself is very brief, the larger portion of the book consisting
of appendices comprising material germane to the subject. The replies to
letters of inquiry regarding the existence of unemployment and the need of
such a bureau show how little accurate knowledge on the subject we actually
possess at the present time. More information is a prerequisite for successful
work of this character. The investigation of newspaper "want ads" brings
to light very interesting information both in respect to the methods of ad-
vertisers and of newspapers, and the experience of an investigator in trying
to get work illustrates the seriousness of the problem of unemployment
during the last winter. "Trade Unions as Employment Agencies" is another
valuable appendix. In fact the various appendices furnish very useful
material for reference purposes on the general subject of unemployment.
The report favors the establishment of an employment bureau as out-
lined above. Its success is a question regarding which the reader must
suspend judgment. Unless the hearty co-operation of laborers and emplnj-ers
can be gained and all distrust vanquished the experiment will hardly be
satisfactory.
George B. M.xngold.
St. Louis, Mo.
Hoidsworth, W. S. History of English Laiv. 3 Vols. Pp. 1564. Price,
$4.00 each. Boston: Little, Brown & Co.
Various phases of English law have been the subject of detailed historical
study but the lack of a general survey induced the author, the vice-pres-
ident of Saint John's College, Oxford, to attempt this comprehensive work.
Every student of comparative institutions will welcome the addition which
the volumes make to our knowledge of English jurisprudence. The first
volume, W'hich originally appeared in 1903, sketches the framework within
which the law acts — the courts and their jurisdictions during the various
periods. Most constitutional questions in England have been fought out
in the law courts and the political side has often been emphasized by the
historians almost to the exclusion of the legal standpoint. Mr. Hoidsworth
emphasizes the juristic side of these cases to show the development of the
laws as a system rather than their social-historical significance.
The last two volumes deal with the various branches of the law
itself. Here the social and historical factors of necessity become more
prominent In part the treatment is chronological and in part by topics —
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l82 The Annals of the American Academy
where the latter method makes it easier to show the development of legal
doctrine. The subject treated is so large that the history is not completed
even by the thousand pages added by these volumes. The Anglo-Saxon
and Mediaeval Periods are discussed — also the later history of those branches
of the common law which attained practically their final form in the
mediaeval period but the great body of legal development in m.odern times
is still untouched. To cover even so large a field as that treated by Mr.
Holdsworth, it has been necessary to make extended use of the monographic
researches of other scholars. Indebtedness to other scholars, especially
Maitland, is evident and acknowledged throughout the work. To the stu-
dent of institutions the latter volumes are much the more valuable. The
discussion of the way in which Roman law infiltrated into the English and
the extent of its influence is exceptionally well done. The same is true of
the shift from judge-made to statute law and the development of the law
relating to land. Not the least valuable portions of the book are the detailed
appendices in which the author has collected an excellent selection of docu-
ments to illustrate the early forms of wills, writs and conveyances.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
University of Pennsylvania.
Jones, H. Idealism as a Practical Creed. Pp. 299. Price, $2.00. New York:
Macmillan Company, 1909.
Not quite the idealism of Berkeley, nor of Kant, notwithstanding the Cate-
gorical Imperative ; but a still more sublimated and spiritualized idealism than
that of Hegel, even, whose teaching is so thoroughly assimilated by the author,
an idealism made up of the teachings of Hegel and Carlyle, of Wordsworth
and Browning; an idealism in which mind, that has so large a part in the
idealism of Hegel, is dominated by spirit.
Wordsworth, expressing himself in the spirit of the writer of the one
hundred and fourth Psalm, saw and felt God in all nature. "I have felt,"
he says.
"A Presence that disturbs me with the joy
Of elevated thoughts."
With Browning, "Love was the supreme motive of his art, and the prin-
ciple upon which his moral and religious doctrine rests." Love he thought
"the sublimist conception attainable by man — the one way in which he dares
define his God ;- — a life inspired by love is the most perfect form of good-
ness, and is therefore at o'nce man's absolute ideal of conduct, and alone
the object worthy of his worship."
"There is no good of life but love."
From Browning's "In a Balcony."
And what is this but the idealism of the New Testament? — of St. Paul,
St. John, of Jesus? — love, the fulfilling of the law, love, the greatest of all
things. This love, this altruism, is not to be confined to one's own im-
mediate family, kindred, or neighborhood. Let our desires and our aims
(620)
Book Dcpart)iicnt 183
concern themselves with the social good, the good of the city and the state.
"The measure of manhood," to quote from our author, "is the fulness and
generosity of its interests. The diviner the man the wider the world for
which he lives and dies. It docs not matter what a man does or has, if
the current of his life sets inward he is but a greedy animal."
Were the counsels of perfection so engagingly presented for our con-
sideration in this volume only acted upon, this world would be a different
sort of world, — indeed, a veritable Utopia.
Lovers of Tennyson will regret the lack of any note of his contrilnitinn
(o this idealistic philosophy. What visions of social life and civic duty in
"The Golden Year," "Love and Duty," "Locksley Hall," and "In Memoriam!"
"Ah ! when shall all men's good
Be each man's rule, and universal Peace
Lie like a shaft of light across the land.
And like a lane of beams athwart the sea.
Thro' all the circle of the Golden Years?"
Mary Llovd.
Philadelphia.
Macfarland, C. S. (Ed.). The Christian Ministry and The Social Order.
Pp. 303. Price, $1.25. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1909.
This volume consists of a number of lectures on social questions chosen from
a course in pastoral functions given nt Yale Divinity School in 1908-1909.
They deal with the relation of the minister to human society and indicate the
definite, concrete tasks and problems which face the Christian ministry.
In his introduction, the author presents a plan for placing theological
schools in touch with the life of the churches and of human society, by appoint-
ing men who arc successful ministers in average pastorates, or labor and social
leaders, as instructors to supplement the work of the regular professors.
His two lectures, dealing w'ith the relation of the ministry to the realization
of democracy and to industrial organizations, demonstrate the opportunities
for effective social work by the minister beyond the limits of his parish. Other
discussions include the following: Trade Unions, by Henry Sterling and John
Mitchell ; W'age-Earners, by Rev. Edwin B. Robinson ; Non-English-Speaking
People, by Rev. Ozora S. Davis; The Rural Connnunity. by Rev. Wilbert L.
Anderson ; The Ministry to Men, by Rev. .\nson Phelps Stokes, Jr. ; Mental
Healing, by Rev. George B. Cutten, and Industrial Movements, by Rev.
Frederick Lynch.
This work is a valuable contribution to social science, indicating the
desire of modern theology for a comprehensive grasp of social problems
by the ministry. It represents a movement among religious thinkers to
enlarge the interests and activities of the Church by dealing sanely with social
and economic conditions.
S. Edwin Rupp.
Lebanon, Pa.
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184 The Annals of the American Academy
McPherson, L. G. Railroad Freight Rales in Relation to the Industry and
Commerce of the United States. Pp. 441. Price, $2.25. New York:
Henry Holt & Co., 1909.
There are several chapters in this volume of particular interest because of
their wealth of information. Such are those on "The Transportation Charge
and Prices," "Regional Rate Structures," "Commodity Rate Structures" and
"Traffic Experts in the Employ of Shippers." Their main value lies in the
extensive data which has been collected rather than in the deductions that
are drawn.
The volume unfortunately lacks logical arrangement of the subjects dis-
cussed. It is confusing to read of the influence of the Interstate Commerce
Commission in one chapter, of "traffic experts in the employ of shippers" in
the next, of "the commerce of the cities" in a third, and then of the com-
parison between the carriers and the agricultural and manufacturing indus-
tries. Some chapters seem quite irrelevant, for, at least as treated by the
author, they deal solely with commerce and trade methods and do not, as
the title would indicate, show the relation between rates and commerce.
Other matters intimately related to the subject are but briefly touched upon.
Nine pages, for instance, are devoted to the entire subject of rate wars,
pools and traffic agreements and four pages are devoted to the private car
system. The subject of "early rivalries and the beginnings of through
service" is disposed of in eight pages and of these only one paragraph is
devoted to all the fast freight lines of the present.
The author accepts practically all present day practices as correct. The
regional and commodity rate structures, for instance, are extensively outlined,
but are accepted part and parcel because they were thus evolved by the rail-
ways. Nothing is said of the early abuse of fast freight lines and nothing of
the abuse of private car privileges. The customary railroad view, that the
early failure of the Interstate Commerce Commission to overcome certain,
evils was due not to lack of power but to the wasting of time in "the laying
down of general rules," is accepted. Rebates and favoritism, it is held,
injured individual shippers in competition with their "shrewder rivals," but
did not retard the industry and commerce of the country. In no instance does
overcapitalization afifect the rates of the shipper. Rebates to-day have "ad-
mittedly ceased to exist."
The author very correctly points out that business considerations have
been the leading factor in the making of freight rates and in the inaugura-
tion of many traffic practices. But to disregard wholly the existence of
other more artificial and sometimes personal forces may lead the reader
astray. In the aggregate the rate structure as made by business considera-
tions is equitable and reasonable and the carriers may justly be commended
for services rendered; but it is none the less true that unfair rates and
practices have existed and have required public correction.
G. G. HUEBNER.
University of Pennsylvania.
(622)
Book Di-partiiicnt 185
Munsterberg, H. Pjv,-/,o//ii'rfl/'.v. Pp. 401. Price. $2.00. New York : Moffat,
Yard & Co., 1909.
The mind may be regarded from two points of view. It is a willing subject.
This is the basis of literature, art, religion. But the mind is also an associa-
tion of objective facts to be explained. This is the field of psychology. Psy-
chotherapy has the same relation to psychology that engineering has to physics.
Psychology knows no indescribable elements. Volitions, emotions, etc., are
all complexes of sensations. Psychology is a defmite science because mental
facts are parallel to brain facts, and in this way they can be scientifically
described. There is no purely mental disease. Psycho-physiology is the
physician's point of view. There is nothing abnormal about suggestion.
There is no action which has not its opposite. Full vividness belongs only to
those sensations whose channels of motor discharge are open. Actions are
inhibited when their motor channels are closed. This takes place when oppos-
ing channels are held open. Suggestion proper exists only when resistance
has to be overcome. No one can be hypnotized against his own will. Any
one may be provided he is willing to enter into this play of imagination.
To hypnotize, except in the interest of health, is criminal. The subconscious
is a disposition of the physiological centers. This definition suffices for
normal life, and there is no reason to change it when dealing with the abnor-
mal. This view makes no less of suggestion and hypnotism.
The statement that every mental process involves a brain process does
away witii appeals to psychotherapy as proving the subconscious or the
triumph of the mind over the body. Psychotherapy has no contempt for
drugs. It is not a question of morals or of philosophy but of experience.
Religion as a sense of a larger will often inhibits disturbances and favors
health where central inhibitions interfere with the normal functions of the
organism. But for psychotherapy religion must fall in line with other mental
processes whose relation to health must be determined by experience. Psychi-
cal symptoms are only a fraction of the disease. It is not the function of
the clergy to understand disease, physical or mental. Religious emotions
often upset the equilibrium of the nervous sjstem. Psycholog>' is the most
immediate need of the medical curriculum. Hypnotism is not as injurious
as morphine or Roentgen rays. But such diseases as hysteria are not intelli-
gible without psychology. The physician n1\ist know psychology for emotions,
etc., affect the blood supply as well as drugs.
J. D.\SHiELL Stoops.
Iowa College.
Noyes, A. D. Forty Years of Aiiien'ean Finanee. Pp. 418. Price, $1.50.
New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
In 1898 Mr. Noyes published his interesting and serviceable narrative of
American financial history for the period 1865 to 1897. His new book is
the older work rewritten with a continuation of the narrative down through
the panic of 1907. Mr. Noyes notes in his preface that he has made no
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l86 The Annals of the American Academy
important changes in the facts and conclusions found in the earlier book,
except that in his later work he does not ascribe to John Sherman sole
authorship of the Resumption Act nor responsibility for its defects, (p. 27.)
After a very brief treatment of the Gold Standard Act of 1900, the
author begins the new part of his book with a chapter on the tremendous
industrial boom which marked our recovery from the effects of the panic
of 1893. The remarkable and significant increase in the world's output of
gold, the marked rise in prices, especially of agricultural products, between
1897 and 1900, the victory of the gold party, the Dingley tariff, the "Ameri-
can Invasion," railway reorganization, the Spanish and Boer Wars are dwelt
upon in this chapter. The amalgamation of companies, the manipulation
and multiplication of new industrial stocks, and the rich man's panic of
1903, are factors of the chapter on the speculative mania of 1901. The
advancing cost of living, the growing strain on capital, the financial sig-
nificance of the Russian-Japanese war, high money rates and predictions
of impending disaster, trust manipulators, the New York life insurance
investigations, the Northern Securities case, the $29,000,000 fine, and the Hep-
burn law, are the subjects found in the next three chapters. The book
closes with an interesting twenty-six page exposition of the panic of 1907.
]Mr. Noyes has necessarily taken up a large number of factors bearing
on the financial period 1896 to 1907, in his one hundred and twenty-four
moderately sized pages ; many would prefer a fuller discussion of some
of these factors, others will perhaps be glad of the author's brevity. How-
ever that may be, Mr. Noyes has written a very interesting and serviceable
narrative of a period of American finance marked by movements and events
full of the greatest significance to the American people.
Raymond V. Phelan.
University of Minnesota.
Peyton, J. H. The American Transportation Problem. Pp. 204. Price, 50
cents. Louisville : Courier Journal Publishing Company, 1908.
This book deals exclusively with the movement for improved inland water-
ways. The author begins his arraignment by charging that the movement is
"based on prejudice and lack of information as to actual transportation con-
ditions and developments." This prejudice, he claims, is due largely "to
the misrepresentations by venal demagogues and socialistic agitators who
obtain office and preferment by stirring up bitterness and hatred between dif-
ferent classes of society." To brand the friends of inland waterways, many
of whom are wholly removed from politics and some of whom are prominent
railroad men, with such intentions at once discloses the bias which pervades
the whole book. The modern improvement of inland waterways he likens
to the South Sea and Mississippi Bubbles; the plans of engineers favoring
reservoirs, he says, "though amusing, grow wearisome in the superabundance
of absurdities." European waterways and government railways he pro-
nounces unqualified failures, upon the authority of Hugo R. Meyer, who,
(624)
Book Dcparttiicnt igj
after "twelve years of investigation and profound study . . . adduces con-
clusive proofs" to that effect.
Mr. Peyton is wholly beside the point when he says that the movement
for waterways is one of "demagogues, muck-rakers and agitators" There
is no desire to harm the railroads, but to promote both railroad and water
transportation, the latter to supplement the former in the carriage of certain
classes of freight. The book is the most violent arraignment of inland
waterways thus far written, but is written in such a jocular tone that it will
perhaps never exert much influence.
University of Pennsylvania.
G. G. HUEBNER.
Pickett, W. P. The Negro Problem. Pp. x, 580. Price, $2.50. New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909.
Moved, doubtless, by his admiration for Lincoln as well as by the desire to
profit by his authority, the author uses as a sub-title "Abraham Lincoln's
Solution." The frontispiece is an excellent photograph of Lincoln and in
the text some little space is given to telling of Lincoln's attitude.
The author, a northern lawyer, has taken pains to read a good part
of the literature on the subject. His thought is clear, his style good. The
wide range of quotation and historical sketches add much to the interest
of the volume. Of first hand knowledge of existing conditions there is no
evidence. Mr. Pickett states that the "white man and the negro are at opposite
extremities of the scale. In physical, mental and moral traits they are as far
apart from each other as the poles." Present inferiority of the blacks is
evident. There is an "absolute unassimilability." Race antipathy is an "in-
superable barrier to the negro's progress."
This attitude of the whites Mr. Pickett does not discuss. Tn his judg-
ment it is a permanent feature. Whether the inferiority be physical or
social matters not. In America the negro can never become part of us.
Industrial, business, political equality involve social. The last cannot be-
hence no chance for the others. Thus the superior group limits the prog-
ress of the inferior and the reverse is equally true.
What can be done? Present policies ineffective. The progress of the
negroes invites trouble— does not ward it off. There is but one way. Grad-
ually ship the negroes to some other land— any warm region outside the
United States— where, unhindered by the whites, they may work out their
fortune. One hundred million dollars a year for some forty years and all
is over. That there are tremendous difficulties the author sees — he may even
consider them insuperable — if so, he will agree with the reviewer. Xever-
theless. the plan deserves some consideration.
The author's tone is balanced, his attitude very fair. He deprecate>;.
as docs every student, certain great and obvious evils in our life as a result
(625)
i88 The Annals of the American Academy
of the negro's presence. His statements are generally accurate, though
lack of personal observation leads him into some errors of judgment.
Carl Kelsey.
University of Pennsylvania.
Van Rensselaer, Mrs. S. History of the City of Next' York in the Seven-
teenth Century. Two vols. Pp. xl, 1173. Price, $5.00. New York:
Macmillan Company, 1909.
Author, publishers and public have cause for felicitation on the completion
of these handsome volumes giving us a satisfying history of the first century
of the imperial city on Manhattan. The first volume deals with its career
under the Dutch. With much but not excessive detail the causes and modes of
the settlements are shown ; the organization of the superior and local govern-
ments and the infinite complications and irritations arising between the home
and colonial authorities are lucidly set forth ; the clashes of local factions
and the collisions with New England and New France are effectually ex-
hibited ; and the welter of futilities due to the "dull short-sightedness" of the
paternal government under the divers governors is convincingly portrayed.
In the second volume we are shown the causes and courses of the reorgani-
zation under the English, the autocratic and uneven rule of the royal gov-
ernors, the predominance of European considerations, the growing popular
discontent that culminated in Leisler's stormy career. The narrative closes
with the latter's execution. While the author's major theme is the political
history of the city, yet much attention is given to developments in industry
and trade, to religious matters and to the social customs of the people. The
persistence of sundry notable families and their continuous prominence in the
life of the city and state and frequent references to present-day families give
a personal touch to the narrative.
In passing judgment on the manner in which the author has accomplished
her task one might easily fall into the pit of panegyric. Every page of the
history demonstrates that her recital is the issue of extensive, minute and
critical studies of documentary sources. She subjects tradition and the
various contradictory claims of chroniclers to sharp scrutiny. She may enter-
tain strong partisan views, but if so they are kept in check. Upon moot points
there is a noteworthy fairness, fulness and frankness in the gathering, sifting
and presentation of evidence and judicial caution in expressing conclusions
that secure confidence in the efficiency of her investigations and the correct-
ness of her findings. The style is engaging — calm, direct, lucid, forceful,
solid, with no fine writing at all. With such masses of data assembled, the
crispness and compactness of the exposition, the skilful weaving of numerous
bits of extracts into a vigorous, easy-flowing narrative, implies masterful
compression in composition. If the volumes to follow fulfil expectations
thus created we shall have indeed a magnum opus.
F. I. IIerriott.
Drake University, Des Moines.
(626)
Book Dcparhiiciit 189
Vernon, IV5rs. H. M. Italy from 1494 to J790. Pp. viii, 516. Price, 5s. 6d
Cambridge : University Press. 1909.
Tliis book is not up to tlic high standard of most of the other works In the
scries to which it belongs. It purports to deal, as its title implies, with the
history of Italy from the invasion of Charles VIII of France to the begin-
ning of the Revolutionary era, and the author tells us in her preface that
she proposes to lay stress on the period after 1559 "about which it is diffi-
cult for the ordinary reader to obtain information." But the implied prom-
ise is scarcely fulfilled. Nothing is more needed, for instance, than a clear
and scholarly description of the administration of the Spanish dependencies
in Italy in the last half of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and in
a book like this one has a right to expect it. Instead we find in Chapter III
a scrappy and often inaccurate collection of data on this topic, which is
clearly inferior to the account in Ranke's "Die Osmanen Monarchic und
die Spanische" and, by the way, are we to assume that Mrs. Vernon is
ignorant of this classic work, or are we expected to recognize it under the
title of "History of the Latin and Teutonic Nations from 1494-1514," which
appears in the bibliography? Tommaso Campanella is certainly worth more
in a work of this scope than the dozen lines alloted to him on page 284. The
account of the Papacy and administration of the states of the church would
have been enormously improved by a perusal of Herre's "Pabstthum und
Pabstwahl im Zeitaltcr Philipps des Zweiten" of which there is no mention;
his "Evropiiisch Politik im Cyprischcn Krieg," on the other hand, is scarcely
suflficiently near to the subject of this work to merit the place it holds in
the selected bibliograph3\
Of actual errors of fact there are few, though minor inconsistencies and
infelicities in nomenclature abound ; but the work as a whole gives an im-
pression of Ijcing patched together, of lack of unity, and of absence of his-
toric background. It will doubtless serve a useful purpose in giving the
English-speaking student who is ignorant of continental languages a toler-
able hand-book for a period of which he otherwise would have to remain
in ignorance, but it cannot for one moment pretend t© rank with the standard
French. German, or Italian authorities.
Roger B. Merrim.^n.
Harvard University.
War ill the Far East. By a military correspondent of the "Times." Pp. 656.
Price, $5.00. New York : E. P. Button & Co. ,
Though this book was written from daily reports sent to the "Times" during
the Russo-Japanese war, it remains the best account of the conflict from the
Japanese side that has yet appeared. England's ally is consistently upheld,
but the partisanship is not an unreasoning one and the author does not hesi-
tate to give praise to Russia and the Russians w'hen it is due. Then, too.
there is a certain glow about the reports coming, as they do. direct from
190 The Annals of the American Academy
the field of action, which makes much otherwise detailed reading have an
absorbing interest.
England and Russia, so the argument runs, are in unaherable antagon-
ism. "The firmest bond that unites England and Japan is the mutual dis-
trust ... of Russian policy." Japan, England and the United States
must stand together for the open door. Japan is the most ardent champion
of this principle and is the most sincere protector of China. The war was
all important for the island empire. "After all, Russia is fighting for its
dinner and Japan for its life."
The war operations are reviewed in detail. Like most writers, the author
underestimated what the Russians could accomplish with the Trans-Siberian,
and therefore did not foresee the importance the war was to assume even
after the disaster to the fleet. "How is the Russian camel to pass through
the eye of the Trans-Siberian needle." Russian unpreparedness is criticised,
the Port Arthur experience is held to show that fortresses may quite as
often be a source of weakness as of strength.
The battle descriptions are vivid and clear. A wide command of his-
tory, especially from its military side, enables the author to draw compari-
sons with past experiences, especially the Boer and Crimean wars, which
w'ill be valuable to the tactician as well as to the historical student. Mr.
Percy Fisher's maps of the campaigns are admirable. The author is highly
to be congratulated on his success in securing the use of these drawings
which make every move in the campaign intelligible. The book closes as it
begins with a warning to England. The performance of the Trans-Siberian
is held to be the greatest of proofs that Russia could threaten England in
India and that the two countries by opposition of interests must remain
natural enemies.
Public opinion and international policies have shifted since the war and
perhaps if the book were written to-day the viewpoint would be changed.
Japan is no longer the most sincere advocate of open-door principles and
the treaty of 1907 seems to indicate that the English foreign office does not
think an Anglo-Russian entente an impossibility. In its presentation of
facts and reviews of historical analogies the book is highly to be com-
mended.
Chester Lloyd Jones.
University of Pennsylvania.
(628)
INDEX OF NAMES
Abbreviations — In the Index the following abbreviations have been used • pan
pnnripiil paper by the person named : b., review of book of which the person named
is the author ; >:, reviewed by tlie person named.
Addauis. Jane, 215, 216
Alexander the Great, 240
Alexeieff, 2(»<)
Allen. II. N., 17:?, b.
Allen, W. II., 19.5, b.
Anasagoras, 330
Anderson, G. E., 559
Anderson, W. L., 621
Andreiev. 200
Andrews, C. S.. 85-89, pap.
Andujar. M.. 173, b.
Ansell. .1. R., 21.S
Angler, A. C. 1!)."., b.
Anson, W. U., 173. b.. 186
Antonv, M., 206
Arthur, C. A., 354
Atchison, D. 11., 212, 213
Attila, 240
Augustus t'jesar, 200
Aurelius, M., 9
Austin, O. P., 563-68, pap.
Ayres, L. P., 601, b.
Bacon, F., 203
Baddelev. .T. F., 197, b.
Bagehot. W., 5
Bailev. 605
Bain. A., 64
Bainbridge. W. S.. 174. b.
Baker. II. I).. 558
Baker, P. A., 574
Bancroft. F.. 213
Barlow. T. W., 87
Barnard, .1. L., 203-5, r.
Barnes. K. II.. 159
Barnett, Canon. 174, b.
Barnett, Mrs. S. A., 174, b.
Barr, M. W.. 17
Barrett, J.. 521-30, pap.
Barrie, J. M.. 66
Bartleman. U. M.. 559
Baschurtz. K., 601
Beard. C. A.. 610. b.
Beaulieu. M. L.. 437
Beaulieu. P. I... 198, b.
Been. (". A.. 175, 6.
Bellom. M.. 425, b.
Bellot. H. II. L.. 184. b.
Bennet. W. S.. 117-124, pap.
Benoist, C 6(11. b.
Benthani. .1.. 277
Benton. T. II.. 175
Berkeley. G.. 620
Bernhard. K.. 601
Beveridge. W. II., 175
Bezobrazoff. 2(i9
Bingham, T. A., 121
Birdseye, C. F., 614, 5.
Bismarck, Prince, 437
(629)
Blaine, J. G.. 523
Blake, M., 558
Blandin, Mrs. I. M., 175. 6.
I'.low. Susan E., 425.
Bok, E., 88
Bonaparte, N., 23
lUmne, I)., 175
Booth. C, 59, 65
r.ordwell. P.. 175
I'.oyd. K. IJ.. 425
I'.i'.iun. -M., .■i6(t-62. p.
Brewer, D. .1.. 287
I'.ridgnian, K. L.. 425
P.nide, J. L., 560, 561
I'.riK.ks, I'., 49
Browne, J. C, 602, b.
lirowning, U,. 620
Bruce, H. A.. 175, 6.
Bruce. It.. 58
Bruce. W. S., 64
P.riickner, A., 199. b.
I>rvan, W. ,1.. 581
P.ryce. .1., 218. 277. 284, 313
Buckle, H. T.. 203
Burke. W. M.. 574
Burnett. A. Vw.. 257-61. pap.
Burns, .1. A.. 176. b.
Burstall. Sara A., 176, *.
Buschkiel, A. II.. 602
P.iitler. W. A., 280
But man, A. B., 560
Caesar, .7.. 23. 205. 206
Calvert. A. F., 177. b.
Camp. Uev., 159
Campanella, T., 627
Canada, W. W.. 559
Cannon, .1. G.. 603
Garden, G. L.. 560
Carlyle. T., 203. 620
Carnegie. A.. 28. 179, 498
Carson, .1. M., 557
Carter. C. B.. 539-46. pap.
Cattell. II. W., 87
Chamlierlain. A. II.. 177. 6.
<'hancellor. W. K.. 200. b.
('banning. K.. 177
Chapin. I{. ('.. 177
Charles VIII. 627
Chase. S. P.. 214
de Chavonnes. I). P.. .196
Chittenden, U. II., 602. 612
Choate. U.. 356
Chomley. C. H.. 607, /(.
Chricbfii'ld. (;. \V.. 202. b.
Cicero. 2(»5
Clark. W. A. ;,., 560
Clavery, E., 425, b.
Clay, A., 198
Index of Xames
Clay. II., 603
Clavton. 401 , ^„ ,,- >.
Cleveland. F. A.. 178 42o, bl.j, 6.
Cleveland, G., 355, 350
Clifford, H., 425
Cobden, R., 551
Coffin, W.. 558
Coke. Lord, 279
Commons, .7. R,._242, 243
Comstock, A., 87
Comte, A., 57
Connor. .1. K.. 550
Conyngton. T.. 201, 0.
Cooley, C. H., 178. 432. h.
Coolidge, Mary U., 340-,,(i. pai)., 01. h.
Cooper. F. B.. 334
Cornman, O. P.. 151, ct scq.
Cortelvou, (i. B.. 88
Coryn, S. G. P., 262-68, pap.
Cowen. -J., 425
Crawford. W. II.. 178. b.
Crozler, .1. B., 20H. h.
Cullen, E. M.. 279
Curtis, G. W.. 275.
Curwood, J. O.. 426
Cusliman, A. S.. 509, 510
Cutten, G. B., 621
Dalsh, J. B., 178
Dana, C. A.. 179
Dana, C. L., 81-84, pap.
Darius I., 240
Darwin, C. R., 3. 9, 20, 331, 610
Darwin, E., 20, 22, 203:
Davenport, C. B.. 16-21. pap-
Davidson, G. A.. 617. b.
Davidson, .1., 178. 617, b.
Davis, M. II., 500, 5G1
Davis, M. M., 420. h.
Sawlon^'w."H^\78, h., 434, h., 607, h.
Day, .1. R., 573
Dealey, J. Q., 179
Delaney, J. C. 91
De Leon, E. W., 51
Demolins, M. E., 63
Denison, G. T., 179, b.
Denison. T. S.. 602. b.
Derby, Earl of, 436
De Soto, II., 559 ^^o ,
Devine, E. T.. 179, 435, b., 618, b.
Dewe, J. A., 180
Dicey, A. V.. 180
Dinglev. N.. 479
Dodd. \\. v.. 180, b.
Domoto, 384
Donaldson. C. S., 555-62, pap.
Doren, G. A., 17
Douglas. S. A.. 212, ct s^g.
Drelier, .1. D., 558
Dudley, C. B.. 508
Dumas, A.. 135
Du Maurier, G. L., 135
Duncan, A., 02
Dunning, .1. E., 5.59
Dunning. W. A.. 213
Dutton, S. T.. 203. b.
Dwight, W. B.. 106
Earhart. Lida B.. 426
Eastman, F. A.. 002
Eckman, G. B.. 215
Edkins. .!.. 241
Edward I. 58. 59
Eldershaw, P. S., 410-23, pap.
Eliot, T. L., 300-305, pap.
Elizabeth, Queen. 108
Emerson. R. W., 63, 203
Errera. P.. 602
Evans, L. B., 180. b.
Evans, W. E., 575
Ewing, E. W., 426, h.
Ferrero. G.. 180, 205, b.
Field. M.. 92
Fillebrown, C. B., 181
Fiudley, A. I.. 496-506. pap.
Finley, J. H., 181, 420, b.
Fisher, I., 612
Fisher, P.. 628
Fletcher. H.. 612
Flint, C, 338
Foltz, E. B. K.. 181. b.
Ford. W. C. ISO
Forman, S. E., 602, b.
Foster, J. W., 288
Fouse. L. G., 578-83, pap.
Fox, II. F., 485-95, pup.
Frankenthal, L. .1.. 560
Franklin. B., i;!3. 165
Frear. W. F.. 244
Fremont. J. C.. 175
Frv. W. II., 181
Fuller. H. B.. 603. 6.
Fussell. M. II., 157
Galton, F., 20
Gardiner. .1. E.. 368
Garr, M.. 603
Gary, E. II., 498
Geddes, P.. 54-67, pap.
(ienghiz Khan. 240
George, D. L., 437
Gerry, E. T., 87
Gibson, T.. 427, 439-44, pap., 003
Ciddings, F. II.. 97
(iiddinL;s. J. R.. 275
Gladstone, W. E., 581
Goddard. F., 87
(ioetho. .1. W.. 203
(lompers. S., 341
Goodnow, F. P., 203, 604
Gorky, M., 200
(Jorman. J. E.. 158
Gostic, I., 395
Gowen, II. II.. 329-37, pap.
Grant, P. S.. 604, b.
(Jrant. U. S.. 214
Graves. F. P.. 181. h.
Grav, A., 178, 618
Green, T. 11., 108
Grov, George. 396
Griffiths. .1. E.. 557
Grout. .1. II., 558
Gulick. Charlotte V.. 427
Gulkk, L. II., 33-42, pap., 335.
Ilainos. C. G.. 604. b.
Hale. A.. 592-600, pap.
Mall. B.. 605, b.
Hallam. H.. 186
Hamilton, A., 135. 319
Hardle, J. K., 605, b.
Harper, S. N., 197-8 v., 199-200, r.
Harriman, E. II.. 249
Harris. E. L.. 559
Harrison, Mrs. C. C, 163
Hart, A. B., 182. b.
Hasbach. W.. 430. b.
Hastings, A. C. 407-70, pap.
Havelock, H., 199
(630)
Index of Xaiiies
Hawthorne, J., 109
Hayes, E. A., 240, 251
Hay.'s. I{. B.. 2:i2. 2.S4. 28.-), S.".."?
) I. aril, L., l;5(!, 17:5, 242
Uick.'l, G. B.. rjOT-ll. pui).
H.'^;cl, G. \V. v.. XU), G2l»
Hoiulcison, (". K., 2(J7, b, GOG
Henry, I'., 47, 577
Heijluirii, A. B., 182, 6.
Hepburn, W. P., 251
Heri-e. (127
Heirinj;. M., 211
Heiiiott. l'\ I., G2«. r.
Hialt, .1. S., 200-1, r.
Hiuninsoii, Ella, 182, b.
Hill, .1. .1., 551
Hilhiuit. M., 18.3, b.
Holcomlie. C, 2S0
Hoklsworth, W. S., 183, 619, b.
Ilollaiui. T. E., 188, b.
Hollis. \V. L., 559
Hood, Tom, GO
Hon-oeks, .1., 6()G
Hotchkiss, W. E., 218, r.
Houston, S., 175
Houston, S. F.. 1G3
Howhind, A. v., 205-7, r.
Huchner. <!. (J.. G15-G1G, i:, G22, r., G24-
Hurd. J. ('., 2S1
Hutehinson. W., 37, 43-47, pap.
Huxley, T. II., 203
Ibu Khaldun, ISG
K'arashi, E.. 383
Ijichi, Vice-Admiral, 332
Irish, ,T. P., 294-299, pap.
Irwin, W., 331, 332
,TacoI)i. A.. 165
.Jaffa, M. E., 349
.Tames I. 58
.lames VI, 58
.Jefferson, T., 175, 186, 277, 318
.Jenks. .1. \V., 184
.Jensen, C. O., 427, 606, b.
.Johnson, A., 22-29, pap.
.Johnson, A. B., 547-51, pap.
.Johnson, C. D., 532-38. pap.
.Johnson, E. U.. 210-11, >:, GOG
.Johnston, M. (i.. 427
.Jones, C. L., 195-7, >:, 202, c, 209-10. >:,
212-13, /-., 213-14, r., 21G-17, >:, 351-59,
pap., 434, )•., 017, r., 619-20, r., 027-
28, r.
.Tones, H., G20. h.
.Tones, .T. K., 559
.Tones. L. A.. 184, b.
.Jordan, D. S., 185, b.
.Towctt, B.. 432
Juvenal, D. J., 9
Kal.-inianaole, .T. K., 244
E.uieko, Jv., 242, 338-39, pap.
Kant. I., G20
Ke.irnev, 1)., 232
Eellev. Florence. 90-96, pap.
KelloW, .1. H., 612
I-Cellv. E., 427
Kelsey. C, .3-8, pap., 1G7, 195, r., 219-20
)•., 432-33, »•., 614-15, )■., 625-26, r.
Kennedy, .T. B., lo5, b.
Key, Ellen. 208. b.
Kin 2, H.. 556
Kipiinj;, U.. 258
Kirkham. S. I).. 427, b.
Kittesato. S., 299
(63
Knox, .1., 107
Knox, P. ("., 5(J0
Kohler, >L .[., 275-03, pap.
Kuropatkln, A. N., 209, b.
Landis. K. M., 548
I.am Hon;; Wai, 3t>3
Lansing, Marion F., 177
Lasalle, F. J. a., 199
de I„is Cases. P., 1.S5, b.
I-atili, A.. 427. b.
Lay. .J. G., 559
Lazard, M., 428, b.
Lecky. W. E. H.. 43G, b.
Le(>, .1., 153
Leishman, .1. (i A., 556
Eeo XIII, 17(»
I^eonidas. 2.".!)
Eeriiiontov. JI. I., li(7
Lewis. F. W., 606, 6.
Lewis, W. !>., 313-28, pap.
Lielitenl)erger. .J. 1'.. 97-lo5, pap.
Lincoln, A.. 214. 275, 025
Lindsay, A. B., 209
Lin.i,'elbach, W. E., 436-37, 1:
Lloyd, Mary, 215, r., 620-21 1:
Loch. M., 63
Lorimer, 55
Low, A. M.. 607, b.
Lowell, P.. 329
Lownhaupt, F., 210, b.
Luther, M., 108
Lyman, W. I)., 428
Lynch, F., 621
Macarthnr. W., 239-46. pap
MacDonald, I). B.. 185, b.
Macfarland, C. S., 621, b.
Macfarlane, .1. .L. 44.5-5G. pap.
Madison, .!.. 277
Maguire. Margaret T.. 149, et seq.
von Mayr. (;.. 42s. b.
Mahomet. 23
Maine. 11. S.. 277
Maitland. F. W., l.S(!, b., 620
Mallerv, O., 153
Malthus, T. K.. 3
Mangold, G. B.. 207-8. r., 428, 018-10 r.
Manning. I. A.. 559
Marquez. L., 559
Marr, 65
Marsh, B. C, 163, 164
Marshall, A., 104
Marshall. .L. 319
Martel. C, 24o
Marv. Queen. 108
Marx, K., 183, 199
Mason, F. II., 557
Masten. V. M., 607. b.
Mathews. .T. L.. 607
M.ithews. .1. M.. 607, h.
Matthews. S.. 276
M.turtiia, A., 428, b.
Mavbon. A., 608. b.
Maynard. L.. 558
McCain. C. (".. liOS
McConnell. G. .\L. ISO, b.
McDoimall, W.. 438, 6.
McKim. W.. 24
McKinlev, W.. 175
McMaster. .T. B.. 278
McPlierson. \.. G.. 622. b.
de Medici. Catherine, 107
Melancthon, P., 108
Mendel. (J.. 610
Meredith, II. O., 429, b., 607, 6.
I)
Index of Names
Merriman. R. B.. 627, r.
Metcalf. V. IL, 237
Metchnikoff, 612
Meyer, 88
Meyer, H. R., 624
Michael, W. H., 559
Mikell, W. E., 317, 319
Mill, J., 64
Mill, J. S., 64. 203
Millard, T. F., 195, 6., 403-09, pap.
Milner. A., 432
Miltiades. 239
Minns, 200
Misawa, T., 608
Mitchell, J.. 125-29. pap., 621
Mitchell. T. W., 210, r.
Moltke. Count H.. 212
Mommsen, C. M. T., 205, 206
Money, H. D., 242
Monk, G., 65
Montgomery, H. B., 187, 429, b.
Moody. J., 210, b., 584-91, pap.
Moore. D. H.. 573
Moore, J. B.. 280
Morrow, J. B.. 574
Mumford, E., 608. b.
M'unro, W. B.. 609. b.
Miinsterberg. H.. 187, 218, 623, b.
Murdoch. W. G. B.. 64
Murphv, E. G.. 610
Mussey, H. R.. 198-9. r.. 215-10, r.
Myers, W. J., 457-62, pap.
Myers, W. S., 430, b.
Neame, L. E., 395-402, pap.
bearing, Nellie M. S., 208-9, r.
Nearing, S., 216, r.
Neflf, J. S., 151
Neill, C. P., 215, 216
Newlands, F. G.. 245. 209-71, pap.
Newman, .T. H., 203
Nitobe, I., 386
Noyes, A. D., 187, 623, b.
Ogilvie, Mary, 144. 156
Okawahlra. T.. 379, 380, 382
Olden. P. P.. 410-23, pap.
Osborn, C. S.. 610
Ostrogorski, M., 218
Otis, E. S., 358
Otis, W. B.. 187. b.
Ozmun, E. II., 559
Parkes, H.. 401
Parry, D. M., 552-54, pap.
Parsons, H., 48-53, pap.
Pascal, B., 9
Payne, S. E., 478
Pearson. L.. 427. 606
Peck. Mrs. E. M. H., 430, 6.
Peckham, R. W.. 287
Pepper, C. M., 560
Pericles, 138
Perkins. G. C. 241
Perrv, O. H.. 329
Peyton. J. II.. 624. b.
Phelan, R. V.. 623-24. r.
Pickett, W. P.. 625. b.
Pierson. W. W.. 188
Posthumus, N. W., 430
Potter. H. C, 604
Powell, F. W.. 178, 615, &.
Pratt, J. B., 610. b.
Punnett, R. C, 610, 6.
Putnam, J. D., 251
(632)
Ranke. 627
Rasmussen. K., 211, 6.
Ravndal. G. B., 559
Ray, P. O., 212, 6.
Reed, T. B.. 603
Reeder. R. P.. 187. b.
Reinsch, P. S.. 610 b.
Restick. Bishop, 336
Reynolds, J. B., 363-74, pap.
Ricardo, D., 183
Ripley, W. Z., 130-38, pap.
Rivarola, R., 188, 6.
Robinson, E. B.. 621
Rodgers. J. L.. 559
Roosevelt. T., 50, 51, 138. 154, 237, 238,
275, 287, et seq., 364 et seq.
Root, E., 202, 319, 460, 523
Rosengarten, J. G., 163
Rosetti, D. G., 135
Ross, E. A., 102, 289, 438, r.
Ross. E. M.. 286
Rossiter, W. S., 71-80, pap.
Rousseau, J. B.. 277
Rowell. C. II., 223-30, pap., 300
Rowntree, B. S.. 65
RoTce. J., 288, 292, 333
Ruhl, A., 188, b.
Rupp, S. E.. 438, »•., 621, r.
Rush. B.. 493
Raskin. .1.. 55
Ryan. M.. 471-76, pap.
Saalfleld, C. 252
Sanderson. .1. F.. 181. 426, b.
Sargent, D. A., 9-15, pap.
Sargent, F. P., 374
Sargent, J. H., 333, 334
Schaeffle. A. E.. 199
Scluller. .1. C. F., 165
Schloss. D. F., 611, 6.
Schouler. J., 189, b.
Schurz. C, 213. &.. 275
Scott. C. A.. 189, b.
Scott. W., 58
Scott. W. D., 218. 612, b.
Seager. II. R., 190. b.
Seller. C. L., 214-15, r.
Seligman. E. R. A.. 214. 6.
Seward. W. H.. 175, 330
Shahan. T. J.. 169
Shakespeare, 552
Shaler. N. S.. 278, 279
Shamil, 198
Shaw, C. S., 215. b.
Sheldon. H. C, 190, 6.
Sherman, J.. 624
Sherrill. C. H.. 556
Sherwell, A., 65
Shima, G.. 254, 297
Simons, M., 612
Sinclair, U., 191, 612, 6.
Skinner. R. P.. 559
Small. A. W., 612
Smith, A.. 64
Smith, C. II.. 612. b.
Smith. E. B.. 430, b.
Smith, G., 179
Smith, J. A.. 559
Snedden, D., 203, b.
Snodgrass. .1. H., 559
Solenberger. E. D., 160
Sparks. J.. ISO
Spencer. H.. 3. 9, 57, 203, 242
Spiegel. L.. 613
Stafford, W. V.. 251
Steiner, E. A.. 216, 6.
Index of XiDiics
Stolzlo. C. I'l.-i
Stephens, 11. M.. GlT-18, r.
Stephenson, (i. T., i;82
Sterliuf,'. 11., (J21
Stevenson, Mrs. A., Ill
Stevenson, U. L.. !i. r.i4
St. Maur. Kate V., litl, Gl."?, &.
Stokes, A. 1'., .Tr., Ol-'l
Stoops, J. 1>., Gll.'i. r.
Story, K. McC, ;i>»8-y4, /;«p.
Straus. (). S., I.'"."., L'ssT, (7 scq., 364
Stuart. Mary, 10"
Stubbs, W., lOG. 18G
Sullivan, .1. .1.. LMil-:.', i:
Sumner, ("., ITtt, L'14, J75, 276
Swayue, F. J., 31!)
Taft. W. IT.. 289, 291, 365, 462, 473, ct
■sC(j., 549, 552
Takahashi. H., 383
Taney, U. B.. 426
Tarbell. Ida M., 90
Tarde. (i.. 420
Taylor, G., 215
Tavlor. H., 216, 6.
Taylor, 11. C, 436, r.
Tennyson, A., 621
Thackara, A. M., 557
Theal. 396
Themistocles, 239
Thompson, C. B., 431, 6.
Thompson, J. A., 3
Thring. E.. 200
Thucvdides, 138
TimuV, 240
Titian, V., 20
Togo, M.. 3S0, 383
Tolstoy, Count. 197, 200, 216
Totten, U. .T., 558
de Tourville. H.. 63
Tow(>r. I.urena W., 203, r.
Tower, W. S., 211-12, r.
Towler, W. (J.. 191, b.
Tovnbee. A., 432. b.
Tudor, Mary, 107
Van Buren, M., ISG
Van Cleave, J. W., 463-66, pap.
Van Dyne, F., 558, 560, 613, b.
Van ImhofT. Governor-General, 396
Van Rensselaer. Mrs. S., 191, 626, 6.
Van Rielieek, 395
Vernon, Mrs. II. M., 627, b.
Wakefield, K. A.. 559
Walker, Miss .M. A., 05
Walker, 1'. II., 510
Wallace, A. U.. 3
Wallace. W., 58
Wallas, C, 218. b.
Wanamaker, .1., 92
Warlield, K. !>.. lo6-114, pap.
Washington, (;., Iso
Watson. F. 1)., 435-30, r.
Wehl), Beatrice, 192, b.
Webb, S.. litl'. h.
Webster. D., 170
Webster. 1'., 217
Weismann, A., 22
Weller, C. F., 192, 6.
W»l]s. 11. G., 193, b.
Wendell. B.. 431
Westermarck, K.. 219. b.
Westbeimi'r. M. F.. 569-77, pnp.
Whitman, W., 477-84, pap.
Wigmore. .1. II.. 281
Wilberforce, W.. 9
Willes, Justice. 279
William II. 555
Williams, C. D., 194. 438. b.
Williams, .7. E., 512-19, pap.
Williams, M.. 191. (•>12. h.
Williams. M. M. .1., 194, b.
Wilshire, G., 610
Wilson. Mona. 05
Winslow, A. A.. 559
Winthrop. .1., 109
Winthrop. Mar>,'aret. 100
Witmer, L.. 141-1G2, pap., 163
Witte. Count. 2o9
Wood. S.. 164
Woodruff. C. E . 432
Worcester. E., 156
Wordsworth. W.. 620
Wright. C. D.. 194. b.
Wu Ting Fang. 241, 280, 290
Wyman, W., 167
Xerxes the Great, 239
Yoell. A. A., 247-50. pap.
Yoshida. Y.. 377-87. pap.
Young. F. G., 306-10. pap.
Young. .T. P.. 231-38, pap.
Yow, II., 290
Zahn, F., 614. b.
Zimmern, A. E., 205
(633)
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
[Titles of articles are printed in small capitals.]
Accountancy. "Les Techniciens de la
CompataMlite," by M. Bellom, note,
425
"Advertising, the Psychology of," by W.
D. Scott, note, 612
"Alaska : The Great Country," by Ella
Iligginson, note, 182
AlcoholiSxM as a Cause of Ixsanitx.
See Insanity.
Australia. The Exclusion of Asiatic
Immigrants in Austualia, 410-23.
Australia and the Asiatic problem, 410 ;
state legislation, 411 : commonwealth
legislation, 413 ; certificates of exemp-
tion and evasions, 415 : provisions of
the law, 415 ; present administration,
416 ; reasons for legislation, 417 ; con-
clusion, 421
Automobile Sales and the Panic,
552-54. Ko real panic, 552 ; diffusion
of wealth, 553
Biology. ••Mendclism," by R. C. Punnett,
note, 610
Brewing Industry, The Prosperity of
the. See Manufactures.
California. The .Japanese Problem in
California. See Japanese.
Children. "The Century of the Child."
by Ellen Key, review, 208
National Children's Bureau, Es-
tablishment of a, 48-53. Need of
children's bureau, 48 ; the city
child, 49 ; housing conditions, 50 ;
employment of children, 51 ; why
there should be a new depart-
ment, 52
The Significance of the Decreas-
ing Proportion of Children, 71-
80. The decrease of births, 71 : cen-
suses and the birth rate, 72 ; lon-
gevity and the census figures, 73 ;
birth rates by sections. 74 ; United
States and Europe compared, 75 :
reason for decline in birth rate,
76 ; European statistics, 77 ; per-
iods of national progress, 78 ; fail-
ure of the Anglo-Saxon, 80
Chinese. Chinese and Japanese Immi-
grants : A Comparison. See Immi-
grant.
Chinese Labor Competition on the
Pacific Coast, 340-50. Origin of
Chinese immigration, 340 ; histor-
ical review, 341 ; early manufac-
turing conditions, 342 ; wage rates
in various trades. 343 : intermit-
tent work, 344 ; competition in
trades, 345 ; leather, woolen and
tobacco trades. 346 ; displacement
of white labor, 348 : substitutes
for Chinese labor, 349
Christianity. "A Valid Christianity for
To-day," by C. D. 'Williams, review,
438
Church. "The Churches and the Wage
Earners," by C. B. Thompson, note,
431
City Deterioration and the Need of
City Survey, 54-68. The old city and
the new, 54 ; the city in history, 58 ;
Perth and Dundee in history. 60 ; local
ship building. 61 ; Dundee manufactur-
ers, 62 ; evolution of local characteris-
tics, 64 ; historical explanation of local
conditions, 65 : present problems, 66
Civics. "Advanced Civics," by S. E.
Forman, note, 602
Civil Service. "The Federal Civil Service
as a Career," by E. B. K. Foltz, note,
181
"Collectivism," by P. L. Beauliou, review,
198
Congress. "The Speakers of the House,"
by II. B. Fuller, note, 603
Constitutional Law. "The Law and Cus-
tom of the Constitution," by W. R.
Anson, note, 173
"Legal and Historical Status of the
Dred Scott Decision," by E. W.
Ewing. note, 426
"Legislative and Judicial History of
the Fifteenth Amendment," by J.
M. Mathews, note, 607
Constitutions. "Modern Constitutions,"
by W. F. Dodd. note, 180
Corporations. "A Manual of Corporate
Management," by T. Conyngton, re-
view, 201
Crime. I.mmigrants and Crime. See
Immigrant.
Diplomatic Service. "Our Foreign Ser-
vice," by F. Van Dyne, note, 613
Distilling Industry. Present Ameri-
can Business Conditions in the.
See Manufactures.
Economics. "The Earth's Bounty," by
Kate V. St. Maur, note, 613.
"Economics," by H. R. Seager, note,
190
"Garden Yard," by B. Hall, note,
605
"Lectures on the Industrial Revolu-
tion of the Eighteenth Century in
England," by A. Toynbee, note,
432
"A Little Land and a Living," by
B. Hall, note. 605
"The Scottish Staple at Veere : A
Study in the Economic History of
Scotland," by J. and G. A. David-
son," review, 617
(634)
Index of Subjects
"The Standard of Livlnt; Among
Workinsmen's Families in New
Yorli City," by U. C. Chapin. note,
177
Education. "The Administration of I'ul)-
lic Kducation in tho luitcd States,"
by S. T. Dutton and I). Sni'dden, re-
view. 2();{
"Tile Catliolic Scliool System in the
I'nited States," by J. A. Burns,
note. 17t>
"A History of Education Before the
Middlf Ages," by F. P. Graves,
note, LSI
"History of Higher Education of
Women in tlio Soutli I'rior to
1S(!0." l)y Mrs. 1. M. Blandin.
note, 175
"Impressions of American Education
in 1908," by Sara A. Burstail,
note. 176
"Laggards in Our Schools," by L. 1'.
Ayres, note, 601
"Our City Schools. Their Direction
and Management." by W. E. Chan-
cellor, review. Joo
"The Ueorganization of Our Col-
leges," by C. F. Birdseye. review,
614
"Social Education," by C. A. Scott,
note, 180
"Standards in Education." by A. H.
Chaml)erlain, note. 177
Eskimos. "The People of the Polar
North." bj' K. liasmussen, review, 211
Ethnology. "Primitive Aryans of Amer-
ica." Ijy T. S. Denison, note. 602
Exclusion. Oriental. ExFcjitcEMENT oi"
THE Chinese Exclusion- Law. See
Law.
The Exclusion of Asiatic Immi-
GHANTs IX Australia. See Aus-
tralia.
How Can We Enforce Our Exclu-
sion Laws? See Law.
The Legislative History of Ex-
clusion Legislation. See Legis-
lation.
Family. The Instability of the Fam-
ily." 07-105. Conditions regulating sta-
bility of marriage, 07 ; evidences of,
98; child birth.s. loo; divorces, ini ;
cause of instability, 102 ; results of.
103
The Invasion of Family Life ry
Industry. 00-06. How industry
invades the home. 00; results. 01 :
unemployment and the worl< of
mothers, 91 ; messenger service,
03 ; dangers of employment for
the young. 04 ; lack of enforce-
ment of law. 05
Far East. "America and the Far East-
ern Question," by T. F. Millard, re-
view, 105
"The Far East Revisited." by A. C.
Angler, review, 105
"La Politique Chinoise," by A. May-
bon. note, 608
"Observations in Asia." l)v P. S.
Orant, note, 604
"Tbe Russian Army and the .Japan-
ese War." by A. N. Kuropatkin,
review, 209
(63
"Tr.iv.ls in the Far East." bv .Mrs.
K. M. H. Peck, note, 430
"War in tlie Far East," review, 627
Finance. "Hie Finauzi-n der <;ross-
machte." I>y F. Zalin, note, 614
"Forty Year.s of American I'Miiaiice."
by A. 1). Noyes, review, 623
Germany. "Tlie Evolution of Modern
(Jermany," ljy W. U. Dawson, review.
434
"The German Workman," l^y W. H.
Dawson, iioti-. 178
Gov(>rnment. "Actual Government as
Applied under American Conditions."
by A. B. Hart. note. 1>S2
"The .\merican lO.xecutlve and Ex-
ecutive Methods." by .1. H. Finley
and .1. F. Sanderson, note, 426
"Essays and Addresses," by E. B.
Smith, note. 43i»
"The Government of European Cit-
ies," by W. B. Munro. note. U.ii'.i
"Ideals of the Kepublic," by J.
Schouler. note, ISO
"Readings on American Federal Gov-
ernment." l)y P. S. Reinsch ;
"Readings in .\merican Govern-
ment and Politics," by C. A.
Beard, note, 6I0
Health. "Civics and Health," by W. H.
Allen, review, 105
"Essentials of Milk Hygiene," bv
C. O. .Jensen, note. f.of.
"Good Health and How to Regain
It." by 1,^ Sinclair and M. Wil-
liams, note, 612
"Life's Day," by W. S. Bainbridge.
note. 174
"Parcimony in Nutrition." by C. .1.
Browne, note. 602
The Significance ok a Shind
PllYsiouE. 0-15. Neglect of body
training. 0 ; limitation of develop-
ment. 10; uniform development.
11 ; influence of sedentary occupa-
tions. 12; brain work and body
strength. 13 ; importance of sys-
tematic training. 15
Heredity. Hekeihtv. Influence of. ox
Hu.MAN Society, 16-21. Complexity of
race problems, 16 ; inheritance phe-
nomena, 18 ; transmission of positive
characteristics, 10 ; no real classes in
society. 21
Influence of Heredity and Envir-
ON.MENT UrON RACE I .\tl* ROVEMENT.
See Race Improvement.
History (American).
"History of the City of New York
in the Seventeenth Century." by
Mrs. S. Van Reussebier. revli>w.
626
"Tbe Reminiscences of Carl Sehurz."
review, 213
"The Repeal of the Missoiiri Com-
promise." bv P. O. Rav. review.
212
"The Romance of .\mericnn ICxpan-
sion." by H. .\. Bruce, note. 175
"Till- Self-Reconstruction of Marv-
land, 1.S64-1867," by W. S. Myers.
note 430
5)
Index of Subjects
History (EnKlish).
"The Constitutional History of Eng-
land," by F. W. Maitland, note,
186
"Outlines of the Economic History
of England," hy H. O. Meredith,
note, 429
Historv (General).
"Historical and Political Essays,"
liy W. E. II. Lecky. review. 436
"Italy from 1404 to 1790." by Mrs.
H. M. Vernon, review, 627
Hosiery M.^NUFACTrRE in the United
States. See Manufactures.
Immigrant. Chinese and J.\panese Im-
migrants: A Comparison, 22.3-230.
American prejudice, 223 ; Chinese in
America, 224 : Japanese. 225 ; China-
town conditions, 226 ; Japanese quar-
ters, 227 ; Japanese characteristics,
228 ; Japanese problem. 229.
Immigrants and Cri.me^ 117-124.
The foreign criminal. 117 ; the
south European immigrant, 118 ;
character of Italian immigration,
119 ; migration of criminals. 121 ;
classes of crimes committed by
foreigners, 122 ; exaggeration of
crime by immigrants. 123
A Western View of the Race
Question, 269-71. Importance of
race questions, 269 ; industrial dis-
turbances. 270 ; systematic legis-
lation, 271
Immigration. "Chinese Immigration,"
by Mary R. Coolidge, review, 617
Immigration and the A.merican
Laboring Classes, 125-29. Im-
portance of high standard of life,
125 ; influence of immigrant. 126 ;
results of excessive immigration,
127 : unassimilable immigration,
128
Misunderstanding of Eastern and
Western States Regarding Ori-
ental I M. migration. See Orient.
Moral and Social Interests In-
volved IN Restricting Oriental
Immigration. See Orient.
Oriental Immigration in the
State of Washington. The Prob-
lem of, 329-37. Awakening of
Japan, ,329 ; prophecy of Seward.
330 ; local prejudice, 331 : excel-
lence of Japanese, 332 ; illicit im-
migration, 333 ; Orientals not a
problem, 334 ; commercial interest
in immigrants, 335
Race Progress and Immigration,
130-38. Contrast of early and
present immigration, 130 ; In-
crease of immigration, 131 ; New
England statistics, 133 ; decrease
in birth rate among immigrants,
134 : result of race mixtures, 135 :
mental and moral problems, 136 ;
what we must give the immigrant,
137
Reasons for Encouraging Japa-
nese Immigration. See Japanese.
Imperialism. "The Struggle for Imperial
Unity," by G. T. Denison, note. 179
"India," by J. K, Ilardie, note, 605
i^Z^)
Industry. The Invasion of Family
Life by Industry. See Family.
Insanity, Alcoholism as a Cause of,
81-84. How alcoholism produces in-
sanity, 81 ; alcoholism and the races,
82 ; national average consumption, 83 :
other causes contributing to insanity,
84
Insurance. "Le Chomage," by P. de Las
Cases, note, 185
"Industrial Insurance in the United
States," by C. R. Henderson, re-
view. 207
"Insurance against Unemployment,"
by D. F. Schloss. note, 611
Life Insurance Business, Recent
Developments in the, 578-83.
State legislation, 578 ; business
expenses, 580 : extent of business,
581 ; government insurance. 582
"State Insurance : A Social and
Industrial Need," by F. W. Lewis,
note, 606
International Law. "Effects of War on
Properly," by A. Latifl. note, 427
"The Laws of War on Land," by T.
E. Holland, note, 183
"La Neutralidad," by C. A. Becu,
note, 175
International Trade. Government As-
sistance to Export Trade, 555-62.
Governmental encouragement, 555 ;
diplomats and commerce, 556 ; reports
on foreign trade. 557 ; consular ser-
vice, 558 ; commercial agents, 560 ;
improvements recommended, 561
International Trade, Present Con-
dition OF, 445-56. Growth of in-
ternational trade. 445 ; world's
commerce, 446 ; India's products,
448 ; cost of panic, 449 : fall of
exports, 451 ; use of raw laater-
ials, 452 ; resources of United
States, 453 ; increase of imports,
454 ; prospects, 455
"Investment Bonds," by F. Lownhaupt,
review, 210
Iron Trade, The American, of 1909
AND THE Outlook. See Manufactures.
Islam. "The Religious Attitude and Life
in Islam," by D. B. MacDonald, note,
185
Japan. "The Empire of the East," by
II. B. Montgomery, note, 429
"La Situation Financi&re du Japon,"
by E. Clavery, note, 425
Japanese. American Residence on
Japanese, The Effect of, 338-39
Chinese and Japanese Imjii-
grants : A Comparison. See Im-
migrant.
Japanese Emigration, Sources and
Causes of, 377-87. Causes of
Japanese emigration, 377 ; in-
crease in population, 378 ; eco-
nomic pressure. 379 : geographical
sources of emigration, 380 ; size
of farms, 382 ; advantages and
motives for emigration. 385 : char-
acter of Japanese emigrants. 386
Japanese Immigration into Korea.
See Korea.
Japanese Immigration, Reasons
for Encouraging, 294-99. Equal
Index of Subjects
treatment for all, 204 ; charity
and the immigrant. 20r> ; labor and
wages, 2!t0 : standards of living,
297 ; education, 298 ; international
ethics, 299
Thh .Tai-axesk PnoRLEM IX Cali-
fornia, 262-G8. Permanence of
problem, 202 ; classes favoring
Japanese, 203 ; statistics of immi-
gration, 204 ; .Tapaneso as ialior-
crs. 20.'> ; Japanese competition,
207
Judiciary. "Tiie Conflict over Judicial
I'owers." by C, G. Haines, note, 0()-l
Jurisprudence. "The Science of Juris-
prudence," by II, Taylor, review, 216
Korea. Japanese Immigration into
Korea, 4o;{-(i9. Peculiar character of,
4(1.3 ; exploitation of Korea, 404 :
means employed, 40.j ; the Oriental
Colonization Company, 406; effect of,
on Koreans, 407 ; Japanese are "over-
lords," 400
"Things Korean," bv II. X. Allen,
note, 173
Labor. "A History of the Kngiish Agri-
cultural Labourer," by W. Hasbach,
review, 436
I.M.MIGRATION AND THE AMERICAN
Laboring Cla.sse.s. See Immigra-
tion.
Oriental vs. American Labor, 247-
56. Hawaii's experience, 247 ;
wages and hours of labor in San
Francisco, 249 ; foreign labor,
253 : race complications. 255
Latin America. "American Supremacy,"
by G. W. Crichfieki, review, 202
"Arhitra,io Internacional cntre El
Peru y El Brazil," note, by A.
Maurtua, 428
"Del Uegimen Federativo al T'ni-
torio," by R. Rivarola, note, ISS
"The Other Americans," by A. Ruhl.
note. 188
Law. Enforcement of the Chine.se
Exclusion Law, 363-74. The Chinese
Boycott, 303 ; injustice to Chinese,
364 : difficulty of exclusion, 367 ; the
Mexican border, 368 ; organization of
smuggling, 309 ; need of good inter-
preters, 370 : a smuggling expedition,
371 : character of Chinese, 372 ; bet-
ter organization of Bureau of Immigra-
tion, 373
"History of English Law." by W.
R. Holdsworth, review, <ilO
Hovr Can We Enfokce Oiu Excli'-
siON Laws, 360-62. Ease of eva-
sion, 300 : inaderjuacy of present
arrangement. 361
Law, The Lmtoutance of the En-
forcement OF, 85-89. Difficulty
of enforcement, 85 ; child labor
laws, 86; indecent literature. 87;
transmission of acquired disease,
88
Legi-slation. The Legislative History
OF BxcLt'STON Legislation, 351-59.
Development of restriction of Oriental
immigration, 351 : growtli of restric-
tion movement, 352 ; action by Con-
gress, 353 ; treaty of 1881, 354 ; the
West dii^satlstled, 355; act of ISHM.
356; .subsi'quent acts, 3.57; the Japa-
nese arrangement, .359
UX-A.MEItUAN CllAIL\CTEK OF RACE
LecjislatioN, 275-93. Freedom of
opportunit.v, 275 ; injustlci- of spe-
cial legislation, 276; historical re-
view, 277 ; progress of man, 278 ;
discrimination against aliens, 279 ;
constitutional develupment, I'.sl ;
Cliinese exclusion. L'SL' ; present at-
titude in the Cnitid Slates. 2.S7 ;
present solution of Japanese prol)-
lem, 28.S : Chinese boycott of 19o,",,
290; Taffs position, 291; fair
treatment. 292
Locomotives. The Market for, 547-51,
Manufacturers" cost, 547 ; decline of
business, 548 ; causes of di-presslon,
549 ; international tr,idi>, 550
Lumber. Limber Indistry, Tiude Re-
vival IN THE. See Manufactures,
The Yellow Pine Situation. See
Manufactures.
Manufactures. Brewing Inofstry, The
Prosi-erity of the, 485-95. Prohibi-
tion wave, 485 ; beer sales, 48»5 ; ex-
pansion of trade, 488 ; relation to in-
dustrial conditions, 489 ; European
trade, 490 ; the weather and beer, 491 ;
immigration and trade, 49:;; capital in
the industry, 493 ; southern trade, 494
Distilling Industry, Present
American Business Conditions
IN THE, 509-77. Statistics of
trade, 569 ; proliiblticin movement,
570; tariff. 571; tlie Anti-Saloon
League, 572 ; property interests,
573 ; conflict of Church and State,
574 ; forecast. 576
Hosiery Manufaiture in the
United St\tes. 539-46. Growth
of, 539; German competition, 54o ;
r>ingley tariff, 541 ; under-valua-
tion, 542 ; conditions of market,
544 ; outlook, 545
Iron Trade, The American, of 1909
and the Outlook, 496-500. Con-
sumption of iron, 490 ; t'nited
States Steel Corporation, 497 ;
prices, 498 ; railroad purchases,
499 ; tariff, 501 ; producing capac-
ity, 503 ; outlook, 504
Lumber Industry, Trade Revival
IN THE, 512-19, Extent of exhaus-
tion, 512 ; commercial woods,
513; degree of recovery, 513;
tariff, 515 ; international trade,
516: prices. 517; outlook. 51S
Meat Packing Inpustry, Pkosuects
OF THE. 47t-7<'i. (Growth of indus-
tr.v, 471 ; tarilT. 473 ; prosp.rity
of farmers, 474 ; conseijuence of
city growth, 475
Paint Mani kacti re. The Outlook
FOR, 507-11. Competitive charac-
ter, 507 ; sources of deman<l, 508 ;
test fence.s, 509 ; effect of legis-
lation, 511
Paper and Pul" Industry, Diffi-
culties AND Needs of the. 467-
70. Effect of market conditions,
467 : tariff, 468 ; export business,
469
(637)
Index of Subjects
Stove Manufacturing, Conditions
IN, 457-62. The weather and the
stove market. 457 ; organization of
stove manufacture, 458 ; New
Yorli City as a financial center,
459 ; export revival, 460 ; tariff,
461 ; prospects, 462
Stove Trade, The, 463-66. Stoves
and the panic, 463 ; importance of
manufacture, 464 ; outlook, 465
WooLEXS, Revival of the Trade
IN, 477-84. Cause and extent of
depression, 477 ; tariff, 478 ;
prices, 480 : international trade,
481 ; competition, 482 ; outlook,
483
The Yellow Pine Situation, 532-
38. Business and prices, 533 ;
the law of trade, 534 ; substitutes
for lumlter, 535 ; over-production,
586 ; comparison costs, 537
Meat Packing Industry, Prospects of
the. See Manufactures.
'"Mennonites of America, The," by C. H.
Smith, note, 612
Municipal Government. See "City De-
terioration and the Need of City Sur-
vey."
Negro. "The Negro Problem," by W. P.
I'ickett, review, 625
Oregon. Why Oregon Has Not Had an
Oriental Proble.m. See Orient.
Orient. Misunderstanding of Eastern
and Western States Regarding Ori-
ental Immigration, 257-61. Contrast
of European and Asiatic immigration,
257 ; economics of Immigration, 258 ;
Japanese fruit growing, 259 ; school
controversy, 260 ; the West deter-
mined, 261
Moral and Social Interests In-
volved IX Restricting Oriental
I.mjiigration, 300-05. The moral-
ity of exclusion. 300 : exclusion
impossible, 301 ; the races can live
together, 802 ; need of a social
conscience, 304
Opposition to Oriental Immigra-
tion, 239-46. Race opposition,
239 ; historical review, 240 ;
authorities reviewed, 242 : .Tapan-
ese students in America, 244 ; race
mixture, 245
Oriental I. m migration into the
Philippines. See Philippines.
Oriental Labor in South Africa.
See South Africa.
Oriental vs. American Labor. See
Lalior.
The Support of the Anti-Oriental
Move.ment, 231-38. Origin of ex-
clusion act, 231 : not a trade
union measure, 232 ; the "Chroni-
cle's" warning, 283 : facts against
•Japanese, 235 ; school board con-
troversy, 236 ; non-assimilable
character, 288
Why Oregon Has Not Had an Ori-
ental Problem. 306-10. Gold
and Oriental immigration, 306 ;
fewness of Orientals in the
North, 307 ; lack of commonwealth
spirit, 308 : possibilities of future
disturbances, 309
(638)
Pacific Coast. Chinese Labor Competi-
tion on the Pacific Coast. See
Chinese.
Opposition to Oriental Immigra-
tion. See Orient.
The Support of the Anti-Oriental
Movement. See Orient.
Paint Manufacture, The Outlook for.
See Manufacture.
Panics. The Recovery from the De-
pression, 584-91. Stringency of
money market, 584 ; extension of panic,
585 ; peculiar characteristic, 586 ; im-
provement in money market, 587 ; a
rising market, 588 ; true prosperity,
589
Paper and Pulp Industry, Difficulties
and Needs of the. See Manufactures.
Party Government. "Pour la Reforme
electorale," by C. Benoist, note, 601
"Presidential Campaigns from Wash-
ington to Roosevelt," by G. M.
McConnell, note, 186
Penology. "The Law of Children and
Young Persons in Relation to I'enal
Offenses," by L. A. Jones and II. II.
L. Bellot, note, 184
Philippines. Oriental Immigration
into the Philippines, 388-94. Ma-
jority of immigrants, 388 ; protection
of I'^ilipinos, 389 ; race mixtures, 390 ;
uniform exclusion laws, 392 ; present
working of laws, 393
Philosophy. "Idealism as a Pr;ictical
Creed." by II. Jones, review, 620
"What is Pragmatism." by J. B.
Pratt, note, 610
Playgrounds. Popular Recreation and
Public Morality, 38-42. Neglect of
play, 33 ; attraction of the city, 34 ;
consecjuences of unwise plaj' — the
Fourth of July, 36 ; playground move-
ment, 38 ; a play census, 39 ; value of
comprehensive treatment, 40; import-
ance of healthful recreation, 41
Poetrv. "American Verse, 1625-1807, A
History," by W. B. Otis, note, 187
Politics. "Human Nature in Politics,"
by G. Wallas, review, 218
Prosperity, The Return of, 563-68.
Foreign trade, 563 ; business pros-
poritj'. 564 ; manufactured materials,
565 : transportation and finances, 566
Psychology. Clinical Study and Treat-
ment OF Normal and Abnormal De-
velopment. A Psychological Clinic.
See Race Improvement.
"An Introduction to Social Psy-
chology," bv W. McDougall, re-
view, 438
"The Philosophy of Self-IIelp," by
S. D. Kirkham, note, 427
"Psychotherapy," by H. Miinster-
berg, review, 623
Race Improvement. Clinical Study and
Treatment of Normal and Abnormal
Development — A Psychological
Clinic, 141-162. Examination of de-
fectives, 141 ; discussion of problems,
143 ; a hospital school and its work,
148; special classes, 149; discussion
by Dr. Cornman. 151 ; Jlr. Mallery on
playgrounds, 153 ; Miss Ogilvie on
Index of Subjects
hospital service, 156 ; Mr. Connan on
jiivcnil»> courts, 158 ; Mr. SolonliiTKcr
on the I'oiinsylvanlu Children's Aid So-
ciety, Kii)
liACK Dk(jk.nku.\tion in the United
STATK.S, EVIDKNCK.S OF, 4.5-17.
Evidence of war measurements,
43 ; moral and mental statistics,
45 ; statistics of children. 4(j
RACU I.MrKUVK.MENT BV ('(INTHOL OP
Defectivks (Negative EiciEN-
ics), 22-'M^. Over-etnpliasis of
heredity, '2.'2. ; influence of weak-
lings. 'J-'i ; proposed remedies, 1!4 ;
the best solution, 2C ; problem of
feeble-minded women, 27 ; import-
ance of plan, liS
Race I.\iritovE.\iENT, Inku'encb of
IlEKEDITY AND ENVIUON .MENT ITON,
3-S. Scope of volume upon race
improvement, 3 ; meaning of he-
redity and environment, 4 ; inac-
curacies of condition, G ; import-
ance of standards of life, 7 ; prob-
lem of race improvement, 8
Railroads. "Moody's Analyses of Rail-
road Investments," by J. Moody, re-
view. 21(1
The Present Slitly of Fkeight
Cau.s, 592-GuO. Supply and de-
mand, 502 ; variation in demand,
594 ; policy in times of car short-
age, 5!>(i ; car supply. 5!)7 ; pres-
ent demand, 508 ; prospects, 500
"Railroad Ereight Rates in Relation
to the Industrv and Commerce
of the I'nited States." by L. G.
Mcl'herson. review, G22
"Railroad I'romotion and Capitaliza-
tion in the United States," by E.
A. Cleveland and E. W. Powell,
review. t!15
"Rate Regulation," by R. P. Reeder,
note, 187
Iteligion. "The Precinct of Religion in
the Culture of Humanity," by C. S.
Sbaw. review, 215
"The Social Application of Religion,"
review. 215
"Rome, The Greatness and Decline of,"
by G. Eerrero, review, 205
Russia. "A Literary History of Russia,"
by A. Bruckner, review. 100
"The Russian Conquest of the
Caucasus," by J. F. Baddeley, re-
view, 197
"Sacerdotalism in the Nineteenth Cen-
tury." by 11. C. Sheldon, note, 100
Securitie.s Mauket as an Index of
BrsiNEss Conditions. The, 430-44.
Dangers of optimism, 430 ; discounting
depression. 44() : price of securities,
441 : railroads and industrials, 442 ;
probable trend of prices. 443
Socialism. "Socia.ism in Local Govern-
ment." bv AV. (J. Towler, note. 101
"Socialism in Theory and Practice."
bv M. lllll(|uit. note. 1S3
Sociologv. "The Christian Ministry and
the Social Order," by C. S. Macfarland,
review. <!l'1
"Tlie Church and the Slum." by «.
II. Crawford, note. 178
"The Crime Problem," by V. M. Mas-
ten, note, 007
(639)
"Elrst and Last Things," by IL G.
Wells, note. 103
"Tlie Minority Report of the Pijor
Law ( '•iiiiinissions," by .S. and
Ifeatrice Webb, note, 102
"Misery and Its Cnuses," by E. T.
Devine, review, 4;i5
"My Inmr Life." by J. B. Crozlcr,
review, 203
"Neglected Neighbors," by C. E.
Weller, note, 102
"The Origin and Development of the
Moral Ideas," by E. Westerniarck,
review, 210
"The Origins of Leadership," by
E. Mumfoi-d, note, Go.s
"Outline of Pr.ictical S<m iology," by
C. D. Wright, not.-, 104
"Psychological Inleri)ri'tat ions of So-
ciety." by M. M. Davis, note. 42«
"Rejiort on the Deslriibiliiy of Es-
tablishing an Employment Bureau
in the City of New York," by E.
T. Devine, revii-w, t!l8
"Social Organization," by C. IL
Codley, review. 432
"Towards .Social Reform," by Canon
and Mrs. S. A. Barnett, note. 174
^^outh Africa, ohiental Labdu in Soctii
Afkka, 305-402. (;rowth of race
prolilem. 305; historieal review. 30t'> ;
increase of, and dem.-ind for, Asiatics,
307: Asiatics and tl.e trades, .'{'.is ;
Asiatics and commerce, ,'!00 ; the Ori-
ental as a cheapening factor. 4<to ; the
white man's country and Oriental im-
migration. 401
South A.meiiica — Oin MANiFACTiiiKiis'
GUEATEST OrroitTiNiTV, 520-31. The
tariff, 520 ; home markets. 521 ; Inter-
national trade, 522: relations with
South America, 523 : interest in South
America. 524 : advantage of exports,
525 : manufacturers' Interests. 52G ;
European intere^.fs. 52.s : shipping
facilities, 520 : subsidies, .530
Spain. "Madrid," by A. F. Calvert, note,
177
"Spain of To-day from Within."
note, by M. Andujar. notc\ IT.'l
Statistics. "Statistik uud <;esells<haft,"
by G. von Mayr. note. 42S
StoVes. Stove Mam kacti itiN<;, Condi-
tions I.N. .See Manufactures.
The Stove Tkade. See Manufac-
tures.
Tariff. "The Fate of Iciodorum," by D.
S. .lordan, note. 1K5
"Protection in the United States."
by A. .M. Low ; "Protoetion In Can-
ada and Australi.'i." by C. IL
Chouiley : "Proti'ctioii In Ger-
many," by W. 1 1. Dawson ; "Pro-
tection in I'rance." by IL O. Mere-
dith, note. i;o7
Taxation. "Internal bu-.al T.-ix Associa-
tion : Addresses and Proceedings of.
State and Local." note. 1S4
"Tlie King's Revenue." bv W. M. .1.
Williams, note. 104
"Progressive Taxation In Theory .-ind
Practice," by V.. R. A. Sollgman,
re", lew. 214
•Tolstoy — The Man and Ills Message,"
by E." A. Steiner, review, 210
Index of Subjects
Trade Unions. "Beneficiary Features of
American Trade Unions," by J. B.
Kennedy, note, 185
Treaty Powers : Protection of
Treaty Rights by Federal Govern-
ment, 313-28. Constitutional changes,
313 ; tlie treaty power, 314 ; extent of,
315 ; limitations of, 316 ; constitutional
interpretation, 317 ; reserved powers
of the state, 318 : police power of the
states, 320 : Supreme Court and treaty
power limitations. 321 : the tenth
amendment, 322; treaty power and the
federal state, 323; protection of treaty
rights, 324 ; enforcement of treaties,
325 ; administrative laws, 327
Unemployment. "Le Chomage et La Pro-
fession," by M. Lazard, note, 428
Washington. The Proble.m of Oriental
Immigration in the State of Wash-
ington. See Immigration.
"Writings of George Washington,"
by L. B. Evans, note. 180
Waterways. "The American Transpor-
tation Problem," by J. H. Peyton, re-
view, 624
"Artificial Waterways and Commer-
cial Development," by A. B. Hep-
burn, note, 182
Women. The Moral Influence of
Women in American Society, 106-
114. Origin of the family, 106; emi-
gration to America. 107 ; early influ-
ence of women, 108 ; the law of the
family, 110 ; women and ethical stan-
dards, 111
Woolens. Revival of thh Tbadb in.
See Manufactures.
(640)
0
H
1
American Academy of Politicai
and Social Science, Philadelph
Annals
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