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ANNALS   AND   ANTIQUITIES 
OF    RAJASTHAN 


COLONEL   JAMES  TOD. 

(From  the  bust  by  Vo.  Livi,  1837.     By  peiinission  of  Lt.-Col.  E.  W. 
Blunt-.Mackenzie,  U.A.). 

Frontispiece. 


ANNALS    AND   ANTIQUITIES 

OF 

RAJASTHAN 

OR  THE  CENTRAL  AND  WESTERN 
RAJPUT  STATES  OF  INDIA 


BY 

LiEUT.-CoL.  JAMES  rpD 

LATE   POLITICAL   AGENT  TO   THE   WESTERN   RAJPUT  STATES 


EDITED  WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  AND   NOTES  BY 

WILLIAM  CROOKE,  CLE. 

HON.   D.SC.   OXON.,   B.A.,   F.R.A.l. 

LATE   OF   THE   INDIAN   CIVIL   SERVICE 


IN  THREE  VOLUMES 
VOL.  I 


HUMPHREY    MILFORD 
OXFORD   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

LONDON      EDINBURGH      GLASGOW      NEW  YORK 

TORONTO     MELBOURNE     BOMBAY 

1920 


[Oriyinat  Dedication  of  the  First  Volume.^ 


TO 
HIS  MOST  GRACIOUS  MAJESTY 

GEORGE   THE   FOURTH 

Sire, 

The  gracious  permission  accorded  me,  to  lay  at  the  foot  of  the  Throne 
the  fruit  of  my  lahours,  allows  me  to  propitiate  Your  Majesty's  con- 
sideration towards  the  object  of  this  work,  the  prosecution  of  wliich  1 
have  made  a  paramount  duty. 

The  Rajput  princes,  happily  rescued,  by  the  triumph  of  the  British 
arms,  from  the  yoke  of  lawless  oppression,  are  now  the  most  remote 
tributaries  to  Your  Majesty's  extensive  empire  ;  and  their  admirer  and 
annalist  may,  perhaps,  be  permitted  to  hope  that  the  sighs  of  this 
ancient  and  interesting  race  for  the  restoration  of  their  former  independ- 
ence, whicli  it  would  suit  our  wisest  policy  to  grant,  may  be  deemed  not 
undeserving  Your  Majesty's  regard. 

With  entire  loyalty  and  devotion,  I  subscribe  myself. 

Your  Majesty's 

Most  faithful  subject  and  servant, 

JAMES  TOD. 

Bird  Hurst,  Croydox, 
June  20,  1829. 


[Original  Dedication  of  the  Second  Volume.  ] 

TO 
HIS  MOST  GRACIOUS  MAJESTY 

WILLIAM   THE   FOURTH 

Sire, 

Your  Majesty  has  graciously  sanctioned  the  presentation  of  the 
Second  Volume  of  the  Annah-  of  Rajputana  to  the  Public  under  the 
auspices  of  Your  Majesty's  name. 

In  completing  this  work,  it  has  been  my  endeavour  to  draw  a  faithful 
picture  of  States,  the  ruling  principle  of  which  is  the  paternity  of  the 
Sovereign.  That  this  patriarchal  form  is  the  best  suited  to  the  genius 
of  the  people  may  be  presumed  from  its  durability,  which  war,  famine, 
and  anarchy  have  failed  to  destroy.  The  throne  has  always  been  the 
watchword  and  rallying-point  of  the  Rajputs.  My  prayer  is,  that  it 
may  continue  so,  and  that  neither  the  love  of  conquest,  nor  false  views 
of  policy,  may  tempt  us  to  subvert  the  independence  of  these  States, 
some  of  which  have  braved  the  storms  of  more  than  ten  centuries. 

It  will  not,  I  trust,  be  deemed  presumptuous  in  the  Annalist  of  these 
gallant  and  long-oppressed  races  thus  to  solicit  for  them  a  full  measure 
of  Your  Majesty's  gracious  patronage ;  in  return  for  which,  the  Rajputs, 
making  Your  Majesty's  enemies  their  own,  would  glory  in  assuming  the 
"  saifron  robe,"  emblematic  of  death  or  victory,  under  the  banner  of  that 
chivalry  of  which  Your  Majesty  is  the  head. 

That  Your  Majesty's  throne  may  ever  be  surrounded  by  chiefs  who 
will  act  up  to  the  principles  of  fealty  maintained  at  all  hazards  by  the 
Rajput,  is  the  heartfelt  aspiration  of. 

Sire, 

Your  Majesty's 

Devoted  subject  and  servant, 

JAMES  TOD. 


VOL.  I 


PKEFACE 

No  one  can  undertake  with  a  light  heart  the  preparation  of  a  new 
edition  of  Colonel  Tod's  great  work,  The  Annals  and  Antiquities 
of  Rajasthan.  But  the  leading  part  which  the  Rajputs  have  taken 
in  the  Great  War,  the  summoning  of  one  of  their  princes  to  a  seat 
at  the  Imperial  Conference,  the  certainty  that  as  the  result  of 
the  present  cataclysm  they  will  be  entitled  to  a  larger  share  in 
the  administration  of  India,  have  contributed  to  the  desire  that 
this  classical  account  of  their  history  and  sociology  should  be 
presented  in  a  shape  adapted  to  the  use  of  the  modern  scholar 
and  student  of  Indian  history  and  antiquities. 

In  the  Introduction  which  follows  I  have  endeavoured  to 
estimate  the  merits  and  defects  of  Colonel  Tod's  work.  Here  it 
is  necessary  only  to  state  that  though  the  book  has  been  several 
times  reprinted  in  India  and  once  in  this  country,  the  obvious 
difficulties  of  such  an  undertaking  have  hitherto  prevented  any 
writer  better  quahfled  than  myself  from  attempting  to  prepare 
an  annotated  edition.  Irrespectively  of  the  fact  that  this  work 
was  published  a  century  ago,  when  the  study  of  the  history, 
antiquities,  sociology,  and  geography  of  India  had  only  recently 
started,  the  Author's  method  led  him  to  formulate  theories  on  a 
wide  range  of  subjects  not  directly  connected  with  the  Rajputs. 
In  the  light  of  our  present  knowledge  some  of  these  speculations 
have  become  obsolete,  and  it  might  have  been  possible,  without 
impairing  the  value  of  the  work  as  a  Chronicle  of  the  Rajputs, 
to  have  discarded  from  the  text  and  notes  much  which  no  longer 
possesses  value.  But  the  work  is  a  classic,  and  it  deserves  to  be 
treated  as  such,  and  it  was  decided  that  any  mutilation  of  the 
original  text  and  notes  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  object  of 
this  series  of  reprints  of  classical  works  on  Indian  subjects.     The 


X  PREFACE 

only  alternative  course  was  to  correct  in  notes,  clearly  distinguished 
from  those  of  the  Author,  such  facts  and  theories  as  are  no  longer 
accepted  by  scholars. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  during  the  last  century  much  advance 
has  been  made  in  our  knowledge  of  Indian  history,  antiquities, 
philology,  and  sociology.  We  are  now  in  a  position  to  use  im- 
proved translations  of  many  authorities  which  were  quoted  by  the 
Author  from  inadequate  or  incorrect  versions.  The  translation 
of  FerishtcCs  History  by  A.  Dow  and  Jonathan  Scott  has  been 
superseded  by  that  of  General  J.  Briggs,  that  of  the  Ain-i-Akbari 
of  F.  Gladwin  by  the  version  by  Professor  H.  Blochmann  and 
Colonel  H.  S.  Jarrett.  For  the  Memoirs  of  Jahdnglr,  the  Author 
relied  on  the  imperfect  version  by  Major  David  Price,  which  has 
been  replaced  by  a  new  translation  of  the  text  in  its  more  complete 
form  by  Messrs.  A.  Rogers  and  H.  Beveridge.  For  the  Laws  of 
Mann  we  have  the  translation  by  Dr.  G.  Biihler.  The  passages 
in  classical  literature  relating  to  India  have  been  collected, 
translated,  and  annotated  by  the  late  Mr.  J.  W.  McCrindle. 
Much  information  not  available  for  the  Author's  use  has  been 
provided  by  The  History  of  India  as  told  by  its  own  Historians, 
by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  and  Professor  J.  Dowson,  and  by  Mr.  W. 
Irvine's  translation,  with  elaborate  notes,  of  N.  Manueei's  Storia 
do  Magor.  Among  original  works  useful  for  the  present  edition 
the  following  may  be  mentioned  :  J.  Grant  Duff's  History  of  the 
Mahrattas  ;  Dr.  Vincent  A.  Smith's  Early  History  of  India, 
History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon,  Asoka,  the  Buddhist 
Emperor  of  India,  and  Akbar,  the  Great  Mogul ;  Professor 
Jadunath  Sarkar's  History  of  Aurangzib,  of  which  only  three 
volumes  have  been  published  ;  Mr.  W.  Irvine's  Army  of  the 
Indian  Moghuls  ;  Sir  W.  Lee- Warner's  Protected  Princes  of 
India. 

Much  historical,  geographical,  and  ethnological  information 
has  been  collected  in  the  new  edition  of  the  Imperial  Gazetteer  of 
India  the  Bombay  Gazetteer  edited  by  Sir  J.  M.  Campbell,  and, 
more  particularly,  in  the  revised  Gazetteer  of  Rajputana,  including 
that  of  Mewar  and  the  Western  States  Residency  and  BIkaner 
Agency  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  K.  D.  Erskine,  and  that  of  Ajmer 
by  Mr.  C.  C.  Watson.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Erskine's  work,  based 
on  the  best  local  information,  has  been  of  special  value,  and  it 
is  much  to  be  regretted  that  this  officer,  after  serving  as  Consul- 


PREFACE  xi 

General  at  Baghdad,  was  invalided  and  died  in  England  in  1914, 
leaving  that  part  of  the  Gazetteer  dealing  with  the  Eastern  States, 
Jaipur,  Kotah,  and  Bundi,  unrevised.  For  botany,  agriculture, 
and  natural  productions  I  have  used  Sir  G.  Watt's  Dictionary  of 
the  Economic  Products  of  India,  and  liis  Commercial  Products  of 
India  ;  for  architecture  and  antiquities,  J.  P'ergusson's  History 
of  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture,  edited  by  Dr.  J.  Burgess,  and 
The  Cave  Temples  of  India  by  the  same  writers.  In  ethnology 
I  have  consulted  the  pubUcations  of  the  Etluiological  Survey  of 
India,  of  which  Mr.  H.  A.  Rose's  Glossary  of  the  Tribes  and  Cartes 
of  the  Punjab  and  North-West  Frontier  Province,  Mr.  Bhimbhai 
Kirparam's  account  of  the  Hindus  and  Ivhan  Bahadur  FazaluUah 
LutfuUah's  of  the  Musalmans  of  Gujarat,  published  in  the  Bombay 
Gazetteer,  vol.  ix.  Parts  i.  ii.,  have  been  specially  valuable.  Besides 
the  general  works  to  which  reference  has  been  made,  many  articles 
on  Rajputana  and  the  Rajputs  will  be  found  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  and  its  Bombay  branch,  in  the  Journal 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  and  in  the  Indian  Antiquary,  and 
other  periodicals.  The  Reports  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of 
India  conducted  by  Sir  A.  Ciumingham,  Dr.  J.  Burgess,  and  Sir 
J.  H.  Marshall,  are  of  great  importance. 

I  cannot  pretend  to  have  exhausted  the  great  mass  of  new 
information  available  in  the  works  to  which  I  have  referred, 
and  in  others  named  in  the  Bibhography  ;  and  it  was  not  my 
object  to  overload  the  notes  which  are  already  voluminous. 
To  the  general  reader  the  system  of  armotation  which  I  have 
attempted  to  carry  out  may  appear  meticulous  ;  but  no  other 
course  seemed  possible  if  the  work  was  to  be  made  more  useful 
to  the  historian  and  to  the  scholar.  The  editor  of  a  work  of  tliis 
class  is  forced  to  undertake  the  somewhat  invidious  duty  of 
calUng  attention  to  oversights  or  errors  either  in  fact  or  theory. 
But  this  does  not  detract  from  the  real  value  of  the  work.  In 
some  cases  I  have  been  content  with  adding  a  note  of  interroga- 
tion to  warn  the  reader  that  certain  statements  must  be  received 
with  caution.  As  regards  geography,  I  have  in  many  cases 
indicated  briefly  the  position  of  the  more  important  places,  so 
far  as  they  can  be  traced  in  the  maps  with  which  I  was  provided. 
The  Author  was  so  intimately  acquainted  with  the  ground,  that 
he  assumed  in  the  general  reader  a  degree  of  knowledge  which 
he  does  not  possess. 


xii  PREFACE 

The  text  and  notes,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  obvious  over- 
sights, have  been  reprinted  as  they  stood  in  the  first  edition, 
and  as  tlie  latter  is  often  quoted  in  books  of  authority,  I  have 
added  its  pagination  for  facihty  of  reference.  It  was  decided, 
after  much  consideration,  to  correct  the  transHteration  of  personal 
and  place  names  and  other  vernacular  terms  according  to  the 
system  now  adopted  in  official  gazetteers,  maps,  and  reports. 
This  change  might  have  been  unnecessary  if  the  transliteration 
of  these  words,  according  to  the  system  in  use  at  the  time  when 
the  book  was  written,  had  been  uniformly  correct.  But  this  is 
not  the  case.  At  the  same  time  I  have  preserved  the  original 
readings  of  those  names  which  have  become  established  in  popular 
usage,  such  as  "  Mogul,"  "  Mahratta,"  "  Deccan,"  in  place  of 
"Mughal,"  "Marhata,"  "  Dakkhin."  Following  the  Author's 
example,  I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  overload  the  text 
by  the  use  of  accents  and  diacritical  marks,  which  are  useless 
to  the  scholar  and  only  embarrass  the  general  reader.  But  in 
the  Index  I  have  accentuated  the  personal  and  place  names 
so  far  as  I  beheved  I  could  do  so  with  safety.  Some  of  these 
I  have  been  unable  to  trace  in  later  authorities,  and  I  fear 
that  I  may  have  failed  to  secure  complete  miiformity  of 
method. 

The  scheme  of  the  book,  which  attempts  to  give  parallel 
accounts  of  each  State,  naturally  causes  difficulty  to  the  reader. 
A  like  embarrassment  is  felt  by  any  historian  who  endeavours 
to  combine  in  a  single  narrative  the  fortvmes  of  the  Mughal 
Empire  with  those  of  the  kingdoms  in  Bengal,  the  Deccan,  or 
southern  India  ;  by  the  historian  of  Greece,  where  the  centre 
of  activity  sliifts  frona  Athens  to  Sparta,  Thebes,  or  Macedonia  ; 
by  the  historian  of  Giermany  before  the  minor  kingdoms  were 
more  or  less  fully  absorbed  by  the  HohenzoUerns.  I  have 
endeavoured  to  assist  the  reader  in  dealing  with  these  independent 
uimals  by  largely  extending  the  original  Index,  and  by  the  use 
of  page  headings  and  paragraph  summaries. 

In  the  dates  recorded  in  the  summaries  I  have  generally  followed 
LieuLenant-Colonel  Erskine's  guidance,  so  far  as  his  work  was 
available.  In  view  of  the  inconsistencies  between  some  dates 
in  the  text  and  those  recorded  in  the  sununaries,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  it  was  the  Author's  habit  in  adapting  the 
dates  of  the  Samvat  tu  those  of  the  Christian  era,  to  deduct  56, 


PREFACE  xiii 

not  57  from  the  former,   contrary  to  the  practice  of  modern 
historians. 

I  am  indebted  to  many  friends  for  assistance.  Captain  C.  D'. 
M'K.  Blunt  has  kindly  given  me  much  help  in  the  record  of 
Colonel  Tod's  life,  and  has  suppUed  a  photograph  of  the  charming 
miniature  of  the  Author  as  a  young  officer  and  of  a  bust  which 
have  been  reproduced  in  the  frontispieces.  Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven, 
C.I.E.,  has  given  me  the  photograph  of  the  Author  engaged  in 
his  studies  with  his  Jain  Guru.^  The  fragments  of  local  ballads 
scattered  through  the  text  were  unfortunately  copied  from  very 
incorrect  texts.  Dr.  L.  P.  Tessitori,  an  Itahan  scholar,  who, 
until  the  outbreak  of  the  War,  was  engaged  in  collecting  the 
local  ballads  of  the  Rajputs,  has  given  a  correct  version  of  these 
ballads  ;  and  in  improving  the  text  of  them  I  have  been  assisted 
by  Colonel  C.  E.  Luard,  his  Pandit,  and  Sir  G.  Grierson,  K.C.I.E. 
Since  the  greater  part  of  the  following  pages  was  in  type,  I  have 
received  copies  of  three  reports  by  Dr.  L.  P.  Tessitori,  "  A  Scheme 
for  the  Bardic  and  Historical  Survey  of  Rajputana,"  and  two 
Progress  Reports  for  the  years  1915  and  1916,  pubUshed  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  (New  Series,  vol.  x. 
No.  10  ;  xii.  No.  3  ;  xiii.  No.  4).  These  contain  information 
regarding  the  MSS.  copies  of  some  ballads  and  inscriptions, 
which  throw  Ught  on  the  traditions  and  antiquities  of  the  Rajputs. 
I  regret  that  I  was  imable  to  use  these  papers,  which,  however, 
do  not  supply  much  information  on  questions  connected  with 
The  Annals.  Among  other  friends  who  have  helped  me  in 
various  ways  I  may  name  the  late  Sir  G.  Birdwood;  Mr.  W. 
Foster,  CLE. ;  Professor  A.  Keith,  F.R.S. ;  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sir  D.  Prain,  F.R.S. ;  and  Dr.  Vincent  A.  Smith,  CLE. 

W.  CROOKE. 

1  This  picture,  supposed  to  be  the  work  of  Ghasi,  the  Author's  artist,  was 
recently  discovered  in  Rajputana, 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface  by  the  Editor  ......         ix 

Introduction  ry  the  Editor  .  .  .  .  .      xxv 

BiRLIOGRAPHY     ........       xlvii 

Author's  Introduction  ......         Iv 

BOOK   I 
GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  OR  RAJPUTANA 

BOOK    II 
HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

CHAPTER   1 

Genealogies  of  the  Rajput  princes — The  Puranas — Connexion  of 

the  Rajputs  with  tlie  Scytliic  tribes       .  .  .  .23 

CHAPTER   2 

Genealogies  continued — Fictions  in  the  Puranas — -Union  of  the 
regal  and  the  priestly  characters — Legends  of  the  Puranas 
confirmed  by  the  Greek  historians         .  .  .  .29 

CHAPTER   3 

Genealogies  continued — Comparisons  between  the  lists  of  Sir  W. 
Jones,  IMr.  Bentley,  Captain  Wiiford,  and  the  Author — 
Synchronisms  .  .  .  .  .  .  .39 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   4 

PAGE 

Foundations  of  States  and  Cities  by  the  different  tribes  .  .       45 


CHAPTER   5 

The  dynasties  wliich  succeeded  Rama  and  Krishna — The  Pandava 

family — Periods  of  tlie  different  dynasties       .  .  .55 


CHAPTER   6 

Genealogical  history  of  tlie  Rajput  tribes  subsequent  to  Vikrama- 
ditya — Foreign  races  wluch  entered  India — Analogies  be- 
tween the  Scythians,  the  Rajputs,  and  the  tribes  of  Scan- 
dinavia        ........        68 


CHAPTER   7 

Catalogue  of  the  Thirty-six  Royal  Races      .  .  .  .97 

CHAPTER  8 
Reflections  on  the  present  political  state  of  the  Rajput  tribes     .     145 

BOOK  III 

SKETCH  OF  A  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN 
RAJASTHAN 

CHAPTER  1 

Introduction — Existing  condition  of  Rajasthan — General  re- 
semblance between  the  ancient  systems  of  Asia  and  Europe 
— Noble  origin  of  the  Rajput  race — Rathors  of  Rlarwar — 
Kachhwahas  of  Amber — Sesodias  of  Mewar — Gradation  of 
ranks — Revenues  and  rights  of  the  Crown — Barar — Khar 
Lakar  ........     153 


CONTENTS  xvii 

CHAPTER   2 

PAGE 

Legislative  authority — Rozina — Military  service — Inefficiency  of 

this  form  of  government  ......     170 

CHAPTER  3 

Feudal  incidents — Duration  of  grants  ....     184 

CHAPTER  4 

Rakliwali — Servitude — Basai — Gola  and  Das — Private  feuds  and 

composition — Rajput  Pardhans  or  Premiers    •  .  .     203 

CHAPTER   5 

Adoption — Reflections  upon  the  subjects  treated   .  .  .     220 

Appendix  .....  .  .     228 

BOOK  IV 
ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

CHAPTER   1 

Origin  of  the  Guhilot  princes  of  Mewar — Authorities — Kanaksen 
the  founder  of  the  present  dynasty — His  descent  from  Rama 
— He  emigrates  to  Saurashtra — Valabhipura — Its  sack  and 
destruction  by  the  Huns  or  Parthians  ....      247 


CHAPTER   2 

Birth    of    Goha — He    acquires    Idar — Derivation    of   the    term 
"  Guhilot " — Birth  of  Bappa — Early  religion  of  the  Guhilots — 
Bappa's  liistory — Oghana  Panarwa — Bappa's  initiation  into 
the  worship  of  Siva — He  gains  possession  of  Chitor — Remark-       !> 
able  end  of  Bappa — Four  epochs  established,  from  the  second       i 
to  the  eleventh  century     .  .  .  .  .  . '  258 


xviii  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   3 

PAOE 

Alleged  Persian  extraction  of  the  Ranas  of  Mewar — Authorities 
for  it — Implied  descent  of  the  Ranas  from  a  Christian  princess 
of  Byzantium — Tlie  Author's  reflections  upon  tliese  points  .     271 


CHAPTER   4 

Intervening  sovereigns  between  Bappa  and  Samarsi — Bappa's 
descendants — Irruptions  of  the  Arabians  into  India — Cata- 
logue of  Hindu  princes  who  defended  Chitor  .  .     281 


CHAPTER  5 

Historical  facts  furnished  by  the  bard  Chand  —  Anangpal  — 
Prithiraj — Samarsi — Overthrow  of  the  Chauhan  monarch  by 
the  Tatars — Posterity  of  Samarsi — Rahap — Changes  in  the 
title  and  the  triSe  of  its  prince — Successors  of  Rahap  •     297 


CHAPTER   6 

Rana  Lakhamsi — Attack  on  Chitor  by  Alau-d-din — Treachery  of 
Ala — Ruse  of  the  Chitor  chiefs  to  recover  Bhimsi — Devotion 
of  the  Rana  and  his  sons — Sack  of  Chitor  by  the  Tatars — Its 
destruction — Rana  Ajaisi — Hamir — He  gains  possession  of 
Cliitor — Renown  and  prosperity  of  Mewar — lihetsi — Lakha      307 


CHAPTER  7 

Delicacy  of  the  Rajputs — The  occasion  of  changing  the  rule  of 
primogeniture  in  Mewar — Succession  of  the  infant  Mokalji, 
to  the  prejudice  of  Chonda,  the  rightful  heir — Disorders  in 
Mewar  through  the  usurpations  of  the  Rathors — Chonda 
expels  them  from  Chitor  and  takes  Mandor — Transactions 
between  Mewar  and  Marwar  —  Reign  of  Mokalji  —  His 
assassination  .......     322 


CHAPTER  8 

Succession  of  Kumbha — He  defeats  and  takes  prisoner  Mahmud 
of  Malwa — Splendour  of  Kumbha's  reign — Assassinated  by 
his  son — The  murderer  dethroned  by  Raemall — Mewar  in- 
vaded by  the  imperial  forces — RaemalFs  successes — Feuds 
of  the  family — Death  of  Raemall  ....     333 


CONTENTS  xix 


CHAPTER   9 

PAGE 

Accession  of  Rana  Sanga— State  of  the  Muhammadan  power — 
Grandeur  of  Mewar — Sanga's  victories — Invasions  of  India — 
Babur's  invasion — Defeats  and  kills  the  King  of  Dellii — 
Opposed  by  Sanga — Battle  of  Khanua — Defeat  of  Sanga — His 
death  and  character — Accession  of  Rana  Ratna — His  death 
— Rana  Bikramajit — His  character — Disgusts  his  nobles — 
Chitor  invested  by  the  King  of  Malwa — Storm  of  Chitor — - 
Sakha  or  immolation  of  the  females — Fall  and  plunder  of 
Chitor — Humayun  comes  to  its  aid — He  restores  Chitor  to 
Bikramajit,  who  is  deposed  by  the  nobles — Election  of 
Banbir — Bikramajit  assassinated  ....     348 


CHAPTER   10 

The  bastard  Banbir  rules  Mewar — Attempted  assassination  of  the 
posthumous  son  of  Sanga — ^Udai  Singh's  escape  and  long 
concealment — Acknowledged  as  Rana — The  Dauna  described 
— Udai  Singh  gains  Chitor — Deposal  of  Banbir — Origin  of 
the  Bhonslas  of  Nagpur — Rana  Udai  Singh — His  unworthi- 
ness — Humayun  expelled  the  throne  of  India — Birth  of  Akbar 
— Humayun  recovers  his  throne— His  death — Accession  of 
Akbar— Characters  of  Akbar  and  Udai  Singh  contrasted — 
Akbar  besieges  Chitor,  which  is  abandoned  by  the  Rana — Its 
defence — Jaimall  and  Patta — Anecdotes  of  Rajput  females 
— Sakha  or  Johar — General  assault — Chitor  taken — Massacre 
of  the  inliabitants — Udai  Singh  founds  the  new  capital 
Udaipur— His  death  .  .  .  .  .  .367 


CHAPTER   11 

Accession  of  Partap — The  Rajput  princes  unite  with  Akbar — 
Depressed  condition  of  Partap — He  prepares  for  war — 
Maldeo  submits  to  Akbar — Partap  denounces  connexion 
with  the  Rajput  princes — Raja  Man  of  Amber — Prince  Salim 
invades  Mewar — Battle  of  Haldighat — Partap  encounters 
Salim,  is  wounded,  and  saved  by  the  Jhala  chief — Assisted 
in  liis  flight  by  his  brother  Sakta — Kumbhalmer  taken  by 
Akbar — Udaipur  occupied  by  the  Moguls — Partap  cuts  off 
Farid  and  his  army — Partap's  family  saved  by  the  Bhils — 
The  Khankhanan^ — Aggravated  hardships  of  Partap — ^He 
negotiates  with  Akbar— Prithiraj  of  Bikaner — -The  Khushroz 
described — Partap  abandons  Mewar — Departure  for  the 
Indus — Fidelity  of  his  minister — Returns — Surprises  the 
Moguls — Regains  Kumbhalmer  and  Udaipur — His  successes 
— His  sickness  and  death  .....     385 


XX  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   12 

PAGE 

Amra  mounts  the  throne — Akbar's  death  through  an  attempt  to 

poison  Raja  Man — Amra  disregards  the  promise  given  to  his  > 
father — Conduct  of  the  Salumbar  chief — Amra  defeats  the 
Imperial  armies — Sagarji  installed  as  Rana  in  Chitor — Re- 
signs it  to  Amra — Fresh  successes — Origin  of  the  Saktawats 
'  — ^The  Emperor  sends  his  son  Parvez  against  the  Rana,  who 
is  defeated — Mahabat  Khan  defeated — Sultan  Khurram  in- 
vades Mewar — Amra's  despair  and  submission — Embassy 
from  England — Amra  abdicates  the  throne  to  his  son — 
Amra's  seclusion — His  death — Observations    .  •  .     407 


CHAPTER   13 

Rana  Karan  fortifies  and  embellishes  Udaipur — The  Ranas  of 
Mewar  excused  attendance  at  court — Bhim  commands  the 
contingent  of  Mewar — Leagues  with  Sultan  Khurram  against 
Parvez — Jahangir  attacks  the  insurgents — Bhim  slain — 
Kliurram  flies  t»  Udaipur — His  reception  by  the  Rana — 
Death  of  Karan — Rana  Jagat  Singh  succeeds — Death  of 
Jahangir  and  accession  of  Khurram  as  Shah  Jahan — Mewar 
enjoys  profound  peace — ^The  island  palaces  erected  by 
Jagat  Singh — Repairs  Chitor — His  death — Rana  Raj  Singh 
— ^Deposal  of  Shah  Jahan  and  accession  of  Aurangzeb — 
Causes  for  attachment  to  the  Hindus  of  Jahangir  and  Shah 
Jahan — Aurangzeb's  character  ;  imposes  the  Jizya  or 
capitation  tax  on  the  Rajputs — Raj  Singh  abducts  the  in- 
tended wife  of  the  emperor  and  prepares  for  war — Aurangzeb 
marches — The  valley  of  Girwa — Prince  Akbar  surprised — 
Defeated — Blockaded  in  the  mountains — Liberated  by  the 
heir  of  Mewar — Diler  Khan  defeated — Aurangzeb  defeated 
by  the  Rana  and  his  Rathor  allies — Aurangzeb  quits  the 
field — Prince  Bhim  invades  Gujarat — The  Rana's  minister 
ravages  Malwa — United  Rajputs  defeat  Azam  and  drive  him 
from  Chitor — Mewar  freed  from  the  Moguls — ^War  carried 
into  Marwar — Sesodias  and  Rathors  defeat  Sultan  Akbar — 
Rajput  stratagem — ^Design  to  depose  Aurangzeb  and  elevate 
Akbar  to  the  throne — Its  failure— The  Mogul  makes  over- 
tures to  the  Rana — Peace — ^Terms — The  Rana  dies  of  his 
wounds — His  character,  contrasted  with  that  of  Aurangzeb 
— Lake  Rajsamund — Dreadful  famine  and  pestilence  .     427 


CHAPTER   14 

Rana  Jai  Singh — Anecdote  regarding  him  and  his  twin  brother — 
The  Rana  and  Prince  Azam  confer — Peace — Rupture — The 
Rana  forms  the  Lake  Jaisamund — ^Domestic  broils — Amra, 
the  heir-apparent,  rebels — The  Rana  dies — Accession  of  Amra 
— His  treaty  with  the  heir  of  Aurangzeb — Reflections  on  the 


CONTENTS  XX 

PAGE 

events  of  tliis  period — Imposition  of  the  Jizya  or  capitation 
tax — Alienation  of  the  Rajputs  from  the  empire — Causes — 
Aurangzeb's  death — Contests  for  empire — Bahadur  Shah, 
emperor  —  The  Sikhs  declare  for  independence  —  Triple 
alliance  of  the  Rajput  States  of  Mewar,  Marwar,  and  Amber 
— They  commence  hostilities — Death  of  the  JMogul  Bahadur 
Shah — Elevation  of  Farrukhsiyar — He  marries  the  daughter 
of  the  Prince  of  Marwar — Origin  of  the  British  power  in  India 
— The  Rana  treats  with  the  emperor — The  Jats  declare  their 
independence — Rana  Amra  dies — His  character        .  .     45G 


CHAPTER   15 

Rana  Sangram  —  Dismemberment  of  the  Mogul  Empire  — 
Nizamu-1  Mulk  establishes  the  Haidarabad  State — Murder 
of  the  Emjieror  Farrukhsiyar — Abrogation  of  the  Jizya-*— 
Muhammad.  Shah,  Emperor  of  Delhi- — Saadat  KJian  obtains 
Oudh — Repeal  of  the  Jizya  confirmed — Policy  of  Mewar — 
Rana  Sangram  dies — Anecdotes  regarding  him — Rana 
Jagat  Singh  II.  succeeds — Treaty  of  triple  alliance  with 
Marwar  and  Amber — The  Mahrattas  invade  and  gain  footing 
in  Malwa  and  Gujarat — Invasion  of  Nadir  Sliah — Sack  of 
Delhi — Condition  of  Rajputana — Limits  of  Mewar — Rajput 
alliances — Bajirao  invades  Mewar — Obtains  a  cession  of 
annual  tribute — Contest  to  place  Madho  Singh  on  the  throne 
of  Amber — Battle  of  Rajmahall — The  Rana  defeated — He 
leagues  wth  Malharrao  Holkar — Isari  Singh  of  Amber  takes 
poison — The  Rana  dies — His  character  .  .  .472 


CHAPTER   16 

Rana  Partap  II. — Rana  Raj  Singh  II. — Rana  Arsi — Holkar  in- 
vades Mewar,  and  levies  contributions — Rebellion  to  depose 
the  Rana — A  Pretender  set  up  by  the  rebel  chiefs — Zalim 
Singh  of  Kotah — ^The  Pretender  unites  vnth  Sindhia — ^Their 
combined  force  attacked  by  the  Rana,  who  is  defeated — 
Sindhia  invades  Mewar  and  besieges  Udaipur — Amra  Chand 
made  minister  by  the  Rana — His  noble  conduct — ^Negotiates 
with  Sindhia,  who  withdraws — Loss  of  territory  to  Mewar — 
Rebel  chiefs  return  to  their  allegiance — Province  of  Godwar 
lost — Assassination  of  the  Rana — Rana  Hamir  succeeds — 
Contentions  between  the  Queen  Regent  and  Amra — His 
noble  conduct,  death,  and  character — Diminution  of  the 
Mewar  territory      .  .  ,  .  .  .  .496 


CHAPTER   17 

Rana  Bliim — Feud  of  Sheogarh — The  Rana  redeems  the  alien- 
ated lands — Ahalya  Bai  attacks  the  Rana's  army — Which 
is  defeated  —  Chondawat   rebellion  —  Assassination    of  the 


i  CONTENTS 

PAciE 

Minister  Soniji— The  rebels  seize  on  Chitor — Mahadaji  Sindhia 
called  in  by  the  Rana — Invests  Chitor — The  rebels  surrender 
— Designs  of  Zalim  Singh  for  power  in  Mewar — Counter- 
acted by  Ambaji,  who  assumes  the  title  of  Subahdar,  con- 
tested by  Lakwa — Effects  of  these  struggles — Zalim  obtains 
Jahazpur — Holkar  invades  Mewar — Confines  the  priests  of 
Nathdwara — Heroic  conduct  of  the  Chief  of  Kotharia — 
Lakwa  dies — The  Rana  seizes  the  Mahratta  leaders — 
Liberated  by  Zalim  Singh — Holkar  returns  to  Udaipur — 
Imposes  a  heavy  contribution^Sindhia's  invasion — Re- 
flections on  their  contest  with  the  British — Ambaji  projects 
the  partition  of  Mewar — Frustrated — Rivalry  for  Krishna 
Kunwari,  the  Princess  of  Mewar,  produces  war  throughout 
Rajasthan — Immolation  of  Krishna — Amir  Khan  and  Ajit 
Singh — Their  villainy — British  Embassy  to  Sindhia's  Court 
at  Udaipur — Ambaji  is  disgraced,  and  attempts  suicide — 
Airur  Khan  and  Bapu  Sindhia  desolate  Mewar — The  Rana 
forms  a  treaty  with  the  British  .  .  .  .  .511 


CHAPTER   18 

Overthrow  of  the  predatory  system — Alliances  with  the  Rajput 
States — Envoy  appointed  to  Mev/ar — Arrives  at  Udaipur — 
Reception — Description  of  the  Court^ — ^Political  geography 
of  Mewar — The  Rana — His  character — His  ministers — Plans 
— Exiles  recalled — Merchants  invited — Bhilwara  established 
— Assembly  of  the  nobles — Charter  ratified  ;  Resumptions  of 
land  ;  Anecdotes  of  the  Chiefs  of  Arja,  Badnor,  Badesar, 
and  Amet — Landed  tenures  in  Mewar — Village  rule — Free- 
hold {bupota)  of  Mewar — Bhumia,  or  allodial  vassals  :  Char- 
acter and  privileges— Great  Register  of  Patents— Traditions 
exemplifying  right  in  the  soil — The  Patel  ;  his  origin  ; 
character — Assessment  of  land-rents — General  results  .     547 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Bust  of  Colonel  James  Tod 
Section  of  Country 

Fror 

TO    F 

itispiece 

ACE    PAGE 

10 

List  of  Thirty-six  Royal  Races 

98 

Salumbar  . 

216 

Sanskrit  Grant 

232 

Palace  of  Udaipur 

247 

Palace  of  Rana  Blilm 

312 

Ruins  of  Fortress  of  Bayana 

362 

Chitor 

382 

Rajmahall 

428 

Jagmandir 

432 

Maharaja  BliTin  Singli 

512 

Facsimile  of  Native  Drawing 

572 

VOL.  1 


INTRODUCTION 

James  Tod,  the  Author  of  this  work,  son  of  James  Tod  and  Mary 
Heatly,  was  born  at  Islington  on  March  20,  1782.  His  father, 
James  Tod  the  first,  eldest  son  of  Henry  Tod  of  Bo'ness  and  Janet 
Monteath,  was  born  on  October  26,  1745.  In  1780  he  married 
in  New  York  Mary,  daughter  of  Andrew  Heatly,  a  member 
of  a  family  originally  settled  at  Mellerston,  Co.  Berwick,  where 
they  had  held  a  landed  estate  for  some  four  centuries.  Andrew 
Heatly  emigrated  to  Rhode  Island,  where  he  died  at  the  age  of 
thirty-six  in  1761.  He  had  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Sueton 
Grant,  of  the  family  of  Gartinbeg,  really  of  Balvaddon,  who  left 
Inverness  for  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  in  1725,  and  Temperance 
Talmage  or  Tollemache,  granddaughter  of  one  of  the  first  and 
principal  settlers  at  Easthampton,  Rhode  Island.  He  had  been 
forced  to  emigrate  to  America  during  the  Protectorate,  owing  to 
his  loyalty  to  King  Charles  I.  James  Tod,  the  first,  left  America, 
and  in  partnership  with  his  brother  John,  became  an  indigo- 
planter  at  Mirzapur,  in  the  United  Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh. 
.Tames  Tod,  the  second,  was  thus  through  his  father  and  his 
uncles  Patrick  and  S.  Heatly,  both  members  of  the  Civil  Service 
of  the  East  India  Company,  closely  connected  with  India,  and  in 
1798,  being  then  sixteen  years  old,  he  obtained  through  the 
influence  of  his  imcle,  Patrick  Heatly,  a  cadetship  in  the  service 
of  the  East  India  Company.  On  his  arrival  at  Calcutta  he  was 
attached  to  the  2nd  European  Regiment.  -In  1800  he  was  trans- 
ferred, with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant,  to  the  14th  Native  Infantry, 
from  which  he  passed  in  1807,  with  the  same  rank,  to  the  25th 
Native  Infantry.  In  1805  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  escort  of  his  friend  Mr.  Graeme  Mercer,  then  Government 
Agent  at  the  Camp'of  Daulat  Rao  Sindhia,  who  had  been  defeated 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION 

two  years  before  at  the  battle  of  Assaye  by  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley. 
In  more  than  one  passage  in  The  Annals  Tod  speaks  of  Mr. 
Graeme  Mercer  with  respect  and  affection,  and  by  him  he  was 
introduced  to  official  life  and  Rajput  and  Mahratta  politics.  His 
tastes  for  geographical  inquiries  led  liim  to  undertake  surveys  in 
Rajputana  and  Central  India  between  1812  and  1817,  and  he 
employed  several  native  surveyors  to  traverse  the  then  little - 
known  region  between  Central  India  and  the  valley  of  the  Indus. 

At  this  period  the  Government  of  India  was  engaged  in  a 
project  for  suppressing  the  Pindaris,  a  body  of  lawless  free- 
booters, of  no  single  race,  the  debris  of  the  adventurers  who 
gained  power  during  the  decay  of  the  Mughal  Empire,  and  who 
had  not  been  incorporated  in  the  armies  of  the  local  powers 
which  rose  from  its  ruins.  In  1817,  to  effect  their  suppression, 
the  Governor-General,  the  Marquess  of  Hastings,  collected  the 
strongest  British  force  which  up  to  that  time  had  been  assembled 
in  India.  Two  armies,  acting  in  co-operation  from  north  and 
south,  converged  on  the  banditti,  and  met  with  rapid  success. 
Sindhia,  whose  power  depended  on  the  demoralized  condition  of 
Rajputana,  was  overawed  ;  Holkar  was  defeated  ;  the  Raja  of 
Nagpur  was  captured  ;  the  Mahratta  Peshwa  became  a  fugitive  ; 
the  Pindaris  were  dispersed.  One  of  their  leaders,  Amir  Khan, 
who  is  frequently  mentioned  in  Tod's  narrative,  disbanded  his 
forces,  and  received  as  his  share  of  the  spoils  the  Principality  of 
Tonk,  still  ruled  by  his  descendants. 

In  the  course  of  this  campaign  Tod  performed  valuable 
services.  At  the  beginning  of  the  operations  he  supplied  the 
British  Staff  with  a  rough  map  of  the  seat  of  war,  and  in  other 
ways  his  local  knowledge  was  utilized  by  the  Generals  in  cha;-ge 
of  the  operations.  In  1813  he  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
Cajitain  in  command  of  the  escort  of  the  Resident,  Mr.  Richard 
Strachey,  who  nominated  him  to  the  post  of  his  Second  Assistant. 
In  1818  he  was  appointed  Political  Agent  of  Western  Rajputana, 
a  post  which  he  held  till  his  retirement  in  June  1822.  The  work 
which  he  carried  out  in  Rajputana  during  this  period  is  fully 
described  in  The  Annals  and  in  his  "  Personal  Narrative."  Owing 
to  Mahratta  oppression  and  the  ravages  of  the  Pindaris,  the 
condition  of  the  country,  political,  social,  and  economical,  was 
deplorable.  To  remedy  this  prevailing  anarchy  the  States  were 
gradually  brought  under  British  control,  and  their  relations  with 


INTRODUCTION  xxvii 

the  paramount  power  were  embodied  in  a  series  of  treaties.  In 
this  work  of  reform,  reconstruction,  and  conciliation,  Tod  played 
an  active  part,  and  the  confidence  and  respect  with  which  he  was 
regarded  by  the  Princes,  Chiefs,  and  peasantry  enabled  him  to 
interfere  with  good  effect  in  tribal  quarrels,  to  rearrange  the  fiefs 
of  the  minor  Chiefs,  and  to  act  as  arbitrator  between  the  Rana 
of  Me  war  and  his  subjects. 

Tod  was  convinced  that  the  miserable  state  of  the  country 
was  chiefly  due  to  the  hesitation  of  the  Indian  Government  in 
interfering  for  the  re-establishment  of  order  ;  and  on  this  ground 
he  does  not  hesitate  to  condemn  the  cautious  policy  of  Lord 
Cornwallis  during  his  second  term  of  office  as  Governor- General. 
Few  people  at  the  present  day  would  be  disposed  to  defend  the 
policy  of  non-intervention.  "  This  policy  has  been  condemned 
by  historians  and  commentators,  as  well  as  by  statesmen, 
soldiers,  and  diplomatists  ;  by  Mill  and  his  editor,  H.  H.  Wilson, 
and  by  Thornton  ;  by  Lord  Lake  and  Sir  John  Malcolm.  The 
mischief  was  done  and  the  loss  of  influence  was  not  regained  for 
a  decade.  It  was  not  till  the  conclusion  of  an  expensive  and  pro- 
tracted campaign,  that  the  Indian  Government  was  replaced  in 
the  position  where  it  had  been  left  by  Wellesley.  The  blame  for 
tliis  weak  and  unfortmiate  policy  must  be  divided  between  Corn- 
wallis and  Barlow,  between  the  Court  of  Directors  and  the  Board 
of  Control."  But  it  was  carried  out  in  pursuance  of  orders  from 
the  Home  Government.  "  The  Court  of  Directors  for  some  time 
past  had  been  alarmed  at  Lord  Wellesley's  vigorous  foreign 
policy.  Castlereagh  at  the  Board  of  Control  had  taken  fright, 
and  even  Pitt  v/as  carried  away  and  committed  himself  to  a  hasty 
oi^inion  that  the  Governor -General  had  acted  imprudently  and 
illegally."  ^ 

Tod  tells  us  little  of  his  relations  with  the  Supreme  Government 
during  his  four  years'  service  as  Political  Agent.  He  was  notori- 
ously a  partisan  of  the  Rajput  princes,  iDarticularly  those  of  Mewar 
and  Marwar  ;  he  is  never  tired  of  abusing  the  policy  of  the 
Emperor  Aurangzeb,  and,  fortunately  for  the  success  of  his  work, 
Muhammadans  form  only  a  shght  minority  in  the  population  of 
Rajputana.  Tliis  attitude  naturally  exposed  him  to  criticism. 
Writing  in  1824,  Bishop  Heber,^  while  he  recognizes  that  he  was 

1  W.  S.  Seton  Carr,  The  Marquess  Cornwallis,  180,  189  f. 
2  Narrative  of  a  Journey  through  the  Upper  Provinces,  ed.  1861,  ii.  54- 


xxviii  INTRODUCTION 

held  in  affection  and  respect  by  "all  the  upper  and  middhng 
classes  of  society,"  goes  on  to  say  :  "  His  misfortiine  was  that, 
in  consequence  of  his  favouring  the  native  princes  so  much,  the 
Government  of  Calcutta  were  led  to  suspect  him  of  corruption, 
and  consequently  to  narrow  his  powers  and  associate  other  officers 
with  him  in  his  trust  till  he  was  disgusted  and  resigned  his  place. 
They  are  now,  I  beheve,  well  satisfied  that  their  suspicions  were 
groundless.  Captain  Todd  {sic)  is  strenuously  vindicated  from 
the  charge  by  all  the  officers  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  and 
some  of  whom  had  abundant  means  of  knowing  what  the  natives 
themselves  thought  of  him."  The  Bishop's  widow,  in  a  later 
issue  of  the  Diary  of  her  husband,  adds  that  "  she  is  anxious  to 
remove  any  unfavourable  impressions  which  may  exist  on  the 
subject  by  stating,  that  she  has  now  the  authority  of  a  gentleman, 
who  at  the  time  was  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Covmcil,  to  say, 
that  no  such  imputation  was  ever  fixed  on  Colonel  Todd's  (sic) 
character." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  reason  for  the  premature 
termination  of  liis  official  career  at  the  age  of  forty,  iU-health 
was  put  forward  as  the  ostensible  cause  of  his  retirement.  He 
had  served  for  about  twenty-four  years  in  the  Indian  plains 
without  any  leave  ;  he  had  long  suffered  from  malaria  ;  and, 
though  he  hardly  suspected  it  at  the  time,  an  attempt  had  been 
made  by  one  of  his  servants  to  poison  him  with  Datura  ;  he 
had  met  with  a  serious  accident  when,  by  chance  or  design,  his 
elephant-driver  dashed  his  howdah  against  the  gate  of  Begun 
fort  in  eastern  Mewar.  In  spite  of  all  this,  he  retained  sufficient 
health  to  make,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  from  India,  the 
extensive  tour  recorded  in  his  Travels  in  Western  India.  Neither 
on  his  retirement,  nor  at  any  subsequent  period,  were  liis  services, 
official  and  hterary,  rewarded  by  any  distinction. 

During  his  seventeen  years'  service  in  Central  India  and 
Kajputana  he  showed  indefatigable  industry  in  the  collection 
of  the  materials  which  were  partially  used  in  liis  great  work. 
His  taste  for  the  study  of  liistory  and  antiquities,  etluiology, 
popular  religion,  and  superstitions  was  stimulated  by  the  pioneer 
work  of  Sir  W.  Jones  and  other  writers  in  the  Asiatic  Researches. 
He  was  not  a  trained  philologist,  and  he  gained  much  of  liis 
information  from  liis  Guru,  the  Jain  Yati  Gyanchandra,  and  the 
Brahman  Pandits  whom  he  employed  to  make  inquiries  on  his 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

behalf.  They,  too,  were  not  trained  scholars  in  the  modern 
sense  of  the  term,  and  many  of  his  mistakes  are  due  to  his  rash- 
ness in  following  their  guidance. 

His  hfe  was  prolonged  for  tliirteen  years  after  he  left  India. 
In  1824,  he  attained  the  rank  of  Major,  and  in  1826  that  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel. Much  of  his  time  in  England  was  spent  in 
arranging  liis  materials  and  compiling  the  works  upon  which  his 
reputation  depends  :  The  Annals,  pubhshed.  between  1829  and 
1832  ;  and  his  Travels  in  Western  India,  published  after  his 
death,  in  1839.  He  was  in  close  relations  with  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  of  wliich  he  acted  for  a  time  as  Librarian.  In  this  fine 
collection  of  books  and  manuscripts  he  gained  much  of  that 
discursive  learning  which  appears  in'  The  Annals.  He  presented 
to  the  Society  niunerous  manuscripts,  inscriptions,  and  coins. 
The  fine  series  of  drawings  made  to  illustrate  his  works  by  Captain 
P.  T.  Waugh  and  a  native  artist  named  Ghasi,  have  recently 
been  rearranged  and  catalogued  in  the  Library  of  the  Society. 
They  well  deserve  inspection  by  any  one  interested  in  Indian  art. 
He  also  made  frequent  tours  on  the  Continent,  and  on  one  occasion 
visited  the  great  soldier,  Comit  Benoit  de  Boigne,  who  died  in 
1830,  leaving  a  fortune  of  twenty  millions  of  francs. 

On  November  16,  1826,  Tod  married  Juha,  daughter  of  Dr. 
Henry  Clutterbuck,  an  eminent  London  surgeon,  by  whom  he 
had  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  In  1835  he  settled  in  a  house  in 
Regent's  Park,  and  on  November  17  of  the  same  year  he  died 
suddenly  wliile  transacting  business  at  the  office  of  his  bankers, 
Messrs.  Robarts  of  Lombard  Street.  The  names  of  his  descend- 
ants will  appear  from  the  pedigree  appended  to  this  Introduction. 

The  Annals  of  Rajasthan,  the  two  volumes  of  which  were, 
by  permission,  dedicated  to  Kings  George  IV.  and  WiUiam  IV. 
respectively,  was  received  with  considerable  favour.  A  con- 
temporary critic  deals  with  it  in  the  following  terms  :  ^  "  Colonel 
Tod  deserves  the  praise  of  a  most  delightful  and  industrious 
collector  of  materials  for  history,  and  his  own  narrative  style  in 
many  places  displays  great  freedom,  vigour,  and  perspicuity. 
Though  not  always  correct,  and  occasionally  stiff  and  formal,  it 
is  not  seldom  highly  animated  and  picturesque.  The  faults  of 
his  work  are  inseparable  from  its  nature  ;  it  would  have  been 
almost  impossible  to  mould  up  into  one  continuous  history  the 
^  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xlviii.  Oct.-Dec.  1832,  pp.  38  f. 


X5£X  INTRODUCTION 

distinct  and  separate  annals  of  the  various  Rajput  races.  The 
patience  of  the  reader  is  thus  imavoidably  put  to  a  severe  trial, 
in  having  to  reascend  to  the  origin,  and  again  to  trace  downwards 
the  parallel  annals  of  some  new  tribe — sometimes  interwoven 
Avith,  sometimes  entirely  distinct  from,  those  which  have  gone 
before.  But,  on  the  whole,  as  no  one  but  Colonel  Tod  could  have 
gathered  the  materials  for  such  a  work,  there  are  not  many  who 
could  have  used  them  so  well.  No  candid  reader  can  arise  from 
its  perusal  without  a  very  high  sense  of  the  character  of  the  Author 
— no  scholar,  more  certainly,  without  respect  for  his  attainments, 
and  gratitude  for  the  service  which  he  has  rendered  to  a  branch 
of  literature,  if  far  from  popular,  by  no  means  to  be  estimated,  as 
to  its  real  importance,  by  the  extent  to  which  it  may  command 
the  favour  of  an  age  of  duodecimos." 

In  estimating  the  value  of  the  local  authorities  on  which  the 
liistory  is  based.  Tod  reposed  undue  confidence  in  the  epics  and 
ballads  composed  by  the  poet  Chand  and  other  tribal  bards.  It 
is  believed  that  more  than  one  of  these  poems  have  disappeared 
since  his  time,  and  these  materials  have  been  only  in  part  edited 
and  translated.  The  value  to  be  placed  on  bardic  literature  is  a 
question  not  free  from  difficulty.  "  On  the  faith  of  ancient  songs, 
the  uncertain  but  the  only  memorials  of  barbarism,"  says  Gibbon, 
"  they  [Cassiodorus  and  Jornandes]  deduced  the  first  origin  of  the 
Goths."  ^  The  poet  may  occasionally  record  facts  of  value,  but 
in  his  zeal  for  the  honour  of  the  tribe  which  he  represents,  he  is 
tempted  to  exaggerate  victories,  to  minimize  defeats.  This  is  a 
danger  to  which  Indian  poets  are  particularly  exposed.  Their 
trade  is  one  of  fulsome  adulation,  and  in  a  state  of  society  like 
that  of  the  Rajputs,  where  tribal  and  personal  rivalries  flourish, 
the  temptation  to  give  a  false  colouring  to  history  is  great.  In 
fact,  bardic  literature  is  often  useful,  not  as  evidence  of  occurrences 
in  antiquity,  but  as  an  indication  of  the  habits  and  beliefs  current 
in  the  age  of  the  writer.  It  exhibits  the  facts,  not  as  they  really 
occurred,  but  as  the  writer  and  lais  contemporaries  supposed  that 
they  occurred.  The  mind  of  the  poet,  with  all  its  prejudices, 
projects  itself  into  the  distant  past.  Good  examples  of  the 
methods  of  the  bards  will  appear  in  the  attempt  to  connect  the 
Rathors  with  the  dynasty  of  Kanauj,  or  to  represent  the  Chauhans 
as  the  founders  of  an  empire  in  the  Deccan. 

^  Decline  and  Fall,  ed.  W.  Smith,  i.  375. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxi 

Recent  investigation  has  thrown  much  new  hght  on  the  origin 
of  the  Rajputs.  A  wide  gulf  hes  between  the  Vedic  Kshatriya 
and  the  Rajput  of  medieval  times  which  it  is  now  impossible  to 
bridge.  Some  clans,  with  the  help  of  an  accommodating  bard, 
may  be  able  to  trace  their  lineage  to  the  Kshatriyas  of  Buddhist 
times,  who  v.ere  recognized  as  one  of  the  leading  elements  in 
Hindu  society,  and,  in  their  own  estimation,  stood  even  higher 
tlxan  the  Brahmans.^  But  it  is  now  certain  that  the  origin  of 
many  clans  dates  from  the  Saka  or  Kushan  invasion,  which  began 
about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  B.C.,  or  more  certainly, 
from  that  of  the  ^Vl^lite  Huns  who  destroyed  the  Gupta  empire 
about  A.D.  480.  The  Gurjara  tribe  connected  with  the  latter 
people  adopted  Hinduism,  and  their  leaders  formed  the  main 
stock  from  which  the  higher  Rajput  families  sprang.  When 
these  new  claimants  to  princely  honours  accepted  the  faith  and 
institutions  of  Brahmanism,  the  attempt  would  naturally  be  made 
to  ainiiate  themselves  to  the  mythical  heroes  whose  exploits  are 
recorded  in  the  Mahabharata  and  Ramayana.  Hence  arose  the 
body  of  legend  recorded  in  The  Annals  by  wliich  a  fabulous 
origin  from  the  Sun  or  Moon  is  ascribed  to  two  great  Rajput 
branches,  a  genealogy  claimed  by  other  princely  families,  like 
the  Incas  of  Peru  or  the  Mikado  of  Japan.  Or,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Rathors  of  Marwar,  an  equally  fabulous  story  was  invented 
to  link  them  with  the  royal  house  of  Kanauj,  one  of  the  genuine 
old  Hindu  ruling  families.  The  same  feeling  lies  at  the  root  of 
the  Aeneid  of  Virgil,  the  court  poet  of  the  new  empire.  The  clan 
of  the  emperor  Augustus,  the  lulii,  a  jiatrician  family  of  Alban 
origin,  was  represented  as  the  heirs  of  lulus,  the  supposed  sou  of 
Aeneas  and  founder  of  Alba  Longa,  thus  linking  the  new  Augustan 
house  with  the  heroes  of  the  Iliad. 

One  of  the  merits  of  Tod's  work  is  that,  though  his  knowledge  of 
ethnology  was  imperfect,  and  he  was  unable  to  reject  the  local 
chronicles  of  the  Rajputs,  he  advocated,  in  anticipation  of  the 
conclusions  of  later  scholars,  the  so-called  "  Scythic  "  origin  of 
the  race.  To  make  up  for  the  lack  of  direct  evidence  of  Scythian 
manners  and  sociology  to  support  this  position,  he  was  forced 
to  rely  on  certain  superficial  resemblances  of  custom  and  belief, 
not  between  Rajputs,  Scythians  and  Hims,  but  between  Rajputs, 

1  V.  A.  Smith,  Early  History  of  India,  3rd  ed.  408 ;  Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist 
India,  60  f. 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION 

Getae  or  Thracians,  or  the  Germans  of  Tacitus.  In  the  same  way 
a  supposed  identity  of  name  led  him  to  identify  the  Jats  of 
northern  India  with  the  Getae  or  with  the  Goths,  and  finally  to 
bring  them  with  the  Jutes  into  Kent. 

A  similar  process  of  groping  in  semi-darkness  induced  him  to 
make  constant  references  to  serpent  worship,  which,  as  Sir  E. 
Tylor  remarked,  "  years  ago  fell  into  the  hands  of  speculative 
writers  who  mixed  it  up  with  occult  philosophies,  druidical 
mysteries,  and  that  portentous  nonsense  called  the  '  Arkite  sym- 
bolism,' till  now  sober  students  hear  the  very  name  of  ophiolatry 
with  a  shudder."  ^  He  repeatedly  speaks  of  a  people  whom  he 
calls  the  "  Takshaks,"  apparently  one  of  the  Scytliian  tribes. 
There  is,  however,  no  reason  to  beheve  that  serpent  worship 
formed  an  important  element  in  the  beliefs  of  the  Scythians,  or 
to  suppose  that  the  cult,  as  we  observe  it  in  India,  is  of  other  than 
indigenous  origin. 

The  more  recent  \aews  of  the  origin  of  the  Rajputs  may  be 
briefly  illustrated  in  comiexion  with  some  of  the  leading  septs. 
Dr.  Vincent  A.  Smith  holds  that  the  term  Kshatriya  was  not  an 
ethnical  but  an  occupational  designation.  Rajaputra,  '  son  of  a 
Raja,'  seems  to  have  been  a  name  applied  to  the  cadets  of  ruhng 
houses  who,  according  to  the  ancient  custom  of  tribal  society, 
were  in  the  habit  of  seeking  their  fortunes  abroad,  winning  by 
some  act  of  valour  the  hand  of  the  princess  whose  land  they  visited, 
and  with  it  the  succession  to  the  kingdom  vested  in  her  under  the 
system  of  Mother  Right.  Sir  James  Frazer  has  described  various 
forms  of  this  mode  of  succession  in  the  case  of  the  Kings  of  Rome, 
Ashanti,  Uganda,  in  certain  Greek  States,  and  other  places.^ 
Dr.  Smith  goes  on  to  say  :  "  The  term  Kshatriya  was,  I  beheve, 
always  one  of  very  vague  meaning,  simply  denoting  the  Hindu 
ruhng  classes  wliich  did  not  claim  Brahnianical  descent.  Occasion- 
ally a  raja  might  be  a  Brahman  by  caste,  but  the  Brahman's  place 
at  court  was  that  of  a  minister  rather  than  that  of  king."  "  This 
ollice  in  Rajputana,  as  we  learn  from  numerous  instances  in  The 
Annals,  was  often  taken  by  members  of  the  Bania  or  mercantile 
class,  because  the  Brahmans  of  the  Desert,  by  their  laxity  of 

1  Primitive  Culture,  2nd  ed.  ii.  239. 

*  Lectures  on  the  Early  History  of  the  Kingship,  231  £E. ;  The  Golden  Bough, 
3rd  ed. ;  The  Magic  Art,  ii.  269  ff. 
3  Early  History  oj  India,  408. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxiii 

practice,  had  acquired  an  equivocal  reputation,  and  were  gener- 
ally illiterate.  The  Rajput  has  always,  untU  recent  times, 
favoured  the  Bhat  or  bard  more  than  the  Brahman. 

The  group  denoted  by  the  name  Kshatriya  or  Rajput  thus 
depended  on  status  rather  than  on  descent,  and  it  was  therefore 
possible  for  foreigners  to  be  introduced  into  the  tribes  without 
any  violation  of  the  prejudices  of  caste,  which  was  then  only 
partially  developed.  In  later  times,  under  Brahman  guidance, 
the  rules  of  endogamy,  exogamy,  and  confarreaiio  have  been 
deiinitely  formulated.  But  as  the  power  of  the  priesthood 
increased,  it  was  necessary  to  disguise  this  admission  of  foreigners 
imder  a  convenient  fiction.  Hence  arose  the  legend,  told  in  two 
different  forms  in  The  Annals,  wliich  describes  how,  by  a  solemn 
act  of  purification  or  initiation,  under  the  superintendence  of  one 
of  the  ancient  Vedic  Risiiis  or  inspired  saints,  the  "  fire-born  " 
septs  were  created  to  help  the  Brahmans  in  repressing  Buddhism, 
Jainism,  or  other  heresies,  and  in  estabhshing  the  ancient  tradi- 
tional Hindu  social  pohcy,  the  temporary  downfall  of  which, 
under  the  stress  of  foreign  invasions,  is  carefully  concealed  in  the 
Hindu  sacred  Uterature.  This  privilege  was,  we  are  told,  confined 
to  four  septs,  known  as  Agnikula,  or  '  fire-born ' — the  Pramar, 
Parihar,  Chalukya  or  Solanki,  and  the  Chauhan.  But  there  is 
good  reason  to  beheve  that  the  Pramar  was  the  only  sept  which 
laid  claim  to  this  distinction  before  the  time  of  the  poet  Chand, 
who  flourished  in  the  twelfth  century  of  our  era.^  The  local 
tradition  in  Rajputana  was  so  vague  that  in  one  version  of  the 
story  Vasishtha,  in  the  other  Visvamitra,  is  said  to  have  been  the 
olficiating  priest. 

In  the  case  of  the  Sesodias  of  Mewar,  Mr.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar 
has  given  reasons  to  beheve  that  Gehlot  or  Guliilot  means  simply 
'  son  of  Guliila,'  an  abbreviation  of  Guhadatta,  the  name  of  its 
founder.^  He  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  Gurjara  stock, 
kinsmen  or  aUies  of  the  Huns  who  entered  India  about  the  sixth 
century  of  our  era,  and  founded  a  kingdom  in  Rajputana  with  its 
capital  at  Bhilmal  or  Srimal,  about  fifty  miles  from  Mount  Abu, 

^  Journal  Royal  Asiatic  /Society,  1905,  I  11".  The  tradition  seems  to  have 
started  earlier  in  Southern  India,  y.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar,  Ancient 
India,  1911,  390  ff. 

-  Journal  Asiatic  Society  Bengal,  1909,  167  ff.  The  criticism  by  Pandit 
Mohaulal  Vishnulal  Pandia  [ibid.,  1912,  63  ff.)  is  extremely  feeble. 


xxxiv  INTRODUCTION 

the  scene  of  the  regeneration  of  the  Rajputs.  This  branch,  which 
took  the  name  of  Maitrika,  is  said  to  be  closely  connected  with  the 
Mer  tribe,  which  gave  its  name  to  Merwara,  and  is  fully  described 
in  The  Annals.  The  actual  conqueror  of  Chitor,  Bapa  or  Bappa, 
is  said  in  inscriptions  to  have  belonged  to  the  branch  known  as 
Nagar,  or  '  City  '  Brahmans  which  has  its  present  headquarters 
at  the  town  of  Vadnagar  in  the  Baroda  State.  Tliis  conversion 
of  a  Brahman  into  a  Rajput  is  at  first  sight  starthng,  but  the  fact 
implies  that  the  institution  of  caste,  as  we  observe  it,  was  then 
only  imperfectly  estabfished,  and  there  was  no  difficulty  in 
believing  that  a  Brahman  could  be  ancestor  of  a  princely  house 
which  now  claims  descent  from  the  Sun.  As  will  appear  later  on, 
Bapa  seems  to  be  a  historical  personage.  These  facts  help  us  to 
understand  the  strange  story  in  The  Annals,  which  tells  how 
Gohaditya  received  inauguration  as  chief  by  having  his  forehead 
smeared  with  blood  drawn  from  the  finger  of  a  BhJl,  a  form  of  the 
blood  covenant  which  appears  among  many  savage  tribes.^  In 
those  days  no  definite  hne  was  drawn  between  the  Bhlls,  now  a 
wild  forest  tribe,  and  the  Rajputs.  The  Bhils  were  the  free  lords 
of  the  jungle,  original  owners  of  the  soil,  and  though  they  practised 
rites  and  followed  customs  repulsive  to  orthodox  Hindus,  they 
did  not  share  in  the  impvu-ity  which  attached  to  foul  outcastes 
like  the  Dom  or  the  Chandala. ,  As  the  Bhils  were  believed  to  be 
autochthonous,  and  thus  understood  the  methods  of  controlling 
or  conciliating  the  local  spirits,  by  this  form  of  inauguration  they 
passed  on  their  knowledge  to  the  Rajputs  whom  they  accepted 
as  their  lords.  The  relations  of  the  Minas,  another  jungle  tribe 
of  the  same  class,  with  the  Kachhwahas  of  Jaipur  were  of  the 
same  kind. 

According  to  the  bardic  legend  given  in  The  Annals,  the 
Rathors,  the  second  great  Rajput  clan,  owed  their  origin  to  a 
migration  of  a  body  of  its  members  to  the  western  Desert  when 
the  territory  of  Kanauj  was  conquered  by  Shihabu-d-din  in  a.d. 
1193.  But  it  is  now  certain  that  the  ruling  dynasty  of  Kanauj 
belonged,  not  to  the  Rathor,  but  to  the  Gaharwar  clan,  and  that 
the  first  Rathor  settlement  in  Rajputana  must  have  occurred 
anterior  to  the  conquest  of  Kanauj  by  the  Musalmans.  An 
inscription,  dated  a.d.  997,  found  in  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  town 
of  Hathundi  or  Hastikundi  in  the  Bali  Hakumat  of  the  Jodhpur 
j  ^  E.  S.  Hartland,  Primitive  Paternity,  i.  258  ff. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxv 

State,  names  four  Rathor  Rajas  who  reigned  there  in  the  tenth 
century.^  The  local  legend  is  an  attempt  to  connect  the  line  of 
Rathor  princes  with  the  Kanaiij  dynasty.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  Deccan  dynasty  of  the  Rashtrakiitas  which,  in  name  at 
least,  is  identical  with  Rathor,  reigning  at  Nasik  or  Malkhed  from 
A.D.  753  to  973,  was  connected  with  the  Reddis  or  Raddis,  a 
caste  of  cultivators  which  seem  to  have  migrated  from  Madras 
into  the  Deccan  at  an  early  period.  But  any  racial  connexion 
between  the  Deccan  Reddis  and  the  Rathors  of  Rajputana  is 
very  doubtful.*  * 

The  Chandel  clan,  ranked  in  The  Annals  among  the  Thirty- 
six  Royal  Races,  is  believed  to  be  closely  connected  with  the 
Bhars  and  Gonds,  forest  tribes  of  Bundelkhand  and  the  Central 
Provinces.  Mr.  R.  V.  Russell  prefers  to  connect  them  with  the 
Bhars  alone,  on  the  ground  that  the  Gonds,  according  to  the  best 
traditions,  entered  the  Central  Provinces  from  the  south,  and 
made  no  effective  settlement  in  Bundelkhand,  the  headquarters 
of  the  Chandels.^  But  there  was  a  Gond  settlement  in  the 
Hainlrpur  District  of  Bundelkhand,  and  the  close  connexion 
between  the  Gonds  and  the  Chandels  began  in  what  is  now  the 
Chhatarpur  State. 

The  results  of  recent  investigations  into  Rajput  ethnology  are  > 
thus  of  great  importance,  and  enable  us  to  correct  the  bardic 
legends  on  which  the  genealogies  recorded  in  The  Annals  were 
founded.  Much  remains  to  be  done  before  the  question  can  be 
finally  settled.  The  local  Rajput  traditions  and  the  ballads  of 
the  bards  must  be  collected  and  edited  ;  the  ancient  sites  in 
Rajputana  must  be  excavated  ;  physical  measurements,  now 
somewhat  discredited  as  a  test  of  racial  affinities,  must  be  made  in 
larger  numbers  and  by  more  scientific  methods.  But  the  general 
thesis  that  some  of  the  nobler  Rajput  septs  are  descended  from 
Gurjaras  or  other  foreigners,  while  others  are  closely  connected 
with  the  autochthonous  races,  may  be  regarded  as  definitely 
proved. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  parts  of  The  Annals  is  the  chapter 

1  K.  D.  Eiskine,  Gazetteer  Western  Rajput  States  and  Bikaner  Agency, 
A.  i.  177. 

2  Bombay  Gazetteer,!.  Part  i.  385;  Bombay  Census  Heport,  1911,  i.  279; 
Smith,  Early  History,  413. 

s  Tribes  and  Castes  of  llie  Central  Provinces,  iv.  441. 


xxxvi  INTRODUCTION 

describing  the  popular  religion  of  Mewar,  the  festival  and  rites 
in  honour  of  Gauri,  the  Mother  goddess.  There  are  also  many 
incidental  notices  of  cults  and  superstitions  scattered  through 
the  work.  A  race  of  warriors  like  the  Rajputs  naturally  favours 
the  worship  of  Siva  who,  as  the  successor  of  Rudra,  the  Vedic 
storm-god,  was  originally  a  terror-inspiring  deity,  a  side  of  his 
character  only  imperfectly  veiled  by  his  euphemistic  title  of  Siva, 
'  the  blessed  or  auspicious  One.'  In  his  phallic  manifestation 
his  chief  shrine  is  at  Eklingji,  '  the  single  or  notable  phallus,' 
about  fourteen  miles  north  of  Udaipur  city.  The  Ranas  hold 
the  office  of  priest-kings,  Dlwans  or  prime-ministers  of  the  god. 
Their  association  with  this  deity  has  been  explained  by  an  in- 
scription recently  found  in  the  temple  of  Natha,  '  the  Lord,' 
now  used  as  a  storeroom  of  Jhe  Eklingji  temple.^  The  inscription, 
dated  a.d.  971,  is  in  form  of  a  dedication  to  LakulTsa,  a  form  of 
Siva  represented  as  bearing  a  club,  and  refers  to  the  Saiva  sect 
known  as  Lakullsa-Pasapatas.  It  records  the  name  of  a  king 
named  Sri-Bappaka,  '  the  moon  among  the  princes  of  the  Guhila 
dynasty,'  who  reigned  at  a  place  called  Nagahvada,  identified 
with  Nagda,  an  ancient  town  several  times  mentioned  in  The 
Annals,  the  ruins  of  which  exist  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which 
the  temple  of  Eklingji  stands.  Sri-Bappaka  is  certainly  Bapa 
or  Bappa,  the  traditional  founder  of  the  Mewar  dynasty,  which 
had  at  that  time  its  capital  at  Nagda.  From  this  inscription  it  is 
clear  that  the  Eklingji  temple  was  in  existence  before  a.d.  971, 
and,  as  Mr.  Bhandarkar  remarks,  "  it  shows  that  the  old  tradition 
about  Nagendra  and  Bappa  Rawal's  infancy  given  by  Tod  had 
some  historical  foundation,  and  it  is  intelligible  how  the  Ranas  of 
Udaipur  could  have  come  to  have  such  an  intimate  connexion  with 
the  temple  as  that  of  high  priests,  in  which  capacity  they  still 
officiate."  This  office  vested  in  them  is  a  good  example  of  one 
of  those  dynasties  of  priest-kings  of  which  Sir  James  Frazer  has 
given  an  elaborate  account.^ 

The  milder  side  of  the  Rajput  character  is  represented  in  the 
cult  of  Krishna  at  Nathdwara.  The  Mahant  or  Abbot  of  the 
temple,  situated  at  the  old  village  of  Siarh,  twenty-two  miles 

^  D.  R.  Bhandarkar,  Journal  Bombay  Branch  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
1916,  Art.  xii. 

2  The.  Golden  Bauqh,  3rd  ed. ;  The  Magic  Art,  i.  44  flf.  ;  Adonis,  Attis, 
Osiris,  i.  42  f.,  143  £f. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxvii 

from  the  city  of  Udaipur,  enjoys  semi-royal  state.  In  anticipation 
of  tlie  raid  by  Aurangzeb  on  Mathura,  a.d.  1669-70,  tlie  ancient 
image  of  Kesavadeva,  a  form  of  Krishna,  '  He  of  the  flowing 
locks,'  was  removed  out  of  reach  of  danger  by  Rana  Raj  Singh 
of  Mewar.  When  the  cart  bearing  the  image  arrived  at  Siarh, 
the  god,  by  stopping  the  cart,  is  said  to  have  expressed  liis  inten- 
tion of  remaining  there.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  famous  temple, 
still  visited  by  crowds  of  pilgrims,  and  one  of  the  leading  seats 
of  the  Vallabhacharya  sect,  '  the  Epicureans  of  the  East,'  whose 
practices,  as  disclosed  in  the  famous  Maharaja  libel  case,  tried  at 
Bombay  in  1861,  gave  rise  to  grievous  scandal.^  The  ill-feeling 
against  this  sect,  aroused  by  these  revelations,  was  so  intense  that 
the  Maharaja  of  Jaipur  ordered  that  the  two  famous  images  of 
Krishna  worshipped  in  his  State,  which  originally  came  from 
Gokul,  near  Mathura,  should  be  removed  from  his  territories 
into  those  of  the  Bharatpur  State. 

Tod  bears  witness  to  the  humanizing  effect  on  the  Rajputs  of 
the  worship  of  this  god,  whom  he  calls  "  the  Apollo  of  Braj,"  the 
holy  land  of  Krishna  near  Mathura.  He  also  asserts  that  the 
Emperor  Akbar  favoured  the  worship  of  Krishna,  a  feeling  shared 
by  his  successors  Jahangir  and  Shah  Jahan.  Akbar,  in  his  search 
for  a  new  faith  to  supersede  Islam,  of  which  he  was  parens  cultor 
et  infrequens,  dallied  with  Hindu  Pandits,  Parsi  priests,  and 
Christian  missionaries,  and  he  was  doubtless  well  informed  about 
the  sensuous  ritual  of  the  temple  of  Nathdwara.^ 

The  character  of  the  Rajputs  is  discussed  in  many  passages 
in  The  Annals.  The  Author  expresses  marked  sympathy  with 
the  people  among  whom  his  official  life  was  spent,  and  he  expresses 
gratitude  for  the  courtesy  and  confidence  which  they  bestowed 
upon  him.  This  applies  specially  to  the  Sesodias  of  Mewar  and 
the  Rathors  of  Marwar,  with  whom  he  lived  in  the  closest  intimacy. 
He  sliows,  on  the  other  hand,  a  decided  prejudice  against  the 
Kachhwahas  of  Jaipur,  of  whose  diplomacy  he  disapproved. 
This  feeling,  we  may  suspect,  was  due  in  part  to  their  hesitation 
in  accepting  the  British  alliance,  a  policy  in  which  he  was  deeply 
interested. 

1  Karsandas  Mulji,  History  of  the  Sect  of  the  Maharajas  or  Vallabhdcharyas, 
London,  1865 ;  Report  of  the  Mahdrdj  Libel  Case,  Bombay,  1862 ;  F.  S. 
Growse,  Mathura,  3rd  ed.  283  f. 

2  V.  A.  Smith,  Akbar,  The  Great  Mogul,  162  ff. 


xxxviii  INTRODUCTION 

The  virtues  of  the  Rajput  He  on  the  surface — their  loyalty, 
devotion,  and  gallantry  ;  their  chivalry  towards  women  ;  their 
regard  for  their  national  customs.  Their  weaknesses — though 
Tod  does  not  enumerate  them  in  detail — are  obvious  from  a  study 
of  their  history — their  instability  of  character,  their  liability  to 
sudden  outbreaks  of  passion,  their  tendency  to  yield  to  panic  on 
the  battlefield,  their  inability,  as  a  result  of  their  tribal  system, 
to  form  a  permanent  combination  against  a  public  enemy,  their 
occasional  faithlessness  to  their  chiefs  and  allies,  their  excessiv-e 
use  of  opium.  These  defects  they  share  with  most  orientals,  but, 
on  the  whole,  they  compare  favourably  with  other  races  in  the 
Indian  Empire.  There  is  much  in  their  character  and  institutions 
which  reminds  us  of  the  Gauls  as  pictured  by  Mommsen  in  a 
striking  passage.^  Rajput  women  are  described  as  virtuous, 
affectionate,  and  devoted,  taking  part  in  the  control  of  the  family, 
sharing  with  their  husbands  the  dangers  of  war  and  sport,  con- 
temptuous of  the  coward,  and  exercising  a  salutary  influence  in 
public  and  domestic  affairs. 

Strangely  enough,  Tod  omits  to  give  us  a  detailed  account  of 
their  marriage  regulations  and  ceremonies.  According  to  Mr. 
E.  H.  Kealy,^  while  male  children  under  one  year  old  exceed  the 
females,  "  the  excess  is  not  sufficiently  great  to  justify  the  con- 
clusion that  female  babies  are  murdered,  nor  is  the  theory  that 
female  infants  lost  their  lives  by  neglect  supported  by  the 
statistics.  Unhappily  the  returns  show  that  a  high  proportion 
of  married  women  is  combined  with  a  very  low  percentage  of 
females  as  compared  with  males  between  the  ages  of  ten  and 
fourteen,  the  early  stage  of  married  life,  and  this  defect  is  largely 
due  to  premature  cohabitation,  lack  of  medical  attendance,  and 
of  sanitary  precautions."  No  one  can  read  without  horror  the 
many  narratives  of  the  Johar,  the  final  sacrifice  by  which  womei\ 
in  the  hour  of  defeat  gave  their  lives  to  save  their  honour,  and  of 
the  numerous  cases  of  Sati.  Both  these  customs  are  now  only 
a  matter  of  history,  but  so  late  as  1879  General  Hervey  was  able 
to  count  at  the  Bikaner  palace  the  handmarks  of  at  least  thirty- 
seven  widows  who  ascended  the  pyre  with  their  lords.* 

Much  space  in   The  Annals  is  occupied  by  a  review  of  the 

1  History  of  Rome,  ed.  1866,  iv.  209  if. ' 

*  Censufs  Report,  Rajpittana,  1911,  i.  132. 

*  Some  Rerorch  of  Crime,  ii,  217  f. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxix 

so-called  '  Feudal  '  system  in  Rajputana.  Tod  was  naturally 
attracted  in  the  course  of  his  discursive  reading  by  Henry 
Hallam's  View  of  the  State  of  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages, 
which  first  appeared  in  1818,  four  years  before  Tod  resigned  his 
Indian  appointment.  Hallam  himself  was  careful  to  point  out 
that  "  it  is  of  great  importance  to  be  on  our  guard  against  seeming 
analogies  which  vanish  away  when  they  are  closely  observed."  ^ 
This  warning  Tod  unguardedly  overlooked.  Hallam  recognized 
that  Feudalism  was  an  institution  the  ultimate  origin  of  which 
is  still,  to  some  extent,  obscure.  It  possibly  began  with  the 
desire  for  protection,  the  rakhzvdli  of  the  Rajputs,  but  it  seems 
to  have  been  ultimately  based  on  the  private  law  of  Rome,  while 
the  influence  of  the  Church,  interested  in  securing  its  endowments, 
was  a  factor  in  its  evolution.  In  its  completed  form  it  represented 
the  final  stage  of  a  process  which  began  under  the  Frankish 
conquerors  of  Gaul.  At  any  rate,  it  was  of  European  origin,  and 
though  it  absorbed  much  that  was  common  to  the  types  of  tribal 
organization  found  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  it  was  moulded  by 
the  political,  social,  and  economical  environment  amidst  which 
it  was  developed.  Hence,  while  it  is  possible  to  trace,  as  Tod  has 
done,  certain  analogies  between  the  tribal  institutions  of  the 
Rajputs  and  the  social  organization  of  medieval  Europe — 
analogies  of  feudal  incidents  connected  with  Reliefs,  Fines  upon 
alienation,  Escheats,  Aids,  Wardship,  and  Marriage  —  these 
analogies,  when  more  closely  examined,  are  found  to  be  in  the 
main  superficial.  If  we  desire  to  undertake  a  comparative  study 
of  the  Rajput  tribal  system,  it  is  unnecessary  to  travel  to  medieval 
Europe,  while  we  have  close  at  hand  the  social  organization  of 
more  or  less  kindred  tribes  on  the  Indian  borderland,  Pathans, 
Afghans,  or  ^aloch  ;  or,  in  a  more  primitive  stage,  those  of  the 
Kandhs,  Gonds,  Mtindas,  or  Oraons.  It  is  of  little  service  to 
compare  two  systems  of  which  only  the  nucleus  is  common  to 
both,  and  to  place  side  by  side  institutions  which  present  only 
a  factitious  similitude,  because  the  social  development  of  each 
has  progressed  on  different  lines. 

The  Author's  excursions  into  philology  are  the  diversions  of 
a-  clever  man,  not  of  a  trained  scholar,  but  interested  in  the 
subject  as  an  amateur.  In  his  time  the  new  learning  on  oriental 
subjects  had  only  recently  begun  to  attract  the  attention  of 

1   View  of  the  State  of  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages,  12th  ed.  1868,  i.  186. 
VOL.  I  d 


xl  •      INTRODUCTION 

scholars,  of  which  Sir  W.  Jones  was  the  prophet.  Tod  was  a 
diligent  student  of  The  Asiatic  Researches,  the  publication  of 
which  began  at  Calcutta  in  1788.  While  much  material  of  value 
is  to  be  found  in  these  volumes,  many  papers  of  Captain  Francis 
Wilford  and  others  are  full  of  rash  speculations  which  have  not 
survived  later  criticism.  Tod  is  not  to  blame  because  he  followed 
the  guidance  of  scholars  who  contributed  articles  to  the  leading 
Indian  review  of  his  time  ;  because  he  was  ignorant  of  the  laws 
of  Grimm  or  Verner ;  because,  like  his  contemporaries,  he 
believed  that  the  mythology  of  Egypt  or  Palestine  influenced  the 
beliefs  of  the  Indian  people.  It  was  his  fate  that  many  of  his 
guesses  were  quoted  with  approval  by  writers  like  T,  Maurice  in 
his  Indian  Antiquities,  and  by  N.  Pococke  in  his  India  in  Greece. 
It  is  also  well  to  remember  that  many  of  the  derivations  of  the 
names  of  Indian  deities,  confidently  proposed  by  Kuhn  and  Max 
Muller  a  few  years  ago,  are  no  longer  accepted.  Tod,  at  any 
rate,  published  his  views  on  Feudalism  and  Philology  without 
any  pretence  of  dogmatism. 

One  special  question  deserves  examination  —  the  constant 
references  to  the  cult  of  Bal-Siva,  a  form  of  the  Sun  god.  A 
learned  Indian  scholar.  Pandit  Gaurishankar  Ojha,  who  is  now 
engaged  on  an  annotated  edition  of  The  Annals  in  Hindi,  states 
that  no  temple  or  image  dedicated  to  tliis  god  is  known  in 
Rajputana.  It  is,  of  course,  not  unlikely  that  Siva,  as  a  deity 
of  fertility,  should  be  associated  with  Sun  worship,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  of  the  cult  on  which  Tod  lays  special  stress-  It 
is  almost  useless  to  speculate  on  the  source  of  his  error.  It 
may  be  based  on  a  reference  in  the  Ain-i-Akhari  ^  to  a  certain 
Balnath,  Jogi,  who  occupied  a  cell  in  a  place  in  the  Sindh  Sagar 
Duab  of  the  Panjab.  At  the  same  time,  like  many  of  the 
writers  of  his  day,  he  may  have  had  the  Semitic  Baal  in  his 
mind. 

It  was  largely  due  to  imperfect  information  received  from  his 
assistants  that  he  shared  with  other  writers  of  the  time  the  con- 
fusion between  Buddhism  and  Jainism,  and  supposed  that  the 
former  religion  was  introduced  into  India  from  Central  Asia. 
His  elaborate  attempt  to  extract  history  and  a  trustworthy 
scheme  of  chronology  from  the  Puranas  must  be  pronounced  to 
be  a  failure.     Recently  a  learned  scholar,  Mr.  F.  E.  Pargiter,  has 

1  ii.  315. 


INTRODUCTION  xli 

shown  how  far  an  examination  of  these  authorities  can  be  con- 
ducted with  any  approach  to  probability.^ 

The  questions  wliich  have  been  discussed  do  not,  to  any 
important  extent,  detract  from  the  real  value  of  the  work.  Even 
in  those  points  which  are  most  open  to  criticism,  The  Annals 
possesses  importance  because  it  represents  a  phase  in  the  study 
of  Indian  religions,  ethnology,  and  sociology'.  No  one  can 
examine  it  without  increasing  pleasure  and  admiration  for  a 
writer  who,  immersed  in  arduous  official  work,  was  able  to  in- 
dulge his  tastes  for  research.  His  was  the  first  real  attempt  to 
investigate  the  beliefs  of  the  peasantry  as  contrasted  with  the 
official  Brahmanism,  a  study  which  in  recent  years  has  revolu- 
tionized the  current  conceptions  of  Hinduism.  Even  if  his 
versions  of  the  inscriptions  which  he  collected  fail  to  satisfy  the 
requirements  of  more  recent  scholars,  he  deserves  credit  for 
rescuing  from  neglect  and  almost  certain  destruction  epigraphical 
material  for  the  use  of  his  successors.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
the  drawings  of  buildings,  some  of  which  have  fallen  into  decay, 
or  have  been  mutilated  by  their  careless  guardians.  When  he 
deals  with  facts  which  came  under  his  personal  observation,  his 
accounts  of  beliefs,  folk-lore,  social  life,  customs,  and  manners 
possess  permanent  value. 

He  observed  the  Rajputs  when  they  were  in  a  stage  of  transi- 
tion. Isolated  by  the  inaccessibility  of  their  country,  they  were 
the  last  guardians  of  Hindu  beliefs,  institutions,  and  manners 
against  the  rising  tide  of  the  Muhammadan  invasions  ;  without 
their  protection  much  that  is  important  for  the  study  of  the  Hindus 
must  have  disappeared.  To  avoid  anarchy  and  the  ultimate 
destruction  of  these  States,  it  was  necessary  for  them  ta  accept 
a  closer  union  with  the  British  as  the  paramount  power.  By 
this  they  lost  something,  but  they  gained  much.  The  new 
connexion  involved  new  duties  and  responsibiUties  in  adapting 
their  primitive  system  of  government  to  modern  requirements. 
Tod  thus  stood  at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  With  the  introduction 
of  the  railway  and  the  post-office,  the  disappearance  of  the  caravan 
as  a  means  of  transport,  the  increase  of  trade,  the  gi-owth  of  new 
wants  and  possibilities  of  development  in  association  with  the 

^  "  Ancient  Indian  Genealogies  and  Chronology,"  "  Earliest  Indian 
Traditional  History,"  Journal  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  January  1910,  April 
1914. 


xlii  INTRODUCTION 

Empire,  the  period  of  Rajput  isolation  came  to  a  close.  To  some 
it  may  be  a  matter  of  regret  that  the  personal  rule  of  the  Chief 
over  a  people  strongly  influenced  by  what  they  term  swdmldharma, 
the  reciprocal  loyalty  of  subject  to  prince  and  of  prince  to  people, 
should  be  replaced  by  a  government  of  a  more  popular  type.  But 
this  change  was,  in  the  nature  of  things,  inevitable.  As  an 
example  of  this,  a  statement  made  by  the  Maharaja  of  BIkaner, 
when  he  was  summoned  to  attend  the  Imperial  Conference  in  1917, 
may  be  quoted.  "  In  my  own  territories  we  inaugurated  some  years 
ago  the  beginnings  of  a  representative  assembly.  It  now  consists 
of  elected,  as  well  as  nominated,  non-official  members,  and  their 
legislative  powers  follow  the  lines  of  those  laid  down  for  the 
Legislatures  of  British  India  in  the  1909  reforms.  In  respect  to 
the  Budget  they  have  the  same  powers  as  those  conferred  on  the 
Supreme  and  Provincial  Legislatures  in  British  India  by  the 
Lansdowne  reforms  in  force  from  1893  to  1909.  When  announcing 
my  intention  of  creating  this  representative  body,  I  intimated 
that  as  the  people  showed  their  fitness  they  would  be  entrusted 
with  more  powers.  Accordingly,  at  the  end  of  the  first  triennial 
term,  when  the  elections  will  take  place,  we  are  revising  the  rules 
of  business  in  the  direction  of  greater  liberality  and  of  removing 
unnecessary  restrictions."  It  remains  to  be  seen  how  far  this 
policy  will  prove  to  be  successful. 

It  was  a  happy  accident  that  before  the  period  of  transi- 
tion had  begun  in  earnest,  such  a  competent  and  sympathetic 
observer  should  have  been  able  to  examine  and  record  one  of 
the  most  interesting  surviving  phases  of  the  ancient  Hindu 
polity. 

A  soldier  and  a  sportsman,  Tod  learned  to  understand  the 
romantic,  adventurous  side  of  the  Rajput  character,  and  he 
recorded  with  full  appreciation  the  fine  stories  of  manly  valour, 
of  the  self-sacrifice  of  women,  the  tragedies  of  the  sieges  of  Chitor, 
the  heroism  of  Ranas  Sanga  and  Partab  Singh,  or  of  Durgadas. 
Many  of  these  tales  recall  the  age  of  medieval  chivalry,  and  Tod 
is  at  his  best  in  recording  them.  No  one  can  read  without  admira- 
tion his  account  of  the  attack  of  the  Saktawats  and  Chondawats 
on  Untala  ;  of  Suja  and  the  tiger  ;  the  tragedy  of  Krishna 
Kunwari  ;  of  the  queen  of  Ganor  ;  of  Sanjogta  of  Kanauj  ;  of 
Guga  Chauhan  and  Alu  Hara.  In  many  of  these  tales  the  Rajput 
displays  the  loyalty  and  valour,  the  punctilious  regard  for  his 


INTRODUCTION  xliu 

personal  honour  wliicli  in  the  case  of  the  Spanish  grandee  have 
passed  into  a  proverb. 

While  the  Rajput  is  courteous  in  his  intercourse  with  those 
who  are  prepared  to  take  him  as  he  is,  when  he  meets  an  English 
officer  he  resents  any  hint  of  patronage,  he  is  jealous  of  any 
intrusion  on  the  secluded  folk  behind  the  curtain,  and  he  is  often 
rather  an  acquaintance  than  a  friend,  inchned  to  shelter  himself 
behind  a  dignified  reserve,  unwilUng  to  open  his  mind  to  any  one 
who  does  not  accept  his  traditional  attitude  towards  men  of  a 
different  race  and  of  a  different  faith.  When  he  makes  a  cere- 
monial visit  to  a  European  officer,  his  conversation  is  often  con- 
fined to  conventional  compliments,  or  chat  about  the  weather 
and  the  state  of  the  crops. 

To  remove  these  difficulties  which  obstruct  friendly  and  con- 
fidential intercourse,  the  young  officer  in  India  may  be  advised 
to  study  the  methods  illustrated  in  this  work.  But  he  will  do 
well  to  avoid  Tod's  openly  expressed  partisanship.  He  owed 
the  affection  and  respect  bestowed  upon  Mm  by  prince  and 
peasant,  and  even  by  the  jealously  guarded  ladies  of  the  zenanah, 
to  his  kindhness  and  sympathy,  his  readiness  to  converse  freely 
with  men  of  aU  classes,  his  patience  in  hstening  to  grievances, 
even  those  wliich  he  had  no  power  to  redress,  his  impartiahty  as 
an  arbitrator  between  the  Rana  of  Mewar  and  his  people  or 
between  individuals  or  sects  unfriendly  to  each  other.  He  studied 
the  national  traditions  and  usages  ;  he  knew  enough  of  reUgious 
behefs  and  of  social  customs  to  save  lihn  from  giving  offence  by 
word  or  deed  ;  he  could  converse  with  the  people  in  their  own 
patois,  and  could  give  point  to  a  remark  by  an  apt  quotation  of  a 
proverb  or  a  scrap  of  an  old  ballad. 

When,  if  ever,  a  new  history  of  the  Rajputs  comes  to  be 
written,  it  must  be  largely  based  on  Tod's  collections,  supple- 
mented by  wider  historical,  antiquarian,  and  epigraphical  research. 
The  liistory  of  the  last  century  cannot  be  compiled  until  the 
recent  administration  reports,  now  treated  as  confidential,  and 
the  muniment  rooms  of  Calcutta  and  London  are  open  to  the 
student.  But  it  is  unlikely  that,  for  the  present  at  least,  any 
writer  will  enjoy,  as  Tod  did,  access  to  the  records  and  correspond- 
ence stored  in  the  palaces  of  the  Chiefs. 

For  the  Rajput  himself  and  for  natives  of  India  interested  in 
the  history  of  their  coimtry,  the  work  will  long  retain  its  value. 


xliv  INTRODUCTION 

It  preserves  a  record  of  tribal  rights  and  privileges,  of  claims 
based  on  ancient  tradition,  of  feuds  and  their  settlement,  of 
genealogies  and  family  history  which,  but  for  Tod's  careful  record, 
might  have  been  forgotten  or  misinterpreted  even  by  the  Rajputs 
themselves.  In  the  original  Enghsh  text  which  many  Rajputs 
are  now  able  to  study  they  will  find  a  picture  of  tribal  society, 
now  rapidly  disappearing,  drawn  by  a  competent  and  friendly 
hand.  Its  interest  will  not  be  diminished  by  the  fact  that  while 
the  writer  displays  a  hearty  admiration  for  the  Rajput  character, 
he  is  not  blind  to  its  defects.  At  any  rate,  the  Rajput  will  enjoy 
the  satisfaction  that  his  race  has  been  selected  to  furnish  the 
materials  for  the  most  comprehensive  monograph  ever  compiled 
by  a  British  officer  describing  one  of  the  leading  peoples  of  India. 


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North-West  Fi-ontier  Province.     2  vols.     Lahore,  1911-14. 
Russell,  R.  V.     The  Tribes  and  Castes  of  the  Central  Provinces  of 

India.     4  vols.     London,  1916. 
Sherring,  C.  R.     Western  Tibet  and  the  British  Borderland.     London, 

1906. 
Sherring,  M.  A.     The  Sacred  City  of  the  Hindus.     London,  1888. 
Skrine,  F.  H.  D.  ;  Ross,  E.  D.     The  Heart  of  Asia.     London,  1899. 
Sleeman,  W.  H.     Rambles  and  Recollections  of  an  Indian  Official, 

ed.  V.  A.  Smith.     2nd  ed.     Oxford,  1915. 
Smith,  Vincent  A.     EHI.     The  Early  History  of  India  from  600  b.c. 

to  the  Muhammadan  Conquest,  including  the  Invasions  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great.     3rd  ed.     Oxford,  1914. 

HFA.     A  History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon  from   the 

Earliest  Period  to  the  Present  Day.     Oxford,  1911. 

Asoka,  The  Buddhist  Emperor  of  India.     2nd  ed.     Oxford,  1909. 
Akbar,  the  Great  Mogul.     Oxford,  1917. 
Smith,   W.   R.      The    Religion   of  the   Semites.      2nd   ed.      London, 

1894. 
Syad  Muhammad  Latif.     Agra  Historical  and  Descriptive.     Calcutta, 

1896. 
Sykes,  Lieut  .-Colonel  P.  M.    The  History  of  Persia.     2  vols.    London, 

1915. 
Tarikh-i-Rashidi :    A  History  of  the  Moghuls  of  Central  Asia,  trans. 

N.  E.  Elias,  E.  D.  Ross.     London,  1898. 
Tavernier,  J.  B.     Travels  in  India,  ed.  V.  Ball.     2  vols.     London, 

1889. 
Temple,  Sir   R.  C.     The  Legends  of  the  Panjab.     3  vols.     Bombay, 

1884. 
Terry,  E.     A  Voyage  to  East  India.     London,  1777. 
Thomas,  E.     The  Chronicles  of  the  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi.     London, 

1871. 
Thurston,  E.    Castes  and  Tribes  of  Southern  India.    7  vols.    Madras, 

1909. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  liii 

Tod,  J.     Annals  and  Antiquities  of  Rajasthan,  or  the  Central  and 
Western     Rajpoot     States.      2     vols.      London,     1829-32.      Re- 
printed, Madras,  1873  ;    Calcutta,  1884,  1898  ;   London,  1914. 
Travels  in  Western  India.     London,  1839. 

Vishnu  Purana,  trans.  H.  H.  Wilson.     London,  1840. 

Watson,  C.  C.  Rajputana  Gazetteer.  I.  A.  Ajmer-Merwara.  Ajmer, 
1914. 

Watt.  Econ.  Diet. :  A  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India, 
by  Sir  G.  Watt.     6  vols.     Calcutta,  1889-93. 

Com.    Prod.     The    Commercial    Products    of   India.     London, 
1908. 

Webb,  W,  W.  The  Currencies  of  the  Hindu  States  of  Rajputana. 
Westminster,  1893. 

Wilberforce-Bell,  Captain  H.  The  History  of  Kathiawar  from  the 
Earliest  Times.     London,  191G. 

Wilson,  C.  R.  The  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal.  3  vols. 
Calcutta,  1895-1911. 

Wilson,  H.  H.  Sketch  of  the  Religious  Sects  of  the  Hindus.  2  vols. 
London,  1861. 

The  History   of  British    India    from    1805    to    1835.      3    vols. 
London, 1845. 

Wilson,  J.     Indian  Caste.     2  vols.     Bombay,  1877. 

Yule,  Sir  H. ;  Burnell,  A.  C.  Hobson-Jobson :  A  Glossary  of 
Colloquial  Anglo-Indian  Words  and  Phrases.  2nd  ed.  London, 
1903, 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE 
FIRST  VOLUME  OF  THE  ORIGINAL 
EDITION 


Much  disappointment  has  been  felt  in  Europe  at  the  sterility  of 
the  liistoric  muse  of  Hindustan.  When  Sir  William  Jones  first 
began  to  explore  the  vast  mines  of  Sanskrit  literature,  great  hopes 
were  entertained  that  the  history  of  the  world  would  acquire 
considerable  accessions  from  this  source.  The  sanguine  expecta- 
tions that  were  then  formed  have  not  been  realized  ;  and,  as  it 
usually  happens,  excitement  has  been  succeeded  by  apathy  and 
indifference.  It  is  now  generally  regarded  as  an  axiom,  that 
India  possesses  no  national  history  ;  to  which  we  may  oppose  the 
remark  of  a  French  Orientalist,  who  ingeniously  asks,  whence 
Abu-1  Fazl  obtained  the  materials  for  his  outlines  of  ancient  Hindu 
history  ?  ^  Mr.  Wilson  has;  indeed,  done  much  to  obviate  this 
prejudice,  by  his  translation  of  the  Raja  Tarangini,  or  History 
of  Kashmir,^  which  clearly  demonstrates  that  regular  historical 
composition  was  an  art  not  unknown  in  Hindustan,  and  affords 
satisfactory  ground  for  concluding  that  these  productions  were 
once  less  rare  than  at  present,  and  that  further  exertion  may 
bring  more  relics  to  Ught.  Although  the  labours  of  Colebrooke, 
Wilkins,  Wilson,  and  others  of  our  own  countrymen,  emulated  by 

^  M.  Abel  Remusat,  in  his  Melanges  Asiatiques,  makes  many  apposite 
and  forcible  remarks  on  this  subject,  which,  without  intention,  convey  a 
just  reproof  to  the  lukewarmness  of  our  countiymen.  The  institution  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  especially  that  branch  of  it  devoted  to  Oriental 
translations,  may  yet  redeem  this  reproach. 

2  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  xv.  [The  Rajatarangini  of  Kalhana  has  been 
translated  by  M.  A.  Stein,  2  vols.,  London,  1910.] 

VOL.  I  Iv  e 


Ivi  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

many  learned  men  in  France  [viii]  and  Germany,^  have  revealed 
to  Europe  some  of  the  hidden  lore  of  India  ;  still  it  is  not  pre- 
tended that  we  have  done  much  more  than  pass  the  threshold  of 
Indian  science  ;  and  we  are  consequently  not  competent  to  speak 
decisively  of  its  extent  or  its  character.  Immense  libraries,  in 
various  parts  of  India,  are  still  intact,  which  have  sur^ved  the 
devastations  of  the  Islamite.  The  collections  of  Jaisalmer  and 
Patan,  for  example,  escaped  the  scrutiny  of  even  the  lynx-eyed 
Alau-d-din  who  conquered  both  these  kingdoms,  and  who  would 
have  shown  as  little  mercy  to  those  literary  treasures,  as  Omar 
displayed  towards  the  Alexandrine  library.  Many  other  minor 
collections,  consisting  of  thousands  of  volumes  each,  exist'  in 
Central  and  Western  India,  some  of  which  are  the  private  property 
of  princes,  and  others  belong  to  the  Jain  commimities.^ 

If  we  consider  the  political  changes  and  convulsions  which  have 
happened  in  Hindustan  since  Mahmud's  invasion,  and  the  in- 
tolerant bigotry  of  many  of  his  successors,  we  shall  be  able  to 
account  for  the  paucity  of  its  national  works  on  history,  without 
being  driven  to  the  improbable  conclusion,  that  the  Hindus  were 

^  When  the  genius  and  erudition  of  such  men  as  Schlegel  are  added  to 
the  zeal  which  characterizes  that  celebrated  writer,  what  revelations  may  we 
not  yet  expect  from  the  cultivation  of  oriental  literature  ? 

2  Some  copies  of  these  Jain  MSS.  from  Jaisalmer,  which  were  written 
from  five  to  eight  centuries  back,  I  presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 
Of  the  vast  numbers  of  these  MS.  books  in  the  libraries  of  Patan  and  Jaisal- 
mer, many  are  of  the  most  remote  antiquity,  and  in  a  character  no  longer 
understood  by  their  possessors,  or  only  by  the  supreme  pontiff  and  liis 
initiated  librarians.  There  is  one  volume  held  so  sacred  for  its  magical 
contents,  that  it  is  suspended  by  a  chain  in  the  temple  of  Chintaman,  at  the 
last-named  capital  in  the  desert,  and  is  only  taken  down  to  have  its  covering 
renewed,  or  at  the  inauguration  of  a  pontiff.  Tradition  assigns  its  author- 
ship to  Somaditya  Suru  Acharya,  a  pontiff  of  past  days,  before  the  Islamite 
liad  crossed  the  waters  of  the  Indus,  and  whose  diocese  extended  far  beyond 
that  stream.  His  magic  mantle  is  also  here  preserved,  and  used  on  every 
new  installation.  The  character  is,  doubtless,  the  nail-headed  Pali ;  and 
could  we  introduce  the  ingenious,  indefatigable,  and  modest  Mons.  E. 
Burnouf,  with  his  able  coadjutor  Dr.  Lassen,  into  the  temple,  wo  might 
learn  something  of  this  Sibylline  volume,  without  their  incurring  the  risk 
of  loss  of  sight,  which  befcl  the  last  individual,  a  female  Yati  of  the  Jains, 
who  sacrilegiously  endeavoured  to  acquire  its  contents.  [For  tlie  temple 
library  at  Jaisalmer  see  I  A,  iv.  81  if;  for  those  at  Udaipur,  ibid.  xiii.  31. 
J.  Burgess  visited  the  Patan  library,  described  by  the  Author  (WI,  232  ff.), 
and  found  a  collection  of  paliu-lcaf  MSS.,  carefiilly  wrapped  in  cloth  and 
deposited  in  large  chests  (BO,  vii.  598).] 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  Ivii 

ignorant  of  an  art  which  has  been  cultivated  in  other  countries 
from  ahnost  the  earhest  ages.  Is  it  to  be  imagined  that  a  nation 
so  highly  civilized  as  the  Hindus,  amongst  whom  the  exact 
sciences  flourished  in  perfection,  by  whom  the  fine  arts  [ix], 
architecture,  sculpture,  poetry,  music,  were  not  only  cultivated, 
but  taught  and  defined  by  the  nicest  and  most  elaborate  rules, 
were  totally  unacquainted  with  the  simple  art  of  recording  the 
events  of  their  history,  the  characters  of  their  princes,  and  the 
acts  of  their  reigns  ?  Where  such  ti'aces  of  mind  exist,  we  can 
hardly  believe  that  there  was  a  want  of  competent  recorders  of 
events,  which  synchronical  authorities  tell  us  were  worthy  of 
commemoration.  The  cities  of  Hastinapur  and  Indraprastha, 
of  Anhilwara  and  Somanatha,  the  triumphal  columns  of  Delhi 
and  Chitpr,  the  shrines  of  Abu  and  Girnar,  the  cave-temples  of 
Elephanta  and  Ellora,  are  so  many  attestations  of  the  same  fact  ; 
nor  can  we  imagine  that  the  age  in  which  these  works  were  erected 
was  without  an  historian.  Yet  from  the  Mahabharata  or  Great 
War,  to  Alexander's  invasion,  and  from  that  grand  event  to  the 
era  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  scarcely  a  paragraph  of  pure  native 
Hindu  history  (except  as  before  stated)  has  hitherto  been  revealed 
to  the  curiosity  of  Western  scholars.  In  the  heroic  history  of 
Prithiraj,  the  last  of  the  Hindu  sovereigns  of  Delhi,  written  by 
his  bard  Chand,  we  find  notices  which  authorize  the  inference  that 
works  similar  to  his  own  were  then  extant,  relating  to  the  period 
between  Mahmud  and  Shihabu-d-din  (a.d.  1000-1193)  ;  but  these 
have  disappeared. 

After  eight  centuries  of  galling  subjection  to  conquerors  totally 
ignorant  of  the  classical  language  of  the  Hindus  ;  after  almost 
every  capital  city  had  been  repeatedly  stormed  and  sacked  by 
barbarous,  bigoted,  and  exasperated  foes  ;  it  is  too  much  to  expect 
that  the  literature  of  the  comitry  should  not  have  sustained,  in 
common  with  other  important  interests,  irretrievable  losses.  My 
own  animadversions  upon  the  defective  condition  of  the  annals 
of  Rajwara  have  more  than  once  been  checked  by  a  very  just 
remark  :  "  when  our  princes  were  in  exile,  driven  from  hold  to 
hold,  and  compelled  to  dwell  in  the  clefts  of  the  mountains,  often 
doubtful  whether  they  would  not  be  forced  to  [x]  abandon  the 
very  meal  preparing  for  them,  was  that  a  time  to  think  of  historical 
records  ?  " 

Those  who  expect  from  a  people  like  the  Hindus  a  species  of 


Iviii  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

composition  of  precisely  the  same  character  as  the  historical 
works  of  Greece  and  Rome,  commit  the  very  egregious  error  of 
overlooking  the  peculiarities  which  distinguish  the  natives  of 
India  from  all  other  races,  and  which  strongly  discriminate  their 
intellectual  productions  of  every  kind  from  those  of  the  West. 
Their  philosophy,  their  poetry,  their  architecture,  are  marked 
with  traits  of  originality  ;  and  the  same  may  be  expected  to 
pervade  their  history,  which,  like  the  arts  enumerated,  took  a 
character  from  its  intimate  association  with  the  religion  of  the 
people.  It  must  be  recollected,  moreover,  that  until  a  more 
correct  taste  was  imparted  to  the  literature  of  England  and  of 
France,  by  the  study  of  classical  models,  the  chronicles  of  both 
these  countries,  and  indeed  of  all  the  polished  nations  of  Europe, 
were,  at  a  much  more  recent  date,  as  crude,  as  wild,  and  as  barren 
as  those  of  the  early  Rajputs. 

In  the  absence  of  regular  and  legitimate  historical  records, 
there  are,  however,  other  native  works  (they  may,  indeed,  be  said 
to  aboimd),  which,  in  the  hands  of  a  skilful  and  patient  investi- 
gator, would  afford  no  despicable  materials  for  the  history  of 
India.  The  first  of  these  are  the  Puranas  and  genealogical 
legends  of  the  princes,  which,  obscured  as  they  are  by  mythological 
details,  allegory,  and  improbable  circumstances,  contain  many 
facts  that  serve  as  beacons  to  direct  the  research  of  the  liistorian. 
What  Hume  remarks  of  the  annals  and  annalists  of  the  Saxon 
Heptarchy,  may  be  applied  with  equal  truth  to  those  of  the 
Rajput  Seven  States  :  ^  "  they  aboimd  in  names,  but  are  extremely 
barren  of  events  ;  or  they  are  related  so  much  without  circum- 
stances and  causes,  that  the  most  profound  and  eloquent  writer 
must  despair  [xi]  of  rendering  them  either  instructive  or  enter- 
taining to  the  reader.  The  monks  "  (for  which  we  may  read 
"  Brahmans  "),  "  who  hved  remote  from  public  affairs,  considered 
the  civil  transactions  as  subservient  to  the  ecclesiastical,  and  were 
strongly  affected  with  credulity,  with  the  love  of  wonder,  and 
with  a  propensity  to  imposture." 

The  heroic  poems  of  India  constitute  another  resource  for 
history.  Bards  may  be  regarded  as  the  primitive  historians  of 
mankind.  Before  fiction  began  to  engross  the  attention  of  poets, 
or  rather,  before  the  province  of  liistory  was  dignified  by  a  class 
of  writers  who  made  it  a  distinct  department  of  literature,  the 
1  Mewar,  Marwar,  Amber,  Bikaner,  Jaisalmer,  Kotah,  and  Bundi. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  lix 

functions  of  the  bard  were  doubtless  employed  in  recording  real 
events  and  in  commemorating  real  personages.  In  India  Calliope 
has  been  worshipped  by  the  bards  from  the  days  of  Vyasa,  the 
contemporary  of  Job,  to  the  time  of  Benidasa,  the  present 
chronicler  of  Mewar.  The  poets  are  the  chief,  though  not  the 
sole,  historians  of  Western  India  ;  neither  is  there  any  deficiency 
of  them,  though  they  speak  in  a  peculiar  tongue,  which  requires 
to  be  translated  into  the  sober  language  of  probability.  To 
compensate  for  their  magniloquence  and  obscurity,  their  pen  is 
free  :  the  despotism  of  the  Rajput  princes  does  not  extend  to  the 
poet's  lay,  wliich  flows  unconfined  except  by  the  shackles  of  the 
chand  bhujanga^  or  '  serpentine  stanza  '  ;  no  slight  restraint,  it 
must  be  confessed,  upon  the  freedom  of  the  historic  muse.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  is  a  sort  of  compact  or  understanding 
between' the  bard  and  the  prince,  a  barter  of  "solid  pudding 
against  empty  praise,"  whereby  the  fidelity  of  the  poetic  chronicle 
is  somewhat  impaired.  This  sale  of  "  fame,"  as  the  bards  term 
it,  by  the  court-laureates  and  historiographers  of  Rajasthan,  will 
continue  until  there  shall  arise  in  the  community  a  class  sufficiently 
enlightened  and  independent,  to  look  for  no  other  recompense 
for  literary  labour  than  public  distinction. 

Still,  however,  these  chroniclers  dare  utter  truths,  sometimes 
most  [xii]  unpalatable  to  their  masters.  When  offended,  or 
actuated  by  a  virtuous  indignation  against  immorality,  they  are 
fearless  of  consequences  ;  and  woe  to  the  individual  who  provokes 
them  !  Many  a  resolution  has  sunk  under  the  lash  of  their  satire, 
which  has  condemned  to  eternal  ridicule  names  that  might  other- 
wise have  escaped  notoriety.  The  vish,  or  poison  of  the  bard, 
is  more  dreaded  by  the  Rajput  than  the  steel  of  the  foe. 

The  absence  of  all  mystery  or  reserve  with  regard  to  public 
affairs  in  the  Rajput  principalities,  in  which  every  individual 
takes  an  interest,  from  the  noble  to  the  porter  at  the  city-gates, 
is  of  great  advantage  to  the  chronicler  of  events.  When  matters 
of  moment  in  the  disorganized  state  of  the  country  rendered  it 
imperative  to  observe  secrecy,  the  Rana  of  Mewar,  being  applied 
to  on  the  necessity  of  concealing  them,  rejoined  as  follows  : 
"  this  is  Chaumukha-raj  ;  ^  Eklinga  the  sovereign,  I  his  vicegerent ; 
in  liini  I  trust,  and  I  have  no  secrets  from  my  children."     To  this 

^  '  Government  of  four  mouths,'  alluding  to  the  quadriform  image  of 
the  tutelary  divinity. 


Ix  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

publicity  may  be  partly  ascribed  the  inefficiency  of  every  general 
alliance  against  common  foes  ;  but  it  gives  a  kind  of  patriarchal 
character  to  the  government,  and  inspires,  if  not  loyalty  and 
patriotism  in  their  most  exalted  sense,  feelings  at  least  much  akin 
to  them. 

A  material  drawback  upon  the  value  of  these  bardic  histories 
is,  that  they  are  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  martial 
exploits  of  their  heroes,  and  to  the  rang-ran-hhum,  or  '  field  of 
slaughter.'  Writing  for  the  amusement  of  a  warlike  race,  the 
authors  disregard  civil  matters  and  the  arts  and  pursuits  of 
peaceful  life  ;  love  and  war  are  their  favourite  themes.  Chand, 
the  last  of  the  great  bards  of  India,  tells  us,  indeed,  in  his  preface, 
"  that  he  will  give  rules  for  governing  empires  ;  the  laws  of 
grammar  and  composition  ;  lessons  in  diplomacy,  home  and 
foreign,  etc."  :  and  he  fulfils  his  promise,  by  interspersing  precepts 
on  these  points  in  various  ejiisodes  throughout  his  work  [xiii]. 

Again  :  the  bard,  although  he  is  admitted  to  the  knowledge 
of  all  the  secret  springs  which  direct  each  measure  of  the  govern- 
ment, enters  too  deeply  into  the  intrigues,  as  well  as  the  levities, 
of  the  court,  to  be  qualified  to  pronounce  a  sober  judgment  upon 
its  acts. 

Nevertheless,  although  open  to  all  these  objections,  the  works 
of  the  native  bards  afford  many  valuable  data,  in  facts,  incidents, 
religious  opinions,  and  traits  of  manners  ;  many  of  which,  being 
carelessly  introduced,  are  thence  to  be  regarded  as  the  least 
suspicious  kind  of  historical  evidence  In  the  heroic  history  of 
Prithiraj,  by  Chand,  there  occur  many  geogTaphical  as  well  as 
historical  details,  in  the  description  of  his  sovereign's  wars,  of 
which  the  bard  was  an  eye-witness,  having  been  his  friend,  his 
herald,  his  ambassador,  and  finally  discharging  the  melancholy 
office  of  accessory  to  his  death,  that  he  might  save  him  from 
dishonour.  The  poetical  histories  of  Chand  were  collected  by  the 
great  Amra  Singh  of  Mewar,  a  patron  of  literature,  as  well  as  a 
warrior  and  a  legislator.^ 

Another  species  of  historical  records  is  found  in  the  accoimts 
given  by  the  Brahmans  of  the  endowments  of  the  temples,  their 
dilapidation  and  repairs,  wliich  furnish  occasions  for  the  introduc- 
tion  of  historical   and   chronological   details.     In  the   legends, 

^  [Only  portions  of  the  Chand-raesa  or  Prithiraj  Raesa  have  been  trans- 
lated (Smith,  EHI,  387,  note ;  lA,  i.  269  ff.,  iii.  17  ff.,  xxxii.  167  f.] 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  Ixi 

respecting  places  of  pilgrimage  and  religious  resort,  profane  events 
are  blended  with  superstitious  rites  and  ordinances,  local  cere- 
monies and  customs.  The  controversies  of  the  Jains  furnish, 
also,  much  historical  information,  especially  with  reference  to 
Gujarat  and  Nahrwala,  during  the  Chaulukya  dynasty.  From 
a  close  and  attentive  examination  of  the  Jain  records,  which 
embody  all  that  those  ancient  sectarians  knew  of  science,  many 
chasms  in  Hindu  history  might  be  filled  up.  The  party-spirit  of 
the  rival  sects  of  India  was,  doubtless,  adverse  to  the  purity  of 
history  ;  and  the  very  ground  upon  which  the  Brahmans  built 
their  ascendency  was  the  ignorance  of  the  people.  There  appears 
to  have  been  in  India  [xiv],  as  well  as  in  Egypt  in  early  times, 
a  coalition  between  the  hierarchy  and  the  state,  with  the  view  of 
keeping  the  mass  of  the  nation  in  darkness  and  subjugation. 

These  different  records,  works  of  a  mixed  historical  and  geo- 
graphical character  which  I  know  to  exist ;  raesas  or  poetical 
legends  of  princes,  which  are  common  ;  local  Puranas,  religious 
comments,  and  traditionary  couplets  ;  ^  with  authorities  of  a  less 
dubious  character,  namely,  inscriptions  '  cut  on  the  rock,'  coins, 
copper-plate  grants,  containing  charters  of  immunities,  and  ex- 
pressing many  singular  features  of  civil  government,  constitute, 
as  I  have  already  observed,  no  despicable  materials  for  the 
historian,  who  would,  moreover,  be  assisted  by  the  synchronisms 
which  are  capable  of  being  established  with  ancient  Pagan  and 
later  Muhammadan  writers. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  my  official  connexion  with  this 
interesting  country,  I  applied  myself  to  collect  and  explore  its 
early  historical  records,  with  a  ^^ew  of  throwing  some  light  upon 
a  people  scarcely  yet  known  in  Europe  and  whose  political  con- 
nexion with  England  appeared  to  me  to  be  capable  of  undergoing 
a  material  change,  with  benefit  to  both  parties.  It  would  be 
wearisome  to  the  reader  to  be  minutely  informed  of  the  process  I 
adopted,  to  collect  the  scattered  rehcs  of  Rajput  history  into  the 
form  and  substance  in  which  he  now  sees  them.  I  began  with  the 
sacred  genealogy  from  the  Puranas  ;  examined  the  Mahabharata, 

1  Some  of  these  preserve  the  names  of  princes  who  invaded  India  between 
the  time  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  and  Shihabu-d-din,  who  are  not  mentioned 
by  Ferishta,  the  Muhammadan  historian.  The  invasion  of  Ajmer  and  the 
capture  of  Bayana,  the  seat  of  the  Yadu  princes,  were  made  known  to  us 
by  this  means. 


Ixii  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

and  the  poems  of  Chand  (a  complete  chronicle  of  his  times)  ; 
the  voluminous  historical  poems  of  Jaisalmer,  Marwar,  and 
Mewar  ;  ^  the  histories  of  the  Khichis,  and  those  of  the  Hara 
princes  [xv]  of  Kotah  and  Bundi,  etc.,  by  their  respective  bards. 
A  portion  of  the  materials  compiled  by  Jai  Singh  of  Amber  or 
Jaipur  (one  of  the  greatest  patrons  of  science  amongst  the  modern 
Hindu  princes),  to  illustrate  the  history  of  his  race,  fell  into  my 
hands.  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  there  existed  more  copious 
materials,  which  his  profligate  descendant,  the  late  prince,  in 
his  division  of  the  empire  with  a  prostitute,  may  have  disposed 
of  on  the  partition  of  the  library  of  the  State,  which  was  the  finest 
collection  in  Rajasthan.  Like  some  of  the  renowned  princes  of 
Timur's  dynasty,  Jai  Singh  kept  a  diary,  termed  Kalpadruma,  in 
which  he  noted  every  event  :  a  work  written  by  such  a  man  and 
at  such  an  interesting  juncture,  would  be  a  valuable  acquisition 
to  history.  From  the  Datia  prince  I  obtained  a  transcript  of  the 
journal  of  his  ancestor,  who  served  with  such  eclat  amongst  the 
great  feudatories  of  Aurangzeb's  army,  and  from  which  Scott  made 
many  extracts  in  his  history  of  the  Deccan. 

For  a  period  of  ten  years  I  was  employed,  with  the  aid  of  a 
learned  Jain,  in  ransacking  every  work  which  could  contribute 
any  facts  or  incidents  to  the  history  of  the  Rajputs,  or  diffuse 
any  light  upon  their  manners  and  character.  Extracts  and 
versions  of  all  such  passages  were  made  by  my  Jain  assistant  into 
the  more  familiar  dialects  (which  are  formed  frona  the  Sanskrit) 
of  these  tribes,  in  whose  language  my  long  residence  amongst 
them  enabled  me  to  converse  with  facility.  At  much  expense, 
and  during  many  wearisome  hours,  to  support  which  required 
no  ordinary  degree  of  enthusiasm,  I  endeavoured  to  possess 
myself  not  merely  of  their  history,  but  of  their  religious  notions, 
their   familiar   opinions,    and   their   characteristic   manners,    by 

^  Of  Marwar,  there  were  the  Vijaya  Vilas,  the  Surya  Prakas,  and  Khyat, 
or  legends,  besides  detached  fragments  of  reigns.  Of  Mewar,  there  was  the 
Khuman  Raesa,  a  modem  work  formed  from  old  materials  which  are  lost, 
and  commencing  with  the  attack  of  Chitor  by  Mahmud,  supposed  to  be  the 
son  of  Kasim  of  Siiid,  in  tlie  very  earliest  ages  of  Muhammadanisni  :  also 
the  Jagat  Vilas,  tlic  Raj -prakas,  and  the  Jaya  Vilas,  all  poems  composed  in 
the  reigns  of  the  princes  whose  names  they  bear,  but  generally  introducing 
succinctly  the  early  parts  of  history.  Besides  these,  there  were  fragments 
of  the  Jaipur  family,  from  their  archives  ;  and  the  Man  Charilra,  or  history 
of  Raja  Man. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  Ixiii 

associating  with  their  chiefs  and  bardic  chroniclers,  and  by  listen- 
ing to  their  traditionary  tales  and  allegorical  poems.  I  might 
ultimately,  as  the  circle  of  my  [xvi]  inquiries  enlarged,  have 
materially  augmented  my  knowledge  of  these  subjects  ;  but  ill- 
health  compelled  me  to  relinquish  this  pleasing  though  toilsome 
pursuit,  and  forced  me  to  revisit  my  native  land  just  as  I  had 
obtained  permission  to  look  across  the  threshold  of  the  Hindu 
Minerva  ;  whence,  however,  I  brought  some  relics,  the  examina- 
tion of  which  I  now  consign  to  other  hands.  The  large  collection 
of  ancient  Sanskrit  and  Bhakha  MSS.,  which  I  conveyed  to 
England,  have  been  presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  in 
whose  library  they  are  deposited.  The  contents  of  many,  still 
unexamined,  may  throw  additional  light  on  the  history  of  ancient 
India.  I  claim  only  the  merit  of  having  brought  them  to  the 
knowledge  of  European  scholars  ;  but  I  may  hope  that  this  will 
furnish  a  stimulus  to  others  to  make  similar  exertions. 

The  little  exact  knowledge  that  Europe  has  hitherto  acquired 
of  the  Rajput  States,  has  probably  originated  a  false  idea  of  the 
comparative  importance  of  this  portion  of  Hindustan.  The 
splendour  of  the  Rajput  courts,  however,  at  an  early  period  of 
the  history  of  that  country,  making  every  allowance  for  the 
exaggeration  of  the  bards,  must  have  been  great.  Northern 
India  was  rich  from  the  earUest  times  ;  that  portion  of  it,  situated 
on  either  side  the  Indus,  formed  the  richest  satrapy  of  Darius. 
It  has  aboiuided  in  the  more  striking  events  which  constitute 
the  materials  for  history  ;  there  is  not  a  petty  State  in  Rajasthan 
that  has  not  had  its  Thermopylae,  and  scarcely  a  city  that  has  not 
produced  its  Leonidas.  But  the  mantle  of  ages  has  shrouded 
from  view  what  the  magic  pen  of  the  historian  might  have  con- 
secrated to  endless  admiration  :  Somnath  might  have  rivalled 
Delphos  ;  the  spoils  of  Hind  might  have  vied  with  the  wealth 
of  the  Libyan  king  ;  and  compared  with  the  array  of  the  Pandus, 
the  army  of  Xerxes  would  have  dwindled  into  insignificance.  But 
the  Hindus  either  never  had,  or  have  unfortunately  lost,  their 
Herodotus  and  Xenophon. 

If  "  the  moral  effect  of  history  depend  on  the  sympathy  it 
excites"  [xvii],  the  annals  of  these  States  possess  commanding 
interest.  The  struggles  of  a  brave  people  for  independence 
during  a  series  of  ages,  sacrificing  whatever  was  dear  to  them  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  religion  of  their  forefathers,  and  sturdily 


Ixiv  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

defending  to  death,  and  in  spite  of  every  temptation,  their  rights 
and  national  hberty,  form  a  picture  which  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
template without  emotion.  Could  I  impart  to  the  reader  but 
a  small  portion  of  the  enthusiastic  delight  with  which  I  have 
listened  to  the  tales  of  times  that  are  past,  amid  scenes  where 
their  events  occurred,  I  should  not  despair  of  triumphing  over  the 
apathy  which  dooms  to  neglect  almost  every  effort  to  enlighten 
my  native  country  on  the  subject  of  India  ;  nor  should  I  appre- 
hend any  ill  effect  from  the  sound  of  names,  which,  musical  and 
expressive  as  they  are  to  a  Hindu,  are  dissonant  and  unmeaning 
to  a  European  ear  :  for  it  should  be  remembered  that  almost 
every  Eastern  name  is  significant  of  some  quality,  personal  or 
mental.  Seated  amidst  the  ruins  of  ancient  cities,  I  have  listened 
to  the  traditions  respecting  their  fall  ;  or  have  heard  the  exploits 
of  their  illustrious  defenders  related  by  their  descendants  near  the 
altars  erected  to  their  memory.  I  have,  whilst  in  the  train  of 
the  southern  Goths  (the  Mahrattas),  as  they  carried  desolation 
over  the  land,  encamped  on  or  traversed  many  a  field  of  battle, 
of  civil  strife  or  foreign  aggression,  to  read  in  the  rude  memorials 
on  the  tumuli  of  the  slain  their  names  and  history.  Such  anecdotes 
and  records  afford  data  of  history  as  well  as  of  manners.  Even 
the  couplet  recording  the  erection  of  a  '  column  of  victory,'  or 
of  a  temple  or  its  repairs,  contributes  something  to  our  stock  of 
knowledge  of  the  past. 

As  far  as  regards  the  antiquity  of  the  djmasties  now  ruling  in 
Central  and  Western  India,  there  are  but  two  the  origin  of  which 
is  not  perfectly  within  the  limits  of  historical  probability  ;  the 
rest  ha\nng  owed  their  present  establishments  to  the  progress  of 
the  Muslim  arms,  their  annals  are  confirmed  by  those  of  their 
conquerors.  All  the  existing  [xviii]  families,  indeed,  have  attained 
their  present  settlements  subsequently  to  the  Muhammadan 
invasions,  except  Mewar,  Jaisalmer,  and  some  smaller  princi- 
pahtics  in  the  desert  ;  whilst  others  of  the  first  magnitude,  such 
as  the  Pramara  and  Solanki,  who  ruled  at  Dhar  and  Anhilwara, 
have  for  centuries  ceased  to  exist. 

I  have  been  so  hardy  as  to  affirm  and  endeavour  to  prove  the 
common  origin  of  the  martial  tribes  of  Rajasthan  and  those  of 
ancient  Europe.  I  have  expatiated  at  some  length  upon  the 
evidence  in  favour  of  the  existence  of  a  feudal  system  in  India, 
similar  to  that  which  prevailed  in  the  early  ages  on  the  European 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  Ixv 

continent,  and  of  which  reUcs  still  remain  in  the  laws  of  our  own 
natipn.  Hypotheses  of  this  kind  are,  I  am  aware,  viewed  with 
suspicion,  and  sometimes  assailed  with  ridicule.  With  regard  to 
the  notions  which  I  have  developed  on  these  questions,  and  the 
frequent  allusions  to  them  in  the  pages  of  this  volume,  I  entertain 
no  obstinate  prepossessions  or  prejudices  in  their  favour.  The 
world  is  too  enhghtened  at  the  present  day  to  be  in  danger  of 
being  misled  by  any  hypothetical  writer,  let  him  be  ever  so  skilful  ; 
but  the  probability  is,  that  we  have  been  induced,  by  the  multitude 
of  false  theories  which  time  has  exposed,  to  fall  into  the  opposite 
error,  and  that  we  have  become  too  sceptical  with  regard  to  the 
common  origin  of  the  people  of  the  east  and  west.  However,  I 
submit  my  proofs  to  the  candid  judgment  of  the  world  ;  the 
analogies,  if  not  conclusive  on  the  questions,  are  still  sufficiently 
curious  and  remarkable  to  repay  the  trouble  of  perusal  and 
to  provoke  further  investigation  ;  and  they  may,  it  is  hoped, 
vindicate  the  author  for  endeavouring  to  elucidate  the  subject, 
"  by  steering  through  the  dark  channels  of  antiquity  by  the  feeble 
lights  of  forgotten  chronicles  and  imperfect  records." 

I  am  conscious  that  there  is  much  in  this  work  which  demands 
the  indulgence  of  the  public  ;  and  I  trust  it  will  not  be  necessary 
for  me  to  assign  a  more  powerful  argument  in  plea  than  that 
which  I  have  already  [xix]  adverted  to,  namely,  the  state  of  my 
health,  which  has  rendered  it  a  matter  of  considerable  difficulty, 
indeed  I  may  say  of  risk,  to  bring  my  bulky  materials  even  into 
their  present  imperfect  form.  I  should  observe,  that  it  never 
was  my  intention  to  treat  the  subject  in  the  severe  style  of  history, 
which  would  have  excluded  many  details  useful  to  the  politician 
as  well  as  to  the  curious  student.  I  offer  this  work  as  a  copious 
collection  of  materials  for  the  future  historian  ;  and  am  far  less 
concerned  at  the  idea  of  giving  too  much,  than  at  the  apprehension 
of  suppressing  what  might  possibly  be  useful. 

I  cannot  close  these  remarks  without  expressing  my  obligations 
to  my  friend  and  kinsman,  Major  Waugh,  to  the  genius  of  whose 
pencil  the  world  is  indebted  for  the  preservation  and  transmission 
of  the  splendid  monuments  of  art  which  adorn  this  work. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE 
SECOND  VOLUME  OF  THE  ORIGI- 
NAL EDITION 

In  placing  before  the  public  the  concluding  volume  of  the  Annals 
of  Rajputana  I  have  fulfilled  what  I  considered  to  be  a  sacred 
obligation  to  the  races  amongst  whom  I  have  passed  the  better 
portion  of  my  life  ;  and  although  no  man  can  more  highly 
appreciate  public  approbation,  I  am  far  less  eager  to  court  that 
approbation  than  to  awaken  a  sympathy  for  the  objects  of  my 
work,  the  interesting  people  of  Rajputana, 

I  need  add  nothing  to  what  was  urged  in  the  Introduction  to 
the  First  Volume  on  the  subject  of  Indian  History  ;  and  trust 
that,  however  slight  the  analogy  between  the  chronicles  of  the 
Hindus  and  those  of  Europe,  as  historical  works,  they  will  serve 
to  banish  the  reproach,  which  India  has  so  long  laboured  under, 
of  possessing  no  records  of  past  events  :  my  only  fear  now  is, 
that  they  may  be  thought  redundant. 

I  think  I  may  confidently  affirm,  that  whoever,  without  being 
alarmed  at  their  bulk,  has  the  patience  attentively  to  peruse  these 
Annals,  cannot  fail  to  become  well  acquainted  with  all  the  peculiar 
features  of  Hindu  society,  and  will  be  enabled  to  trace  the  founda- 
tion and  progress  of  each  State  in  Rajputana,  as  well  as  to  form 
a  just  notion  of  the  character  of  a  people,  upon  whom,  at  a  future 
period,  our  existence  in  India  may  depend. 

Whatever  novelty  the  inquirer  into  the  origin  of  nations  may 
find  in  these  [viii]  pages,  I  am  ambitious  to  claim  for  them  a 
higher  title  than  a  mass  of  mere  archaeological  data.  To  see 
humanity  under  every  aspect,  and  to  observe  the  influence  of 
different  creeds  upon  man  in  his  social  capacity,  must  ever  be  one 

Ixvii 


Ixviii  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION 

of  the  higliest  sources  of  mental  enjoyment ;  and  I  may  hope  that 
the  personal  qualities  herein  delineated,  will  allow  the  labourer 
in  this  vast  field  of  philosophy  to  enlarge  his  sphere  of  acquaint- 
ance with  human  varieties.  In  the  present  circumstances  of  our 
alliance  with  these  States,  every  trait  of  national  character,  and 
even  every  traditional  incident,  which,  by  leading  us  to  understand 
and  respect  their  peculiarities,  may  enable  us  to  secure  their 
friendship  and  esteem,  become  of  infinite  importance.  The  more 
we  study  their  history,  the  better  shall  we  comprehend  the  causes 
of  their  international  quarrels,  the  origin  of  their  tributary  engage- 
ments, the  secret  principles  of  their  mutual  repulsion,  and  the 
sources  of  their  strength  and  their  weakness  as  an  aggregate  body  : 
without  which  knowledge  it  is  impossible  we  can  arbitrate  with 
justice  in  their  national  disputes  ;  and,  as  respects  ourselves,  we 
may  convert  a  means  of  defence  into  a  source  of  bitter  hostility. 

It  has  been  my  aim  to  diversify  as  much  as  possible  the  details 
of  this  volume.  In  the  Annals  of  Marwar  I  have  traced  the 
conquest  and  peopling  of  an  immense  region  by  a  handful  of 
strangers  ;  and  have  dwelt,  perhaps,  with  tedious  minuteness 
on  the  long  reign  of  Raja  Ajit  Singh  and  the  Thirty  Years'  War ; 
to  show  what  the  energy  of  one  of  these  petty  States,  impelled  by 
a  sense  of  oppression,  effected  against  the  colossal  power  of  its 
enemies.  It  is  a  portion  of  their  history  which  should  be  deeply 
studied  by  those  who  have  succeeded  to  the  paramount  power  ; 
for  Aurangzeb  had  less  reason  to  distrust  the  stability  of  his 
dominion  than  we  have  :  yet  what  is  now  the  house  of  Timur  ? 
The  resources  of  Marwar  were  reduced  to  as  low  an  ebb  at  the  close 
of  Aurangzeb's  reign,  as  they  are  at  the  present  time  ;  yet  did 
that  [ix]  State  surmount  all  its  difficulties,  and  bring  armies  into 
the  field  that  annihilated  the  forces  of  the  empire.  I,,et  us  not, 
then,  mistake  the  supineness  engendered  by  long  oppression,  for 
want  of  feeling,  nor  mete  out  to  these  high-spirited  people  the 
same  measure  of  contumely,  with  which  we  have  treated  the 
subjects  of  our  earlier  conquests. 

The  Annals  of  the  Bhattis  may  be  considered  as  the  link  connect- 
ing the  tribes  of  India  Proper  with  the  ancient  races  west  of  the  Indus, 
or  Indo-Scythia  ;  and  although  they  will  but  slightly  interest  the 
general  reader,  the  antiquary  may  find  in  them  many  new  topics 
for  investigation,  as  well  as  in  the  Sketch  of  the  Desert,  which  has 
preserved  the  relics  of  names  that  once  promised  immortality. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION  Ixix 

Tlie  patriarchal  simplicity  of  the  Jat  communities,  upon  whose 
ruins  the  State  of  Bikaner  was  founded,  affords  a  picture,  however 
imperfect,  of  petty  republics — a  form  of  government  little  known 
to  eastern  despotism,  and  proving  the  tenacity  of  the  ancient 
Gete's  attachment  to  hberty. 

Amber,  and  its  scion  Shaikhavati,  possess  a  still  greater  interest 
from  their  contiguity  to  our  frontier.  A  multitude  of  singular 
privileges  is  attached  to  the  Shaikhavati  federation,  wliich  it 
behoves  the  paramount  power  thorouglily  to  understand,  lest  it 
should  be  led  by  false  views  to  pursue  a  policy  detrimental  to 
them  as  well  as  to  ourselves.  To  this  extensive  community 
belong  the  Larkhanis,  so  utterly  imknown  to  us,  that  a  recent 
internal  tumult  of  that  tribe  was  at  first  mistaken  for  an  irruption 
of  our  old  enemies,  the  Pindaris. 

Haraoti  may  claim  our  regard  from  the  high  bearing  of  its 
gallant  race,  the  Haras  ;  and  the  singular  character  of  the  in- 
dividual with  whose  biography  its  history  closes,  and  which 
cannot  fail  to  impart  juster  notions  of  the  genius  of  Asiatics  [x]. 

So  much  for  the  matter  of  this  volume — with  regard  to  the 
manner,  as  the  Rajputs  abhor  all  jileas  ad  misericordiam,  so  like- 
wise does  their  annalist,  who  begs  to  repeat,  in  order  to  deprecate 
a  standard  of  criticism  inapplicable  to  this  performance,  that  it 
professes  not  to  be  constructed  on  exact  historical  principles  : 
Non  historia,  sed  particulae  historiae. 

In  conclusion.  I  adopt  the  peroration  of  the  ingenuous,  pious, 
and  liberal  Abu-1  Fazl,  when  completing  his  History  of  the  Provinces 
of  India  ;  "  Praise  be  unto  God,  that  by  the  assistance  of  his 
Divine  Grace,  I  have  completed  the  History  of  the  Rajputs. 
The  accovmt  cost  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in  collecting,  and  I 
found  such  difficulty  in  ascertaining  dates,  and  in  reconcihng  the 
contradictions  in  the  several  histories  of  the  Princes  of  Rajputana, 
that  I  had  nearly  resolved  to  relinquish  the  task  altogether  :  but 
who  can  resist  the  decrees  of  Fate  ?  I  trust  that  those,  who  have 
been  able  to  obtain  better  information,  will  not  dwell  upon  my 
errors  ;  but  that  upon  the  whole  I  may  meet  with  approbation."  ' 

1  [Atn,  ii.  418.] 

York  Place,  Portman  Square, 
March  10,  1832. 


i 


ANNALS   AND  ANTIQUITIES 
OF    RAJASTHAN 

BOOK  I 

GEOGRAPHY   OF  RAJASTHAN   OR   RAJPUTANA 

Boundaries  of  Rajputana. — Rajasthan  is  the  collective  and  classi- 
cal denomination  of  that  portion  of  India  which  is  '  the  abode  ^ 
of  (Rajput)  princes.'  In  the  familiar  dialect  of  these  countries 
it  is  termed  Rajwara,  but  by  the  more  refined  Raethana,  corrupted 
to  Rajputana,  the  common  designation  amongst  the  British  to 
denote  the  Rajput  principalities. 

\Miat  might  have  been  the  nominal  extent  of  Rajasthan  prior 
to  the  Muhammadan  conqueror  Shihabu-d-din  (when  it  probably- 
reached  beyond  the  Jumna  and  Ganges,  even  to  the  base  of  the 
Himalaya)  cannot  now  be  known.  At  present  we  may  adhere  to 
its  restrictive  definition,  still  comprehending  a  wide  space  and  a 
variety  of  interesting  races. 

Previous  to  the  erection  of  the  minor  Muhammadan  monarchies 
of  ^landu  and  Ahmadabad  (the  capitals  of  Malwa  and  Gujarat), 
on  the  ruins  of  Dhar  and  Anhilwara  Patan,  the  term  Rajasthan 
would  have  been  appropriated  to  the  space  comprehended  in  the 
map  prefixed  to  this  work  :  the  valley  of  the  Indus  on  the  west, 
and  Bundelkhand  ^  on  the  east ;  to  the  north,  the  sandy  tracts 
(south  of  the  Sutlej)  termed  Jangaldes  ;  and  the  Vindhya  moun- 
tains to  the  south. 

^  Or  '  regal  (raj)  dwelling  (than).' 

*  It  is  rather  singular  that  the  Sind  River  wiU  mark  this  eastern  boundary, 
a.s  does  the  Indus  (or  great  Sind)  that  to  the  west.  East  of  this  minor  Sind 
the  Hindu  princes  are  not  of  pure  blood,  and  are  excluded  from  Rajasthan 
or  Rajwara. 

VOL.  I  B 


2  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

This  space  comprehends  nearly  8°  of  latitude  and  9°  of  longi- 
tude, being  from  22°  to  30°  north  latitude,  and  69°  to  78°  east 
longitude,  embracing  a  superficial  area  of  350,000  square  miles  ^  [2]. 

Although  it  is  proposed  to  touch  upon  the  annals  of  all  the 
States  in  this  extensive  tract,  with  their  past  and  present  condi- 
tion, those  in  the  centre  will  claim  the  most  prominent  regard  ; 
especially  Mewar,  which,  copiously  treated  of,  will  afford  a 
specimen,  obviating  the  necessity  of  like  details  of  the  rest. 

The  States  of  Rajputana. — The  order  in  which  these  States  will 
be  reviewed  is  as  follows  : 

1.  Mewar,  or  Udaipur. 

2.  Marwar,  or  Jodhpur. 

3.  Bikaner  and  Kishangarh. 

4.  Kotah^       __ 

I-    T-.      T    or  Haraoti. 

5.  BundiJ 

6.  Amber,  or  Jaipur,  with  its  branches,  dependent  and 

independent, 

7.  Jaisalmer. 

8.  The  Indian  desert  to  the  valley  of  the  Indus. 

History  o£  Geographical  Surveys. — The  basis  of  this  work  is 
the  geography  of  the  country,  the  historical  and  statistical  por- 
tion being  consequent  and  subordinate  thereto.  It  was,  indeed, 
originally  designed  to  be  essentially  geographical ;  but  circum- 
stances have  rendered  it  impossible  to  execute  the  intended 
details,  or  even  to  make  the  map  *  so  perfect  as  the  superabxmdant 
material  at  the  command  of  the  author  might  have  enabled  him 
to  do  ;  a  matter  of  regret  to  himself  rather  than  of  loss  to  the 
general  reader,  to  whom  geographic  details,  however  important, 
arc  usually  dry  and  uninteresting. 

It  was  also  intended  to  institute  a  comparison  between  the 
map  and  such  remains  of  ancient  geography  as  can  be  extracted 
from  the  Puranas  and  other  Hindu  authorities  ;  which,  however, 
must  be  deferred  to  a  future  period,  when  the  deficiency  of  the 

^  [Rajputana,  as  now  officially  defined,  lies  between  lat.  23°  3'  and  30°  12' 
N.,  and  long.  69°  30'  and  78°  17'  E.,  the  total  area,  according  to  the  Census 
Report,  1911,  including  Ajmer-Merwara,  being  131,698  square  miles.] 

^  Engraved  by  that  meritorious  artist  Mr.  Walker,  engraver  to  the  East 
India  Company,  who,  I  trust,  will  be  able  to  make  a  fuller  use  of  my  materials 
hereafter.     [This  has  been  replaced  by  a  modern  map.] 


PREVIOUS  SURVEYS  3 

present  rapid  and  general  sketch  may  be  supplied,  should  the 
author  be  enabled  to  resume  his  labours. 

The  laborious  research,  in  the  course  of  which  these  data  were 
accumulated,  commenced  in  1806.  when  the  author  was  attached 
to  the  embassy  sent,  at  the  close  of  the  Mahratta  wars,  to  the 
court  of  Sindhia.  This  chieftain's  army  was  then  in  Mewar,  at 
that  period  almost  a  terra  incognita,  the  position  of  whose  two 
capitals,  Udaipur  and  Chitor,  in  the  best  existing  maps,  was  pre- 
cisely reversed  [3]  ;  that  is,  Chitor  was  inserted  S.E.  of  Udaipur 
instead  of  E.N.E.,  a  proof  of  the  scanty  knowledge  possessed  at 
that  period. 

In  other  respects  there  was  almost  a  total  blank.  In  the  maps 
prior  to  1806  nearly  all  the  western  and  central  States  of  Rajasthan 
will  be  found  wanting.  It  had  been  imagined,  but  a  little  time 
before,  that  the  rivers  had  a  southerly  course  into  the  Nerbudda ; 
a  notion  corrected  by  the  father  of  Indian  geography,  the  distin- 
guished Rennell.^ 

This  blank  the  author  filled  up  ;  and  in  1815,  for  the  first 
time,  the  geography  of  Rajasthan  was  put  into  combined  form 
and  presented  to  the  Marquess  of  Hastings,  on  the  eve  of  a  general 
war,  when  the  labour  of  ten  years  was  amply  rewarded  by  its 
becoming  in  part  the  foundation  of  that  illustrious  commander's 
plans  of  the  campaign.  It  is  a  duty  owing  to  himself  to  state  that 
every  map,  without  exception,  printed  since  this  period  has  its 
foundation,  as  regards  Central  and  Western  India,  in  the  labours 
of  the  author.^ 

1  [James  Uennell,  1742-1830.] 

^  When  the  war  of  1817  broke  out,  copies  of  my  map  on  a  reduced  scale 
were  sent  to  all  the  divisions  of  the  armies  in  the  field,  and  came  into  posses- 
sion of  many  of  the  staff.  Transcripts  were  made  which  were  brought  to 
Europe,  and  portions  introduced  into  every  recent  map  of  India.  One  map 
has,  indeed,  been  given,  in  a  manner  to  induce  a  supposition  that  the 
furnisher  of  the  materials  was  the  author  of  them.  It  has  fulfilled  a  pre- 
diction of  the  Marquess  of  Hastings,  who,  foreseeing  the  impossibility  of 
such  materials  remaining  private  property,  "  and  the  danger  of  their  being 
appropriated  by  others,"  and  desirous  that  the  author  should  derive  the 
full  advantage  of  his  labours,  had  it  signified  that  the  claims  for  recompense, 
on  the  records  of  successive  governments,  should  not  be  deferred.  It  will 
not  be  inferred  the  author  is  surprised  at  what  he  remarks.  While  he 
claims  priority  for  himself,  lie  is  the  last  person  to  wish  to  see  a  halt  in 
science — 

"  For  emulation  has  a  thousand  sons." 


4  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

The  Author's  Surveys. — The  route  of  the  embassy  was  from 
Agra,  through  the  southern  frontier  of  Jaipur  to  Udaipur.  A 
portion  of  this  had  been  surveyed  and  points  laid  down  from 
celestial  observation,  by  Dr.  W.  Hunter,  which  I  adopted  as  the 
basis  of  my  enterprise.  The  Resident  Envoy  ^  to  the  court  of 
Sindhia  was  possessed  of  the  valuable  sketch  of  the  route  of 
Colonel  Palmer's  embassy  in  1791,  as  laid  down  by  Dr.  Hunter,  the 
foundation  of  my  subsequent  surveys,  as  it  merited  from  its  im- 
portance and  general  accuracy.  It  embraced  all  the  extreme 
points  of  Central  India  :  Agra,  Narwar,  Datia,  Jhansi,  Bhopal, 
.Sarangpur,  Ujjain,  and  on  return  from  this,  the  first  meridian  of 
the  Hindus,  by  Kotah;  Bundi,  Rampura  (Tonk),  Bayana,  to 
Agra.  The  position  of  all  these  places  was  more  or  less  accurately 
fixed,  according  to  the  time  which  could  be  bestowed,  by  astro- 
nomical observation  [4]. 

At  Rampura  Hunter  ceased  to  be  my  guide  :  and  from  this 
point  commenced  the  new  survey  of  Udaipur,  where  we  arrived 
in  June  1806.  The  position  then  assigned  to  it,  with  most  inade- 
quate instruments,  has  been  changed  only  1 '  of  longitude,  though 
the  latitude  amounted  to  about  5'. 

From  Udaipur  the  subsequent  march  of  the  army  with  which 
we  moved  led  past  the  celebrated  Chitor,  and  through  the  centre 
of  Malwa,  crossing  in  detail  all  the  grand  streams  flowing  from 
the  Vindhya,  till  we  halted  for  a  season  on  the  Bundelkhand 
frontier  at  Khimlasa.  In  this  journey  of  seven  hundred  miles  I 
twice  crossed  the  lines  of  route  of  the  former  embassy,  and  was 
gratified  to  find  my  first  attempts  generally  coincide  with  their 
established  points. 

In  1807,  the  army  having  undertaken  the  siege  of  Rahatgarh, 
I  determined  to  avail  myself  of  the  time  which  Mahrattas  waste 
in  such  a  process,  and  to  pursue  my  favourite  project.  With  a 
small  guard  I  determined  to  push  through  untrodden  fields,  by 
tlte  banks  of  the  Betwa  to  Chanderi,  and  in  its  latitude  proceed 
in  a  westerly  direction  towards  Kotah,  trace  the  course  once  more 
of  all  those  streams  from  the  south,  and  the  points  of  junction 
of  the  most  important  (the  Kali  Sind,  Parbati,  and  Banas)  with 
the  Chambal  ;  and  having  effected  this,  continue  my  journey  to 
Agra.     This   I   accomplished   in   times   very  different   from  the 

^  My  esteemed  friend,  Graeme  Mercer,  Esq.  (of  Maevisbank),  who  stimu- 
lated my  exertions  with  his  approbation. 


THE  AUTHOR'S  SURVEYS  5 

present,  being  often  obliged  to  strike  my  tents  and  march  at  mid- 
night, and  more  than  once  the  object  of  plunder.^  The  chief 
points  in  this  route  were  Khimlasa,  Rajwara,  Kotra  on  the  Betwa, 
Kanyadana,''  Buradungar,*  Shahabad,  Barah,*  Puleta,*  Baroda, 
Sheopur,  Pali,^  Ranthambhor,  Karauli,  Sri  Mathura,  and  Agra. 

On  my  return  to  the  Mahratta  camp  I  resolved  further  to 
increase  the  sphere,  and  proceeded  westward  by  Bharatpur, 
Katumbar,  Sentri,  to  Jaipur,  Tonk,  Indargarh,  Gugal  Chhapra, 
Raghugarh,  Aron,  Kurwai,  Borasa,  to  Sagar  :  a  journey  of  more 
than  one  thousand  miles.     I  found  the  camp  nearly  where  I  left  it. 

With  this  ambulatory  court  I  moved  everywhere  within  this 
region,  constantly  employed  in  surveying  till  1812,  when  Sindhia's 
court  became  stationary.  It  was  then  I  formed  my  plans  for 
obtaining  a  knowledge  of  those  countries  into  which  I  could  not 
personally  penetrate  [5]. 

Survey  Parties. — In  1810-11  I  had  despatched  two  i^arties, 
one  to  the  Indus,  the  other  to  the  desert  south  of  the  Sutlej.  The 
first  party,  under  Shaikh  Abu-1  Barakat,  journeyed  westward, 
by  Udaipur,  through  Gujarat,  Saurashtra  and  Cutch,  Lakhpat  and 
Hyderabad  (the  capital  of  the  Sindi  government)  ;  crossed  the 
Indus  to  Tatta,  proceeded  up  the  right  bank  to  Sehwan  ;  re- 
crossed,  and  continued  on  the  left  bank  as  far  as  lOiairpur,  the 
residence  of  one  of  the  triumvirate  governors  of  Sind,  and  having 
reached  the  insulated  Bakhar '  (the  capital  of  the  Sogdoi  of 
Alexander),  returned  by  the  desert  of  Umrasumra  to  Jaisalmer, 
Marwar,  and  Jaipur,  and  joined  me  in  camp  at  Narwar.     It  was 

^  Many  incidents  in  these  journeys  would  require  no  aid  of  imagination 
to  touch  on  the  romantic,  but  they  can  have  no  place  here. 
^  Eastern  tableland.  ^  Sind  River. 

*  Paibati  River.  .  ^  Kali  Sind  River. 

*  Passage  of  the  Chambal  and  junction  of  the  Par. 

'  The  Shaikh  brought  me  specimens  of  the  rock,  which  is  siliceous  ;  and 
also  a  piece  of  brick  of  the  very  ancient  fortress  of  Sehwan,  and  some  of  the 
grain  from  its  pits,  charred  and  alleged  by  tradition  to  have  lain  there  since 
the  period  of  Raja  Bhartarihari,  the  brother  of  Vikramaditya.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  it  might  be  owing  to  Alexander's  terrific  progress,  and  to 
their  supphes  being  destroyed  by  fire.  Sehwan  is  conjectured  by  Captain 
Pottinger  to  be  the  capital  of  Musicanus.  [The  capital  of  the  Sogdoi  has 
been  identified  with  Alor  or  Aror  ;  but  Cunningham  places  it  between  Alor 
and  Uchh.  The  capital  of  Mousikanos  was  possibly  Alor,  and  Sehwan  the 
Sindimana  of  the  Greeks.  But,  owing  to  changes  in  the  course  of  the 
Lower  Indus,  it  is  very  difiicult  to  identify  ancient  sites  (McCrindle, 
Akxaiider,  157,  354  f.).] 


6  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

a  perilous  undertaking  ;  but  the  Shaikh  was  a  fearless  and  enter- 
prising character,  and  moreover  a  man  with  some  tincture  of 
learning.  His  journals  contained  many  hints  and  directions  for 
future  research  in  the  geography,  statistics,  and  manners  of  the 
various  races  amongst  whom  he  travelled. 

The  other  party  was  conducted  by  a  most  valuable,  man, 
Madari  Lai,  who  became  a  perfect  adept  in  these  expeditions  of 
geographical  discovery,  and  other  knowledge  resulting  therefrom. 
There  is  not  a  district  of  anj^  consequence  in  the  wide  space  before 
the  reader  which  was  not  traversed  by  this  spirited  individual, 
whose  qualifications  for  such  complicated  and  hazardous  journeys 
were  never  excelled.  Ardent,  persevering,  prepossessing,  and 
generally  well-informed,  he  made  his  way  when  others  might  have 
perished.^ 

From  these  remote  regions  the  best-informed  native  inhabitants 
were,  by  persuasion  and  recompense,  conducted  to  me  ;  and  I 
could  at  all  times,  in  the  Mahratta  camp  at  Gwalior,  from  1812 
to  1817,  have  provided  a  native  of  the  valley  of  the  Indus,  the 
deserts  of  Dhat,  Umrasumra,  or  any  of  the  States  of  Rajasthan. 

The  precision  with  which  Kasids  and  other  public  conveyers 
of  letters,  in  countries  where  posts  are  little  used,  can  detail  the 
peculiarities  of  a  long  line  of  route,  and  the  accuracy  of  their 
distances  would  scarcely  be  credited  in  Europe.  I  have  no 
hesitation  in  asserting  that  if  a  correct  estimate  were  obtained 
of  the  measured  [6]  coss  of  a  country,  a  line  might  be  laid  down 
upon  a  flat  surface  with  great  exactitude.  I  have  heard  it 
affirmed  that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  old  Hindu  governments 
to  have  measurements  made  of  the  roads  from  town  to  town, 
and  that  the  Abu  Mahatma  ^  contains  a  notice  of  an  instrument 
for  that  purpose.  Indeed,  the  singular  coincidence  between 
lines  measured  by  the  perambulator  and  the  estimated  distances 
of  the  natives  is  the  best  proof  that  the  latter  are  deduced  from 
some  more  certain  method  than  mere  computation. 

I  never  rested  satisfied  with  the  result  of  one  set  of  my  parties, 

^  His  health  was  worn  out  at  length,  and  he  became  the  victim  of  de- 
pressed spirits.  He  died  suddenly  :  I  beUeve  poisoned.  Fateh,  almost  as 
zealous  as  Madari,  also  died  in  the  jmrsuit.  Geography  has  been  destructive 
to  all  who  have  pursued  it  with  ardour  in  the  East. 

*  A  valuable  aiid  ancient  work,  which  I  presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Societj'. 


THE  AUTHOR'S  SURVEYS  7 

with  the  single  exception  of  Madari's,  always  making  the  informa- 
tion of  one  a  basis  for  the  instruction  of  another,  who  went  over 
the  same  ground  ;  but  with  additional  views  and  advantages, 
and  with  the  aid  of  the  natives  brought  successively  by  each, 
till  I  exhausted  every  field. 

Thus,  in  a  few  years,  I  had  filled  several  volumes  with  lines  of 
route  throughout  this  space  ;  and  having  many  frontier  and 
intermediate  points,  the  positions  of  which  were  fixed,  a  general 
outline  of  the  result  was  constructed,  wherein  all  this  information 
was  laid  down.  I  speak  more  particularly  of  the  western  States, 
as  the  central  portion,  or  that  watered  by  the  Chambal  and  its 
tributary  streams,  whether  from  the  elevated  Aravalli  on  the 
west,  or  from  the  Vindhya  mountains  on  the  south,  has  been 
personally  surveyed  and  measured  in  every  direction,  with  an 
accuracy  sufficient  for  every  political  or  military  purpose,  until 
the  grand  trigonometrical  survey  from  the  peninsula  shall  be 
•extended  throughout  India.  These  coimtries  form  an  extended 
plain  to  the  Sutlej  north,  and  west  to  the  Indus,  rendering  the 
amalgamation  of  geographical  materials  much  less  difficult  than 
where  mountainous  regions  intervene. 

After  having  laid  down  these  varied  lines  in  the  outline 
described,  I  determined  to  check  and  confirm  its  accuracy  by 
recommencing  the  survey  on  a  new  plan,  viz.  trigonometrically. 

My  parties  were  again  despatched  to  resume  their  labours 
over  fields  now  familiar  to  them.  They  commenced  from  points 
whose  positions  were  fixed  (and  my  knowledge  enabled  me  to 
give  a  series  of  such),  from  each  of  which,  as  a  centre,  they  col- 
lected every  radiating  route  to  every  town  within  the  distance  of 
twenty  miles.  The  points  selected  were  generally  such  as  to 
approach  equilateral  [7]  triangles  ;  and  although  to  digest  the 
information  became  a  severe  toil,  the  method  will  appear,  even 
to  the  casual  observer,  one  which  must  throw  out  its  own  errors  ; 
for  these  lines  crossed  in  every  direction,  and  consequently 
corrected  each  other.  By  such  means  did  I  work  my  way  in 
those  unknown  tracts,  and  the  result  is  in  part  before  the  reader. 
I  say,  in  part  ;  for  my  health  compels  me  reluctantly  to  leave 
out  much  which  could  be  combined  from  ten  folios  of  journeys 
extending  throughout  these  regions. 

The  Author's  Map. — In  1815,  as  before  stated,  an  outline  map 
containing   all   the   information   thus   obtained,   and  which   the 


8  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

subsequent  crisis  rendered  of  essential  importance,  was  presented 
by  me  to  the  Governor- General  of  India.  Upon  the  very  eve  of 
the  war  I  constructed  and  presented  another,  of  the  greater 
portion  of  Malwa,  to  which  it  appeared  expedient  to  confine  the 
oiDcrations  against  the  Pindaris.  The  material  feature  in  this 
small  map  was  the  general  position  of  the  Vindhya  mountains, 
the  sources  and  course  of  every  river  originating  thence,  and  the 
passes  in  this  chain,  an  object  of  primary  importance.  The 
boundaries  of  the  various  countries  in  this  tract  were  likewise 
defined,  and  it  became  essentially  useful  in  the  subsequent  dis- 
memberment of  the  Peshwa's  dominions. 

In  the  construction  of  this  map  I  had  many  fixed  points,  both 
of  Dr.  Hunter's  and  my  own,  to  work  from  ;  and  it  is  gratifying 
to  observe  that  though  several  measured  lines  have  since  been 
run  through  this  space,  not  only  the  general,  but  often  the  identi- 
cal features  of  mine  have  been  preserved  in  the  maps  since  given 
to  the  world.  As  considerable  improvement  has  been  made  by 
several  measured  lines  through  this  tract,  and  many  positions 
affixed  by  a  scientific  and  zealous  geographer,  I  have  had  no 
hesitation  in  incorporating  a  small  portion  of  this  improved 
geography  in  the  map  now  presented.^ 

Many  surveyed  lines  were  made  by  ine  from  1817  to  1822  ; 
and  here  I  express  my  obligations  to  my  kinsman,^  to  whom 
alone  I  owe  any  aid  for  improving  this  portion  of  my  geographical 
labours.  This  officer  made  a  circuitous  survey,  which  compre- 
hended nearly  the  extreme  points  of  Mewar,  from  the  capital 
by  Chitor,  Mandalgarh,  Jahazpur,  Rajmahall,  and  in  return  by 
Banai,  Radnor,  Deogarh  [8],  to  the  point  of  outset.  From  these 
extreme  points  he  was  enabled  to  place  many  intermediate  ones, 
for  which  Mewar  is  so  favourable,  by  reason  of  its  isolated 
hills. 

In  1820  I  made  an  important  journey  across  the  Aravalli,  by 
Kumbhalmer,  Pali,  to  Jodhpur,  the  capital  of  Marwar,  and 
thence  by  Merta,  tracing  the  course  of  the  Luni  to  its  source  at 
Ajmer ;     and   from   this   celebrated   residence    of   the    Chauhan 

^  It  is,  however,  limited  to  Malwa,  whose  geography  was  greatly  im- 
proved and  enlarged  by  the  labours  of  Captain  Dangerfield  ;  and  though 
my  materials  could  fill  up  the  whole  of  tliis  province,  I  merely  insert  the 
chief  points  to  connect  it  with  Rajasthan. 

^  Captain  P.  T.  Waugh,  10th  Regiment  Light  Cavalry,  Bengal. 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  9 

kings  and  Mogul  emperors;  returning  through  the  central  lands 
of  Mewar,  by  Banai  and  Banera,  to  the  capital. 

I  had  the  peculiar  satisfaction  to  find  that  my  position  of 
Jodhpur,  which  has  been  used  as  a  capital  point  in  fixing  the 
geography  west  and  north,  was  only  3'  of  space  out  in  latitude, 
and  little  more  in  longitude  ;  which  accounted  for  the  coincidence 
of  my  position  of  Bikaner  with  that  assigned  by  Mr.  Elphtnstone 
in  his  account  of  the  embassy  to  Kabul. 

Besides  Udaipur,  Jodhpur,  Ajmer,  etc.,  whose  positions  I  had 
fixed  by  observations,  and  the  points  laid  down  by  Hunter,  I 
availed  myself  of  a  few  positions  given  to  me  by  that  enterprising 
traveller,  the  author  of  the  journey  into  Ivliorasan,^  who  marched 
from  Delhi,  by  Nagor  and  Jodhpur,  to  Udaipur. 

The  outline  of  the  countries  of  Gujarat,^  the  Saurashtra 
peninsula,  and  Cutch,  inserted  chiefly  by  way  of  connexion,  is 
entirely  taken  from  the  labours  of  that  distinguished  geographer, 
the  late  General  Reynolds.  We  had  both  gone  over  a  great 
portion  of  the  same  field,  and  my  testimony  is  due  to  the  value 
of  his  researches  in  countries  into  which  he  never  personally 
penetrated,  evincing  what  may  be  done  by  industry,  and  the 
use  of  such  materials  as  I  have  described. 

Physiography  of  Bajputana. — I  shall  conclude  with  a  rapid 
sketch  of  the  physiognomy  of  these  regions  ;  minute  and  local 
descriptions  will  appear  more  appropriately  in  the  respective 
historical  portions 

Rajasthan  presents  a  great  variety  of  feature.  Let  me  place 
the  reader  on  the  highest  peak  of  the  insulated  Abu,  '  the  saint's 
pinnacle,'  ^  as  it  is  termed,  and  guide  his  eye  in  a  survey  over  this 
wide  expanse,  from  the  '  blue  waters  '  of  the  Indus  west  to  the 
'  withy-covered  '  *  Betwa  on  the  east.  From  this,  the  most  [9] 
elevated  spot  in  Hindustan,  overlooking  by  fifteen  hundred  feet 
the  Aravalli  moimtains,  his  eye  descends  to  the  plains  of  Medpat  * 

^  Sir.  J.  B.  Fraser  [whose  book  was  published  in  1825]. 

^  My  last  journey,  in  1822-23,  was  from  Udaipur,  through  these  countries 
towards  the  Delta  of  the  Indus,  but  more  with  a  view  to  historical  and 
antiquarian  than  geographical  research.  It  proved  the  most  fruitful  of 
all  my  many  journeys.  [The  results  are  recorded  in  Travels  in  Western 
India,  pubhshed  in  1839,  after  the  author's  death.]  ®  Guru  Sikhar. 

*  Its  classic  name  is  Vetravati,  Vetra  being  the  common  willow  [or  reed] 
in  Sanskrit ;  said  by  WiLford  to  be  the  same  in  Welsh. 

*  Literally  'the  central  {madJiya]  flat.'    [It  means  'Land  of  the  Med  tribe.'] 


10  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

(the  classic  term  for  Mewar),  whose  chief  streams,  flowing  from 
the  base  of  the  AravaUi,  join  the  Berach  and  Banas,  and  are 
prevented  from  uniting  with  the  Chambal  only  by  the  Patar  ^  or 
plateau  of  Central  India. 

Ascending  this  plateau  near  the  celebrated  Chitor,  let  the  eye 
deviate  slightly  from  the  direct  eastern  line,  and  pursue  the  only 
practicable  path  by  Ratangarh,  and  Singoli,  to  Kotah,  and  he 
will  observe  its  three  successive  steppes,  the  miniature  representa- 
tion of  those  of  Russian  Tartary.  Let  the  observer  here  glance 
across  the  Chambal  and  traverse  Haraoti  to  its  eastern  frontier, 
guarded  by  the  fortress  of  Shahabad  :  thence  abruptly  descend 
the  plateau  to  the  level  of  the  Sind,  still  proceeding  eastward, 
until  the  table-mountain,  the  western  limit  of  Bundelkhand, 
affords  a  resting-point. 

To  render  this  more  distmct,  I  present  a  profile  of  the  tract 
described  from  Abu  to  Kotra  on  the  Betwa  :  ^  from  Abu  to  the 
Chambal,  the  result  of  barometrical  measurement,  and  from  the 
latter  to  the  Betwa  from  my  general  observations  ^  of  the  irregu- 
larities of  surface.  The  result  is,  that  the  Betwa  at  Kotra  is  one 
thousand  feet  above  the  sea-level,  and  one  thousand  lower  than 
the  city  and  valley  of  Udaipur,  which  again  is  on  the  same  level 
with  the  base  of  Abu,  two  thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  This  line, 
the  general  direction  of  which  is  but  a  short  distance  from  the 
tropic,  is  about  six  geographic  degrees  in  length  :  yet  is  this  small 
space  highly  diversified,  both  in  its  inhabitants  and  the  produc- 
tion of  the  soil,  whether  hidden  or  revealed. 

^  Meaning  '  table  {pat)  mountain  (ar).' — Although  ar  may  not  be  found 
ill  any  Sanskrit  dictionary  with  the  signification  '  mountain,'  yet  it  appears 
to  be  a  primitive  root  possessing  such  meaning — instance,  Ar-buddha, 
'hill  of  Buddha';  Aravalli,  'hill  of  strength.'  Ar  is  Hebrew  for  'moun- 
tain '  (qu.  Ararat  ?)  "Opos  in  Greek  ?  The  common  word  for  a  mountain 
in  Sanskrit,  gir,  is  equally  so  in  Hebrew.  [These  derivations  are  out  of 
date.  The  origin  of  the  word  pntdr  is  obscure.  Sir  G.  Grierson,  to  whom 
the  question  was  referred,  suggests  a  connexion  with  Marathi  pathdr,  '  a 
tableland,'  or  Gujarati  pathdr  (Skr.  prastara,  '  expanse,  extent ').  The 
word  is  probably  not  connected  with  Hindi  pdt,  '  a  board.'] 

2  The  Betwa  River  runs  under  the  tableland  just  alluded  to,  on  the  east. 

^  I  am  familiar  with  these  regions,  and  confidently  predict  that  when  a 
similar  measurement  shall  be  made  from  the  Betwa  to  .Kotah,  these  results 
will  little  err,  and  the  error  will  be  in  having  made  Kotah  somewhat  too 
elevated,  and  the  bed  of  the  Betwa  a  little  too  low.  [Udaipur  city  is  1950 
feet  above  sea-level.] 


1^  i  ^1 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  11 

Let  us  now  from  our  eleva^d  station  (still  turned  to  the  east) 
carry  the  eye  both  south  and  north  of  the  line  described,  which 
nearly  bisects  Madhyadesa,^  '  the  central  land  '  of  Rajasthan ; 
best  defined  by  the  course  of  the  Chambal  and  [10]  its  tributary 
streams,  to  its  confluence  with  the  Jumna  :  while  the  regions 
west  of  the  transalpine  Aravalli^^  may  as  justly  be  defined  Western 
Rajasthan. 

Looking  to  the  south,  the  eye  rests  on  the  long-extended  and 
strongly  -  defined  line  of  the  Vindhya  mountains,  the  proper 
bounds  of  Hindustan  and  the  Deccan.  Though,  from  our  elevated 
stand  on  '  the  Saint's  Pinnacle  '  of  Abu,  we  look  down  on  the 
Vindhya  as  a  range  of  diminished  importance,  it  is  that  our 
position  is  the  least  favourable  to  viewing  its  grandeur,  which 
would  be  most  apparent  from  the  south  ;  though  throughout 
this  skirt  of  descent,  irregular  elevations  attain  a  height  of  many 
hundred  feet  above  such  points  of  its  abrupt  descent. 

The  Aravalli  itself  may  be  said  to  coiuiect  with  the  Vindhya, 
and  the  point  of  junction  to  be  towards  Champaner  ;  though  it 
might  be  as  correct  to  say  the  Aravalli  thence  rose  upon  and 
stretched  from  the  Vindhya.  Whilst  it  is  much  less  elevated 
than  more  to  the  north,  it  presents  bold  features  throughout,^ 
south  by  Lunawara,  Dungarpur,  and  Idar,  to  Amba  Bhawani 
and  Udaipur. 

Still  looking  from  Abu  over  the  tableland  of  Malwa,  we 
observe  her  plains  of  black  loam  furrowed  by  the  numerous 
streams  from  the  highest  points  of  the  Vindhya,  pursuing  their 
northerly  course  ;  some  meandering  through  valleys  or  faUing 
over  precipices  ;  others  bearing  down  all  opposition,  and  actually 
forcing  an  exit  through  the  central  plateau  to  join  the  Chambal. 
The  Aravalli  Range. — Having  thus  glanced  at  the  south,  let 
us  cast  the  eye  north  of  this  line,  and  pause  on  the  alpine  Aravalli.* 

^  Central  India,  a  term  which  I  first  applied  as  the  title  of  the  map  pre- 
sented to  the  Marquess  of  Hastings,  in  1815,  'of  Central  and  Western  India,' 
and  since  become  famiUar.     [Usually  applied  to  the  Ganges-Jumna  Duab.] 

"^  Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  Aravalli,  though  it  loses  its  tabular  form, 
sends  its  branches  north,  terminating  at  DeUii. 

^  Those  who  have  marched  from  Baroda  towards  Malwa  and  marked  the 
irregularities  of  surface  will  admit  this  chain  of  connexion  of  the  Vmdhya 
and  AravaUi. 

*  '  The  refuge  of  strength '  [?],  a  title  justly  merited,  from  its  affording 
protection  to  the  most  ancient  sovereign  race  which  holds  dominion,  whether 


12  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

Let  us  take  a  section  of  it,  from  the  capital,  Udaipur,  the  line  of 
our  station  on  Abu,  passing  through  Oghna  Panarwa,  and  Mirpur, 
to  the  western  descent  near  Sirohi,  a  space  of  nearly  sixty  miles 
in  a  direct  h"ne,  where  "  hills  o'er  hills  and  alps  on  alps  arise," 
from  the  ascent  at  Udaipur,  to  the  descent  to  ISIarwar.  All  this 
space  to  the  Sirohi  frontier  is  inhabited  by  communities  of  the 
aboriginal  races,  living  in  a  state  of  primeval  and  almost  savage 
independence,  owning  no  paramount  power,  paying  no  tribute, 
but  with  all  the  simplicity  of  republics  ;  their  leaders,  with  the 
title  of  Rawat,  being  hereditary.  Thus  the  Rawat  of  the  Oghna 
commune  can  assemble  five  thousand  bows,  and  several  others  [11 J 
can  on  occasion  muster  considerable  numbers.  Their  habitations 
are  dispersed  through  the  valleys  in  small  rude  hamlets,  near  their 
pastures  or  places  of  defence.^ 

Let  me  now  transport  the  reader  to  the  citadel  pinnacle  of 
Kumbhalmer,^  thence  surveying  the  range  running  north  to  Ajmer, 
where,  shortly  after,  it  loses  its  tabular  form,  and  breaking  into 
lofty  ridges,  sends  numerous  branches  through  the  Shaikhavati 
federation,  and  Alwar,  till  in  low  heights  it  terminates  at  Delhi. 

From  Kumbhalmer  to  Ajmer  the  whole  space  is  termed 
Merwara,  and  is  inhabited  by  the  mountain  race  of  Mer  or  Mair, 
the  habits  and  history  of  which  singular  class  will  be  hereafter 
related.     The  range  averages  from  six  to  fifteen  miles  in  breadth, 

in  the  east  or  west — the  ancient  stock  of  the  Suryavans,  the  Hehadai  of 
India,  our  '  children  of  the  sun,'  the  princes  of  Mewar.  [Aravalli  probably 
means  '  Comer  Line.'] 

^  It  was  my  intention  to  have  penetrated  through  their  singular  abodes  ; 
and  I  had  negotiated,  and  obtained  of  these  '  forest  lords  '  a  promise  of 
hospitable  passport,  of  which  I  have  never  allowed  myself  to  doubt,  as  the 
virtues  of  pledged  faith  and  hospitahty  are  ever  to  be  found  in  stronger 
keeping  in  the  inverse  ratio  of  civiUzation.  Many  years  ago  one  of  my 
parties  was  permitted  to  range  through  this  tract.  In  one  of  the  passes  of 
their  lengthened  valleys  '  The  Lord  of  the  Mountain  '  was  dead  :  the  men 
were  all  abroad,  and  his  widow  alone  in  the  hut.  Madari  told  his  story, 
and  claimed  her  surety  and  passport ;  which  the  Bhilni  dehvered  from  the 
quiver  of  her  late  lord  ;  and  the  arrow  carried  in  his  hand  was  as  well 
recognised  as  the  cumbrous  roll  with  all  its  seals  and  appendages  of  a 
traveller  in  Europe. 

*  Meru  signifies  '  a  hill '  in  Sanskrit,  hence  Komal,  or  properly  Kumbhal- 
mer, is  'the  hill'  or  'mountain  of  Kumbha/  a  prince  whose  exploits  are 
narrated.  Likewise  Ajmer  is  the  'hiU  of  Ajaj^a,'  the  'Invincible'  hill. 
Mer  is  with  the  long  e,  like  Mere  in  French,  in  classical  orthography. 
[Ajmer,  '  hill  of  Aja,  Cha^uhan.'] 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  13 

having  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  villages  and  hamlets 
scattered  over  its  valleys  and  rocks,  abundantly  watered,  not 
deficient  in  pasture,  and  with  cultivation  enough  for  all  internal 
wants,  though  it  is  raised  with  infinite  labour  on  terraces,  as  the 
vine  is  cultivated  in  Switzerland  and  on  the  Rhine. 

In  vain  does  the  eye  search  for  any  trace  of  wheel-carriage 
across  this  compound  range  from  Idar  to  Ajmer  ;  and  it  conse- 
quently well  merits  its  appellation  ara,  '  the  barrier,'  for  the 
strongest  arm  of  modern  warfare,  artillery,  would  have  to  turn 
the  chain  by  the  north  to  avoid  the  impracticable  descent  to  the 
west.^ 

Views  from  the  Aravalli  Hills. — Guiding  the  eye  along  the  chain, 
several  fortresses  are  observed  on  pinnacles  guarding  the  passes 
on  either  side,  while  numerous  rills  descend,  pouring  over  the 
declivities,  seeking  their  devious  exit  between  the  projecting  ribs 
of  the  mountain.  The  Berach,  the  Banas,  the  Kothari,  the 
Khari,  the  Dahi  all  unite  with  the  Banas  to  the  east,  while  to 
the  west  the  still  more  numerous  streams  which  fertilize  the  rich 
province  of  Godwar,  unite  to  '  the  Salt  River,'  the  Luni,  and 
mark  the  true  line  of  the  desert.  Of  these  the  chief  are  the  Sukri 
and  the  [12]  Bandi  ;  while  others  which  are  not  perennial,  and 
depend  on  atmospheric  causes  for  their  supply,  receive  the  general 
denomination  of  rela,  indicative  of  rapid  mountain  torrents, 
carrying  in  their  descent  a  vast  volume  of  alluvial  deposit,  to 
enrich  the  siliceous  soil  below. 

However  grand  the  view  of  the  chaotic  mass  of  rock  from  this 
elevated  site  of  Kumbhalmer,  it  is  from  the  plains  of  Marwar  that  its 
majesty  is  most  apparent  ;  where  its  '  splintered  pinnacles  '  are 
seen  rising  over  each  other  in  varied  form,  or  frowning  over  the 
dark  indented  recesses  of  its  forest-covered  and  rugged  declivities. 

On  reflection,  I  am  led  to  pronounce  the  Aravalli  a  connexion 
of  the  '  Apennines  of  India  '  ;   the  Ghats  on  the  Malabar  coast  of 

^  At  the  point  of  my  descent  this  was  characteristically  illustrated  by 
my  Rajput  friend  of  Semar,  whose  domain  had  been  invaded  and  cow-pens 
emptied,  but  a  few  days  before,  by  the  mountain  bandit  of  Sirohi.  With 
their  booty  they  took  the  shortest  and  not  most  practicable  road  :  but 
though  their  alpine  kine  are  pretty  well  accustomed  to  leaping  in  such  abodes, 
it  would  appear  they  had  hesitated  here.  The  difficulty  was  soon  got  over 
by  one  of  the  Minas,  who  with  his  dagger  transfixed  one  and  rolled  him  over 
the  height,  his  carcase  serving  at  once  as  a  precedent  and  a  stepping-stone 
for  his  horned  kindred. 


14  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

the  peninsula  :  nor  does  the  passage  of  the  Nerbudda  or  the 
Tapti,  through  its  diminished  centre,  mihtate  against  the  hypo- 
thesis, which  might  be  better  substantiated  by  the  comparison  of 
their  intrinsic  character  and  structure. 

Geology  of  the  Aravallis. — The  general  character  of  the  Aravalli 
is  its  primitive  formation  :  ^  granite,  reposing  in  variety  of  angle 
(the  general  dip  is  to  the  east)  on  massive,  compact,  dark  blue 
slate,  the  latter  rarely  appearing  much  above  the  surface  or  base 
of  the  superincumbent  granite.  The  internal  valleys  abound  in 
variegated  quartz  and  a  variety  of  schistous  slate  of  every  hue, 
which  gives  a  most  singular  appearance  to  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
and  temples  when  the  sun  shines  upon  them.  Rocks  of  gneiss 
and  of  syenite  appear  in  the  intervals  ;  and  in  the  diverging 
ridges  west  of  Ajmer  the  summits  are  quite  dazzling  with  the 
enormous  masses  of  vitreous  rose-coloured  quartz. 

The  Aravalli  and  its  subordinate  hills  are  rich  in  both  mineral 
and  metallic  products  ;  and,  as  stated  in  the  annals  of  Mewar, 
to  the  latter  alone  can  be  attributed  the  resources  which  enabled 
this  family  so  long  to  struggle  against  superior  power,  and  to  raise 
those  magnificent  structures  which  would  do  honour  to  the  most 
potent  kingdoms  of  the  west. 

The  mines  are  royalties  ;  their  produce  a  monopoly,  increasing 
the  personal  revenue  of  their  prince.  An-Dan-  Khan  is  a  triple 
figurative  expression,  which  comprehends  the  sum  of  sovereign 
rights  in  Rajasthan,  being  allegiance,  commercial  duties,  mines. 
The  tin-mines  of  Mewar  were  once  very  productive,  and  yielded, 
it  is  asserted,  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  silver  :  but  the  caste 
of  miners  is  extinct,  and  political  reasons,  during  the  Mogul 
domination,  led  to  the  [13]  concealment  of  such  sources  of  wealth. 
Copper  of  a  very  fine  description  is  likewise  abundant,  and  supplies 
the  currency  ;  and  the  chief  of  Salumbar  even  coins  by  sufferance 
from  the  mines  on  his  own  estate.     Surma,  or  the  oxide  of  anti- 

^  ["  Oldest  of  all  the  physical  features  which  intersect  the  continent  is 
the  range  of  mountains  known  as  the  Aravallis,  which  strilies  across  the 
Peninsula  from  north-east  to  south-west,  overlooking  the  sandy  wastes  of 
Rajputana.  The  Aravallis  are  but  the  depressed  and  degraded  relics  of  a 
far  more  prominent  mountain  system,  which  stood,  in  Palaeozoic  times,  on 
the  edge  of  the  Rajputana  Sea.  The  disintegrated  rocks  which  once  formed 
part  of  the  Aravallis  are  now  spread  out  in  wide  red-stone  plains  to  the 
east"  {lOI.i.  1).] 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  15 

mony,  is  found  on  the  western  frontier.  The  garnet,  amethystine 
quartz,  rock  crystal,  the  chrysolite,  and  inferior  kinds  of  the 
emerald  family  are  all  to  be  found  within  Mewar  ;  and  though 
I  have  seen  no  specimens  decidedly  valuable,  the  Rana  has  often 
told  me  that,  according  to  tradition,  his  native  hills  contained 
every  species  of  mineral  wealth. 

The  Patar  Plateau. — Let  us  now  quit  our  alpine  station  on  the 
Aravalli,  and  make  a  tour  of  the  Patar,  or  plateau  of  Central 
India,  not  the  least  important  feature  of  this  interesting  region. 
It  possesses  a  most  decided  character,  and  is  distinct  from  the 
Vindhya  to  the  south  and  the  Aravalli  to  the  west,  being  of  the 
secondary  formation,  or  trap,  of  the  most  regular  horizontal 
stratification. 

The  circimiference  of  the  plateau  is  best  explained  in  the  map, 
though  its  surface  is  most  unequally  detailed,  and  is  continually 
alternating  its  character  between  the  tabular  form  and  clustering 
ridges. 

Commencing  the  tour  of  Mandalgarh,  let  us  proceed  south, 
skirting  Chitor  (both  on  insulated  rocks  detached  from  the 
plateau),  thence  by  Jawad,  Dantoli,  Rampura,^  Bhanpura,  the 
Mukunddarra  Pass,^  to  Gagraim  (where  the  Kali  Sind  forces  an 
entrance  through  its  table  -  barrier  to  Eklera)'  and  Margwas 
(where  the  Parbati,  taking  advantage  of  the  diminished  eleva- 
tion, passes  fromMalwa  to  Haraoti),  and  by  Raghugarh,  Shahabad, 
Ghazigarh,  Gaswani,  to  Jadonwati,  where  the  plateau  terminates 
on  the  Chambal,  east ;  while  from  the  same  point  of  outset, 
Mandalgarh,  soon  losing  much  of  its  table  form,  it  stretches  away 
in  bold  ranges,  occasionally  tabular,  as  in  the  Bundi  fortress,  by 
Dablana,  Indargarh,*  and  Lakheri,*  to  Ranthambhor  and  Karauli, 
terminating  at  Dholpur  Bari 

The  elevation  and  inequalities  of  this  plateau  are  best  seen  by 
crossing  it  from  west  to  east,  from  the  plains  to  the  level  of  the 
Chambal,  where,  with  the  exception  of  the  short  flat  between 
Kotah  and  Pali  ferry,  this  noble  stream  is  seen  rushing  through 
the  rocky  barrier. 

At  Ranthambhor  the  plateau  breaks  into  lofty  ranges,  their 

^  Near  this  the  Chambal  first  breaks  into  the  Patar. 

^  Here  is  the  celebrated  pass  through  the  mountains. 

^  Here  the  Niwaz  breaks  the  chain. 

*  Both  celebrated  passes,  where  the  ranges  are  very  compHcated. 


16  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

white  summits  [14]  sparkling  in  the  snn  ;  cragged  but  not  peaked, 
and  preserving  the  characteristic  formation,  though  disunited 
from  the  mass.  Here  there  are  no  less  than  seven  distinct  ranges 
{Satpara),  through  all  of  which  the  Banas  has  to  force  a  passage 
to  unite  with  the  Chambal.  Beyond  Ranthambhor,  and  the 
whole  way  from  Karauli  to  the  river,  is  an  irregular  tableland, 
on  the  edge  of  whose  summit  are  the  fortresses  of  Utgir,  Mandrel, 
and  that  more  celebrated  of  Thun.  But  east  of  the  eastern  side 
there  is  still  another  steppe  of  descent,  which  may  be  said  to 
originate  near  the  fountain  of  the  Sind  at  Latoti,  and  passing 
by  Chanderi,  Kanyadana,  Narwar,  and  Gwalior,  terminates  at 
Deogarh,  in  the  plains  of  Gohad.  The  descent  from  this  second 
steppe  is  into  Bundelkhand  and  the  valley  of  the  Betwa. 

Distinguished  as  is  this  elevated  region  of  the  surface  of 
Central  India,  its  summit  is  but  little  higher  than  the  general 
elevation  of  the  crest  of  the  Vindhya,  and  upon  a  level  with  the 
valley  of  Udaipur  and  base  of  the  Aravalli.  The  slope  or  descent, 
therefore,  from  both  these  ranges  to  the  skirts  of  the  plateau  is 
great  and  abrupt,  of  which  the  most  intelligible  and  simple  proof 
appears  in  the  course  of  these  streams.  Few  portions  of  the 
globe  attest  more  powerfully  the  force  exerted  by  the  action  of 
waters  to  subdue  every  obstacle,  than  a  view  of  the  rock-bound 
channels  of  these  streams  in  this  adamantine  barrier.  Four 
streams — one  of  v/hich,  the  Chambal,  would  rank  with  the  Rhine 
and  almost  with  the  Rhone — have  here  forced  their  way,  laying 
bare  the  stratification  from  the  water's  level  to  the  summit,  from 
three  to  six  hundred  feet  in  perpendicular  height,  the  rock  appear- 
ing as  if  chiselled  by  the  hand  of  man.  Here  the  geologist  may 
read  the  book  of  nature  in  distinct  character  ;  few  tracts  (from 
Rampura  to  Kotah)  will  be  foimd  more  interesting  to  him,  to  the 
antiquarian,  or  to  the  lover  of  nature  in  her  most  rugged  attire. 

The  surface  of  this  extensive  plateau  is  greatly  diversified. 
At  Kotah  the  bare  protruding  rock  in  some  places  presents 
not  a  trace  of  vegetation  ;  but  where  it  bevels  off  to  the  banks 
of  the  Par  it  is  one  of  the  richest  and  most  productive  soils  in 
India,  and  better  cultivated  than  any  spot  even  of  British  India. 
In  its  indented  sides  are  glens  of  the  most  romantic  description 
(as  the  fountain  of  '  the  snake  King '  near  Hinglaj),  and  deep 
dells,  the  source  of  small  streams,  where  many  treasures  of  art,^ 
^  I  have  rescued  a  few  of  these  from  oblivion  to  present  to  my  countrymen. 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  17 

in  temples  and  ancient  dwellings,  yet  remain  to  reward  the 
traveller  [15]. 

This  central  elevation,  as  before  described,  is  of  the  secondary 
formation,  called  trap.  Its  prevailing  colour,  where  laid  bare  by 
the  Chambal,  is  milk-white  :  it  is  compact  and  close-grained, 
and  though  perhaps  the  mineral  offering  the  greatest  resistance 
to  the  chisel,  the  sculptures  at  the  celebrated  BaroUi  evince  its 
utility  to  the  artist.  White  is  also  the  prevailing  colour  to  the 
westward.  About  Kotah  it  is  often  mixed  white  and  porphyritic, 
and  about  .Shahabad  of  a  mixed  red  and  brown  tint.  When 
exposed  to  the  action  of  the  atmosphere  in  its  eastern  declivity 
the  decomposed  and  rough  surface  would  almost  cause  it  to  be 
mistaken  for  gritstone. 

This  formation  is  not  favourable  to  mineral  wealth.  The 
only  metals  are  lead  and  iron  ;  but  their  ores,  especially  the  latter, 
are  abundant.  There  are  mines,  said  to  be  of  value,  of  sulphuret 
of  lead  (galena)  in  the  GAvalior  province,  from  which  I  have  had 
specimens,  but  these  also  are  closed.  The  natives  fear  to  extract 
their  mineral  wealth  ;  and  though  abounding  in  lead,  tin,  and 
copper,  they  are  indebted  almost  entirely  to  Europe  even  for  the 
materials  of  their  culinary  utensils. 

Without  attempting  a  delineation  of  inferior  ranges,  I  will 
only  further  direct  the  reader's  attention  to  an  important  deduc- 
tion from  this  superficial  review  of  the  physiognomy  of  Rajwara. 

The  Mountain  System  of  Central  India. — There  are  two  dis- 
tinctly marked  declivities  or  slopes  in  Central  India  :  the  chief  is 
that  from  west  to  east,  from  the  great  rampart,  the  Aravalli 
(interposed  to  prevent  the  drifting  of  the  sands  into  the  central 
plains,  bisected  by  the  Chambal  and  his  hundred  arms)  to  the 
Betwa  ;  the  other  slope  is  from  south  to  north,  from  the  Vindhya, 
t  he  southern  buttress  of  Central  India,  to  the  Jumna. 

Extending  our  definition,  we  may  pronounce  the  course  of 
the  Jumna  to  indicate  the  central  fall  of  that  immense  vale  which 
has  its  northern  slope  from  the  base  of  the  Himalaya,  and  the 
southern  from  that  of  the  Vindhya  mountains. 

It  is  not  in  contemplation  to  delineate  the  varied  course  of  the 
magnificent  Nerbudda,  though  I  have  abundant  means ;  for  the 
moment  we  ascend  the   summit   of  the   tropical  ^  Vindhya,   to 

^  Hence  its  name,  Vindhija,  '  the  barrier,'  to  the  further  progress  of  the 
sun  in  his  northern  decHnation.     [Skr.  root,  bind,  bid,  '  to  divide.'] 

VOL.  I  C 


18  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

descend  into  the  valley  of  the  Nerbudda,  we  abandon  Rajasthan 
and  the  Rajputs  for  the  aboriginal,  races,  the  first  proprietors  of 
the  land.  These  I  shall  leave  to  others,  and  commence  and  end 
with  the  Chambal,  the  paramount  lord  of  the  floods  of  Central 
India  [16]. 

The  Chambal  River. — The  Chambal  has  his  fountains  in  a  very 
elevated  point  of  the  Vindhya,  amidst  a  cluster  of  hills  on  which 
is  bestowed  the  local  appellation  of  Janapao.  It  has  three  co- 
equal sources  from  the  same  cluster,  the  Chambal,  Chambela, 
and  Gambhir  ;  while  no  less  than  nine  other  streams  have  their 
origin  on  the  south  side,  and  pour  their  waters  into  the  Nerbudda. 

The  Sipra  from  Pipalda,  the  little  Sind  ^  from  Dewas,  and  other 
minor  streams  passing  Ujjain,  all  unite  with  the  Chambal  in 
different  stages  before  he  breaks  through  the  plateau. 

The  Kali  Sind,  from  Bagri,  and  its  petty  branch,  the  Sodwia, 
from  Raghugarh  ;  the  Niwaz  (or  Jamniri),  from  Morsukri  and 
Magarda  ;  the  Parbati,  from  the  pass  of  Amlakhera,  with  its  more 
eastern  arm  from  Daulatpur,  uniting  at  Pharhar,  are  all  points  in 
the  crest  of  the  Vindhya  range,  whence  they  pursue  their  course 
through  the  plateau,  rolling  over  precipices,^  till  engulfed  in  the 
Chambal  at  the  ferries  of  Nunera  and  Pali.  All  these  unite  on 
the  right  bank. 

On  the  left  bank  his  flood  is  increased  by  the  Banas,  fed  by 
the  perennial  streams  from  the  Aravalli,  and  the  Berach  from 
the  lakes  of  Udaipur ;  and  after  watering  Mewar,  the  southern 
frontier  of  Jaipur,  and  the  highlands  of  Karauli,  the  river  turns 
south  to  unite  at  the  holy  Sangam,'  Rameswar.  Minor  streams 
contribute  (unworthy,  however,  of  separate  notice),  and  after  a 
thousand  involutions  he  reaches  the  Jumna,  at  the  holy  Triveni,* 
or  '  triple-allied  '  stream,  between  Etawa  and  Kalpi. 

^  This  ii  the  fourth  Sind  of  India.  We  have,  first,  the  Sind  or  Indus  ; 
this  little  Sind  ;  then  the  Kali  Sind,  or  '  black  river  '  ;  and  again  the  Sind 
rising  at  Latoti,  on  the  plateau  west  and  above  Sironj.  Sin  is  a  Scythio 
word  for  river  (now  unused),  so  applied  by  the  Hindus.  [Skr.  Sindhu, 
probably  from  the  root  syand,  '  to  flow.'] 

^  The  falls  of  the  Kali  Sind  through  the  rocks  at  Gagraun  and  the  Par- 
bati at  Chapra  (Gugal)  are  well  worthy  of  a  visit.  The  latter,  though  I 
encamped  twice  at  Chapra,  from  which  it  was  reputed  five  miles,  I  did  not 
see. 

^  Sangam  is  the  point  of  confluence  of  two  or  more  rivers,  always  sacred 
to  Mahadeva. 

*  The  Jumna,  Chambal,  and  Sind  [triveni,  '  triple  braid  ']. 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  19 

The  course  of  the  Chambal,  not  reckoning  the  minor  sinuosities, 
is  upwards  of  five  hundred  miles  ;  ^  and  along  its  banks  specimens 
of  nearly  every  race  now  existing  in  India  may  be  found  :  Sondis, 
Chandarawats,  Sesodias,  Haras,  Gaur,  Jadon,  Sakarwal,  Gujar, 
Jat,*  Tuar,  Chauhan,  Bhadauria,  Kachhwaha,  Sengar,  Bundela  ; 
each  in  associations  of  various  magnitudes,  from  the  substantive 
state  of  the  little  republic  communes  between  the  Chambal  and 
Kuwari'  [17]- 

The  Western  Desert.  —  Having  thus  sketched  the  central 
portion  of  Rajasthan,  or  that  eastward  of  the  Aravalli,  I  shall 
give  a  rapid  general  *  view  of  that  to  the  west,  conducting  the 
reader  over  the  '  Thai  ka  Tiba,'  or  '  sand  hills  '  of  the  desert,  to 
the  valley  of  the  Indus. 

The  Luni  River. — Let  the  reader  again  take  post  on  Abu,  by 
which  he  may  be  saved  a  painful  journey  over  the  Thal.^  The 
most  interesting  object  in  this  arid  '  region  of  death  '  is  the  '  salt 
river,'  the  Luni,  with  its  many  arms  falling  from  the  Aravalli  to 
enrich  the  best  portion  of  the  principality  of  Jodhpur,  and  dis- 
tinctly marking  the  line  of  that  extensive  plain  of  ever-shifting 
sand,  termed  in  Hindu  geography  Marusthali,  corrupted  to  Marwar. 

The  Luni,  from  its  sources,  the  sacred  lakes  of  Pushkar  and 
Ajmer,  and  the  more  remote  arm  from  Parbatsar  to  its  em- 
bouchure in  the  great  western  salt  marsh,  the  Rann,  has  a  course 
of  more  than  three  hundred  miles. 

In  the  term  Eirinon  of  the  historians  of  Alexander,  we  have 
the  corruption  of  the  word  Ran  or  Rann,*  still  used  to  describe 
that  extensive  fen  formed  by  the  deposits  of  the  Luni,  and  the 
equally  saturated  saline  streams  from  the  southern  desert  of 
Dhat.  It  is  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  length  ;  and  where 
broadest,  from  Bhuj  to  Baliari,  about  seventy  :  '  in  which  direc- 

^    [650  miles.] 

2  The  only  tribes  not  of  Rajput  blood.  ^  Tj^g  '  virgin  '  stream. 

*  I  do  not  repeat  the  names  of  towns  forming  the  arrondissements  of  the 
various  States ;  they  are  distinctly  laid  down  in  the  boundary  lines  of  each. 

5  Thai  is  the  general  term  for  the  sand  ridges  of  the  desert.  [Skr.  slhala, 
'  firm  ground.'] 

*  Most  probably  a  corruption  of  aranya,  or  desert ;  [or  iriiia,  irina, 
'  desert,  salt  soil '],  so  that  the  Greek  mode  of  writing  it  is  more  correct  than 
the  present. 

'  [The  area  of  the  Rann  is  about  9000  square  miles  :  its  length  150, 
breadth,  60  miles.     Bhuj  lies  inland,  not  on  the  banks  of  the  Rann.] 


20  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

tion  the  caravans  cross,  having  as  a  place  of  halt  an  insulated 
oasis  in  this  mediterranean  salt  marsh.  In  the  dry  season, 
nothing  meets  the  eye  but  an  extensive  and  glaring  sheet  of  salt, 
spread  over  its  insidious  surface,  full  of  dangerous  quicksands  : 
and  in  the  rains  it  is  a  dirty  saline  solution,  up  to  the  camels' 
girths  in  many  places.  The  little  oasis,  the  Khari  Kaba^  furnishes 
pasture  for  this  useful  animal  and  rest  for  the  traveller  pursuing 
his  journey  to  either  bank. 

The  Mirage. — It  is  on  the  desiccated  borders  ^  of  this  vast  salt 
marsh  that  the  illusory  phenomenon,  the  mirage,  presents  its 
fantastic  appearance,  pleasing  to  all  but  the  wearied  traveller, 
who  sees  a  haven  of  rest  in  the  embattled  towers,  the  peaceful 
hamlet,^  [18]  or  shady  grove,  to  which  he  hastens  in  vain  ;  reced- 
ing as  he  advances,  till  "  the  sun  in  his  might,"  dissipating  these 
"  cloud-capp'd  towers,"  reveals  the  vanity  of  his  pursuit. 

Such  phenomena  are  common  to  the  desert,  more  particularly 
where  these  extensive  saline  depositions  exist,  but  varying  from 
certain  causes.  In  most  cases,  this  powerfully  magnifying  and 
reflecting  medium  is  a  vertical  stratum  ;  at  first  dense  and 
opaque,  it  gradually  attenuates  with  increased  temperature,  till 
the  maximum  of  heat,  which  it  can  no  longer  resist,  drives  it  off 
in  an  ethereal  vapour.  This  optical  deception,  well  known  to  the 
Rajputs,  is  called  sikot,  or  '  winter  castles,'  because  chiefly 
visible  in  the  cold  season  :  hence,  possibly,  originated  the  equally 
illusory  and  delightful  '  Chateau  en  Espagne,'  so  well  known  in 
the  west.^ 

^  It  is  here  the  wild  ass  {ijorlJiar)  roams  at  large,  untamable  as  in  the 
day  of  the  Arabian  Patriarch  of  Uz,  "  whose  house  I  have  made  the  wilder- 
ness, the  barren  land  (or,  according  to  the  Hebrew,  salt  places),  his  dwelling. 
He  scorneth  the  multitude  of  the  city,  neither  regardeth  he  the  cr3ing  of  the 
driver  "  (Job  xxxix.  6,  7).  ^  Purwa. 

^  I  have  beheld  it  from  the  top  of  the  ruined  fortress  of  Hissar  with  un- 
limited range  of  vision,  no  object  to  diverge  its  ray,  save  the  miniature 
forests  ;  the  entire  circle  of  tlie  horizon  a  chain  of  more  than  fancy  could 
form  of  palaces,  towers,  and  these  airy  '  pillars  of  heaven  '  terminating  in 
turn  their  ephemeral  existence.  But  in  the  deserts  of  Dhat  and  Umrasumra, 
where  the  shepherds  pasture  their  flocks,  and  especially  where  the  alkaline 
plant  is  produced,  the  stratification  is  more  horizontal,  and  produces  more 
of  the  watery  deception.  It  is  this  illusion  to  which  the  inspired  writer 
refers,  when  he  says,  "  the  mock  pool  of  the  desert  shall  become  real  water  " 
[Isaiah  xxv.  7].  The  inhabitants  of  the  desert  term  it  Chitram,  literally 
'  the  picture,'  by  no  means  an  unhappy  designation. 


PHYSIOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN  21 

The  Desert. — From  the  north  bank  of  the  Luni  to  the  south, 
and  the  Shaikhavat  frontier  to  the  east,  the  sandy  region  com- 
mences. Bikaner,  Jodhpur,  Jaisalmer  are  all  sandy  plains, 
increasing  in  volume  as  you  proceed  westward.  All  this  portion 
of  territory  is  incumbent  on  a  sandstone  formation  :  soundings  of 
all  the  new  wells  made  from  Jodhpur  to  Ajmer  yielded  the  same 
result  :    sand,  concrete  siliceous  deposits,  and  chalk. 

Jaisalmer  is  everywhere  encircled  by  desert  ;  and  that  portion 
round  the  capital  might  not  be  improperly  termed  an  oasis,  in 
which  wheat,  barley,  and  even  rice  are  produced.  The  fortress 
is  erected  on  the  extremity  of  a  range  of  some  hundred  feet  in 
elevation,  which  can  be  traced  beyond  its  southern  confines  to  the 
ruins  of  the  ancient  Chhotan  erected  upon  them,  and  which 
tradition  has  preserved  as  the  capital  of  a  tribe,  or  prince,  termed 
Hapa,  of  whom  no  other  trace  exists.  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
this  ridge  may  be  connected  with  that  which  runs  through  the 
rich  provuice  of  Jalor  ;  consequently  an  offset  from  the  base  of 
Abu. 

Though  all  these  regions  collectively  bear  the  terra  Marusthali, 
or  '  region  of  death  '  (the  emphatic  and  figurative  phrase  for  the 
desert),  the  restrictive  definition  applies  to  a  part  only,  that 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Rathor  race  [19]. 

From  Balotra  on  the  Luni,  throughout  the  whole  of  Dhat  and 
Umrasumra,  the  western  portion  of  Jaisalmer,  and  a  broad  strip 
between  the  southern  limits  of  Daudputra  and  Bikaner,  there  is 
real  solitude  and  desolation.  But  from  the  Sutlej  to  the  Rann, 
a  space  of  five  hundred  miles  of  longitudinal  distance,  and  varying 
in  breadth  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  miles,  numerous  oases  are 
found,  where  the  shepherds  from  the  valley  of  the  Indus  and  the 
Thai  pasture  their  flocks.  The  springs  of  water  in  these  places 
have  various  appellations,  tar,  par,  rar,  dar,  all  expressive  of  the 
element,  round  which  assemble  the  Rajars,  Sodhas,  Mangalias, 
and  Sahariyas,^  inhabiting  the  desert. 

^  Sehraie  [in  the  text],  from  sahra,  '  desert.'  Hence  Sarrazin,  or  Saracen, 
is  a  corruption  from  sahra,  '  desert,'  and  zadan,  '  to  strike,'  contracted. 
Rdhzani,  '  to  strike  on  the  road  '  (rah).  Rdhbar,  '  on  the  road,'  corrupted 
by  the  Pindaris  to  labar,  the  designation  of  their  forays.  [The  true  name 
is  Sahariya,  which  has  been  connected  with  that  of  the  Savara,  a  tribe  in 
Eastern  India.  Saracen  comes  to  us  from  the  late  Latin  Saraceni,oi  which 
the  origin  is  unknown  ;  it  cannot  be  derived  from  the  Arabic  Sharqi, 
'  eastern  '  (see  New  English  Dictionary,  s.v.).] 


22  GEOGRAPHY  OF  RAJASTHAN 

I  will  not  touch  on  the  salt  lakes  or  natron  beds,  or  the  other 
products  of  the  desert,  vegetable  or  mineral  ;  though  the  latter 
might  soon  be  described,  being  confined  to  the  jasper  rock  near 
Jaisalmer,  which  has  been  much  used  in  the  beautiful  arabesques 
of  that  fairy  fabric,  at  Agra,  the  mausoleum  of  Shah  Jahan's 
queen. 

Neither  shall  I  describe  the  valley  of  the  Indus,  or  that  portion 
eastward  of  the  stream,  the  termination  of  the  sand  ridges  of  the 
desert.  I  will  inerely  remark,  that  the  small  stream  which 
breaks  from  the  Indus  at  Dara,  seven  miles  north  of  the  insulated 
Bakhar,  and  falls  into  the  ocean  at  Lakhpat,  shows  the  breadth 
of  this  eastern  portion  of  the  valley,  which  forms  the  western 
boundary  of  the  desert.  A  traveller  proceeding  from  the  Khichi 
or  flats  of  Sind  to  the  east,  sees  the  line  of  the  desert  distinctly 
marked,  with  its  elevated  tibas  or  sand  ridges  under  which  flows 
the  Sankra,  which  is  generally  dry  except  at  periodical  inunda- 
tions. These  sand-hills  are  of  considerable  elevation,  and  may 
be  considered  the  limit  of  the  inundation  of  the  '  sweet  river,' 
the  Mitha  Maran,  a  Scythic  or  Tatar  name  for  river,  and  by  which 
alone  the  Indus  is  known,  from  the  Panjnad  ^  to  the  ocean  [20]. 

^  The  confluent  arms  or  sources  of  the  Indus. 


BOOK  II 
HISTORY   OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

CHAPTER   1 

The  Puranas. — Being  desirous  of  epitomizing  the  chronicles  of 
the  martial  races  of  Central  and  Western  India,  it  was  essential  to 
ascertain  the  sources  whence  they  draw,  or  claim  to  draw,  their 
lineage.  For  this  purpose  I  obtained  from  the  library  of  the 
Rana  of  Udaipur  their  sacred  volumes,  the  Puranas,  and  laid 
them  before  a  body  of  pandits,  over  whom  presided  the  learned 
Jati  Gyanchandra.  From  these  extracts  were  made  of  all  the 
genealogies  of  the  great  races  of  Surya  and  Chandra,  and  of  facts 
historical  and  geographical. 

Most  of  the  Puranas  ^  contain  portions  of  historical  as  well  as 
geographical  knowledge  ;  but  the  Bhagavat,  the  Skanda,  the  I 
Agni,  and  the  Bhavishya  are  the  chief  guides.  It  is  rather  j 
fortunate  than  to  be  regretted  that  their  chronologies  do  not 
perfectly  agxee.  The  number  of  princes  in  each  line  varies,  and 
names  are  transposed  ;  but  we  recognize  distinctly  the  principal 
features  in  each,  affording  the  conclusion  that  they  are  the 
productions  of  various  writers,  borrowing  from  some  common 
original  source  [21]. 

^  "  Every  Parana,"  says  the  first  authority  existing  in  Sanskrit  lore, 
"  treats  of  five  subjects  :  the  creation  of  the  universe  ;  its  progress,  and  the 
renovation  of  the  world  ;  the  genealogy  of  gods  and  heroes  ;  chronology, 
according  to  a  fabulous  system  ;  and  heroic  history,  containing  the  achieve- 
ments of  demi-gods  and  heroes.  Since  each  purana  contains  a  cosmogony, 
both  mythological  and  heroic  history,  the  works  which  bear  that  title  may 
not  unaptly  be  compared  to  the  Grecian  theogonies "  ('Essay  on  the 
Sanskrit  and  Pracrit  Languages,'  by  H.  T.  Colebrooke,  Esq.  ;  As.  Res. 
vol.  vii.  p.  202).     [On  the  age  of  the  Puranas  see  Smith,  EHI,  21  if.] 

23 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Deluge  Legend. — The  Genesis  ^  of  India  commences  with  an 
event  described  in  the  history  of  almost  all  nations,  the  deluge, 
which,  though  treated  with  the  fancy  peculiar  to  the  orientals,  is 
not  the  less  entitled  to  attention.  The  essence  of  the  extract 
from  the  Agni  Pur  ana  is  this  :  "  When  ocean  quitted  his  bounds 
and  caused  universal  destruction  by  Brahma's  command,  Vaiva- 
swata  ^  Manu  (Noah),  who  dwelt  near  the  Himalaya  ^  mountains 
was  giving  water  to  the  gods  in  the  Kritamala  river,  when  a  small 
fish  fell  into  his  hand.  A  voice  commanded  him  to  preserve  it. 
The  fish  expanded  to  an  enormous  size.  Manu,  with  his  sons 
and  their  wives,  and  the  sages,  with  the  seed  of  every  living  thing, 
entered  into  a  vessel  which  was  fastened  to  a  horn  on  the  head  of 
the  fish,  and  thus  they  were  preser-fed." 

Here,  then,  the  grand  northern  chain  is  given  to  which  the 
abode  of  the  great  patriarch  of  mankind  approximated.  In  the 
Bhavishya  it  is  stated,  that  "  Vaivaswata  (sun-born)  Manu  ruled 
at  the  mountain  Sumeru.  Of  his  seed  was  Kakutstha  Raja, 
who  obtained  sovereignty  at  Ayodhya,*  and  his  descendants 
filled  the  land  and  spread  over  the  earth." 

I  am  aware  of  the  meaning  given  to  Sumeru,  that  thus  the 
Hindus  designated  the  north  pole  of  the  earth.  But  they  had 
also  a  mountain  with  this  same  appellation  of  pre-eminence  of 
Meru,  '  the  hill,'  with  the  prefix  Su,  '  good,  sacred  '  :  the  Sacred 
Hill. 

Meru,  Sumeru. — In  the  geography  of  the  Agni  Purana,  the 
term  is  used  as  a  substantial  geographical  limit  ;  ^    and  some  of 

^  Resolvable  into  Sanskrit,  janarn,  '  birth,'  and  is  and  iswar,  '  lords  ' 
\jyivw,  yl-yvofiai,  Skr.  root  jan,  '  to  generate  ']. 

^  Son  of  the  sun. 

^  The  snowy  Caucasus.  Sir  WiUiara  Jones,  in  an  extract  from  a  work 
entitled  Essence  of  the  Pooranas,  says  that  this  event  took  place  at  Dravira 
in  the  Deccan. 

*  The  present  Ajodhya,  capital  of  one  of  the  twenty-two  satrapies  con- 
stituting the  Mogul  Empire,  and  for  some  generations  held  by  the  titular 
Vizir,  who  has  recently  assumed  the  regal  title.  [Ghaziu-d-din  Haidar  in 
1819.] 

*  "  To  the  south  of  Sumeru  are  the  mountains  Himavan,  Hemakuta, 
and  Nishadha  ;  to  the  north  are  the  countries  Nil,  Sveta,  and  Sringi. 
Between  Hemachal  and  the  ocean  the  land  is  Bharatkhand,  called  Kukarraa 
Bhumi  (land  of  vice,  opposed  to  Aryavarta,  or  land  of  virtue),  in  which  the 
seven  grand  ranges  are  Mahendra,  Malaya,  Sahya,  Suktimat,  Riksha, 
Vindhya,  and  Paripatra  "  {Agni  Purana). 


EARLY  TRADITIONS  25 

the  rivers  flowing  from  the  mountainous  ranges,  whose  relative 
position  with  Sumeru  are  thei'e  defined,  still  retain  their  ancient 
appellations.  Let  us  not  darken  the  subject,  by  supposing  only 
allegorical  meanings  attached  to  explicit  points.  In  the  distribu- 
tion of  their  seven  dwipas,  or  continents,  though  they  interpose 
seas  of  curds,  milk,  or  wine,  we  should  not  reject  strong  and 
evident  facts,  because  subsequent  ignorant  interpolators  filled 
up  the  page  with  puerilities  [22]. 

This  sacred  mountain  (Sumeru)  is  claimed  by  the  Brahmans 
as  the  abode  of  Mahadeva,^  Adiswar,^  or  Baghes  ' ;  by  the  Jains, 
as  the  abode  of  Adinath,*  the  first  Jiniswara,  or  Jain  lord.  Here 
they  say  he  taught  mankind  the  arts  of  agriculture  and  civilized 
life.  The  Greeks  claimed  it  as  the  abode  of  Bacchus  ;  and  hence 
the  Grecian  fable  of  this  god  being  taken  from  the  thigh  of  Jupiter, 
confounding  rncros  (thigh)  with  the  merii  (hill)  of  this  Indian 
deity.  In  this  vicinity  the  followers  of  Alexander  had  their 
Saturnalia,  drank  to  excess  of  the  wine  from  its  indigenous  vines, 
and  bound  their  brows  with  ivy  (vela)  ^  sacred  to  the  Baghes  of  the 
east  and  west,  whose  votaries  alike  indulge  in  '  strong  drink.' 

These  traditions  appear  to  point  to  one  spot,  and  to  one 
individual,  in  the  early  history  of  mankind,  when  the  Hindu  and 
the  Greek  approach  a  common  focus  ;  for  there  is  little  doubt 
that  Adinath,  Adiswara,  Osiris,  Baghes,  Bacchus,  Manu,  Menes 
designate  the  patriarch  of  majjikind,  Noah. 

The  Hindus  can  at  this  time  give  only  a  very  general  idea  of 
the  site  of  Meru  ;  but  they  appear  to  localize  it  in  a  space  of 
which  Bamian,  Kabul,  and  Ghazni  would  be  the  exterior  points. 
The  former  of  these  cities  is  Known  to  possess  remains  of  the 

^  The  Creator,  literally  '  the  Great  God. 

2  The  '  first  lord.' 

^  Baghes,  '  the  tiger  lord.  He  wears  a  tiger's  or  panther's  hide  ;  which 
he  places  beneath  him.  So  Bacchus  did.  The  phallus  is  the  emblem  of 
each.  Baghes  has  several  temples  in  Mewar.  [In  identifying  Bacchus  with 
a  Hindu  tiger  god  the  author  depended  on  Asiatic  Researches,  i.  258,  viii.  51. 
For  the  Greek  story  in  the  text  see  Quintus  Curtius  viii.  10;  Diodorus  iii.  63; 
Arrian,  Anabasis,  vii.] 

*  First  lord. 

'  Vela  is  the  general  term  for  a  climber,  sacred  to  the  Indian  Bacchus 
(Baghes,  Adiswara,  or  Mahadeva),  whose  priests,  following  his  example, 
are  fond  of  intoxicating  beverages,  or  drugs.  The  amarbel,  or  immortal 
vela,  is  a  noble  cUmber. 


26  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

religion  of  Buddha,  in  its  caves  and  colossal  statues.^  The 
Paropamisaa  Alexandria  is  near  Baniian ;  but  the  Meru  and 
Nyssa  ^  of  Alexander  are  placed  more  to  the  eastward  by  the 
jGreek  writers,  and  according  to  the  cautious  Arrian  between 
the  Cophas  and  Indus.  Authority  localizes  it  between  Peshawar 
and  Jalalabad,  and  calls  it  Merkoh,  or  Markoh,*  "  a  bare  rock 
2000  feet  high  [23]  with  caves  to  the  westward,  termed  Bedaulat 
by  the  Emperor  Humayun  from  its  dismal  appearance."  *     This 

^  ["  In  the  Tuman  of  Zohak  and  Bamiiin,  the  fortress  of  Zohak  is  a 
monument  of  great  antiquity,  and  in  good  preservation,  but  the  fort  of 
Bamian  is  in  ruins.  In  the  mountain -side  caves  have  been  excavated  and 
ornamented  with  plaster  and  paintings.  Of  these  there  are  12,000  which 
are  called  Sumaj,  and  in  former  times  were  used  by  the  people  as  winter 
retreats.  Three  colossal  figures  are  here  :  one  is  the  statue  of  a  man, 
80  yards  in  height ;  another  that  of  a  woman,  50  yards  high,  and  the  third 
that  of  a  child  measuring  15  yards.  Strange  to  relate,  in  one  of  the  caves 
is  placed  a  coffin  containing  the  body  of  one  who  reposes  in  his  last  sleep. 
The  oldest  and  most  learned  of  antiquarians  can  give  no  account  of  its 
origin,  but  suppose  it  to  be  of  great  antiquity.  In  days  of  old  the  ancients 
prepared  a  medicament  with  which  they  anointed  corpses  and  consigned 
them  to  earth  in  a  hard  soil.  The  simple,  deceived  by  this  art,  attribute 
their  preservation  to  a  miracle  "  {Ain,  ii.  409  f.,  with  Jarrett's  notes).  For 
Bamian  see  EB,  iii.  304  f.] 

2  Nishadha  is  mentioned  in  the  Parana  as  a  mountain.  If  in  the  genitive 
case  (which  the  final  syllable  marks),  it  would  be  a  local  term  given  from 
the  city  of  Nissa.  [Nysa  has  no  connexion  with  Nishadha.  It  probably 
lay  near  Jalalabad  or  Koh-i  Mor  (Smith^HI,  53).] 

*  Meru,  Sanskrit,  and  Koh,  Persian,  for  a  '  hiU.' 

*  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  vi.  p.  497.  Wilford  appears  to  have  borrowed 
largely  from  that  ancient  store-house  (as  the  Hindu  would  call  it)  of  learning. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  History  of  the  World.  He  combines,  however,  mucli  of 
what  that  great  man  had  so  singularly  acquired  and  condensed,  with  what 
he  himself  collected,  and  with  the  aid  of  imagination  has  formed  a  curious 
mosaic.  But  when  he  took  a  peep  into  "  the  chorographical  description  of 
the  Terrestrial  Paradise,"  I  am  surprised  he  did  not  separate  the  nurseries 
of  mankind  before  and  after  the  flood.  There  is  one  passage,  also,  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  which  would  have  aided  his  hypothesis,  that  Eden  was  in 
Higher  Asia,  between  the  common  sources  of  the  Jihun  and  other  grand 
rivers  :  the  abundance  of  the  Ficus  Indica,  or  bar-tree,  sacred  to  the  first 
lord,  Adnath  or  Mahadeva. 

"  Now  for  the  tree  of  knowledge  of  good  and  evil,  some  men  have  pre- 
sumed further  ;  especially  Gorapius  Bocanus,  who  giveth  liimself  the  honour 
to  have  found  out  the  kind  of  this  tree,  which  none  of  the  writers  of  former 
times  could  ever  guess  at,  whereat  Gorapius  much  marvelleth." 

"  Both  together  went 

Into  the  thickest  v/ood ;  there  soon  they  chose 


EARLY  TRADITIONS  27 

designation,  however,  of  Dasht-i  Bedaulat,  or  '  unhappy  plain,' 
was  given  to  the  tract  between  the  cities  beforementioned  [24]. 
The  only  scope  of  these  remarks  on  Sumeru  is  to  show  that 

The  fig  tree ;  not  that  kind  for  fruit  renowned. 
But  such  as  at  this  day,  to  Indians  known 
In  Malabar  or  Decan,  spreads  her  arms 
Branching  so  broad  and  long,  that  in  the  ground 
The  bended  twigs  take  root,  and  daughters  grow 
About  the  mother  tree,  a  pillar'd  shade 
High  overarched,  and  echoing  walks  between. 
There  oft  the  Indian  herdsman,  shunning  heat, 
Shelters  in  cool  and  tends  his  pasturing  herds." 

"  Those  leaves 

They  gathered,  broad  as  Amazonian  targe." 

Paradise  Lost,  Book  ix.  1100  ff. 

Sir  V/alter  strongly  supports  the  Hindu  hypothesis  regarding  the  locality 
of  the  nursery  for  rearing  mankind,  and  that  "  India  was  the  first  planted 
and  peopled  countrie  after  the  flood  "  (p.  99).  His  first  argument  is,  that 
it  was  a  place  where  the  vine  and  olive  were  indigenous,  as  amongst  the 
Sakai  Scythai  (and  as  they  still  are,  together  with  oats,  between  Kabul  and 
Bamian) ;  and  that  Ararat  could  not  be  in  Armenia,  because  the  Gordian 
mountains  on  which  the  ark  rested  were  in  longitude  75°,  and  the  VaUey  of 
Shinar  79°  to  80°,  which  would  be  reversing  the  tide  of  migration.  "As 
they  journeyed  from  the  East,  they  found  a  plain,  in  the  land  of  Shinar,  and 
they  dwelt  there  "  (Genesis,  chap.  xi.  ver.  2).  He  adds,  "  Ararat,  named 
by  Moses,  is  not  any  one  hill,  but  a  general  term  for  the  great  Caucasian 
range  ;  therefore  we  must  blow  up  this  mountain  Ararat,  or  dig  it  down 
and  carry  it  out  of  Armenia,  or  find  it  elsewhere  in  a  warmer  country,  and 
east  from  Shinar."  He  therefore  places  it  in  Indo-Scythia,  in  140°  of 
longitude  and  35°  to  37°  of  latitude,  "  where  the  mountains  do  build  them- 
selves exceeding  high  "  :  and  concludes,  "  It  was  in  the  plentiful  warm  East 
where  Noah  rested,  where  he  planted  the  viae,  where  he  tilled  the  ground 
and  hved  thereon.  Placuit  vero  Noacho  agricultur£e  studium  in  qua  trac- 
tanda  ipse  omnium  peritissimus  esse  dicitur ;  ob  eamque  rem,  sua  ipsius 
lingua,  Ish-Adamath  :  *  hoc  est,  Telluris  Vir,  appellatur,  celebratusque  est. 
The  study  of  husbandry  pleased  Noah  (says  the  excellent  learned  man,  Arius 
Montanus)  in  the  order  and  knowledge  of  which  it  is  said  that  Noah  excelled 
all  men,  and  therefore  was  he  called  in  his  own  language,  a  man  exercised  in 
the  earth."      The  title,  character,  and  abode  exactly  suit  the  description 

*  In  Sanskrit,  Ish,  '  Lord,'  adi,  '  the  first,'  matti,  '  Earth.'  [The  deriva- 
tion is  absurd  :  matti,  '  clay,'  is  modern  Hindi.]  Here  the  Sanskrit  and 
Hebrew  have  the  same  meaning,  '  first  lord  of  the  earth.'  In  these  remote 
Rajput  regions,  where  early  manners  and  language  remain,  the  strongest 
phrase  to  denote  a  man  or  human  being  is  literally  '  earth.'  A  chief  de- 
scribing a  fray  between  his  own  followers  and  borderers  whence  death 
ensued,  says,  Meri  matti  mdri,  '  My  earth  has  been  struck  '  :  a  phrase 
requiring  no  comment,  and  denoting  that  he  must  have  blood  in  return. 


28  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

the  Hindus  themselves  do  not  make  India  within  the  Indus  the 
cradle  of  their  race,  but  west,  amidst  the  hills  of  Caucasus,' 
whence  the  sons  of  Vaivaswata,  or  the  '  sun-born,'  migrated 
eastward  to  the  Indus  and  Ganges,  and  founded  their  first  estab- 
lishment in  Kosala,  the  capital,  Ayodhya,  or  Oudh. 

Most  nations  have  indulged  the  desire  of  fixing  the  source 
whence  they  issued,  and  few  spots  possess  more  interest  than 
this  elevated  Madhya-Bhumi,  or  '  central  region  '  of  Asia,  where 
the  Amu,  Oxus,  or  Jihun,  and  other  rivers,  have  their  rise,  and  in 
which  both  the  Surya  and  Indu  *  races  (Sakha)  claim  the  hill,' 

the  Jains  give  of  their  first  Jiniswara,  Adinath,  the  first  lordly  man,  who 
taught  them  agriculture,  even  to  "  muzzling  the  bull  in  treading  out  the  corn." 

Had  Sir  Walter  been  aware  that  the  Hindu  sacred  books  styled  their 
country  Aryavarta,*  and  of  which  the  great  Imaus  is  the  northern  boundary, 
he  would  doubtless  have  seized  it  for  his  Ararat.  [Needless  to  say,  these 
speculations  are  obsolete.] 

^  Hindu,  or  Indu-kush  or  koh,  is  the  local  appellation  ;  '  mountain  of 
the  moon.'  [Hindu-kush  is  said  to  mean  '  Hindu-slayer '  or  '  Indian 
Caucasus.']  ^  Solar  and  lunar. 

*  Meru,  '  the  hill,'  is  used  distinctively,  as  in  Jaisalmer  (the  capital  of  the 
Bhatti  tribe  in  the  Western  Desert),  '  the  hill  of  Jaisal '  ;  Merwara,  or  the 
'  mountainous  region  '  ;  and  its  inhabitants  Meras,  or  '  mountaineers.' 
Thus,  also,  in  the  grand  epic  the  Ramayana  (Book  i.  p.  236),  Mena  is  the 
mountain-nymph,  the  daughter  of  Meru  and  spouse  of  Himavat ;  from 
whom  sprung  two  daughters,  the  river  goddess  Ganga  and  the  mountain- 
nymph  Parbati.  She  is,  in  the  Mahabharata,  also  termed  Saila,  the  daughter 
of  Sail,  another  designation  of  the  snowy  chain  ;  and  hence  mountain 
streams  are  called  in  Sanskrit  sillelee  [?].  Saila  bears  the  same  attributes 
with  the  Phrygian  Cybele,  who  was  also  the  daughter  of  a  mountain  of  the 
same  name  ;  the  one  is  carried,  the  other  drawn,  by  lions.  Thus  the  Greeks 
also  metamorphosed  Parbat  Pamer,  or  '  the  mountain  Pamer,'  into  Paro- 
pamisan,  apphed  to  the  Hindu  Koh  west  of  Bamian  :  but  the  Parbat  pat 
Pamer,  or  '  Pamer  chief  of  hills,'  is  mentioned  by  the  bard  Chand  as  being 
far  cast  of  that  tract,  and  under  it  resided  Hamira,  one  of  the  great  feuda- 
tories of  Prithwiraja  of  Delhi.  Had  it  been  Paropanisan  (as  some  authorities 
write  it),  it  would  better  accord  with  the  locality  where  it  takes  up  the  name, 
being  near  to'Nyssa  and  Meru,  of  which  Parbat  or  Pahar  would  be  a  version, 
and  form  Paronisan,  '  the  Mountain  of  Nyssa,'  the  range  Nishadha  of  the 
Puranas.     [The  true  form   is   Paropanisos :    the   suggested   derivation   is 

impossible.] 

. ^ 

*  Afydvarta,  or  the  land  of  promise  or  virtue,  cannot  extend  to  the  flat 
plains  of  India  south  of  the  Himavat  ;  for  this  is  styled  in  the  Puranas  the 
very  reverse,  kukarma  des,  or  land  of  vice.  [Aryavarta  is  the  land  bounded 
by  the  Himalaya  and  Vindhya,  from  the  eastern  to  the  western  seas  (Manu, 
Laws,  ii.  22).] 


EARLY  TRADITIONS  :   GENEALOGIES  29 

sacred  to  a  great  patriarchal  ancestor,  whence  they  migrated 
eastward. 

The  Rajput  tribes  could  scarcely  have  acquired  some  of  their 
still  existing  Scythic  habits  and  warlike  superstitions  on  the 
burning  plains  of  Ind  It  was  too  hot  to  hail  with  fervent  adora- 
tion the  return  of  the  sun  from  his  southern  course  to  enliven  the 
northern  hemisphere.  This  should  be  the  religion  of  a  colder 
clime,  brought  from  their  first  haunts,  the  sources  of  the  Jihim 
and  Jaxartes.  The  grand  solstitial  festival,  the  Aswamedha,  or 
sacrifice  of  the  horse  (the  type  of  the  sun),  practised  by  the 
children  of  Vaivaswata,  the  '  sun-born,'  was  most  probably 
simultaneously  introduced  from  Scythia  into  the  plains  of  Ind, 
and  west,  by  the  sons  of  Odin,  Woden,  or  Budha,  into  Scandinavia, 
where  it  became  the  Hi-el  or  Hi-ul,^  the  festival  of  the  winter 
solstice  ;  the  grand  jubilee  of  northern  nations,  and  in  the  first 
ages  of  Christianity,  being  so  near  the  epoch  of  its  rise,  gladly 
used  by  the  first  fathers  of  the  church  to  perpetuate  that 
event-  [25|, 

CHAPTER  2 

Puranie  Genealogies. — The  chronicles  of  the  Bhagavat  and  Agni, 
containing  the  genealogies  of  the  Surya  (sun)  and  Indu  [moon) 
races,  shall  now  be  examined.  The  first  of  these,  by  calculation, 
brings  down  the  chain  to  a  period  six  centuries  subsequent  to 
Vikramaditya  (a.d.  650),  so  that  these  books  may  have  beeiV 
remodelled  or  commented  on  about  this  period  :  their  fabrication' 
cannot  be  supposed. 

Althovigh  portions  of  these  genealogies  by  Sir  William  Jones, 
Mr.  Bentley,  and  Colonel  Wilford,  have  appeared  in  the  volumes  of 
the  Asiatic  Researches,  yet  no  one  should  rest  satisfied  with  the 
inquiries  of  others,  if  by  any  process  he  can  reach  the  fountain- 
head  himself. 

If,  after  all,  these  are  fabricated  genealogies  of  tbe  ancient 

^  Ilaya  or  Hi,  in  Sanskrit,  '  horse  ' — El,  '  sun  '  :  whence  ittttos  and  rJ\(os. 
HX  appears  to  have  been  a  term  of  Scythian  origin  for  the  sun  ;  and  Hari, 
the  Indian  Apollo,  is  addressed  as  the  sun.  Hiul,  or  Jul,  of  northern  nations 
(qu.  Noel  of  France  ?),  is  the  Hindu  Sankranti,  of  which  more  will  be  said 
hereafter.  [The  feast  was  known  as  Hvil,  .Tnl,  or  Yule,  and  the  suggested 
derivation  is  impossible.] 

*  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities. 


30  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

families  of  India,  the  fabrication  is  of  ancient  date,  and  they  are 
all  they  know  themselves  upon  the  subject.  The  step  next  in 
importance  to  obtaining  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  genuine 
early  history  of  nations,  is  to  learn  Avhat  those  nations  repute 
to  be  such. 

I  Doubtless  the  original  Puranas  contained  much  valuable 
historical  matter  ;  but,  at  present,  it  is  difficult  to  separate  a 
little  pure  metal  from  the  base  alloy  of  ignorant  expounders  and 
interpolators.  I  have  but  skimmed  the  surface  :  research,  to 
the  capable,  may  yet  be  rewarded  by  many  isolated  facts  and 
important  transactions,  now  hid  under  the  veil  of  ignorance  and 
allegory. 

Neglect  of  History  by  the  Hindus. — The  Hindus,  with  the  de- 
crease of  intellectual  power,  their  possession  of  which  is  evinced 
by  their  architectural  remains,  where  just  proportion  and  elegant 
mythological  device  are  still  visible,  lost  the  relish  for  the  beauty 
of  truth,  and  adopted  the  monstrous  in  their  writings  as  well  as 
their  edifices.  But  for  detection  and  shame,  matters  of  history 
would  be  hideously  distorted  even  in  civilized  Europe  ;  but  in 
the  East,  in  the  moral  decrepitude  of  ancient  Asia,  with  no  judge 
to  condemn,  no  public  to  praise,  each  priestly  expounder  may 
revel  in  a:n  unfettered  imagination,  and  reckon  his  admirers  in 
proportion  to  the  mixture  of  the  marvellous  ^  [26].  Plain  histori- 
cal truths  have  long  ceased  to  interest  this  artificially  fed  people. 

If  at  such  a  comparatively  modern  period  as  the  third  century 
before  Christ,  the  Babylonian  historian  Berosus  composed  his 
fictions,  which  assigned  to  that  monarchy  such  incredible  anti- 
quity, it  became  capable  of  refutation  from  the  many  historians 
of  repute  who  preceded  him.  But  on  the  fabulist  of  India  we 
have  no  such  check.  If  Vyasa  himself  penned  these  legends  as 
now  existing,  then  is  the  stream  of  knowledge  corrupt  from  the 
fountain-head.  If  such  the  source,  the  stream,  filtering  through 
ages  of  ignorance,  has  only  been  increased  by  fresh  impurities. 
It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  arts  and  sciences  could  advance, 

^  The  celebrated  Goguet  remarks  on  the  ii'.adness  of  most  nations  pre- 
tending to  trace  their  origin  to  infinity.  The  Babylonians,  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  Scythians,  particularly,  piqued  themselves  on  their  high  antiquity, 
and  the  first  assimilate  with- the  Hindus  in  boasting  they  had  observed  the 
course  of  the  stars  473,000  years.  Each  heaped  ages  on  ages  ;  but  the 
foundations  of  this  pretended  antiquity  are  not  supported  by  probability, 
and  are  even  of  modern  invention  (Origin  of  Laws). 


PURANIC  GENEALOGIES  31 

when  it  is  held  impious  to  doubt  the  truth  of  whatever  has  been 
handed  down,  and  still  more  to  suppose  that  the  degenerate  could 
improve  thereon.  The  highest  ambition  of  the  present  learned 
priesthood,  generation  after  generation,  is  to  be  able  to  compre- 
hend what  has  thus  reached  them,  and  to  form  commentaries 
upon  past  wisdom  ;  v>'hich  commentaries  are  commented  on  ad  J 
infinitum.  \Mioever  dare  now  aspire  to  improve  thereon  mustj 
keep  the  secret  in  his  own  breast.  They  are  but  the  expounders 
of  the  olden  oracles  ;  were  they  more  they  would  be  infidels. 
But  this  could  not  always  Imve  been  the  case.  ^ 

With  the  Hindus,  as  with  other  nations,  the  progress  to  the 
heights  of  science  they  attained  must  have  been  gradual  ;  unless 
we  take  from  them  the  merit  of  original  invention,  and  set  them 
down  as  borrowers  of  a  system.  These  slavish  fetters  of  the 
mind  must  have  been  forged  at  a  later  period,  and  it  is  fair  to 
infer  that  the  monopoly  of  science  and  religion  was  simultaneous. 
What  must  be  the  effect  of  such  monopoly  on  the  impulses  and 
operations  of  the  understanding  ?  Where  such  exists,  knowledge 
could  not  long  remain  stationary' ;  it  must  perforce  retrograde. 
Could  we  but  discover  the  period  when  religion  ^  ceased  to  be  a 
profession  [27]  and  became  hereditary  (and  that  such  there  was 
these  very  genealogies  bear  evidence),  we  might  approximate  the 
era  when  science  attained  its  height. 

The  Priestly  Office. — In  the  early  ages  of  these  Solar  and  Lunar 
dynasties,  the  priestly  office  was  not  hereditary  in  families  ;  it 
was  a  profession  ;  and  the  genealogies  exhibit  frequent  instances 
of  branches  of  these  races  terminating  their  martial  career  in  the 

^  It  has  been  said  that  the  Brahmanical  religion  was  foreign  to  India  ; 
but  as  to  the  period  of  importation  we  have  but  loose  assertion.     We  can 
easily  give  credit  to  various  creeds  and  tenets  of  faith  being  from  time  to 
time  incorporated,  ere  the  present  books  were  composed,  and  that  previously 
the  sons  of  royalty  alone  possessed  the  office.     Authorities  of  weight  infonn  t 
us  of  these  grafts  ;    for  instance,  Mr.  Colebrooke  gives  a  passage  in  his  I 
Indian  Classes :    "  A  chief  of  the  twice-bom  tribe  was  brought  by  Vishnu's  j  "it 
eagle  from  Saca  Dwipa  ;  hence  Saca  Dwipa  Brahmins  were  known  in  Jambu  1 
Dwipa."     By  Saka  Dwipa,  Scythia  is  understood,  of  which  more  will  be  ' 
said  hereafter.     Ferishta  also,  translating  from  ancient  authorities,  says, 
to  the  same  effect,  that  "  in  the  reign  of  Mahraje,  King  of  Canouj,  a  Brahmin  ' 
came  from  Persia,  who  introduced  magic,  idolatry,  and  the  worship  of  tlie 
stars  "  ;   so  that  there  is  no  want  of  authority  for  the  introduction  of  new 
tenets  of  faith.     [The  passage,  inaccurately  quoted,  is  taken  from  Dow  i.  16. 
See  Briggs's  translation,  i.  Introd.  Ixviii.] 


7f 


32  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

commencement  of  a  religions  sect,  or  gotra,  and  of  their  descend- 
ants reassuming  their  warhke  occupations.  Thus,  of  the  ten 
sons  of  Ikshwaku,^  three  are  represented  as  abandoning  worldly 
affairs  and  taking  to  religion  ;  and  one  of  these,  Kanina,  is  said  to 
be  the  first  who  made  an  agnihotra,  or  pyreum,  and  worshipped 
fire,  while  another  son  embraced  commerce.  Of  the  Lunar  line 
and  the  six  sons  of  Pururavas,  the  name  of  the  fourth  was  Raya ; 
"  from  him  the  fifteenth  generation  was  Harita,  who  with  his 
eight  brothers  took  to  the  office  of  religion,  and  established  the 
Kausika  Gotra,  or  tribe  of  Brahmans." 

From  the  twenty-fourth  prince  in  lineal  descent  from  Yayati, 
by  name  Bharadwaja,  originated  a  celebrated  sect,  who  still 
bear  his  name,  and  are  the  spiritual  teachers  of  several  Rajput 
tribes. 

Of  the  twenty-sixth  prince,  Manava,  two  sons  devoted  them- 
selves to  religion,  and  established  celebrated  sects,  viz.  Mahavira, 
whose  descendants  were  the  Pushkar  Brahmans  ;  and  Sankriti. 
whose  issue  were  learned  in  the  Vedas  From  the  line  of  Ajamidha 
these  ministers  of  religion  were  continually  branching  off. 

In  the  very  early  periods,  the  princes  of  the  Solar  line,  like  the 
Egyptians  and  Romans,  combined  the  offices  of  the  priesthood 
with  kingly  power,  and  this  whether  Brahmanical  or  Buddhist.* 
Many  of  the  royal  line,  before  and  subsequent  to  Rama,  passed 
great  part  of  their  lives  as  ascetics  ;  and  in  ancient  sculpture  and 
drawings  the  head  is  as  often  adorned  with  the  braided  lock  of 
the  ascetic  as  with  the  diadem  of  royalty.* 

The  greatest  monarchs  bestowed  their  daughters  on  these 
royal  hermits  and  sages  [28].  Ahalya,  the  daughter  of  the  power- 
ful Panchala,*  became  the  wife  of  the  ascetic  Gautama.  Tlie 
sage  .Jamadagni  espoused  the  daughter  of  Sahasra  '^  Arjuna,  of 

^  Sec  Table  T.  [now  obsolete,  not  reprinted]. 

^  Some  of  the  earlier  of  the  twenty-four  Tirthakaras,  or  Jain  hierarchs, 
trace  their  origin  from  the  solar  race  of  princes.  [As  usual,  Buchlhisni 
confused  with  Jainism.] 

'  Even  now  the  Rana  of  Mewar  mingles  sj^iritual  duties  with  those  of 
royalty,  and  when  he  attends  the  temple  of  the  tutelary  deity  of  his  race, 
he  performs  himself  all  the  offices  of  the  high  priest  for  the  day.  In  this 
point  a  strong  resemblance  exists  to  many  of  the  races  of  antiquity. 

■•  Prince  of  the  country  of  Panjab,  or  five  streams  east  of  the  Indus. 
[Panchrda  was  in  the  Ganges-Jumna  Duab  and  its  neighbourhood.] 

''  The  legend  of  this  monarch  stealing  his  son-in-law's,  the  hermit's,  cow 
(of  which  the  Ramayana  gives  another  version),  the  incarnation  of  Para- 


PURANIC  GENEALOGIES  33 

Mahishmat,'  king  of  the  Haihaya  tribe,  a  great  branch  of  the 
Yadu  race. 

Among  the  Egyptians,  according  to  Herodotus  [ii.  87,  141],  the 
priests  succeeded  to  sovereignty,  as  they  and  the  mihtary  class 
alone  could  hold  lands ;  and  Sethos,  the  priest  of  Vulcan,  caused 
a  revolution,  by  depriving  the  military  of  their  estates. 

We  have  various  instances  in  India  of  the  Brahmans  from 
Jamadagni  to  the  Mahratta  Peshwa,  contesting  for  sovereignty  ; 
power  *  and  homage  being  still  their  great  aim,  as  in  the  days  of 
Vishvamitra  ^  and  Vasishtha,  the  royal  sages  [29]  whom  "  Janaka 

suram,  son  of  Jamadagni,  and  his  exploits,  appear  purely  allegorical,  signify- 
ing the  violence  and  oj)pression  of  royalty  over  the  earth  (prithivi),  personified 
by  the  sacred  gao,  or  cow^  and  that  the  Brahmans  were  enabled  to 'wrest 
royalty  from  the  martial  tribe,  shows  how  they  had  multiplied. 

On  the  derivatives  from  the  word  gao,  I  venture  an  etymologj^  for  others 
to  pursue  : 

I'AI A,  yia,  yij  (Dor.  7a),  that  which  produces  aU  things  (from  ydoj,  genero) ; 
the  earth. — Jones's  Dictionary. 

TAAA,  IVIilk.  Gaola,  Herdsman,  in  Sanskrit.  VaXariKoi,  KeXroL, 
Galatians,  or  Gauls,  and  Celts  (allowed  to  be  the  same)  would  be  the  shep- 
herd races,  the  pastoral  invaders  of  Europe  [?]. 

^  Maheswar,  on  the  Nerbudda  River. 

^  Hindustan  abounds  with  Brahmans,  who  make  excellent  soldiers,  as 
far  as  bravery  is  a  virtue  ;  but  our  oflficers  are  cautious,  from  experience,  of 
admitting  too  many  into  a  troop  or  company,  for  they  still  retain  their 
intriguing  habits.  I  have  seen  nearly  as  many  of  the  Brahmans  as  of 
mihtary  in  some  companies ;  a  dangerous  error  [reaUzed  in  the  Great 
Mutiny].  ; 

*  The  Brahman  Vasishtha  possessed  a  cow  named  Savala,  so  fruitful  that 
with  her  assistance  he  could  accomplish  whatever  he  desired.  By  her  aid 
he  entertained  King  Vishvamitra  and  his  army.  It  is  evident  that  this  cow 
denotes  some  tract  of  country  which  the  priest  held  (bearing  in  mind  that 
gao,  prithivi,  signify  '  the  earth,'  as  well  as  '  cow  ')  :  a  grant,  beyond  doubt, 
by  some  of  Vishvamitra's  unwise  ancestors,  and  which  he  wislied  to  resume. 
From  her  were  suppUed  "  the  oblations  to  the  gods  and  the  pitrideva  (father- 
gods,  or  ancestors),  the  perpetual  sacrificial  fire,  the  burnt-oli'erings  and 
sacrifices."  This  was  "  the  fountain  of  devotional  acts  "  ;  this  was  the 
Savala  for  which  the  king  offered  "  a  hundred  thousand  cows  "  ;  this  was 
"  the  jewel  of  which  a  king  only  should  be  proprietor." — The  subjects  of  the 
Brahman  appeared  not  to  relish  such  transfer,  and  by  "  the  lowing  of  the 
I  cow  Savala  "  obtained  numerous  foreign  auxiliaries,  which  enabled  the 
I  Brahman  to  set  his  sovereign  at  defiance.  Of  these  "  the  Pahlavi  (Persian) 
;  kings,  the  dreadful  Sakas  (Sakai),  and  Yavanas  (Greeks),  with  scymitars  and 
;  gold  armour,  the  Kambojas,"  etc.,  were  each  in  turn  created  by  the  aU- 
producing  cow.  The  armies  of  the  Pahlavi  kings  were  cut  to  pieces  by 
Vishvamitra  ;   who  at  last,  by  continual  reinforcements,  was  overpowered 

VOL.  I  D 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIRES 

sovereign  of  Mitliila,  addressed  witli  folded  hands  in  token  of 
superiority." 

Relations  of  Rajputs  with  Brahmans. — But  this  deference  for 
the  Brahmans  is  certainly,  with  many  Rajput  classes,  very  weak. 
In  obedience  to  prejudice,  they  show  them  outward  civility  ;  but, 
unless  when  their  fears  or  wishes  interfere,  they  are  less  esteemed 
than  the  bards. 

The  story  of  the  King  Vishvamitra  of  Gadhipura  ^  and  the 
Brahman  Vasishtha,  which  fills  so  many  sections  of  the  first  book 
of  the  Ramayana,^  exemplifies,  under  the  veil  of  allegory,  the 

by  the  Brahman's  levies.  These  reinforcements  would  appear  to  have  been 
the  ancient  Persians,  the  Sacae,  the  Greeks,  the  inhabitants  of  Assam  and 
Southern  India,  and  various  races  out  of  the  jiale  of  the  Hindu  rehgion  ; 
all  classed  under  the  term  Mlechchha,  equivalent»to  the  '  barbarian  '  of  the 
Greeks  and  Romans. 

The  King  Vishvamitra,  defeated  and  disgraced  by  this  powerful  priest, 
"  like  a  serpent  with  his  teeth  broken,  like  the  sun  robbed  by  the  eclipse  of 
its  splendour,  was  filled  with  perturbation.  Deprived  of  his  sons  and  array, 
stripped  of  his  pride  and  confidence,  he  was  left  without  resource  as  a  bird 
bereft  of  his  wings."  He  abandoned  his  kingdom  to  his  son,  and  like  all 
Hindu  princes  in  distress,  determined,  by  penitential  rites  and  austerities, 
"  to  obtain  Brahmanhood."  He  took  up  his  abode  at  the  sacred  Pushkar, 
living  on  fruits  and  roots,  and  fixing  his  mind,  said,  "  I  will  become  a  Brah- 
man." By  these  penances  he  attained  such  spiritual  power  that  he  was 
enabled  to  usurp  the  Brahman's  office.  The  theocrats  caution  Vishvamitra, 
thus  determined  to  become  a  Brahman  by  austerity,  that  "  the  divine  books 
are  to  be  observed  with  care  only  by  those  acquainted  with  their  evidence  ; 
nor  does  it  become  thee  (Vishvamitra)  to  subvert  the  order  of  things  estab- 
lished by  the  ancients."  The  history  of  his  wanderings,  austerities,  and  the 
temptations  thrown  in  his  way  is  related.  The  celestial  fair  were  com- 
missioned to  break  in  upon  his  meditations.  The  mother  of  love  herself 
descended  ;  while  Indra,  joining  the  cause  of  the  Brahmans,  took  the  shape 
of  the  kokila,  and  added  the  melody  of  his  notes  to  the  allurements  of 
Rambha,  and  the  perfumed  zephyrs  which  assailed  the  royal  saint  in  the 
wilderness.  He  was  proof  against  all  temptation,  and  condemned  the  fair 
to  become  a  pillar  of  stone.  He  persevered  "  till  every  passion  was  subdued," 
till  "  not  a  tincture  of  sin  appeared  in  him,"  and  gave  such  alarm  to  the 
whole  priesthood,  that  they  dreaded  lest  his  excessive  sanctity  should  be 
fatal  to  them  :  they  feared  "  mankind  would  become  atheists."  "  The 
gods  and  Brahma  at  their  head  were  obliged  to  grant  his  desire  of  Brahman- 
hood ;  and  Vashishtha,  conciliated  by  the  gods,  acquiesced  in  their  wish, 
and  formed  a  friendship  with  Vishvamitra  "  [Muir,  Original  Sanskril  Texts, 
Part  i.  (1858),  75  ff.]. 

^  Kanauj,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  present  race  of  Marwar.     [This  is  a 
myth. J 

*  See  translation  of  this  epic,  by  Messrs.  Carey  and  Marshman  [in  verse, 
by  R.  T.  H.  Griffith]. 


PURANIC  GENEALOGIES  35 

contests  for  power  between  the  Brahmanical  and  military  classes, 
and  will  serve  to  indicate  the  probable  period  when  the  castes 
became  immutable.  Stripped  of  its  allegory,  the  legend  appears  to 
point  to  a  time  when  the  division  of  the  classes  was  yet  imperfect ; 
though  we  may  infer,  from  the  violence  of  the  struggle,  that  it  was 
the  last  in  which  Brahmanhood  could  be  obtained  by  the  military. 

Vishvamitra  was  the  son  of  Gadhi  (of  the  race  of  Kausika),  King 
of  Gadhipura,  and  contemporary  of  Ambarisha,  King  of  Ayodhya 
or  Oudh,  the  fortieth  prince  from  Ikshwaku  ;  consequently  about 
two  hundred  years  anterior  to  Rama.  This  event  therefore, 
whence  we  infer  that  the  system  of  castes  was  approaching  per- 
fection, was  probably  about  one  thousand  foiu'  hundred  years 
before  Christ. 

Dates  o£  the  Genealogies. — If  proof  can  be  given  that  these 
genealogies  existed  in  the  days  of  Alexander,  the  fact  would  be 
interesting.  The  legend  in  the  Puranas,  of  the  origin  of  the 
Lunar  race,  appears  to  afford  this  testimonj^ 

Vyasa,  the  author  of  the  grand  epic  the  Mahabharata,  was  son 
of  Santanu  (of  the  race  of  Hari),^  sovereign  of  Delhi,  by  Yojana- 
gandha,  a  fisherman's  daughter,^  [30]  consequently  illegitimate. 
He  became  the  spiritual  father,  or  preceptor,  of  his  nieces,  the 
daughters  of  Vichitravirya,  the  son  and  successor  of  Santanu. 

The  Herakles  Legend. — Vichitravirya  had  no  male  offspring. 
Of  his  three  daughters,  one  was  named  Pandaia  *  ;  and  Vyasa, 

^  Hari-Kula. 

^  It  is  a  very  curious  circumstance  that  Hindu  legend  gives  to  two  of 
their  most  celebrated  authors,  whom  they  have  invested  with  a  sacred 
character,  a  descent  from  the  aboriginal  and  impure  tribe3"of  India  :  Vyasa 
from  a  fisherman,  and  Valmiki,  the  author  of  the  other  grand  epic  the 
Ramayana,  from  a  Baddhik  or  robber,  an  associate  of  the  Bhil  tribe  at 
Abu.  The  conversion  of  Vahniki  (said  to  have  been  miraculous,  when  in 
the  act  of  robbing  the  shrine  of  the  deity)  is  worked  into  a  story  of  con- 
siderable effect,  in  the  works  of  Chand,  from  olden  authority. 

3  The  reason  for  this  name  is  thus  given.  One  of  these  daughters  being 
by  a  slave,  it  was  necessary  to  ascertain  which  :  a  difficult  matter,  from  the 
secl\ision  in  which  they  were  kept.  It  was  therefore  left  to  Vyasa  to  discover 
the  pure  of  birth,  who  determined  that  nobihty  of  blood  would  show  itself, 
and  comm.anded  that  the  princesses  should  wallc  uncovered  before  him. 
The  elder,  from  shame,  closed  her  eyes,  and  from  her  was  born  the  blind 
Dhritarashtra,  sovereign  of  Hastinapura  ;  the  second,  from  the  same  feeling, 
covered  herself  with  yellow  ochre,  called  pandit,  and  henceforth  she  bore  the 
name  of  Pandya,  and  her  son  was  called  Pandu  ;  while  the  third  stepped  forth 
unabashed.     She  was  adjudged  not  of  gentle  blood,  and  her  issue  was  Vidura. 


36  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

being  the  sole  remaining  male  branch  of  the  house  of  Santanu, 
took  his  niece,  and  spiritual  daughter,  Pandaia,  to  wife,  and 
became  the  father  of  Pandu,  afterwards  sovereign  of  Indraprastha. 
Arrian  gives  the  story  thus  :  "It  is  further  said  that  he 
[Herakles]  ^  had  a  very  niunerous  progeny  of  children  born  to 

^  A  generic  term  for  the  sovereigns  of  the  race  of  Hari,  used  by  Arrian 
as  a  proper  name  [?].  A  section  of  the  Mahabharata  is  devoted  to  the 
history  of  the  Harikula,  of  which  race  was  Vyasa. 

Arrian  notices  the  similarity  of  the  Theban  and  the  Hindu  Hercules,  and 
cites  as  authority  the  ambassador  of  Seleucus,  Megasthenes,  who  says  : 
"  This  Herakles  is  held  in  special  honour  by  the  Sourasenoi,  an  Indian  tribe 
who  possess  two  large  cities,  Methora  and  Cleisobora.  .  .  .  But  the  dress 
which  this  Herakles  wore,  Megasthenes  tells  us,  resembled  that  of  the 
Theban  Herakles,  as  the  Indians  themselves  admit."  [Arrian,  Indika,  viii., 
Methora  is  Mathura ;  Growse  {Mathura,  3rd  ed.  279)  suggests  that  Cleiso- 
bora is  Krishnapura,  '  city  of  Krishna.'] 

Diodorus  has  the  same  legend,  with  some  vai'iety.  He  says  :  "  Hercules 
was  bom  amongst  the  Indians,  and  Uke  the  Greeks  they  furnish  him  with 
a  club  and  lion's  hide.  In  strength  (bala)  he  excelled  all  men,  and  cleared 
the  sea  and  land  of  monsters  and  wild  beasts.  He  had  many  sons,  but  only 
one  daughter.  It  is  said  that  he  built  Pahbothra,  and  divided  his  kingdom 
amongst  his  sons  (the  Bahka-putras,  sons  of  Bah).  They  never  colonized  ; 
but  in  time  most  of  the  cities  assumed  a  democratical  form  of  government 
(though  some  were  monarchical)  till  Alexander's  time."  The  combats  of 
Hercules,  to  which  Diodorus  alludes,  are  those  in  the  legendary  haunts  of 
the  Harikulas,  during  their  twelve  years'  exile  from  the  seats  of  their  fore- 
fathers. 

How  invaluable  such  remnants  of  the  ancient  race  of  Harikula  !  How 
refreshing  to  the  mind  yet  to  discover,  amidst  the  riiins  on  the  Yamuna, 
Hercules  (Baldeva,  god  of  strength)  retaining  his  club  and  lion's  hide,  stand- 
ing on  his  pedestal  at  Baldeo,  and  yet  worshipped  by  the  Suraseni !  This 
name  was  given  to  a  large  tract  of  country  round  Mathura,  or  rather  round 
Surpura,  the  ancient  capital  founded  by  Surasena,  the  grandfather  of  the 
Indian  brother-deities,  Krishna  and  Baldeva,  ApoUo  and  Hercules.  The 
title  would  apply  to  either  ;  though  Baldeva  has  the  attributes  of  the  '  god 
of  strength.'  Both  are  es  (lords)  of  the  race  (Jcula)  of  Hari  (Hari-kul-es),  of 
which  the  Greeks  might  have  made  the  compound  Hercules.  Might  not  a 
colony  after  the  Great  War  have  migrated  westward  ?  The  period  of  the 
return  of  the  HeracUdae,  the  descendants  of  Atrens  (Atri  is  progenitor  of 
the  Harikula),  would  answer  :  it  was  about  half  a  century  after  the  Great 
War.     [These  speculations  are  worthless.] 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Alexander's  historians  were  unable  to  penetrate 
into  the  arcana  of  the  Hindus,  as  Herodotus  appears  to  have  done  with  those 
of  the  Egyptians.  The  shortness  of  Alexander's  stay,  the  unknown  language 
in  which  their  science  and  rehgion  were  hid,  presented  an  insuperable 
difficulty.  They  could  have  made  very  little  progress  in  the  study  of  the 
language  without  discovering  its  analogy  to  their  own. 


PURANIC  GENEALOGIES  37 

! 
him  in  India  .  .  .  [31]  but  that  he  had  only  one  daughter.^     The 

name  of  this  cliild  was  Pandaia,  and  the  land  in  which  she  was 

born,  and  with  the  sovereignty  of  which  Herakles  entrusted  her, 

was  called  after  her  name  Pandaia  "  (Indika,  viii.). 

This  is  the  very  legend  contained  in  the  Puranas,  of  Vyasa 
(who  was  Hari-kul-es,  or  chief  of  the  race  of  Hari)  and  his  spiritual 
daughter  Pandaia,  from  whom  the  grand  race  the  Pandavas,  and 
from  whom  Delhi  and  its  dependencies  were  designated  the 
Pandava  sovereignty. 

Her  issue  ruled  for  thirty-one  generations  in  direct  descents, 
or  frona  1120  to  610  before  Christ ;  when  the  military  minister,' 
connected  by  blood,  was  chosen  by  the  chiefs  who  rebelled  against 
the  last  Pandu  king,  represented  as  "  neglectful  of  all  the  cares 
of  government,"  and  whose  deposition  and  death  introduced  a 
new  dynasty. 

Two  other  dynasties  succeeded  in  like  manner  by  the  usurpa- 
tion of  these  military  ministers,  untU  Vikramaditya,  when  the 
Pandava  sovereignty  and  era  of  Yudhishthirawere  both  overturned. 

^  Arrian  generally  exercises  his  judgment  in  these  matters,  and  is  the 
reverse  of  credulous.  On  this  point  he  says,  "  Now  to  me  it  seems  that  even 
if  Herakles  could  have  done  a  thing  so  marvellous,  he  could  have  made 
himself  longer-hved,  in  order  to  have  intercourse  with  his  daughter  when 
she  was  of  mature  age  "  [Indika,  ix.]. 

Sandrocottus  is  mentioned  by  Arrian  to  be  of  this  line  ;  and  we  can 
have  no  hesitation,  therefore,  in  giving  him  a  place  in  the  dynasty  of  Puru, 
the  second  son  of  Yayati,  whence  the  patronymic  used  by  the  race  now 
extinct,  as  was  Yadu,  the  elder  brother  of  Puru.  Hence  Sandrocottus,  if 
not  a  Puru  himself,  is  connected  with  the  chain  of  which  the  hnks  are 
Jarasandha  (a  hero  of  the  Bharat),  Ripunjaya,  the  twenty-third  in  descent, 
when  a  new  race,  headed  by  Sanaka  and  Sheshnag,  about  six  hundred  years 
before  Christ,  usurped  the  seat  of  the  lineal  descendants  of  Puru  ;  in  which 
line  of  usurpation  is  Chandragupta,  of  the  tribe  Maurya,  the  Sandrocottus 
of  Alexander,  a  branch  of  this  Sheshnag,  Takshak,  or  Snake  race,  a  race 
whicli,  stripped  of  its  allegory,  will  afiford  room  for  subsequent  dissertation. 
The  Prasioi  of  Arrian  would  be  the  stock  of  Puru  j  Prayag  is  claimed  in 
the  annals  yet  existing  as  the  cradle  of  their  race.  This  is  the  modern 
Allahabad ;  and  the  Eranaboas  must  be  the  Jumna,  and  the  point  of 
junction  with  the  Ganges,  where  we  must  place  the  capital  of  the  Prasioi. 
[For  Sandrokottos  or  Chandragupta  Maurya  see  Smith,  EIII,  42  ff.  He 
certainly  did  not  belong  to  the  '  Snake  Race.'  The  Erannoboas  (Skr. 
Hiranyavaha,  '  gold-bearing  ')  is  the  river  Son.  The  Prasioi  (Skr.  Prachyas, 
dweUers  in  the  east')  had  their  capital  at  Patahputra,  the  modem  Patna 
(McCrindle,  Alexander,  365  f.).] 

*  Analogous  to  the  maire  du  2}alaiii  of  the  first  races  of  the  Franks. 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Indraprastha  remained  without  a  sovereign,  supreme  power 
being  removed  from  the  north  to  the  southern  parts  of  India,  till 
the  fourth,  or,  according  to  some  authorities,  the  eighth  century 
after  Vikrama,  when  the  throne  of  Yudhishthira  was  once  more 
occupied  by  the  Tuar  tribe  of  Rajputs,  claiming  descents  from  the 
Pandus.  To  this  ancient  capital,  thus  re  founded,  the  new 
appellation  of  Delhi  was  given  ;  and  the  dynasty  of  the  founder, 
Anangpal,  lasted  to  the  twelfth  century,  when  he  abdicated  in 
favour  of  his  grandson,^  Prithiviraja,  the  last  imperial  Rajput 
sovereign  of  India,  whose  defeat  and  death  introduced  the 
Muhammadans. 

This  line  has  also  closed  with  the  pageant  of  a  prince,  and  a 
colony  returned  from  the  extreme  west  is  now  the  sole  arbiter  of 
the  thrones  of  Pandu  and  Timur. 

Britain  has  become  heir  to  the  monuments  of  Indraprastha 
raised  by  the  descendants  of  Budha  and  Ila ;  to  the  iron  pillar  of 
the  Pandavas,  "  whose  pedestal  ^  [32]  is  fixed  in  hell  "  ;  to  the 
columns  reared  to  victory,  inscribed  with  characters  yet  unknown  ; 
to  the  massive  ruins  of  its  ancient  continuous  cities,  encompassing  a 
space  still  larger  than  the  largest  city  in  the  world,  whose  moulder- 
ing domes  and  sites  of  fortresses,'  the  very  names  of  which  are 

^  His  daughter's  son.  This  is  not  the  first  or  only  instance  of  the  SaUc 
law  of  India  being  set  aside.  There  are  two  in  the  history  of  the  sovereigns 
of  Anhilwara  Patan.  In  all  adoptions  of  this  nature,  when  the  child 
'  binds  round  his  head  the  turban  '  of  his  adopted  father,  he  is  finally 
severed  from  the  stock  whence  he  had  his  birth.  [For  the  early  history  of 
Delhi  see  Smith,  EHI,  386  ff.] 

^  The  khil,  or  iron  pillar  of  the  Pandus,  is  mentioned  in  the  poems  of 
Chand.  An  infidel  Tuar  prince  wished  to  prove  the  truth  of  the  tradition 
of  its  depth  of  foundation  :  "  blood  gushed  up  from  the  earth's  centre,  the 
pillar  became  loose  (dhili),"  as  did  the  fortune  of  the  house  from  such  im- 
piety. This  is  the  origin  of  Delhi.  [The  inscription  on  the  pillar  proves 
the  falsity  of  the  legend,  and  the  name  Delhi  is  older  than  the  Tuar  dynasty 
{/G/,  xi.233).] 

'  I  doubt  if  Shahpur  is  yet  known.  I  traced  its  extent  from  the  remains 
of  a  tower  between  Humayun's  tomb  and  the  grand  column,  the  Kutb.  In 
1809  I  resided  four  months  at  the  mausoleum  of  Safdar  Jang,  the  ancestor 
of  the  present  [late]  King  of  Oudh.  amidst  the  ruins  of  Indraprastha,  several 
miles  from  inhabited  Delhi,  but  with  which  these  ruins  forms  detached  links 
of  connexion.  I  went  to  that  retirement  with  a  friend  now  no  more, 
Lieutenant  Macartney,  a  name  well  known  and  honoured.  We  had  both 
been  employed  in  surveying  the  canals  which  had  their  sources  in  common 
from  the  head  of  the  Jumna,  where  this  river  leaves  its  rocky  barriers,  the 
Siwalik  chain,  and  issues  into  the  plains  of  Hindustan.     These  canals  on 


GENEALOGIES  3D 

lost,  present  a  noble  field  for  speculation  on  the  ephemeral  nature 
of  power  and  glory.  What  monument  would  Britain  bequeath 
to  distant  posterity  of  her  succession  to  this  dominion  ?  Not 
one  :  except  it  be  that  of  a  still  less  perishable  nature,  the  monu- 
ment of  national  benefit.  Much  is  in  our  power  :  much  has  been 
given,  and  posterity  will  demand  the  result. 


CHAPTER   3 

Princes  of  the  Solar  Line.— Vyasa  gives  but  fifty-seven  prhiccs 
of  the  Solar  line,  from  Vaivaswata  Manu  to  Rama  ;  and  no  list 
which  has  come  under  my  observation  exhibits  more  than  fifty- 
eight,  for  the  same  period,  of  the  Lunar  race.  How  different 
from  the  Egyptian  priesthood,  who,  according  to  Herodotus, 
gave  a  list  up  to  that  period  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  ^ 
sovereigns  from  their  first  prince,  also  the  '  sun-born  ^  Menes  !  ' 

Ikshwaku  was  the  son  of  Manu,  and  the  first  who  moved  to 
the  eastward,  and  founded  Ayodhya. 

Budha  (Mercury)  founded  the  Lunar  line  ;  but  we  are  not  told 
who  established  their  first  capital,  Prayag,'  though  we  are  author- 
ized to  infer  that  it  was  founded  by  Puru,  the  sixth  in  descent 
from  Budha  [33]. 

A  succession  of  fifty-seven  princes  occupied  Ayodhya  from 
Ikshwaku  to  Rama.     From  Yayati's  sons  the  Lunar  races  descend 


each  side,  fed  by  the  parent  stream,  returned  the  waters  again  into  it ;  one 
through  the  city  of  Delhi,  the  other  on  the  opposite  side.  [Cunningham 
(ASR,  i.  207  £f.)  proved  that  the  true  site  of  the  ancient  city,  Siri,  was  the 
old  ruined  fort  to  the  north-east  of  Ral  Pithora's  stronghold,  which  is  at 
present  called  Shahpur.  This  identification  has  been  disputed  by  C.  J. 
Campbell  (JASB,  1866,  p.  206).  But  Cunningham  gives  good  reasons  for 
maintaining  his  opinion.  The  place  took  its  name  from  Sher  Shah  and  his 
son  Islam  or  Salim  Shah.  See  also  Carr  Stephens,  Archaeological  and 
Monumental  Remains  of  DeUii  (1876),  pp.  87  f.,  190.] 

1  Herodotus  ii.  99,  100. 

2  The  Egyptians  claim  the  sun,  also,  as  the  first  founder  of  the  kingdom 
of  Egypt. 

'  The  Jaisalmer  annals  give  in  succession  Prayag,  Mathura,  Kusasthala, 

Dwaraka,  as  capitals  of  the  Indu  or  Lunar  race,  in  the  ages  preceding  the 

Bharat  or  Great  War.     Hastinapur  was  founded  twenty  generations  after 

,  these,  by  Hastin,  from  whom  ramified  the  three  grand  Sakha,  viz.  Ajamidha, 

Vimidha,  and  Purumidha,  which  diversified  the  Yadu  race. 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

in  unequal  lengths.  The  lines  from  Yadu,^  concluding  with 
Krishna  and  his  cousin  Kansa,  exhibit  fifty-seven  and  fifty-nine 
descents  from  Yayati ;  while  Yudhishthira,'  Salya,'  Jarasandha,* 
and  Vahurita,*  all  contemporaries  of  Krishna  and  Kansa,  are 
fifty-one,  forty-six,  and  forty-seven  generations  respectively,  from 
the  common  ancestor  Yayati. 

Solar  and  Lunar  Genealogies. — There  is  a  wide  difference 
between  the  Solar  and  the  Yadu  branches  of  the  Lunar  lines  ; 
yet  is  that  now  given  fuUer  than  any  I  have  met  with.  Sir 
William  Jones's  lists  of  the  Solar  line  give  fifty-six,  and  of  the 
Limar  (Budha  to  Yudhishthira)  forty-six,  being  one  less  in  each 
than  in  the  tables  now  presented  ;  nor  has  he  given  the  important 
branch  terminating  with  Krishna.  So  close  an  affinity  between 
lists,  derived  from  such  different  authorities  as  this  distinguished 
character  and  myself  had  access  to,  shows  that  there  was  some 
general  source  entitled  to  credit. 

Mr.  Bentley's  *  lists  agree  with  Sir  William  Jones's,  exhibiting 
fifty-six  and  forty-six  respectively  for  the  last-mentioned  Solar 
and  Lunar  races.  But,  on  a  close  comparison,  he  has  either 
copied  them  or  taken  from  the  same  original  source  ;  afterwards 
transposing  names  which,  though  aiding  a  likely  hypothesis, 
will  not  accord  with  their  historical  belief. 

Colonel  Wllford's  '  Solar  list  is  of  no  use  ;  but  his  two  dynasties 
of  Puru  and  Yadu  of  the  Liuiar  race  are  excellent,  that  part  of  the 
line  of  Furu,  from  Jarasandha  to  Chandragupta,  being  the  only 
correct  one  in  print. 

It  is  surprising  Wilford  did  not  make  use  of  Sir  William  Jones's 
Solar  chronology  ;  but  he  appears  to  have  dreaded  bringing 
down  Rama  to  the  period  of  Krishna,  as  he  is  known  to  have 
preceded  by  four  generations  '  the  Great  War '  of  the  Yadu  races. 

It  is  evident  that  the  lAmar  line  has  reached  us  defective.  It 
is  supposed  so  by  their  genealogists  ;    and  WUl'ord  would  have 

^  See  Table  I.  [not  reprinted]. 

*  Of  Delhi — Indraprastlia. 

'  Salya,  the  founder  of  Aror  on  the  Indus,  a  capital  Ihad  the  good 
fortune  to  discover.     Salya  is  the  Siharas  of  Abu-1  Fazl.     [Ain,  ii.  343.] 

*  Jarasandha  of  Bihar. 

'  Vahoorita,  unknown  yet.     [?  Bahuratha.] 

*  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  v.  p.  341. 
'  Ibid.  vol.  V.  p.  241. 


GENEALOGIES  41 

increased  the  error  by  taking  it  as  the  standard,  and  reducing 
the  Solar  to  conform  thereto. 

Mr.  Bentley's  method  is  therefore  preferable  ;  namely,  to 
suppose  eleven  princes  omitted  in  the  Lunar  between  Janmejaya 
and  Prachinvat.  But  as  there  is  no  [34]  authority  for  this,  the 
Lunar  princes  are  distributed  in  the  tables  collaterally  with  the 
Solar,  preserving  contemporaneous  affinity  where  synchronisms 
will  authorise.  By  this  means  all  hypothesis  will  be  avoided,  and 
the  genealogies  will  speak  for  themselves. 

There  is  very  little  difference  between  Sir  William  Jones's  and 
Colonel  Wilford's  lists,  in  that  main  branch  of  the  Lunar  race, 
of  which  Puru,  Hastin,  Ajamidha,  Kuru,  Santanu,  and  Yud- 
hishthira  are  the  most  distinguished  links.  The  coincidence  is 
so  near  as  to  warrant  a  supposition  of  identity  of  source  ;  but 
close  inspection  shows  WUford  to  have  had  a  fuller  supply,  for 
he  produces  new  branches,  both  of  Hastin's  and  Kuru's  progeny. 
He  has  also  one  name  (Bhimasena)  towards  the  close,  which  is  in 
my  lists,  but  not  in  Sir  William  Jones's  ;  and  immediately  follow- 
ing Bhimasena,  both  these  lists  exhibit  Dilipa,  wanting  in  my 
copy  of  the  Bhagavat,  though  contained  in  the  Agni  Purana  : 
proofs  of  the  diversity  of  the  sources  of  supply,  and  highly  grati- 
fying when  the  remoteness  of  those  sources  is  considered.  There 
is  also  in  my  lists  Tansu,  the  nineteenth  from  Budlia,  who  is  not 
in  the  lists  either  of  Sir  William  Jones  or  Wilford.  Again  ; 
Wilford  has  a  Suhotra  preceding  Hastin,  who  is  not  in  Sir  William 
Jones's  genealogies. '^ 

Again  ;  Jahnu  is  made  the  successor  to  Kuru  ;  whereas  the 
Purana  (whence  my  extracts)  makes  Parikshit  the  successor, 
who  adopts  the  son  of  Jahnu.  This  son  is  Viduratha,  who  has  a 
place  in  all  tliree.     Other  variations  are  merely  orthographical. 

A  comparison  of  Sir  William  Jones's  Solar  genealogies  with  my 
tables  will  yield  nearly  the  same  satisfactory  result  as  to  original 
authenticity.  I  say  Sir  William  Jones's  list,  because  there  is  no 
other  efficient  one.  We  first  differ  at  the  fourth  from  Iksliwaku. 
In  my  list  this  is  Am-Prithu,  of  which  he  makes  two  names, 
Anenas  and  Prithu.  Thence  to  Purukutsa,  the  eighteenth,  the 
difference  is  only  in  orthography.  To  Irisuaka,  the  twenty-third 
in  mine,  the  twenty-sixth  in  Sir  William  Jones's  list,  one  name  is 
above  accounted  for  ;  but  here  are  two  wanting  in  mine,  Trasa- 
^  I  find  them,  however,  in  the  Agni  Purana. 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

dasyu  and  Haryaswa.  There  is,  also,  considerable  difference  in 
the  orthography  of  those  names  which  we  have  in  common. 
Again  ;  we  differ  as  to  the  successors  of  Champa,  the  twenty- 
seventh,  the  founder  of  Champapur  in  Bihar.  In  Sir  William's, 
Sadeva  succeeds,  and  he  is  followed  by  Vijaya  ;  but  my  authorities 
state  these  both  to  be  sons  of  Champa,  and  that  Vijaya,  the  [35] 
younger,  was  his  successor,  as  the  elder,  Sadeva,  took  to  religious 
austerity.  The  thirty-third  and  thirty-sixth,  Kesi  and  Dilipa, 
are  not  noticed  by  Sir  William  Jones  ;  but  there  is  a  much  more 
important  person  than  either  of  these  omitted,  who  is  a  grand 
link  of  connexion,  and  affording  a  good  synchronism  of  the 
earliest  history.  This  is  Ambarisha,  the  fortieth,  the  contem- 
porary of  Gadhi,  who  was  the  founder  of  Gadhipura  or  Kanauj. 
Nala,  Sarura,  and  Dilipa  (Nos.  4i,  45,  54  of  my  lists)  are  all 
omitted  by  Sir  William  Jones. 

This  comparative  analysis  of  the  chronologies  of  both  these 
grand  races  cannot  fail  to  be  satisfactory.  Those  which  I  furnish 
are  from  the  sacred  genealogies  in  the  library  of  a  prince  who 
claims  common  origin  with  them,  and  are  less  liable  to  inter- 
polation. There  is  scarcely  a  chief  of  character  for  knowledge 
who  cannot  repeat  the  genealogy  of  his  line.  The  Prince  of 
Mewar  has  a  peculiarly  retentive  memory  in  this  way.  The  pro- 
fessed genealogists,  the  Bhats,  must  have  them  graven  on  their 
memory,  and  the  Charanas  (the*  encomiasts)  ought  to  be  well 
versed  therein. 

The  first  table  exhibits  two  dynasties  of  the  Solar  race  of 
Princes  of  Ayodhya  and  Mithila  Des,  or  Tirhut,  which  latter  I  have 
seen  nowhere  else.  It  also  exhibits  four  great  and  three  lesser 
dynasties  of  the  Lunar  race  ;  and  an  eighth  line  is  added,  of  the 
race  of  Yadu,  from  the  annals  of  the  Bhatti  tribe  at  Jaisalmer. 

Ere  quitting  this  halting-place  in  the  genealogical  history  of 
the  ancient  races,  where  the  celebrated  names  of  Rama,  Krishna, 
and  Yudhishthira  close  the  brazen  age  of  India,  and  whose  issue 
introduce  the  present  iron  age,  or  Kali  Yuga,  I  shall  shortly  refer 
to  the  few  synchronic  points  which  the  various  authorities  admit. 

Of  periods  so  remote,  approximations  to  truth  are  the  utmost 
to  be  looked  for  ;  and  it  is  from  the  Ramayana  and  the  Puranas 
these  synchronisms  are  hazarded. 

Harischandra. — The  first  commences  with  a  celebrated  name  of 
the  Solar  line,  Harischandra,  son  of  Trisanku,  still  proverbial  for 


GENEALOGIES  43 

his  humility.^  He  is  the  twenty-fourth,^  and  declared  contem- 
porary of  Parasurama,  who  slew  the  celebrated  Sahasra-Arjuna  ^ 
of  [36]  the  Haihaya  (Lunar)  race,  Prince  of  Mahishniati  on  the 
Nerbudda.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  Ramayana,  which  details 
the  destruction  of  the  military  class  and  assumption  of  political 
power  by  the  Brahmans,  under  their  chief  Parasurama,  marking 
the  period  when  the  military  class  '  lost  the  umbrella  of  royalty,' 
and,  as  the  Brahmans  ridiculously  assert,  their  purity  of  blood. 
This  last,  however,  their  own  books  sufficiently  contradict,  as  the 
next  synchronism  will  show. 

Sagara. — This  synchronism  we  have  in  Sagara,  the  thirty - 
second  prince  of  the  Solar  line,  the  contemporary  of  Talajangha,  of 
the  Lunar  line,  the  sixth  in  descent  from  Sahasra  Arjuna,  who  had 
five  sons  preserved  from  the  general  slaughter  of  the  military  class 
by  Parasurama,  whose  names  are  given  in  the  Bhavishya  Purana. 

Wars  were  constantly  carried  on  between  these  great  rival 
races,  Surya  and  Indu,  recorded  in  the  Puranas  and  Ramayana. 
The  Bhavishya  describes  that  between  Sagara  and  Talajangha 

^  [The  tragical  story  of  Harischandra  is  told  by  J.  Muir,  Original  Sanskrit 
Texts,  i.  88  ff.] 

^  Sahyadri  Khanda  of  the  Skanda  Purana. 

'  In  the  Bhavishya  Purana  this  prince,  Sahasra-Arjuna,  is  termed  a 
Chakravartin,  or  paramount  sovereign.  It  is  said  that  iie  conquered  Kar- 
kotaka  of  the  Takshak,  Turushka,  or  Snake  race,  and  brought  with  him  the 
population  of  Mahishmati,  and  founded  Hemanagara  in  the  north  of  India, 
on  his  expulsion  from  his  dominions  on  the  Nerbudda.  Traditionary  legends 
yet  remain  of  this  prince  on  the  Nerbudda,  where  be  is  styled  Sahasrabahu, 
or  '  with  a  thousand  arms,'  figurative  of  his  numerous  progeny.  The 
Takshak,  or  Snake  race,  here  alluded  to,  will  hereafter  engage  our  attention. 
The  names  of  animals  in  early  times,  planets,  and  things  inanimate,  all 
furnished  symbolic  appellations  for  the  various  races.  In  Scrii^ture  we  have 
the  fly,  the  bee,  the  ram  to  describe  the  princes  of  Egypt,  Assyria,  and 
Macedonia ;  here  we  have  the  snake,  horse,  monkey,  etc.  The  Snake  or 
Takshak  race  was  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  earliest  of  Higher  Asia, 
and  celebrated  in  all  its  extent,  and  to  which  I  shall  have  to  recur  hereafter. 
[By  the  Takshak  race,  so  often  referred  to,  the  author  seems  to  mean  a  body 
of  Scythian  snake-worshippers.  There  are  instances  of  a  serpent  barrow, 
and  of  the  use  of  the  snake  as  a  form  of  ornament  among  the  Scythians  ; 
but  bej'ond  this  the  evidence  of  worship  of  the  serpent  is  scanty  (E.  H. 
Minns,  Scythians  and  Greeks,  328  f.,  66  note,  294,  318,  323,  etc.).  It  was 
really  the  Takka,  a  Panjab  tribe  (Beal,  Si-yu-ki,  i.  165  ft".  ;  Cunningham, 
Ancient  Geography  of  India,  148  ff.  ;   Stein,  Rdjatarangini,  i.  204  f.).] 

In  the  Ramayana  it  is  stated  that  the  sacrificial  horse  was  stolen  by  "  a 
serpent  (Takshak)  assuming  the  form  of  Ananta." 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

"  to  resemble  that  of  their  ancestors,  in  which  the  Haihayas 
suffered  as  severely  as  before."  But  that  they  had  recovered  all 
their  power  since  Parasuraina  is  evident  from  their  having  com- 
pletely retaliated  on  the  Suryas,  and  expelled  the  father  ^  of 
Sagara  from  his  capital  of  Ayodhya.  Sagara  and  Talajangha 
appear  to  have  been  contemporary  with  Hastin  of  Hastinapura, 
and  with  Anga,  descended  from  Budha,  the  founder  of  Angadesa,^ 
or  Ongdesa,  and  the  Anga  race. 

Ambarisha. — The  Ramayana  affords  another  synchronism  ; 
namely,  that  Ambarisha  of  Ayodhya,  the  fortieth  prince  of  the 
Solar  line,  was  the  contemporary  of  Gadhi,  the  foimder  of  Kanauj, 
and  of  Lomapada  the  Prince  of  Angadesa. 

Krishna. — The  last  synchronism  is  that  of  Krishna  and  Yud- 
hishthira,  which  terminates  the  [37]  brazen,  and  introduces  the  Kali 
Yuga  or  iron  age.  But  this  is  in  the  Lunar  line  ;  nor  have  we 
any  guide  by  which  the  difference  can  be  adjusted  between  the 
appearance  of  Rama  of  the  Solar  and  Krishna  of  the  Lunar  races. 

Thus  of  the  race  of  Krostu  we  have  Kansa,  Prince  of  Mathura, 
the  fifty-ninth,  and  his  cousin  Krishna,  the  fifty-eighth  from 
Budha ;  while  of  the  hne  of  Puru,  descending  through  Ajamidha 
and  Dvimidha,  we  have  Salya,  Jarasandha,  and  YudhLshthira. 
the  fifty-flrstj  fifty-third,  and  fifty-fourth  respectively. 

The  race  of  Anga  gives  Prithusena  as  one  of  the  actors  and 
survivors  of  the  Mahabharata,  and  the  fifty-third  from  Budha. 

Thus,  taking  an  average  of  the  whole,  we  may  consider  fifty- 
five  princes  to  be  the  number  of  descents  from  Budha  to  Krishna 

^  "  Asita,  the  father  of  Sagara,  expelled  by  hostile  kings  of  the  Haihaj'as, 
the  Talajanghas,  and  the  Sasa-vindus,  fled  to  the  Himavat  mountains,  whei'o 
he  died,  leaving  his  wives  pregnant,  and  from  one  of  these  Sagara  was  born  " 
(Ramayana,  i.  41).  It  was  to  preserve  the  Solar  race  from  the  destruction 
which  threatened  it  from  the  prohfic  Lunar  race,  that  the  Brahman  Parasu- 
rama  armed  :  evidently  proving  that  the  Brahmanicai  faith  was  held  by 
the  Solar  race  ;  while  the  rehgion  of  Budha,  the  great  progenitor  of  the 
Lunar,  still  governed  his  descendants.  This  strengthened  the  opposition 
of  the  sages  of  the  Solar  line  to  Vishvamitra's  (of  Budha's  or  the  Lunar 
line)  obtaining  Brahmanhood.  That  Krishna,  of  Lunar  stock,  prior  to 
founding  a  new  sect,  worshipped  Budha,  is  susceptible  of  proof. 

^  Angdcs,  Ongdes,  or  Undes  adjoins  Tibet.  The  inhabitants  call  them- 
selves Hungias,  and  appear  to  be  the  Hong-niu  of  the  Chinese  authors,  the 
Huns  (Huns)  of  Europe  and  India,  which  prove  this  Tartar  race  to  be  Lunar, 
and  of  Budha.  [Anga,  the  modern  Bhagalpur,  is  confounded  with  Hundes 
or  Tibet.] 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ANCIENT  CITIES  45 

and  Yudhishthira  ;  and,  admitting  an  average  of  twenty  years 
for  each  reign,  a  period  of  eleven  hundred  years  ;  which  being 
added  to  a.  Hke  period  calculated  from  thence  to  Vikramaditya, 
who  reigned  fifty-six  years  before  Christ,  I  venture  to  place  the 
establishment  in  India  Proper  of  these  two  grand  races,  distinct- 
ively called  those  of  Surj^a  and  Chandra,  at  about  2256  years 
before  the  Christian  era  ;  at  which  period,  though  somewhat 
later,  the  Egyptian,  Chinese,  and  Assyrian  monarchies  are  gener- 
ally stated  to  have  been  established,^  and  about  a  century  and 
a  half  after  that  great  event,  the  Flood. 

Though  a  passage  in  the  Agni  Purana  indicates  that  the  line  of 
Surj^a,  of  which  Ikshwaku  was  the  head,  was  the  first  colony 
which  entered  India  from  Central  Asia,  yet  we  are  compelled  to 
place  the  patriarch  Budha  as  his  contemporary,  he  being  stated 
to  have  come  from  a  distant  region,  and  married  to  Ila,  the  sister 
of  Ikshwaku. 

Ere  we  proceed  to  make  any  remarks  on  the  descendants  of 
Krishna  and  Arjuna,  who  carry  on  the  Lunar  line,  or  of  the 
Kushites  and  Lavites,  from  Kusa  and  Lava,  the  sons  of  Rama, 
who  carry  on  that  of  the  Sun,  a  few  observations  on  the  chief 
kingdoms  established  by  their  progenitors  on  the  continent  of 
India  will  be  hazarded  in  the  ensuing  Chapter  [38]. 


CHAPTER  4 

Ayodhya. — iVyodhya  ^  was  the  first  city  founded  by  the  race  of 
Surya.     Like  other  capitals,  its  importance  must  have  risen  by 

^  Egyptian,  under  Misraim,  2188  b.c.  ;  Assyrian,  2059  ;  Chinese,  2207. 
[The  first  Egyptian  dynasty  is  now  dated  5500  B.C.  ;  Chinese,  2852  B.C.  ; 
Babylonian,  2300  B.C.  Any  attempt  to  establish  an  Indian  chronology  from 
the  materials  used  by  the  Author  does  not  promise  to  be  successful.] 

^  The  picture  drawn  by  Valmild  of  the  capital  of  the  Solar  race  is  so 
highly  coloured  that  Ayodhya  might  stand  for  Utopia,  and  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  such  a  catalogue  of  metropolitan  embellishments  in  this, 
the  iron  age  of  Oudh.  "  On  the  banks  of  the  Surayu  is  a  large  country 
called  Kosala,  in  which  is  Ayodhya,  built  by  Mann,  twelve  yojans  (forty- 
eight  miles)  in  extent,  with  streets  regular  and  well  watered.  It  was  filled 
with  merchants,  beautified  by  gardens,  ornamented  with  stately  gates  and 
high-arched  porticoes,  furnished  v/ith  arms,  crowded  with  chariots,  elephants, 
and  horses,  and  with  ambassadors  from  foreign  lands ;  embeUisbed  with 
palaces  whose  domes  resembled  the  mountain  tops,  dwellings  of  equal  height, 
resounding  with  the  delightful  music  of  the  tabor,  the  flute,  and  the  harp. 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

slow  degrees  ;  ye^  making  every  allowance  for  exaggeration,  it 
must  have  attained  great  splendour  long  anterior  to  Rama.  Its 
site  is  well  known  at  this  day  under  the  contracted  name  of 
Oudh,  which  also  designates  the  country  appertaining  to  the 
titular  wazir  of  the  Mogul  empire  ;  which  country,  twenty-five 
years  ago,  nearly  marked  the  limits  of  Kosala,  the  pristine 
kingdom  of  the  Surya  race.  Overgrown  greatness  characterized 
all  the  ancient  Asiatic  capitals,  and  that  of  Ayodhya  was  immense. 
Lucknow,  the  present  capital,  is  traditionally  asserted  to  have  been 
one  of  the  suburbs  of  ancient  Oudh,  and  so  named  by  Rama,  in 
compliment  to  his  brother  Lakshman. 

Mithila. — Nearly  coeval  in  point  of.  time  with  Ayodhya  was 
Mithila,^  the  capital  of  a  country  of  the  same  name,  founded  by 
Mithila,  the  grandson  of  Ikshwaku. 

The  name  of  .Janaka,^  son  of  Mithila,  eclipsed  that  of  the  founder 
and  became  the  patronymic  of  this  branch  of  the  Solar  race. 

Other  Kingdoms. — These  are  the  two  chief  capitals  of  the 
kingdoms  of  the  Solar  line  described  in  [39]  this  early  age  :  though 
there  were  others  of  a  minor  order,  such  as  Rohtas,  Champapura,^ 
etc.,  all  founded  previously  to  Rama. 

By  the  numerous  dynasties  of  the  Lunar  race  of  Budha  many 
kingdoms  were  founded.  Much  has  been  said  of  the  antiquity 
of  Prayag  ;  yet  the  first  capital  of  the  Indu  or  Lunar  race  appears 

It  was  surrounded  by  an  impassable  moat,  and  guarded  by  archers.  Dasa- 
ratha  was  its  king,  a  mighty  charioteer.  There  were  no  atheists.  The 
affections  of  the  men  were  in  their  consorts.  The  women  were  chaste  and 
obedient  to  their  lords,  endowed  with  beautj,  wit,  sweetness,  prudence, 
and  industry,  with  bright  ornaments  and  fair  apparel ;  the  men  devoted 
to  truth  and  hospitality,  regardful  of  their  superiors,  their  ancestors,  and 
their  gods. 

"  There  were  eight  councillors  ;  two  chosen  priests  profoimd  in  the  law, 
besides  another  inferior  council  of  six.  Of  subdued  appetites,  disinterested, 
forbearing,  pleasant,  patient ;  not  avaricious  ;  well  acquainted  with  their 
duties  and  popular  customs  ;  attentive  to  the  army,  the  treasury  ;  im- 
partially awarding  punishment  even  on  their  own  sons  ;  never  oppressing 
even  an  enemy  ;  not  arrogant ;  comely  in  dress  ;  never  confident  about 
doubtful  matters  ;   devoted  to  the  sovereign." 

^  Mithila,  the  modern  Tirhut  in  Bengal  [including  the  modern  districts 
of  Darbhanga,  Champaran,  and  Muzaffarpur]. 

^  Kusadhwaja,  father  of  Sita  (spouse  of  Rama),  is  also  called  Janaka  ; 
a  name  common  in  this  line,  and  borne  by  the  third  prince  in  succession 
after  Suvarna  Roma,  the  '  golden-haired  '  chief  Mithila. 
I       '  [Rohtas  in  the  modern  Shahabad  district ;  Charapapura  in  Ehagalpur.] 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ANCIENT  CITIES  47 

to  have  ITeen  founded  by  Sahasra  Arjuna,  of  the  Haihaya  tribe. 
This  was  Mahishmati  on  tlie  Nerbudda,  still  existing  in  Mahes- 
war.^  The  rivalry  between  the  Lnnar  race  and  that  of  the  Suryas 
of  Ayodhya,  in  whose  aid  the  priesthood  armed,  and  expelled 
Sahasra  Arjuna  from  Mahishmati,  has  been  mentioned.  A  small 
branch  of  these  ancient  Haihayas  ^  yet  exist  in  the  line  of  the 
Nerbudda,  near  the  very  top  of  the  valley  at  Sohagpur,  in  Baghel- 
khand,  aware  of  their  ancient  lineage  ;  and,  though  few  in  number, 
are  still  celebrated  for  their  valour.^ 

Dwarka. — Kusasthali  Dwarka,  the  capital  of  Krishna,  was 
founded  prior  to  Prayag,  to  Surpur,  or  Mathura.  The  Bhagavat 
attributes  the  foundation  of  the  city  to  Anrita,  the  brother  of 
Ikshwaku,  of  the  Solar  race,  but  states  not  how  or  when  the 
Yadus  became  possessed  thereof. 

The  ancient  annals  of  the  Jaisalmer  family  of  the  Yadu  stock 
give  the  priority  of  foundation  to  Prayag,  next  to  Mathura,  and 
last  to  Dwarka.  All  these  cities  are  too  well  known  to  require 
description  ;  especially  Prayag,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Yamuna 
and  Ganges.  The  Prasioi  were  the  descendants  of  Puru  *  of 
Prayag,  visited  by  Megasthenes,  ambassador  of  Seleucus,  and  the 
principal  city  of  the  Yadus,  ere  it  sent  forth  the  four  branches 
from  Satwata.  At  Prayag  resided  the  celebrated  Bharat,  the 
son  of  Sakuntala. 

In  the  Ramayana  the  Sasavindus  ^  (another  Yadu  race)  are 
inscribed  as  allied  with  the  Haihayas  in  the  wars  with  the  race  of 
Surya  ;  and  of  this  race  was  Sisupal "  (the  founder  of  Chedi  ^), 
one  of  the  foes  of  Krishna  [40]. 

*  Familiarly  designated  as  Sahasra  Bahu  ki  Basti,  or  '  the  town  of  the 
thousand-armed.'     [In  Indore  State  {IGI,  xvii.  8).] 

2  The  Haihaya  race,  of  the  line  of  Budha,  may  claim  affinity  with  the 
Chinese  race  which  first  gave  nionarchs  to  China  [?]. 

*  Of  this  I  have  heard  the  most  romantic  proofs  in  very  recent  times. 

*  Puru  became  the  patronymic  of  this  branch  of  the  Lunar  race.  Of  this 
Alexander's  historians  made  Porus.  The  Suraseni  of  Methoras  (descendants 
of  the  Sursen  of  Mathura)  were  all  Purus,  the  Prasioi  of  Megasthenes  [see 
p.  .37,  n.].  Allahabad  yet  retains  its  Hindu  name  of  Prayag,  pronounced 
Prag. 

^  The  Hares.  Sesodia  is  said  to  have  the  same  derivation.  [From 
Sesoda  in  Mewar.] 

*  The  princes  of  Ranthambhor,  expelled  by  Prithwiraja  of  Delhi,  were 
of  this  race. 

'  The  modern  Chanderi  [in  the  Gwalior  State,  IQI,  x.  163  f.]  is  said  to  be 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Surpur. — We  are  assured  by  Alexander's  historians  that  the 
country  and  people  round  Mathura,  when  he  invaded  India,  were 
termed  Surasenoi.  There  are  two  princes  of  the  name  of  Sursen 
in  the  immediate  ancestry  of  Krishna  ;  one  his  grandfather,  the 
other  eight  generations  anterior  Which  of  these  founded  the 
capital  Surpur/  whence  the  country  and  inhabitants  had  their 
appellation,  we  cannot  say  Mathura  and  Cleisobara  are  men- 
tioned by  the  historians  of  Alexander  as  the  chief  cities  of  the 
Surasenoi.  Though  the  Greeks  sadly  disfigure  names,  we  cannot 
trace  any  affinity  between  Cleisobara  and  Surpur. 

this  capito.l,  and  one  of  the  few  to  which  no  Englishman  has  obtained 
entrance,  though  I  tried  hard  in  1807.  Doubtless  it  would  afford  food  for 
curiosity  ;  for,  being  out  of  the  path  of  armies  in  the  days  of  conquest  and 
revolution,  it  may,  and  I  believe  does,  retain  much  worthy  of  research. 
[The  capital  of  the  Chedi  or  Kalachuri  dynasty  was  Tripura  or  Karanbel, 
near  Jabalpur  {IGI,  x.  12).] 

^  I  had  the  pleasure,  in  1814,  of  discovering  a  remnant  of  this  city,  which 
the  Yamuna  has  overwhelmed.  [The  ancient  Surj^apura  was  near  Batesar, 
40  miles  south-east  of  Agra  city.  Sir  H.  Elliot  (Supplemental  Glossary,  187) 
remarks  that  it  is  strange  that  the  Author  so  often  claims  the  credit  of  dis- 
covery when  its  position  is  fixed  in  a  set  of  familiar  verses.  For  Suryapura 
see  A.  Fiihrer,  Monumental  Antiquities  and  Inscriptions,  69.]  The  sacred 
place  of  pilgrimage,  Batesar,  stands  on  part  of  it.  My  discovery  of  it  was 
doubly  gratifying,  for  while  I  found  out  the  Surasenoi  of  the  Greeks,  I 
obtained  a  medal  of  the  little  known  ApoUodotus,  who  carried  his  arms  to 
the  mouths  of  the  Indus,  and  possibly  to  the  centre  of  the  land  of  the  Yadus. 
He  is  not  included  by  Bayer  in  his  lists  of  the  kings  of  Bactria,  but  wo  have 
only  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  extent  of  that  dynasty.  The  Bhagavat 
Purana  asserts  thirteen  Yavan  or  Ionian  princes  to  have  ruled  in  Balichdes 
[?]  or  Bactria,  in  which  they  mention  Pushpamitra  Dvimitra.  We  are 
justified  in  asserting  this  to  be  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Euthydemus,  but  who 
did  not  succeed  his  father,  as  Menander  intervened.  Of  this  last  conqueror 
I  also  possess  a  medal,  obtained  amongst  the  Surasenoi,  and  struck  in  com- 
memoration of  victory,  as  the  winged  messenger  of  heavenly  peace  extends 
the  palm  branch  from  her  hand.  These  two  will  fill  up  a  chasm  in  the 
Bactrian  annals,  for  Menander  is  well  known  to  them.  ApoUodotus  would 
have  perished  but  for  Arrian,  who  wrote  the  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean  Sea 
in  the  second  century,  while  commercial  agent  at  Broach,  or  classically 
Brigukachchha,  the  Barugaza  of  the  Greeks.  [The  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean 
Sea  was  written  by  an  unknown  Greek  merchant  of  first  century  a.d. 
(McCrindlo,  Commerce  and  Navigation,  Introd.  p.  1).] 

Without  the  notice  this  writer  has  afforded  us,  my  ApoUodotus  would 
have  lost  half  its  value.  Since  my  arrival  in  Europe  I  have  also  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  existence  of  a  medal  of  Demetrius,  discovered  in 
Bokhara,  and  on  which  an  essay  has  been  written  by  a  savant  at  St. 
Petersburg. 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ANCIENT  CITIES  49 

Hastinapura. — The  city  of  Hastinapura  was  built  by  Hastin 
a  name  celebrated  in  the  Lunar  dynasties.  The  name  of  this 
city  is  still  preserved  on  the  Ganges,  about  forty  miles  south  of 
Hardwar,^  where  the  Ganges  breaks  through  the  Siwalik  moun- 
tains and  enters  the  plains  of  India.  This  mighty  stream,  rolling 
its  masses  of  waters  from  the  glaciers  of  the  Himalaya,  and  joined 
by  many  auxiliary  streams,  frequently  carries  destruction  before 
it.  In  one  night  a  column  of  thirty  feet  in  perpendicular  height 
has  been  known  to  bear  away  all  within  its  sweep,  and  to  such  an 
occurrence  the  capital  of  Hastin  is  said  to  have  owed  its  ruin.^ 
As  it  existed,  however,  long  after  the  Mahabharata,  it  is  surpris- 
ing it  is  not  mentioned  by  the  historians  of  Alexander,  who  in- 
vaded India  probably  about  eight  centuries  after  that  event.  In 
this  abode  of  the  sons  of  Puru  resided  Porus,  one  of  the  two 
princes  of  that  name,  opponents  of  Alexander,  and  probably 
Bindusara  the  son  of  Chandragupta,  surmised  to  be  the  Abisares  ^ 
and  Sandrakottos  of  Grecian  authorities.  Of  the  two  princes 
named  Porus  mentioned  by  Alexander's  [41]  historians,  one 
resided  in  the  very  cradle  of  the  Puru  dynasties  ;  the  abode  of 
the  other  bordered  on  the  Panjab  :  warranting  an  assertion  that 
the  Pori  of  Alexander  were  of  the  Lunar  race,  and  destroying 
all  the  claims  various  authors  *  have  advanced  on  behalf  of  the 
princes  of  Mewar.* 

Hastin  sent  forth  three  grand  branches,  Ajamidha,  Dvimidha, 
and  Purumidha.  Of  the  two  last  we  lose  sight  altogether  ;  but 
Ajamidha's  progeny  spread  over  all  the  northern  parts  of  India, 
in  the  Panjab  and  across  the  Indus.  The  period,  probably  one 
thousand  six  hundred  years  before  Christ. 

^  The  portal  of  Hari  or  Hara,  whose  trisula  or  trident  is  there. 

^  Wilford  says  this  event  is  mentioned  in  two  Puranas  as  occurring  in  the 
sixth  or  eighth  generation  of  the  Great  War.  Those  who  have  travelled  in 
the  Duab  must  have  remarked  where  both  the  Ganges  and  Jumna  have 
shifted  their  beds. 

'  [Abisares  is  Abhisara  in  the  modern  Kashmir  State  (Smith,  EHI,  59).] 

*  Sir  Thomas  Roe  ;  Sir  Thomas  Herbert ;  the  Holstein  ambassador  (by 
Olearius) ;  Delia  Valle  ;  Churchill,  in  his  collection  :  and  borrowing  from 
these,  D'Anville,  Bayer,  Orme,  Rennell,  etc. 

''  The  ignorance  of  the  family  of  Mewar  of  the  fact  would  by  no  means 
be  a  conclusive  argument  against  it,  could  it  be  otherwise  substantiated  ; 
but  the  race  of  Surya  was  completely  eclipsed  at  that  period  by  the  Lunar 
and  new  races  which  soon  poured  in  from  the  west  of  the  Indu.s,  and  in  time 
displaced  them  all. 

VOL.  I  E 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

From  Ajamidha/  in  the  fourth  generation,  was  Bajaswa,  who 
obtained  possessions  towards  the  Indus,  and  whose  five  sons  gave 
their  name,  Panchala,  to  the  Panjab,  or  space  watered  by  the 
five  rivers.  The  capital  founded  by  the  younger  brother,  Kam- 
pila,  was  named  Kampilnagara.^ 

The  descendants  of  Ajamidha  by  his  second  "wife,  Kesini, 
founded  another  kingdom  and  dynasty,  celebrated  in  the  heroic 
history  of  Northern  India.     This  is  the  Kausika  dynasty. 

Kanauj. — Kusa  had  four  sons,  two  of  whom,  Kusanablia  and 
Kusamba,  are  well  known  to  traditional  history,  and  by  the  still 
surviving  cities  founded  by  them.  Kusanabha  founded  the  city  of 
Mahodaya  on  the  Ganges,  afterwards  changed  to  Kanyakubja,  or 
Kanauj,  which  maintained  its  celebrity  until  the  Muhammadan 
invasion  of  Shihabu-d-din  (a.d.  1193),  when  this  overgrown  city 
was  laid  prostrate  for  ever.  It  was  not  unfrequently  called 
Gadhipura,  or  the  '  city  of  Gadhi.'  This  practice  of  multiply- 
ing names  of  cities  in  the  east  is  very  destructive  to  history. 
Abu-1  Fazl  has  taken  from  Hindu  authorities  an  account  of 
Kanauj  ;  and  could  we  admit  the  authority  of  a  poet  on  such 
subjects,  Chand,  the  bard  of  Prithwiraja,*  would  afford  materials. 
Ferishta  states  it  in  the  early  ages  to  have  been  twenty- 
five  coss  [42]  (thirty-five  miles)  in  circumference,  and  that 
there  were  thirty  thousand  shops  for  the  sale  of  the  areca  or 
beetle  -  nut  only  ;  *  and  this  in  the  sixth  century,  at  which 
period  the  Rathor  dynasty,  which  terminated  with  Jaichand, 
in  the  twelfth,  had  been  in  possession  from  the  end  of  the  fiftli 
century. 

Kusamba   also   founded   a   city,   called   after   his   own   name 

^  Ajamidha,  by  his  wife  Nila,  had  five  sons,  who  spread  their  branches 
(Sakha)  on  both  sides  the  Indus.  Regarding  three  the  Puranas  are  silent, 
which  impHes  their  migration  to  distant  regions.  Is  it  possible  they  might 
be  the  origin  of  the  Medes  ?  Tliese  Medes  are  descendants  of  Yayati,  third 
son  of  the  patriarch  Manu  ;  and  Madai,  founder  of  the  Medes,  was  of  Japhet's 
line.  Ajamidha,  the  patronymic  of  the  branch  of  Bajaswa,  is  from  Aja,  '  a 
goat.'  The  Assyrian  Mode,  in  Scripture,  is  typified  by  the  goat.  [These 
speculations  are  worthless.] 

^  Of  this  house  was  Draupadi,  the  wife,  in  common,  of  the  five  Pandava 
brothers  :    manners  peculiar  to  Scythia. 

'  King  of  Delhi. 

*  [Briggs  i.  57.  The  accounts  of  tlie  size  of  the  citj'  are  extravagant 
(Elphinstone,  HI,  3.32  note  ;  Cunningham,  ASR,  i.  270  tf.).] 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ANCIENT  CITIES  51 

Kaiisambi.^  The  name  was  in  existence  in  the  eleventh  century  ; 
and  ruins  might  yet  exist,  if  search  were  made  on  the  shores  of 
the  Ganges,  from  Kanauj  southward. 

The  otlier  sons  built  two  capitals,  Dharmaranya  and  Vasumati  ; 
but  of  neither  have  we  any  correct  knowledge. 

Kuru  had  two  sons,  Sudhanush  and  Parikhshita.  The  descend- 
ants of  the  former  terminated  with  Jarasandha,  whose  capital  was 
Rajagriha  (the  modern  Rajmahal)  on  the  Ganges,  in  the  province 
of  Bihar.^  From  Parikhshita  descended  the  monarchs  Santanu 
and  Balaka  :  the  first  producing  the  rivals  of  the  Great  War, 
Yudhishthira  and  Duryodhana  ;  the  other  the  Balakaputras. 

Duryodhana,  the  successor  to  the  throne  of  Kuru,  resided  at 
the  ancient  capital,  Hastinapura  ;  while  the  junior  branch, 
Yudhishthira,  founded  Indraprastha,  on  the  Yamuna  or  Jumna, 
which  name  in  the  eighth  century  was  changed  to  Delhi. 

The  sons  of  Balaka  founded  two  kingdoms  :  Palibothra,  on 
the  lower  Ganges ;  and  Aror,'  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Indus, 
founded  by  Sahl  [43]. 

^  An  inscription  was  discovered  at  Kara  on  the  Ganges,  in  which  Yaspal 
is  mentioned  as  prince  of  the  realm  of  Kausambi  {As.  Res.  vol.  ix.  p.  440). 
WiKord,  in  his  Essay  on  the  Geography  of  the  Purans,  says  "  Causambi, 
near  Alluhabad  "  {As.  Res.  vol.  xiv.).  [The  site  is  uncertain  (Smith,  EHI, 
29.3,  note).]  ^  [Rajglr  in  Patna  District.] 

'  Aror,  or  Alor,  was  the  capital  of  Sind  in  remote  antiquity  :  a  bridge 
over  the  stream  which  branched  from  the  Indus,  near  Dara,  is  almost  the 
sole  vestige  of  this  capital  of  the  Sogdoi  of  Alexander.  On  its  site  the 
shepherds  of  the  desert  have  estabhshed  an  extensive  hamlet ;  it  is  placed 
on  a  ridge  of  siliceous  rock,  seven  miles  east  of  the  insular  Bakhar,  and  free 
from  the  inundations  of  the  Indus.  The  Sodha  tribe,  a  powerful  branch  of 
the  Pramara  race,  has  ruled  in  these  countries  from  remote  antiquity,  and 
to  a  very  late  period  they  were  lords  of  Umarkot  and  Umrasurara,  in  which 
divisions  was  Aror.  Sahl  and  his  capital  were  known  to  Abu-1  Fazl,  though 
he  was  ignorant  of  its  position,  which  he  transferred  to  Debal,  or  Dewal,  the 
modern  Tatta.  This  indefatigable  historian  thus  describes  it :  ''  In  ancient 
times  there  lived  a  raja  named  Siharas  (Sahl),  whose  capital  was  Alor,  and 
his  dominions  extended  north  to  Kashmir  and  south  to  the  ocean  "  [Atn, 
ii.  343].  Sahl,  or  Sahr,  becaine  a  titular  appellation  of  the  country,  its 
princes,  and  its  inhabitants,  the  Sehraes.  [See  p.  21  above.]  Alor  appears 
to  have  been  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Sigerdis,  conquered  by  Menander 
of  Bactria.  Ibn  Haukal,  the  Arabian  geographer,  mentions  it ;  but  a 
superfluous  point  in  writing  has  changed  Aror  into  Azor,  or  Azour,  as 
translated  by  Sir  W.  Ouseley.  The  illustrious  D'AnviUe  mentions  it ;  but, 
in  ignorance  of  its  position,  quoting  AbuLfeda,  says,  in  grandeur  "  Azour 
est  presque  comparable  a  Mooltan."     I  have  to  claim  the  discovery  of 


52  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

One  great  arm  of  the  tree  of  Yayati  remains  unnoticed,  that  of 
Uru  or  Urvasu,  written  by  others  Turvasu.  Uru  was  the  father 
of  a  hne  of  kings  who  founded  several  empires.  Virupa,  the 
eighth  prince  from  Uru,  had  eight  sons,  two  of  whom  are  particu- 
larly mentioned  as  sending  forth  two  grand  shoots,  Druhyu  and 
Bhabru.  From  Druhyu  a  dynasty  was  established  in  the  north. 
Aradwat,  with  his  son  Gandhara,  is  stated  to  have  founded  a 
State  :  Prachetas  is  said  to  have  become  king  of  Mlecchhades,  or 
the  barbarous  regions.  This  line  terminated  with  Dushyanta, 
the  husband  of  the  celebrated  Sakuntala,  father  of  Bharat,  and 
who,  labouring  under  the  displeasure  of  some  offended  deity,  is 
said  by  the  Hindus  to  have  been  the  cause  of  all  the  woes  which 
subsequent^  befell  the  race.  The  four  grandsons  of  Dushyanta, 
Kalanjar,  Keral,  Pand,  and  Chaul,  gave  their  names  to  countries. 

Kalanjar.^ — Kalanjar  is  the  celebrated  fortress  in  Bundelkhand, 
so  well  known  for  its  antiquities,  which  have  claimed  considerable 
notice. 

Kerala. — Of  the  second,  Kerala,  it  is  only  known  that  in  the  list 
of  the  thirty-six  royal  races  in  the  twelfth  century,  the  Kerala 
makes  one,  but  the  capital  is  unknown.^ 


several  ancient  capital  cities  in  the  north  of  India  :  Surpur,  on  the  Jumna, 
the  capital  of  the  Yadus  ;  Alor,  on  the  Indus,  the  capital  of  the  Sodhas  ; 
Mandodri,  capital  of  the  Pariharas  ;  Chandravati,  at  the  foot  of  the  Aravalli 
mountains  ;  and  Valabhipura,  in  Gujarat,  capital  of  the  Balaka-raes,  the 
Balharas  of  Arab  travellers.  The  Bala  Rajput  of  Saurashtra  may  have 
given  the  name  to  Valabhipura,  as  descendants  of  Balaka,  from  Sahl  of 
Aror.  The  blessing  of  the  bard  to  them  is  yet,  Tatta  Multan  ka  Rao  ( '  lord 
of  Tatta  and  Multan,'  the  seats  of  the  Balaka-putras)  :  nor  is  it  improbable 
that  a  branch  of  these  under  the  Indian  Hercules,  Balaram,  who  left  India 
after  the  Great  War,  may  have  founded  Bahch,  or  Balkh,  emphatically 
called  the  '  mother  of  cities.'  The  Jaisalmer  annals  assert  that  the  Yadu 
and  Balaka  branches  of  the  Indu  race  ruled  Khorasan  after  the  Great  War, 
the  Indo-Scythic  races  of  Grecian  authors.  Besides  the  Balakas,  and  the 
numerous  branches  of  the  Indo-Medes,  many  of  the  sons  of  Kuru  dispersed 
over  these  regions  :  amongst  whom  we  may  place  Uttara  Kuru  (Northern 
Kurus)  of  the  Puranas,  the  Ottorokorrhai  of  the  Greek  authors.  Both  the 
Indu  and  Surya  races  were  eternally  sending  their  superfluous  population 
to  those  distant  regions,  when  ])robably  the  same  primeval  rchgion  governed 
the  races  east  and  west  of  the  Indus.     [Much  of  this  is  incorrect.] 

^  [The  Chera  or  Kerala  kingdom  comj)rised  the  Southern  Konkans  or 
Malabar  coast,  the  present  Malabar  district  with  Travancore  and  Cochin, 
the  dynasty  being  in  e.Kistence  early  in  the  Christian  era  (Smith,  EHI,  447  ; 
IGI,  X.  192  f.).] 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  ANCIENT   CITIES  53 

Fandya. — The  kingdom  founded  by  Pand  may  be  that  on  the 
coast  of  Malabar,  the  Pandu-Mandal  of  the  Hindus,  the  Regia 
Pandiona  of  the  geographers  of  the  west,  and  of  which,  probably, 
Tanjore  is  the  modern  capital.^ 

Chaul.— Chaul  ^  is  in  the  Saurashtra  penmsula,  and  on  the 
coast,  towards  Jagat  Khunt, '  the  world's  end,'  and  still  retains  its 
appellation. 

Anga. — The  other  shoot  from  Bhabru  became  celebrated. 
The  thirty-fourth  prince,  Anga,  founded  the  kingdom  of  Angadesa, 
of  which  Champapuri  *  was  the  [44]  capital,  estabhshed  about 
the  same  time  with  Kanauj,  probably  fifteen  himdred  years 
before  Christ.  With  him  the  patronymic  was  changed,  and  the 
Anga  race  became  famous  in  ancient  Hindu  history  ;  and  to  this 
day  Un-des  still  designates  the  Alpine  regions  of  Tibet  bordering 
on  Chinese  Tartary. 

Prithusena  terminates  the  line  of  Anga  ;  and  as  he  survived 
the  disasters  of  the  Great  War,  his  race  probably  multiplied  in 
those  regions,  where  caste  appears  never  to  have  been  introduced. 

Recapitulation. — Thus  have  we  rapidly  reviewed  the  dynasties 
of  Surya  and  Chandra,  from  Manu  and  Budha  to  Rama,  Krishna, 
Yudhishthira,  and  Jarasandha  ;  estabhshing,  it  is  hoped,  some 
new  points,  and  perhaps  adding  to  the  credibility  of  the  whole. 

The  wrecks  of  almost  all  the  vast  cities  founded  by  them  are 
yet  to  be  traced  in  ruins.  The  city  of  Ikshwaku  and  Rama,  on 
the  Sarju ;  Indraprastha,  Mathura,  Surpura,  Prayag  on  the 
Yamuna  ;  Hastinapura,  Kanyakubja,  Rajagriha  on  the  Ganges  ; 
Maheswar  on  the  Nerbudda  ;  Aror  on  the  Indus  ;  and  Kusasthali 

^  [The  Pandya  kingdom  included  the  Madura  and  Tinnevelly  districts, 
with  parts  of  Trichinopoly,  and  sometimes  Travancore,  its  capitals  being 
Madura,  or  Kudal,  and  Korkai  (Smith,  op.  cil.  449  f. ;   IGI,  xix.  394  f.).] 

^  From  Chaul  on  the  coast,  in  journeying  towards  Junagarh,  and  about 
seven  miles  from  the  former,  are  the  remains  of  an  ancient  city. 

*  From  the  description  in  the  Raraayana  of  King  Dasaratha  proceeding 
to  Champamalina,  the  capital  of  Lomapada,  king  of  Anga  (sixth  in  descent 
from  the  founder),  it  is  evident  that  it  was  a  very  mountainous  region,  and 
the  deep  forests  and  large  rivers  presented  serious  obstructions  to  his  journey. 
From  this  1  should  imagine  it  impossible  that  Angadesa  should  apply  to  a 
portion  of  Bengal,  in  which  there  is  a  Champamalina,  described  by  Colonel 
Francklin  in  his  Essay  on  PaUbothra.  [The  Anga  kingdom,  with  its  capital 
at  Champapuri,  near  Bhagalpur,  corresponded  to  the  modern  districts  of 
North  Monghyr,  North  Bhagalpur,  and  Purnea  west  of  the  Mahananda 
river  {IGI,  v.  373).] 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Dwarka  on  the  shore  of  the  Indian  Ocean.  Each  has  left  some 
memorial  of  former  grandeur  :   research  may  discover  others. 

There  is  yet  an  unexplored  region  in  Panchala  ;  Kampilana- 
gara  its  capital,  and  those  cities  established  west  of  the  Indus  by 
the  sons  of  Bajaswa. 

Traces  of  the  early  Indo-Scythic  nations  may  possibly  reward 
the  search  of  some  adventurous  traveller  who  may  penetrate  into 
Transoxiana,  on  the  sites  of  Cyropolis,  and  the  most  northern 
Alexandria  ;   in  Balkh,  and  amidst  the  caves  of  Bamian. 

The  plains  of  India  retain  yet  many  ancient  cities,  from  whose 
ruins  somewhat  may  be  gleaned  to  add  a  mite  to  knowledge  ;  and 
where  inscriptions  may  be  foimd  in  a  character  which,  though 
yet  unintelligible,-  will  not  always  remain  so  in  this  age  of  dis- 
covery. For  such  let  the  search  be  general,  and  when  once  a  key 
is  obtained,  they  will  enlighten  each  other.  Wherever  the  races 
of  Kuru,  Urn,  and  Yadu  have  swayed,  have  been  found  ancient 
and  yet  imdeciphered  characters. 

Much  would  reward  him  who  would  make  a  better  digest  of 
the  historical  and  geographical  matter  in  the  Puranas.  But  we 
must  discard  the  idea  that  the  history  of  Rama,  the  INIahabharata 
of  Krishna  and  the  five  Pandava  ^  brothers,  are  [45]  mere  alle- 
gory :  an  idea  supported  by  some,  although  their  races,  their 
cities,  and  their  coins  still  exist.  Let  us  master  the  characters 
on  the  columns  of  Indraprastha,  of  Prayag  and  Mewar,  on  the 
rocks  of  Junagarh,^  at  Bijolli,  on  the  Aravalli,  and  in  the  Jain 

^  The  history  and  exploits  of  the  Pandavas  and  Harikulas  are  best  known 
in  the  most  remote  parts  of  India  :  amidst  the  forest-covered  mountains  of 
Saurashtra,  the  deep  woods  and  caves  of  Hidiniba  and  Virat  (still  the  shelter 
of  the  savage  Bhil  and  KoH),  or  on  the  craggy  banks  of  the  Charmanvati 
(Chambal).  In  each,  tradition  has  locaUzed  the  shelter  of  these  heroes 
when  exiled  from  the  Yamuna  ;  and  colossal  figures  cut  from  the  mountain, 
ancient  temples  and  caves  inscribed  with  characters  yet  unknown,  attributed 
to  the  Pandavas,  confirm  the  legendary  tale. 

*  The  '  ancient  city,'  par  eminence,  is  the  only  name  this  old  capital,  at 
the  foot  of,  and  guarding,  the  sacred  mount  Girnar,  is  known  by.  Abu-1 
Fazl  says  it  had  long  remained  desolate  and  unknown,  and  was  discovered 
by  mere  accident.  {Ain,  ii.  245.  For  a  description  of  the  place  see  BG, 
viii.  487  ;  E.  C.  Bayley,  Local  Muhammadan  Dynasties,  Gujarat,  182  ff.] 
Tradition  even  being  silent,  they  gave  it  the  emphatic  appellation  of  Juna 
(old)  Garh  (fortress).  J  have  httle  doubt  that  it  is  the  Aaaldurga,  or  | 
Asalgarh,  of  the  Guhilot  annals ;  where  it  is  said  that  prince  Asal  raised  a 
fortress,  called  after  him,  near  to  Girnar,  by  the  consent  of  the  Dabhi  i^rince, 
his  uncle. 


LATER  DYNASTIES  5S 

temples  scattered  over  India,  and  then  we  shall  be  able  to  arrive 
at  just  and  satisfactory  conclusions. 


CHAPTER  5 

Having  investigated  the  line  from  Ikshwaku  to  Rama,  and  that 
from  Budha  (the  parent  and  first  emigrant  of  the  Indu  ^  race,  I 
from  Saka  Dwipa,  or  Scythia,  to  Hindustan)  to  Krishna  andj 
Yudhishthira,  a  period  of  twelve  hundred  years,  we  proceed  to' 
the  second  division  and  second  table  of  the  genealogies. 

The  Suryavansa  or  Solar  Line. — From  Rama  all  the  tribes 
termed  Surj'avansa,  or  '  Race  of  the  Sun,'  claim  descent,  as  the 
present  princes  of  Mewar,  Jaipur,  Marwar,  Bikaner,  and  their 
numerous  clans  ;  while  from  the  Lunar  (Indu)  line  of  Budha  and 
Krishna,  the  families  of  Jaisalmer  and  Cutch  (the  Bhatti  ^  and 
Jareja  races),  extending  throughout  the  Indian  desert  from  the 
Sutlej  to  the  ocean,  deduce  their  pedigTees. 

Rama  preceded  Krishna  :  but  as  their  historians,  Valmiki  and 
Vyasa,  who  wrote  the  events  they  witnessed,  were  contemporaries, 
it  could  not  have  been  by  many  years  [46]. 

The  present  table  contains  the  dynasties  which  succeeded  these 
great  beacons  of  the  Solar  and  Lvmar  races,  and  are  three  in 
number.^ 

1.  The  Suryavansa,  descendants  of  Rama 

2.  The  Induvansa,  descendants  of  Pandu  through  Yudhish- 
thira. 

3.  The  Induvansa,  descendants  of  Jarasandha,  monarch  of 
Rajagriha. 

The  Bhagavat  and  Agni  Puranas  are  the  authorities  for  the 

^  Indu,  Som,  Chandra,  in  Sanskrit  '  the  moon  '  ;  hence  the  Lunar  race 
is  termed  the  Chandravansa,  Sotnvansa,  or  Induvansa,  most  probably  the 

'  root  of  Hindu.     [Pers.  hindu.  Skr.  sindhu.] 

;        ^  The  isolated   and   now   dependent   chieftainship   of  Dhat,   of   which 

•  Umarkot  is  the  capital,  separates  the  Bhattis  from  the  Jarejas.     Dhat  is 

]  now  amalgamated  with  Sind ;  its  prince,  of  Pramara  race  and  Sodha  tribe, 

I  ancient  lords  of  all  Sind. 

,!  '  A  fourth  and  fifth  might  have  been  given,  but  imperfect.  First  the 
descendants  of  Kusa,  second  son  of  Rama,  from  whence  the  princes  of 

j  Narwar  and  Amber  :    secondly,  the  descendants  of  Krishna,  from  whom 

[the  princes  of  Jaisalmer. 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

lines  from  Rama  and  Jarasandha  ;    while  that  of  Pandu  is  from 
the  Raja  Tarangini  and  Raj  avail. 

The  existing  Rajput  tribes  of  the  Solar  race  claim  descent  from 
Lava  and  Kusa,  the  two  elder  sons  of  Rama  ;  nor  do  I  believe 
any  existing  tribes  trace  their  ancestry  to  his  other  children,  or 
to  his  brothers. 

From  the  eldest  son,  Lava,  the  Ranas  of  Mewar  claim  descent  : 
so  do  the  Bargujar  tribe,  formerly  powerful  within  the  confines 
of  the  present  Amber,  whose  representative  now  dwells  at  Anup- 
shahr  on  the  Ganges. 

From  Kusa  descend  the  Kachhwaha  ^  princes  of  Narwar  and 
Amber,  and  their  numerous  clans.  Amber,  though  the  first  in 
power,  is  but  a  scion  of  Narwar,  transplanted  about  one  thousand 
years  back,  whose  chief,  the  representative  of  the  celebrated 
Prince  Nala,  enjoys  but  a  sorry  district  ^  of  all  his  ancient  pos- 
sessions. 

The  house  of  Marwar  also  claims  descent  from  this  stem,  which 
appears  to  originate  in  an  error  of  the  genealogists,  confounding 
the  race  of  Kusa  with  the  Kausika  of  Kanauj  and  Kausambi. 
Nor  do  the  Solar  genealogists  admit  this  assumed  pedigree. 

The  Amber  prince  in  his  genealogies  traces  the  descent  of  the 
Mewar  ^  family  from  Rama  to  Sumitra,  through  Lava,  the  eldest 
brother,  and  not  through  Kusa,*  as  in  some  copies  of  the  Puranas, 
and  in  that  whence  Sir  William  Jones  had  his  lists  [47J. 

Mr.  Bentley,  taking  this  genealogy  from  the  same  authority 
as  Sir  William  Jones,  has  mutilated  it  by  a  transposition,  for 

^  In  modem  times  always  written  and  pronounced  KiUchwdha. 

^  It  is  in  the  plateau  of  Central  India,  near  Shahabad. 

^  Whatever  dignity  attaches  to  this  pedigree,  whether  true  or  false, 
every  prince,  and  every  Hindu  of  learning,  admit  the  claims  of  the  princes 
of  Mewar  as  heir  to  '  the  chair  of  Rama  ' ;  and  a  degree  of  reverence  has 
consequently  attached,  not  only  to  his  person,  but  to  the  seat  of  his  power. 
When  Mahadaji  Sindhia  was  called  by  the  Rana  to  reduce  a  traitorous 
noble  in  Chitor,  such  was  the  reverence  which  actuated  that  (in  other 
respects)  little  scrupulous  chieftain,  that  he  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to 
point  his  cannon  on  the  walls  within  which  consent  established  '  the  throne 
of  Rama.'  The  Rana  himself,  then  a  jouth,  had  to  break  the  ice,  and  fired 
a  cannon  agauist  his  own  ancient  abode. 

*  Bryant,  in  his  Analysis,  mentions  that  the  children  of  the  Cushite 
Ham  used  his  name  in  salutation  as  a  mark  of  recognition.  '  Ram,  Ram,' 
is  the  common  salutation  in  these  Hindu  countries  ;  the  respondent  often 
joining  Sita's  name  with  that  of  her  consort  Rama,  '  Sita  Ram.' 


LATER  DYNASTIES  57 

which  his  reasons  are  insufficient,  and  militate  against  every 
opinion  of  the  Hindus.  Finding  the  names  Vrihadbala  and 
Vridasura,  declared  to  be  princes  contemporary  with  Yudhish- 
thira,  he  transposes  the  whole  ten  princes  of  his  list  intervening 
between  Takshak  ^  and  Bahuman.^ 

Bahuman,*  or  '  the  man  witli  arms  '  (Darazdaslit  or  Longi- 
manus)  is  the  thirty-fourth  prince  from  Rama  ;  and  his  reign 
must  be  placed  nearly  intermediate  between  Rama  and  Sumitra, 
or  his  contemporary  Vikrama,  and  in  the  sixth  century  from 
either. 

Sumitra  concludes  the  line  of  Surya  or  Rama  from  the  Bhaga- 
vat  Purana.  Thence  it  is  connected  with  the  present  line  of 
Mewar,  by  Jai  Singh's  authorities  ;  which  list  has  been  compared 
with  various  others^  chiefly  Jain,  as  will  be  related  in  the  annals 
of  Mewar.  , 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  line  of  Surya  exliibits  fifty-six  princes,  \ 
from  Lava,  the  son  of  Rama,  to  Sumitra,  the  last  prince  given  in  I 
the  Puranas.     Sir  William  Jones  exhibits  fifty-seven. 

To  these  fifty-six  reigns  I  sliould  be  willing  to  allow  the  average 
of  twenty  years,  which  would  give  1120  from  Rama  to  Sumitra, 
who  preceded  by  a  short  period  Vikramaditya  ;  and  as  1100  have 
been  already  calculated  to  have  preceded  the  era  of  Rama  and 
Yudhishthira,  the  inference  is,  that  2200  years  elapsed  from 
Ikshwaku,  the  founder  of  the  Solar  line,  to  Sumitra. 

Chandravansa  or  the  Lunar  Line. — From  the  Raja  Tarangini  1 
and    Rajavali     the    Induvansa    family    (descendants    of    Pandu  1 
tlirough  Yudhishthira)  is  supplied.     These  works,  celebrated  in 
llajwara  as  collections  of  genealogies  and  historical  facts,  by  the  | 

^  Twenty-eighth  prince  from  Rama  in  JMr.  Bentley's  list,  and  twenty-  ^ 
fifth  in  mine. 

2  Thirty-seventh  in  Mr.  Bentley's  hst  and  thirty-fourth  in  mine ;  but 
the  intervening  names  being  made  to  follow  Rama,  Bahuman  (written  by 
him  Banumat)  follows  Takshak. 

*  The  period  of  time,  also,  would  allow  of  their  grafting  the  son  of 
Artaxerxes  and  father  of  Darius,  the  worshipper  of  Mthras,  on  the  stem 
of  the  adorers  of  Surya,  while  a  curious  notice  of  the  Raja  Jai  Singh's  on  a 
subsequent  name  on  this  list  which  he  calls  Naushirwan,  strengthens  the 
coincidence.  Bahuman  (see  article  '  Bahaman,'  D'Herbelot's  Bibl.  Orient.) 
actually  carried  his  arms  into  India,  and  invaded  the  kingdoms  of  the  Solar 
race  of  Mithila  and  Magadha.  The  time  is  appropriate  to  the  first  Darius 
and  his  father ;  and  Herodotus  [iii.  94]  tells  us  that  the  richest  and  best  of 
the  satrapies  of  his  empire  was  the  Hindu, 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Pandils  Vidyadhara  and  Raghunatli,  were  compUed  under  the 
eye  of  the  most  learned  prince  of  his  period,  Sawai  Jai  Singh  of 
Amber,  and  give  the  various  dynasties  which  ruled  at  Indra- 
prastha,  or  Delhi,  from  Yudhishtliira  to  Vikramaditya  ;  and 
although  barren  of  events,  may  be  considered  of  value  in  filling  up 
a  period  of  entire  darkness  [48]. 

The  Tarangini  commences  with  Adinath  ^  or  Rishabhdeva,^ 
being  the  Jain  *  theogony.  Rapidly  noticing  the  leading  princes 
of  the  dynasties  discussed,  they  pass  to  the  birth  of  the  kings 
Dhritarashtra  and  Pandu,  and  their  offspring,  detailing  the 
causes  of  their  civil  strife,  to  that  conflict  termed  the  Mahabharata 
or  Great  War. 

The  Pandava  Family. — The  origin  of  every  family,  whether 
of  east  or  west,  is  involved  in  fable.  That  of  the  Pandu  *  is 
entitled  to  as  much  credence  as  the  birth  of  Romulus,  or  other 
founders  of  a  race. 

Such  traditions  ^  were  probably  invented  to  cover  some  great 
disgrace  in  the  Pandu  family,  and  have  relation  to  the  story 
already  related  of  Vyasa,  and  the  debasement  of  this  branch  of 
the  Harikulas.  Accordingly,  on  the  death  of  Pandu,  Duryo- 
dhana,  nephew  of  Pandu  (son  of  Dhritarashtra,  who  from  blindness 
could  not  inherit),  asserted  their  illegitimacy  before  the  assembled 
kin  at  Hastinapura.  With  the  aid,  however,  of  the  priesthood, 
and  the  blind  Dhritarashtra,  his  nephew,  Yudhishthira,  elder  son 
of  Pandu,  was  invested  by  him  with  the  seal  of  royalty,  in  the 
capital,  Hastinapura. 

Duryodhana's  plots  against  the  Pandu  and  his  partisans  were 

1  First  lord.  ^  j^qj.^  ^f  ^^^^  5^11. 

^  Vidhyadhar  was  a  Jain. 

*  Pandu  not  being  blessed  with  progeny,  his  queen  made  use  of  a  charm 
by  which  she  enticed  the  deities  from  their  spheres.  To  Dharma  Raj 
(Minos)  she  bore  Yudhishthira  ;  by  Pavan  (Aeolus)  she  had  Bhima ;  by 
Indra  (Jupiter  Coelus)  she  had  Arjuna,  who  was  taught  by  his  sire  the  use 
of  the  bow,  so  fatal  in  the  Great  War  ;  and  Nakula  and  Sahadeva  owed 
their  birth  to  Aswini  Kumar  (Aesculapius)  the  physician  of  the  gods. 

*  We  must  not  disregard  the  intellect  of  the  Amber  prince,  who  allowed 
these  ancient  traditions  to  be  incorporated  with  the  genealogy  compiled 
under  his  eye.  The  prince  who  obtained  De  Silva  from  Emmanuel  III.  of 
Portugal,  who  combined  the  astronomical  tables  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and 
raised  these  monuments  of  his  scientific  genius  in  his  favourite  pursuit 
(astronomy)  in  all  the  capital  cities  of  India,  while  engrossed  in  war  and 
pohtics,  requires  neither  eulogy  nor  defence. 


LATER  DYNASTIES  59 

so  numerous  that  the  five  brothers  determined  to  leave  for  a 
while  their  ancestral  abodes  on  the  Ganges.  They  sought  shelter 
in  foreign  countries  about  the  Indus,  and  were  first  protected  by 
Drupada,  king  of  Panchala,  at  whose  capital,  Kampilanagara, 
the  surrounding  princes  had  arrived  as  suitors  for  the  hand  of  his 
daughter,  Draupadi.^  But  the  prize  was  destined  for  the  exiled 
Pandu,  and  the  skill  of  Arjuna  in  archery  obtained  him  the  fair, 
who  "  threw  roimd  his  neck  the  (barmala)  garland  of  marriage." 
The  disappointed  princes  indulged  their  resentment  against  the 
exile  ;  but  by  Arjuna's  bow  they  suffered  the  fate  of  Penelope's 
suitors,  and  the  Pandu  brought  home  his  bride,  who  became  the 
wife  in  common  of  the  five  brothers  :  manners  ^  decisively 
Scythic  [49]. 

The  deeds  of  the  brothers  abroad  were  bruited  in  Hastinapura 
and  the  blind  Dhritarashtra's  influence  effected  their  recall.  To 
stop,  however,  their  intestine  feuds,  he  partitioned  the  Pandu 
sovereignty  ;  and  while  his  son,  Duryodhana,  retained  Hastina- 
pura, Yudhishthira  founded  the  new  capital  of  Indraprastha  ;  but 
shortly  after  the  Mahabharata  he  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  gi-and- 
nephew,  Parikshita,  introducing  a  new  era,  called  after  himself, 
which  existed  for  eleven  hundred  years,  when  it  was  overturned, 
and  Indraprastha  was  conquered  by  Vila-amaditya  Tuar  of  Ujjain, 
of  the  same  race,  who  established  an  era  of  his  own. 

On  the  division  of  the  Pandu  sovereignty,  the  new  kingdom 
of  Indraprastha  eclipsed  that  of  Hastinapura.  The  brothers 
reduced  to  obedience  the  surrounding  ^  nations,  and  compelled 
their  princes  to  sign  tributary  engagements  {paenama)^ 

Yudhishthira,    firmly    seated   on   his    throne,    determined   to 

^  Drupada  was  of  the  Aswa  race,  being  descended  from  Bajaswa  (or 
Hyaswa)  of  the  line  of  Ajamidha. 

^  This  marriage,  so  inconsistent  with  Hindu  deUcacy,  is  glossed  over. 
Admitting  the  polyandry,  but  in  ignorance  of  its  being  a  national  custom, 
puerile  reasons  are  interpolated.  In  the  early  annals  of  the  same  race, 
predecessors  of  the  Jaisalmer  family,  the  younger  son  is  made  to  succeed  : 
also  Scythic  or  Tatar.  The  manners  of  the  Scythae  described  by  Herodotus 
are  found  still  to  exist  among  their  descendants  :  "a  pair  of  shppers  at  the 
wife's  door  "  is  a  signal  well  understood  by  all  Eimauk  husbands  (Elphin- 
stone's  Caubul,  vol.  ii.  p.  251). 

'  Tarangini. 

*  Paenama  is  a  [Persian]  word  pecuharly  expressive  of  subserviency  to 
paramount  authority,  whether  the  engagement  be  in  money  or  service  : 
from  pae,  '  the  foot.' 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

signalize  his  reign  and  paramount  sovereignty,  by  the  imposing 
and  solemn  rites  of  Asvamedha  ^  and  Rajasuya. 

The  Asvamedha. — In  these  magnificent  ceremonies,  in  which 
princes  alone  officiate,  every  duty,  down  to  that  of  porter,  is  per- 
formed by  royalty. 

The  '  Steed  of  Sacrifice  '  was  liberated  under  Arjuna's  care, 
having  wandered  whither  he  listed  for  twelve  months  ;  and  none 
daring  to  accept  this  challenge  of  supremacy,  he  was  reconducted 
to  Indraprastha,  Avhere,  in  the  meanwhile,  the  hall  of  sacrifice  was 
prepared,  and  all  the  princes  of  the  land  were  summoned  to 
attend. 

The  hearts  of  the  Kurus  ^  burned  with  envy  at  the  assumption 
of  supremacy  by  the  Pandus,  for  the  Prmce  of  Hastinapura's 
office  was  to  serve  out  the  sacred  food  [50]. 

The  rivalry  between  the  races  burst  forth  afresh  ;  but  Duryo- 
dhana,  who  so  often  failed  in  his  schemes  against  the  safety  of  his 
antagonists,  determined  to  make  the  virtue  of  Yudhishthira  the 
instrument  of  his  success.  He  availed  himself  of  the  national 
propensity  for  play,  in  which  the  Rajput  continues  to  preserve 
his  Scythic  ^  resemblance.  Yudhishthira  fell  into  the  snare 
prepared  for  him.  He  lost  his  kingdom,  his  wife,  and  even  his 
personal  liberty  and  that  of  his  brothers,  for  twelve  years,  and 
became  an  exile  from  the  plains  of  the  Yamuna. 

The  traditional  historj'^  of  these  wanderers  during  the  term  of 
probation,  their  many  lurking  jilaces  now  sacred,  the  return 
to  their  ancestral  abodes,  and  the  grand  battle  (Mahabharata) 
which  ensued,  form  highly  interesting  episodes  in  the  legends  of 
Hindu  antiquity. 

To  decide  this  civil  strife,  every  tribe  and  chief  of  fame,  from 
the  Caucasus  to  the  ocean,  assembled  on  Kurukshetra,  the  field 

^  Sacrifice  of  the  horse  to  the  sun,  of  which  a  full  description  is  given 
hereafter. 

^  Duryodhana,  as  the  elder  ))ranch,  retained  his  title  as  head  of  the 
Kurus  ;  while  the  junior,  Yudhishthira,  on  the  separation  of  authority, 
adopted  his  father's  name,  Pandu,  as  the  patronymic  of  his  new  dynasty. 
The  site  of  the  great  conflict  (or  Mahabharata)  between  these  rival  clans,  is 
called  Kurukshetra,  or  '  Field  of  the  Kurus.' 

*  Herodotus  describes  the  ruinous  passion  for  play  amongst  the  Scythic 
hordes,  and  which  may  have  been  carried  west  by  Odin  into  Scandinavia 
and  Germany.  Tacitus  tells  us  that  the  Germans,  like  the  Pandus,  staked 
even  iiersonal  liberty,  and  were  sold  as  slaves  by  the  winner  [Germania,  24]. 


LATER  DYNASTIES  61 

on  which  the  empire  of  India  has  since  more  than  once  been 
contested  ^  and  lost. 

This  combat  was  fatal  to  the  dominant  influence  of  the  "  fifty- 
six  tribes  of  Yadu."  On  each  of  its  eighteen  days'  combat,  myriads 
were  slain  ;  for  "  the  father  knew  not  the  son,  nor  the  disciple  his 
preceptor." 

Victory  brought  no  happiness  to  Yudhishthira.  The  slaughter 
of  his  friends  disgusted  him  with  the  world,  and  he  determined 
to  withdraw  frona  it  ;  previously  performing,  at  Hastinapura, 
funeral  rites  for  Duryodhana  (slain  by  the  hands  of  Bhima), 
whose  ambition  and  bad  faith  had  originated  this  exterminating 
war.  "  Having  regained  his  kingdom,  he  proclaimed  a  new  era, 
and  placing  on  the  throne  of  Indraprastha,  Parikshita,  grandson 
to  Arjuna,  retired  to  Dwarka  with  KJrislina  and  Baldeva  :  and 
since  the  war  to  the  period  of  writing,  4638  j^ears  have  elapsed."  - 

Yudhishthira,  Baldeva,  and  Krishna,  having  retired  with  the 
wreck  of  this  ill-fated  struggle  to  Dwarka,  the  two  former  had 
soon  to  lament  the  death  of  Krishna,  slain  by  one  of  the  aboriginal 
tribes  of  Bhils  ;  against  whom,  from  their  shattered  condition, 
they  were  luiable  to  contend.  After  this  event,  Yudhishthira, 
with  [51]  Baldeva  and  a  few  followers,  entirely  withdrew  from 
India,  and  emigrating  northwards,  by  Sind,  to  the  Himalayan 
mountains,  are  there  abandoned  by  Hindu  traditional  history, 
and  are  supposed  to  have  perished  in  the  snows.' 

^  On  it  the  last  Hindu  monarch,  Prithwiraja,  lost  his  kingdom,  his  hberty, 
and  life. 

2  Rajatarangini.     The  period  of  writing  was  a.d.  1740.  ; 

^  Having  ventured  to  surmise  analogies  between  the  Hercules  of  the  east 
and  west,  I  shall  carry  them  a  point  further.  Amidst  the  snows  of  Caucasus, 
Hindu  legend  abandons  the  Harikulas,  under  their  leaders  Yudhishthira 
and  Baldeva  :  yet  if  Alexander  estabhshed  his  altars  in  Panchala,  amongst 
the  sons  of  Puru  and  the  Harikulas,  what  physical  impossibility  exists  that 
a  colony  of  them,  under  Yudhishthira  and  Baldeva,  eight  centuries  anterior, 
should  have  penetrated  to  Greece  ?  Comparatively  far  advanced  in  science 
and  arms,  the  conquest  would  have  been  easy.  When  Alexander  attacked 
the  '  free  cities '  of  Panchala,  the  Purus  and  Harikulas  who  opposed  him 
evinced  the  recollections  of  their  ancestor,  in  carrying  the  figure  of  Hercules 
as  their  standard.  Comparison  proves  a  common  origin  to  Hindu  and 
Grecian  mythology  ;  and  Plato  says  the  Greeks  had  theirs  from  Egypt  and 
the  East.  May  not  this  colony  of  the  Harikulas  be  the  Herachdae,  who  pene- 
trated into  the  Peloponnesus  (according  to  Volney)  1078  years  before  Christ, 
sufficiently  near  our  calculated  period  of  the  Great  War  ?  The  Herachdae 
claimed  from  Atreus  :   the  Harikxilas  claim  from  Atri.     Eurysthenes  was 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

From  Parikshita,  who  succeeded  Yudhishthira,  to  Vikrama- 
ditya,  four  ^  dynasties  are  given  in  a  continuous  chain,  exhibiting 
sixty-six  princes  to  Rajpal,  who,  invading  Kumaon,  was  slain  by 
Sukwanti.  The  Kumaun  conqueror  seized  upon  Delhi,  but  was 
soon  dispossessed  by  Vikramaditya,  who  transferred  the  seat  of 
imperial  power  from  Indraprastha  to  Avanti,  or  Ujjain,  from 
which  time  it  became  the  first  meridian  of  the  Hindu  astronomy. 

Indraprastha  ceased  to  be  a  regal  abode  for  eight  centuries, 
when  it  was  re-established  by  Anangpal,^  the  founder  of  the  Tuar 
race,  claiming  descent  from  the  Pandus.  Then  the  name  of  Delhi 
superseded  that  of  Indraprastha. 


the  first  king  of  the  HeracUdae  :  Yudhishthira  has  suflEicient  affinity  in 
name  to  the  first  Spartan  king  not  to  startle  the  etymologist,  the  d  and 
r  being  always  permutable  in  Sanskrit.  The  Greeks  or  lonians  are  de- 
scended from  Yavan,  or  Javan,  the  seventh  from  Japhet.  The  Harikulas 
are  also  Yavans  claiming  from  Javan  or  Yavan,  the  thirteenth  in  descent 
from  Yayati,  the  third  son  of  the  primeval  patriarch.  The  ancient  Hera- 
clidae  of  Greece  asserted  they  were  as  old  as  the  sun,  and  older  than  the 
moon.  May  not  this  boast  conceal  the  fact  that  the  Heliadae  (or  Suryct- 
vansa)  of  Greece  had  settled  there  anterior  to  the  colony  of  the  Indu  (Lunar) 
race  of  Harikula  ?  In  all  that  relates  to  the  mythological  history  of  the 
Indian  demi-gods,  Baldeva  (Hercules),  Krishna  or  Kanhaiya  (Apollo),  and 
Budha  (Mercury),  a  powerful  and  almost  perfect  resemblance  can  be  traced 
))etween  those  of  Hindu  legend,  Greece,  and  Egypt.  Baldeva  (the  god  of 
strength)  Harikula,  is  still  worshipped  as  in  the  days  of  Alexander ;  his 
shrine  at  Baldeo  in  Vraj  (the  Surasenoi  of  the  Greeks),  his  club  a  plough- 
share, and  a  lion's  skin  his  covering.  A  Hindu  intaglio  of  rare  value 
represents  Hercules  exactly  as  described  by  Arrian,  with  a  monogram  con- 
sisting of  two  ancient  characters  now  unknown,  but  which  I  have  found 
wherever  tradition  assigns  a  spot  to  the  Harikulas  ;  especially  in  Saurashtra, 
where  they  were  long  concealed  on  their  exile  from  Delhi.  This  we  may 
at  once  decide  to  be  the  exact  figure  of  Hercules  which  Arrian  describes 
his  descendants  to  have  carried  as  their  standard,  when  Porus  opposed 
Alexander.  The  intaglio  will  appear  in  the  Trans.  li.A.S.  [The  specula- 
tions in  this  note  have  no  authority.] 

^  The  twenty-eighth  prince,  Khemraj,  was  the  last  in  lineal  descent  from 
Parikshita,  the  grand-nephew  of  Yudhishthira.  The  first  dynasty  lasted 
1 864  years.  The  second  dynasty  was  of  Visarwa,  and  consisted  of  fourteen 
princes  ;  this  lasted  five  hundred  years.  The  third  dynasty  was  headed  by 
Mahraj,  and  terminated  by  Antinai,  the  fifteenth  prince.  The  fourth 
dynasty  was  headed  by  Dudhsen,  and  terminated  by  Rajpal,  the  ninth  and 
last  king  (Rajatarangini). 

'^  The  Rajatarangini  gives  the  date  A.v.  848,  or  a.v.  792,  for  this ;  and 
adds  :  "  Princes  from  Siwalik,  or  northern  hills,  held  it  during  this  time, 
and  it  long  continued  desolate  until  the  Tuars." 


LATER  DYNASTIES  63 

"  Sukwanti,  a  prince  from  the  northern  mountains  of  Kumaun, 
ruled  fourteen  [52]  years,  when  he  was  slain  by  Vikramaditya  ;  ^ 
and  from  the  Bharat  to  this  period  2915  years  have  elapsed."  * 

Such  a  period  asserted  to  have  elapsed  while  sixty-six  princes 
occupied  the  throne,  gives  an  average  of  forty-four  years  to  each  ; 
which  is  incredible,  if  not  absolutely  impossible. 

In  another  passage  the  compiler  says  :  "  I  have  read  many 
books  (shastras),  and  all  agreed  to  make  one  hundred  princes, 
all  of  Khatri  ^  race,  occupy  the  throne  of  Delhi  from  Yudhishthira 
to  Pritliwiraja,  a  period  of  4100  years,*  after  which  the  Ravad  * 
race  succeeded." 

It  is  fortunate  for  these  remnants  of  historical  data  that  thej^ 
have  only  extended  the  duration  of  reigns,  and  not  added  more 
heads.  Sixty-six  links  are  quite  sufficient  to  connect  Yudhishthira 
and  Vikramaditya. 

We  cannot  object  to  the  "  one  hundred  princes  "  who  fill  the 
space  assigned  from  Yudhishthira  to  Prithwiraja,  though  there 
is  no  proportion  between  the  number  which  precedes  and  that 
which  follows  Vikramaditya,  the  former  being  sixty-six,  the  latter 
only  thirty-four  princes,  although  the  period  cannot  differ  half 
a  century. 

I^et  us  apply  a  test  to  these  one  hundred  kings,  from  Yudhish 
thira  to  Prithwiraja  :   the  result  will  be  2250  years. 

This  test  is  derived  from  the  average  rate  of  reigns  of  the  chief 
dynasties  of  Rajasthan,  during  a  pei-iod  of  63.S  ®  to  663  '  years,  I 
or  from  Prithwiraja  to  the  present  date.  \>^©:.\   OP  K<^^ 

1  .50  B.C.     [Cunningham  remarks  that  the  defeat  of  Raja  Pal  of  Delhi    Vw'^ 
bj^  Sukwanti,  Sukdati,  or  Sukaditya,  Raja  of  Kumaun,  must  be  assigned  to 
A.D.  79  :  but  he  has  little  confidence  in  such. traditions,  iniless  supported  by 
independent  evidence  {ASB,  i.  1.38).] 

-  Raghunath.  ^  J^^jput,  or  Kshatriya. 

*  'J'his  period  of  4100  years  may  have  been  arrived  at  by  the  compiler 
taking  for  granted  the  number  of  years  mentioned  by  Raghunath  as  having 
elapsed  from  the  Mahabharata  to  Vikrainaditya,  namely  291.5,  and  adding 
thereto  the  well-authenticated  period  of  Prithwiraja,  who  was  born  in 
iSamvat  1215  :  for  if  2915  be  subtracted  from  4100,  it  leaves  1185,  the  period 
within  thirty  years  of  the  birth  of  Prithwiraja,  according  to  the  Chauhan 
chronicles. 

*  Solar. 

*  From  S.  1250,  or  a.d.  1194,  captivity  and  dethronement  of  Pritliwiraja. 
'  From  S.  1212,  a.d.  1516,  the  founding  of  Jaisalmer  by  Jaisal,  to  the 

accession  of  Gaj  Singh,  the  present  prince,  in  S.  1876,  or  a.d.  1820. 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Of  Mewar  .  .  34  ^  princes,  or  19  years  to  each  reign. 

Of  Marwar  .  .  28  princes,  or  23i  „  ,, 

Of  Amber  .  .  29  princes,  or  22i  ,,  ,, 

Of  Jaisalmer  .  .  28  princes,  or  23J  ,,  ,, 

giving  an  average  of  twenty-two  years  for  each  reign  [53]. 

It  would  not  be  proper  to  ascribe  a  longer  period  to  each  reign, 
and  it  were  perhaps  better  to  give  the  minimum,  nineteen,  to 
extended  dynasties ;  and  to  the  sixty-six  princes  from  Yudhish- 
thira  and  Vikramaditya  not  even  so  much,  four  revolutions  ^  and 
usurpations  marking  this  period. 

Jarasandha. — The  remaining  line,  that  of  Jarasandha,  taken 
from  the  Bhagavat,  is  of  considerable  importance,  and  will  afford 
scope  for  further  speculation. 

Jarasandha  was  the  monarch  of  Rajagriha,^  or  Bihar,  whose 
son  Sahadeva,  and  grandson  Marjari,  are  declared  to  have  been 
contemporaries  of  the  Mahabharata,  and  consequently  coeval 
with  Parikshita,  the  Delhi  sovereign. 

The  direct  line  of  Jarasandha  terminates  in  twenty-three 
descents  with  Ripimjaya,  who  was  slain,  and  his  throne  assumed 
by  his  minister,  Sanaka,  whose  dynasty  terminated  in  the  fifth 
generation  with  Nandivardandhana.  Sanaka  derived  no  personal 
advantage  from  his  usurpation,  as  he  immediately  placed  his  son, 
Pradyota,  on  the  throne.  To  these  five  princes  one  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  years  are  assigned. 

A  new  race  entered  Hindustan,  led  by  a  conqueror  termed 
Sheshnag,  from  Sheshnagdesa,*  who  ascended  the  Pandu  throne, 

^  Many  of  its  early  princes  were  killed  in  battle  ;  and  the  present  prince's 
father  succeeded  his  own  nephew,  which  was  retrograding. 

^  The  historians  sanction  the  propriety  of  these  changes,  in  their  remarks, 
that  the  deposed  were  "  deficient  in  [capacity  for]  the  cares  and  duties  of 
government." 

®  Rajagriha,  or  Rajmahal,  capital  of  Magadhades,  or  Bihar.  [In  Patna 
district,  lOI,  xxi.  72.] 

*  Figuratively,  the  country  of  the  '  head  of  the  Snakes  ' ;  Nag,  Talc,  or 
Takshak,  being  synonymous  :  and  which  I  conclude  to  be  the  abode  of  the 
ancient  Scythic  Tachari  of  Strabo,  the  Tak-i-uks  of  the  Cliinese,  the  Tajiks 
of  the  present  day  of  Turkistan.  This  race  appears  to  be  the  same  with 
that  of  the  Turushka  (of  the  Puranas),  who  ruled  on  the  Arvarma  (the 
Araxes),  in  Sakadwipa,  or  Scytliia.  [This  is  a  confused  reference  to  the 
Saisunaga  dynasty,  which  took  its  name  from  its  founder,  Sisunaga,  and 
comprised  roughly  the  present  Patna  and  Gaya  districts,  its  capital  being 


LATER  DYNASTIES  65 

and  whose  line  terminates  in  ten  descents  with  Mahanandin,  of 
spurious  birth.  This  last  prince,  who  was  also  named  Baikyat, 
carried  on  an  exterminating  warfare  against  the  ancient  Rajput 
princes  of  pui-e  blood,  the  Puranas  declaring  that  since  the  dynasty 
of  Sheshnag  the  princes  were  Sudras.  Three  hundred  and  sixty 
years  are  allotted  to  these  ten  princes. 

Chandragupta  Maurya. — A  fourth  dynasty  commenced  with 
Chandragupta  Maurya,  of  the  same  Takshak  race.^  The  Maurya 
dynasty  consisted  of  ten  princes,  who  are  stated  to  have  passed 
away  in  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  years.     [322-185  B.C.] 

Sunga,  Kanva  Dynasties. — The  fifth  dynasty  of  eight  princes 
were  from  Sringides,  and  are  said  to  have  ruled  one  hundred  and 
twelve  years,  when  a  prince  of  Kanvades  deprived  the  last  of  life 
and  kingdom.  Of  these  eight  princes,  four  were  of  pure  blood, 
when  Kistna,  by  a  Sudra  woman,  succeeded.  The  dynasty  of 
Kanvades  terminates  in  twenty-three  generations  with  Sus- 
arman*  [54]. 

Recapitulation.  —  Thus  from  the  Great  War  six  successive 
dynasties  are  given,  presenting  a  continuous  chain  of  eighty-two 
princes,  reckoning  from  Sahadeva,  the  successor  of  Jarasandha, 
to  Susarman. 

To  some  of  the  short  dynasties  periods  are  assigned  of  moderate 
length  :   but  as  the  first  and  last  are  without  such  data,  the  test 

Rajagriha ;  the  modern  Rajglr-Sisunaga  means  '  a  young  elephant,'  and 
has  no  connexion  with  Sheshnag,  the  serpent  king  {Vishnu  Purana,  466  f.  ; 
Smith,  EHI,  31).] 

^  [Chandragupta  Maurya  was  certainly  not  a  "  Takshak  "  :  he  was 
probably  "  an  illegitimate  scion  of  the  Nanda  family  "  (Smith,  EHI,  42).] 

2  ]\'Ir.  Bentley  {'  On  the  Hindu  System  of  Astronomy,'  As.  Res.  vol.  viii. 
pp.  236-7)  states  that  the  astronomer,  Brahmagupta,  flourished  about 
A.D.  527,  or  of  Vikrama  583,  shortly  preceding  the  reign  of  Susarman  ;  that 
he  was  the  founder  of  the  system  called  the  Kalpa  of  Brahma,  on  v/hich  the 
present  Hindu  chronology  is  founded,  and  to  which  Mr.  Bentley  says  their 
historical  data  was  transferred.  This  would  strengthen  my  calculations  ; 
but  the  weight  of  Mr.  Bentley's  authority  has  been  much  weakened  by  his 
unwarrantable  attack  on  Mr.  Colebrooke,  whose  extent  of  knowledge  is  of 
double  value  from  his  entire  aversion  to  hypothesis.  [The  Sunga  dynasty, 
founded  by  Pushyamitra,  about  185  B.C.,  lasted  till  about  73  B.C.,  when  the 
tenth  king,  Devabhuti,  was  slain  by  his  Brahman  minister,  Vasudeva,  who 
founded  the  Kanva  dynasty.  He  was  followed  by  three  kings,  and  the 
dynasty  lasted  only  forty-five  years,  the  last  member  of  it  being  slain,  about 
28  B.C.,  by  a  king  of  the  Andhra  or  Satavahana  dynasty,  then  reigning  in 
the  Deccan.     For  the  scanty  details  see  Smith,  EHI,  198  fr.l 

VOL.  I  F 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

already  decided  on  must  be  applied  ;  which  will  yield  1704  years, 
being  six  hundred  and  four  after  Vikramaditya,  whose  contem- 
porary will  thus  be  Basdeva,  the  fifty-fifth  prince  from  Sahadeva 
of  the  sixth  dynasty,  said  to  be  a  conqueror  from  the  country  of 
Katehr  [or  Rohilkhand].  If  these  calculations  possess  any  value, 
the  genealogies  of  the  Bhagavat  are  brought  down  to  the  close  of 
the  fifth  century  following  Vikramaditya.  As  we  cannot  admit 
the  gift  of  prophecy  to  the  compilers  of  these  books,  we  may  infer 
that  they  remodelled  their  ancient  chronicles  during  the  reign  of 
Susarman,  about  the  year  of  Vikrama  600,  or  a.d.  540. 

With  regard  to  calculations  already  adduced,  as  to  the  average 
number  of  years  for  the  reigns  of  the  foregoing  dynasties,  a  com- 
parison with  those  which  history  affords  of  other  parts  of  the 
world  will  supply  the  best  criterion  of  the  correctness  of  the 
assumed  data. 

From  the  revolt  of  the  ten  tribes  against  Rehoboam  ^  to  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem,  a  period  of  three  hundred  and  eighty-seven 
years,  twenty  kings  sat  on  the  throne  of  Judah,  making  each  reign 
nineteen  and  a  half  years  ;  but  if  we  include  the  three  anterior 
reigns  of  Saul,  David,  and  Solomon,  prior  to  the  revolt,  the  result 
will  be  twenty-six  and  a  half  years  each. 

From  the  dismemberment  of  the  Assjrrian  ^  empire  under 
Sardanapalus,  nearly  nine  hundred  years  before  Christ,  the  three 
consequent  confluent  dynasties  of  Babylonia,  Assyria,  and  Media 
afford  very  different  results  for  comparison. 

The  Assyrian  preserves  the  medium,  while  the  Babylonish  and 
Median  run  into  extremes.  Of  the  nine  princes  who  swayed 
Babylon,  from  the  period  of  its  separation  from,  till  its  reunion 
to  Assyria,  a  space  of  fifty-two  years,  Darius,  who  ruled  Media 
sixty  [thirty-six]  years  [55],  outhved  the  whole.  Of  the  line  of 
Darius  there  were  but  six  princes,  from  the  separation  of  the 
kingdoms  to  their  reunion  imder  Cyrus,  a  period  of  one  hundred 
and  seventy-four  years,  or  twenty-nine  to  each  reign. 

The  Assjo-ian  reigns  form  a  juster  medium.  From  Nebuchad- 
nezzar to  Sardanapalus  we  have  twenty-two  years  to  a  reign  ; 
but  from  thence  to  the  extinction  of  this  dynasty,  eighteen. 

The  first  eleven  kings,  the  Heraclidae  of  Laced aemon,  com- 

^  987  years  l^efore  Christ. 

^  For  these  and  tV.e  following  elates  I  am  indebted  to  Goguet's  chrono- 
logical  tables  in  his  Origin  of  Laws. 


LATER  DYNASTIES  67 

mencing  with  Eiirysthenes  (1078  before  Christ),  average  thirty- 
two  years  ;  while  in  repubhcan  Athens,  nearly  contemporary^ 
from  the  first  perpetual  archon  until  the  office  became  decennial 
in  the  seventh  Olympiad,  the  reigns  of  the  twelve  chief  magis- 
trates average  twenty-eight  years  and  a  half. 

Thus  we  have  three  periods,  Jewish,  Spartan,  and  Athenian, 
each  commencing  about  eleven  hundred  years  before  Christ,  not 
half  a  century  remote  from  the  Mahabharata  ;  with  those  of 
Babylonia,  Assyria,  and  Media,  commencing  where  we  quit  the 
Grecian,  in  the  eighth  century  before  the  Christian  era,  the  Jewish 
ending  in  the  sixth  century. 

However  short,  compared  with  our  Solar  and  Lunar  dynasties, 
yet  these,  combined  Avith  the  average  reigns  of  existing  Hindu 
dynasties,  will  aid  the  judgment  in  estimating  the  periods  to  be 
assigned  to  the  lines  thus  afforded,  instead  of  following  the  improb- 
able value  attached  by  the  Brahmans. 

From  such  data,  longevity  appears  in  unison  with  climate  and 
simplicity  of  life  :  the  Spartan  yielding  the  maximimi  of  thirty- 
two  to  a  reign,  while  the  more  luxurious  Athens  gives  twenty- 
eight  and  a  half.  The  Jews,  from  Saul  t6  their  exile  "  to  the  waters 
of  Babylon,"  twenty-six  and  a  half.  The  Medes  equal  the  Lace- 
daemonians, and  in  all  history  can  only  be  paralleled  by  the 
princes  of  Anhilwara,  one  of  whom,  Chawand,  almost  equalled 
Darius.^  ^ 

Of  the  separated  ten  tribes,  from  the  revolt  to  the  captivity, 
twenty  kings  of  Israel  passed  away  in  two  centuries,  or  ten  years 
eacli. 

The  Spartan  and  Assyrian  present  the  extremes  of  thirty-two 
and  eighteen,  giving  a  medium  of  twenty-five  years  to  a  reign. 

The  average  result  of  our  four  Hindu  dynasties,  in  a  period  of 
nearly  seven  hundred  years,  is  twenty-two  years. 

From  all  which  data,  I  would  presume  to  assign  from  twenty 
to  twenty- two  years  to  each  reign  in  lines  of  fifty  princes  [56]. 

If  the  value  thus  obtained  be  satisfactory,  and  the  lines  of 
dynasties  derived  from  so  many  authorities  correct,  we  shall 
arrive  at  the  same  conclusion  with  Mr.  Bentley  ;  who,  by  the 
more    philosophical    process    of    astronomical    and    genealogical 

^  [It  is  not  clear  to  whom  the  author  refers  ;  Chamunda  Chavada  (a.d. 
880-908):  or  Chamunda  Chauhikya  (a.d.  997-1010),  {EG,  i.  Part  1.  151, 
162).] 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

combination,  places  Yudhishtliira's  era  in  the  year  2825  of  the 
world  ;  which  being  taken  from  4004  (the  world's  age  at  the  birth 
of  Christ)  will  leave  1179  before  Christ  for  Yudhishthira's  era, 
or  1123  before  Vikramaditya.^ 


CHAPTER  6 

Rajputs  and  Mongols. — Having  thus  brought  down  the  genea- 
logical history  of  the  ancient  martial  races  of  India,  from  the  earliest 
period  to  Yudhishthira  and  Krishna,  and  thence  to  Vikrama- 
ditya  and  the  present  day,  a  few  observations  on  the  races  invading 
India  during  that  time,  and  now  ranked  amongst  the  thirty-six 
royal  races  of  Rajasthan,  affording  scope  for  sonic  curious  analogies, 
may  not  be  inopportune. 

The  tribes  here  alluded  to  are  the  Haihaya  or  Aswa,  the  Takshak, 
and  the  Jat  or  Getae  ;  the  similitude  of  whose  theogony,  names 
in  their  early  genealogies,  and  many  other  points,  with  the  Chinese, 
Tatar,  Mogul,  Hindu,  and  Scythic  races,  would  appear  to  warrant 
the  assertion  of  one  common  origin. 

Though  the  periods  of  the  passage  of  these  tribes  into  India 
cannot  be  stated  with  exactitude,  the  regions  whence  they  migrated 
may  more  easily  be  ascertained. 

Mongol  Origin. — Let  us  compare  the  origin  of  the  Tatars  and 
Moguls,  as  given  by  their  historian,  Abulghazi,  with  the  races  we 
have  been  treating  of  from  the  Puranas. 

Mogol  was  the  name  of  the  Tatarian  patriarch.  His  son  was 
Aghuz,''  the  founder  of  all  the  races  of  those  northern  regions, 
called  Tatars  and  Mogol  [57].  Aghuz  had  six  sons.^  First,  Kun,* 
'  the  sun,'  the  Surya  of  the  Puranas  ;   secondly,  Ai,^  '  the  moon,' 

^  [The  evidence  quoted  in  this  chapter  bj^  which  the  author  endeavours 
1 1  frame  a  chronology  for  this  early  period,  is  untrustworthy.  Mr.  Pargiter 
tentatively  dates  the  great  Bharata  battle  about  1000  B.C.,  but  the  evidence 
is  very  uncertain  {JRAS,  January  1910,  p.  56  ;   April  1914,  p.  294).] 

^  Query,  if  from  Mogol  and  Aghuz,  compounded,  we  have  not  the  Magog, 
son  of  Japhet,  of  Scripture  ? 

^  The  other  four  sons  are  the  remaining  elements,  personified  :  whence 
the  six  races  of  Tatars.  The  Hindus  had  long  but  two  races,  till  the  four 
AgnOcula  made  them  also  six,  and  now  thirty-six  ! 

*  In  Tatar,  according  to  Abulghazi,  the  sun  and  moon. 

^  De  Giiignes. 


I 


MONGOL  AND  HINDU  TRADITIONS  69 

the  Indu  of  the  Puranas.  In  the  latter,  Ai,  we  have  even  the 
same  name  [Ayus]  as  in  the  Puranas  for  the  Lunar  ancestor.  The 
Tatars  all  claim  from  Ai,  '  the  moon,'  the  Indus  of  the  Puranas. 
Hence  with  them,  as  with  the  German  tribes,  the  moon  was  always 
a  male  deity.  The  Tatar  Ai  had  a  son,  Yulduz.  His  son^was 
Hyu,  from  whom  ^  came  the  first  race  of  the  kings  of  China.  The 
Puranic  Ayus  had  a  son,  Yadu  (pronounced  Jadon)  ;  from  whose 
third  son,  Haya,  the  Hindu  genealogist  deduces  no  line,  and 
from  whom  the  Chinese  may  claim  their  Indu  ^  origin.  II  Khan 
(ninth  from  Ai)  had  two  sons  :  first,  Kian  ;  and  secondly,  Nagas  ; 
whose  descendants  peopled  all  Tatary.  From  Kian,  Jenghiz 
Ivlian  claimed  descent.^  Nagas  was  probablj-  the  founder  of  the 
Takshak,  or  Snake  race  '  of  the  Puranas  and  Tatar  genealogists, 
the  Tak-i-uk  Moguls  of  De  Guignes. 

Such  are  the  comparative  genealogical  origins  of  the  three 
races.  Let  us  compare  their  thcogony,  the  fabulous  birth  assigned 
by  each  for  the  founder  of  the  Indu  race. 

Mongol  and  Hindu  Traditions. — 1.  The  Puranic.  "  Ila  {the 
earth),  daughter  of  the  sun-born  Ikshwaku,  while  wandering  in  the 
forests  was  encountered  by  Budha  {Mercury),  and  from  the  rape 
of  Ila  sprimg  the  Indu  race." 

2.  The  Chinese  account  of  the  birth  of  Yu  (Ayu),  their  first 
monarch.  "  A  star  *  (Mercury  or  Fo)  struck  his  mother  while 
journeying.  She  conceived,  and  gave  to  the  world  Yu,  the 
founder  of  the  first  dynasty  which  reigned  in  China.  Yu  divided 
China  into  nine  provinces,  and  began  to  reign  2207  ^  years  before 
Christ "  [58]. 

Thus  the  Ai  of  the  Tatars,  the  Yu  of  the  Chinese,  and  the  Ayus 

^  Sir  W.  Jones  says  the  Chinese  assert  their  Hindu  origin  ;  but  a  com- 
parison proves  both  these  Indu  races  to  be  of  Scj^thic  origin.  [Yadu  was  son 
of  Yayati,  and  Haya  was  Yadu's  grandson,  not  son.  The  comparison  of 
Mongol  with  Hindu  tradition  is  of  no  value.] 

^  [For  the  Mongol  genealogy  see  Howorth,  History  of  the  Mongols,  Part  i. 
35.  Abu-I  Fazl  {Akbarnama,  trans.  H.  Beveridge,  i.  171  f.)  gives  the  names 
as  follows  :  Aghuz  Khan,  whose  sons  were — Kun  (Sun) ;  Ai  (Moon) ;  Yulduz 
(Star)  ;   Kok  or  Gok  (Sky) ;   Tagh  (Mountain) ;   Tangiz  (Sky)]. 

^  Naga  and  Takshak  are  Sanskrit  names  for  a  snake  or  serpent,  the 
emblem  of  Budha  or  Mercury.  The  Naga  race,  so  well  known  to  India, 
the  Takshaks  or  Takiuks  of  Scythia,  invaded  India  about  six  centuries 
before  Clirist. 

*  De  Guignes,  Sur  Us  Dynasties  des  Huns,  vol.  i.  p.  7. 

^  Nearly  the  calculated  period  from  the  Puranas. 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

of  the  Puranas,  evidently  indicate  the  great  Indu  (Lunar)  pro- 
genitor of  the  three  races.  Budha  (Mercury),  the  son  of  Indu 
(the  moon),  became  the  patriarchal  and  spiritual  leader  ;  as  Fo, 
in  China  ;  Woden  and  Teutates,^  of  the  tribes  migrating  to 
Europe.  Hence  it  follows  that  the  religion  of  Buddha  must  be 
coeval  with  the  existence  of  these  nations  ;  that  it  was  brought 
into  India  Proper  by  them,  and  guided  them  until  the  schism  of 
Krishna  and  the  Suryas,  worshippers  of  Bal,  in  time  depressed 
them,  when  the  Buddha  reUgion  was  modified  into  its  present  mild 
form,  the  Jain.^ 

Scythian  Traditions. — Let  us  contrast  with  these  the  origin  of 
the  Scythic  nations,  as  related  by  Diodorus  ;  *  when  it  will  be 
observed  the  same  legends  were  known  to  him  which  have  been 
handed  down  by  the  Puranas  and  Abulghazi. 

"  The  Scythians  had  their  first  abodes  on  the  Araxes.*  Their 
origin  was  from  a  virgin  born  of  the  earth  ^  of  the  shape  of  a 
woman  from  the  waist  upwards,  and  below  a  serpent  (symbol 
of  Budlia  or  Mercury)  ;  that  Jupiter  had  a  son  by  her,  named 
Scythes,"  whose  name  the  nation  adopted.  Scythes  had  two 
sons,  Palas  and  Napas  (qu.  the  Nagas,  or  Snake  race,  of  the  Tatar 
genealogy  ?),  who  were  celebrated  for  their  great  actions,  and  who 
divided  the  countries  ;  and  the  nations  were  called  after  them, 
the  Palians  {qu.  Pali  ?) '  and  Napians.  They  led  their  forces  as 
far  as  the  Nile  on  Egypt,  and  subdued  many  nations.  They 
enlarged  the  empire  of  the  Scythians  as  far  as  the  Eastern  ocean, 

^  Taulh,  '  father '  in  Sanskrit  [?  tata].  Qu.  Tenths,  and  Toth,  the 
Mercury  of  Egypt  ? 

*  [The  author  seems  to  confuse  Budha  (Mercury)  with  Gautama  Bnddha, 
the  teacher.  Buddhism  arose  in  India,  not  in  Central  Asia,  and  Jainism 
was  not  a  milder  form  of  it,  but  an  independent,  and  probably  earher, 
rehgion.] 

3  Diodorus  Siculus  book  ii. 

*  The  Arvarma  of  the  Puranas ;  the  Jaxartes  or  Sihun.  The  Puranas 
thus  describe  Sakadwipa  or  Scythia.  Diodorus  (Mb.  ii.)  makes  the  Hemodus 
the  boundary  between  Saka-Scythia  and  India  Proper. 

^  Ila,  the  mother  of  the  Lunar  race,  is  the  earth  personified.  Ertha  of 
the  Saxons  ;  e'pa  of  the  Greeks  ;  ard  in  Hebrew  [?]. 

*  Scythes,  from  Sakaiai,  '  Sakadwipa,'  and  is,  '  Lord  '  :  Lord  of  Sakatai, 
or  Scythia  [?]. 

^  Qu.  Whether  the  Scythic  Pali  may  not  be  the  shepherd  invaders  of 
Egypt  [?].  The  Pali  character  yet  exists,  and  appears  the  same  as  ancient 
fragments  of  the  Buddha  inscriptions  in  my  possession  :  manj'^  letters 
assimilate  with  the  Coptic. 


LATER  GENEALOGIES  71 

and  to  the  Caspian  and  lake  INIoeotis.  The  nation  had  many  kings, 
from  whom  the  Sacans  (Sakae),  the  Massagetae  ( Getae  or  Jats),  the 
Ari-aspians  (Aswas  of  Aria),  and  many  other  races.  They  over- 
ran Assyria  and  Media  ^  [59],  overturning  the  empire,  and  trans- 
I^hinting  the  inliabitants  to  tlie  Araxes  under  the  name  of  Sauro- 
Matians."  ^ 

As  the  Sakae,  Getae,  Aswa,  and  Takshak  are  names  which 
have  crept  in  amongst  our  thirty-six  royal  races,  common  with 
others  also  to  early  civilization  in  Europe,  let  us  seek  further 
ancient  authority  on  the  original  abodes. 

Strabo  ^  says  :  "  All  the  tribes  east  of  the  Caspian  are  called 
Scythic.  The  Dahae  *  next  the  sea,  the  Massagetae  (great  Gete) 
and  Sakae  more  eastward  ;  but  every  tribe  has  a  particular  name. 
All  are  nomadic  :  but  of  these  nomads  the  best -known  are  the 
Asii,^  the  Pasiani,  Tochari,  Sacarauli,  who  took  Bactria  from  the 
Greeks.  The  Sakae  "  ('  races  ')  have  made  in  Asia  irruptions 
similar  to  those  of  the  Cimmerians  ;  thus  they  have  been  seen  to 
possess  themselves  of  Bactria,  and  the  best  district  of  Armenia, 
called  after  them  Sakasenae."  ' 

Which  of  the  tribes  of  Rajasthan  are  the  offspring  of  the  Aswa 
and  Medes,  of  Indu  race,  returned  under  new  appellations,  we 

^  The  three  great  branches  of  the  Indu  (Lunar)  Aswa  bore  the  epithet  of 
Midia  (pronounced  Mede),  viz.  Urumidha,  Ajamidha,  and  Dvimidha.  Qii. 
The  Aswa  invaders  of  Assyria  and  Media,  the  sons  of  Bajaswa,  expressly 
stated  to  have  multiplied  in  the  countries  west  of  the  Indus,  emigrating 
from  their  paternal  seats  in  Panchalaka  ?  {Mldha  means  '  pouring  out 
seed,  prolific,'  and  has  no  connexion  with  Mede,  the  Madai  of  Genesis 
X.  2  ;    the  Assyrian  Mada.] 

^  Sun-worshippers,  the  Suryavansa. 

3  Strabo  lib.  xi.  p.  511. 

*  Dahya  (one  of  the  thirty-six  tribes),  now  extinct. 

*  The  Asii  and  Tochari,  the  Aswa  and  Takshak,  or  Turushka  races,  of 
the  Puranas,  of  Sakadwipa  [?].  "  C'est  vraisemblablement  d'apres  le  nom 
de  Tachari,  que  M.  D'Anville  aura  cru  devoir  placer  les  tribus  ainsi  de- 
nommees  dans  le  territoire  qui  s'appelle  aujourdhui  Tokarist'hpon,  situe, 
dit  ce  grand  geographe,  entre  les  montagnes  et  le  Gihon  ou  Amou  "  (Note  3, 
hv.  xi.  p.  254,  Strabon). 

*  Once  more  I  may  state  Sakha  in  Sanskrit  has  the  aspirate  :  literally, 
the  '  branches  '  or  '  races.'  [Saka  and  Sakha  have  no  connexion  ;  see 
Smith,  EHI,  226.] 

'  "  La  Sacasene  etoit  une  contree  do  I'Armenie  sur  les  confins  de  I'Albanie 
ou  du  Shirvan"  (Note  4,  tome  i.  p.  191,  Strabon).  "  The  Sacasenae  v.'cre 
the  ancestors  of  the  Saxons"  (Turner's  History  of  the  Anglo -Saxons). 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

shall  not  now  stop  to  inquire,  limiting  our  hypothesis  to  the  fact 
of  invasions,  and  adducing  some  evidence  of  such  being  simul- 
taneous with  migrations  of  the  same  bands  into  Europe.  Hence 
the  inference  of  a  common  origin  between  the  Rajput  and  early 
races  of  Europe ;  to  support  which,  a  similar  mythology,  martial 
manners  and  poetry,  language,  and  even  music  and  architectural 
ornaments,  may  be  adduced.^ 

Of  the  first  migrations  of  the  Indu-Scythic  Getae,  Takshak, 
and  Asii,  into  India,  that  of  Sheshnag  (Takshak),  from  Shesh- 
nagdes  (Tocharistan  ?)  or  Sheshnag,  six  centuries,  by  calculation, 
before  Christ,  is  the  first  noticed  by  the  Puranas.^  About  this 
period  a  grand  irruption  of  the  same  races  conquered  Asia  Minor, 
and  [60]  eventually  Scandinavia  ;  and  not  long  after  the 
Asii  and  Tochari  overturned  the  Greek  kingdom  of  Bactria,  the 
Romans  felt  the  power  of  the  Asi,'  the  Chatti,  and  Cimbri,  from 
the  Baltic  shore. 

"  If  we  can  show  the  Germans  to  have  been  originally  Scythae 
or  Goths  (Getes  or  Jits),  a  wide  field  of  curiosity  and  inquiry  is 
open  to  the  origin  of  government,  manners,  etc.  ;  all  the  anti- 
quities of  Europe  will  assume  a  new  appearance,  and,  instead  of 
being  traced  to  the  bands  of  Germany,  as  Montesquieu  and  the 
greatest  writers  have  hitherto  done,  may  be  followed  through 
long  descriptions  of  the  manners  of  the  Scythians,  etc.,  as  given 
by  Herodotus.  Scandinavia  was  occupied  by  the  Scythae  five 
hundred  years  before  Christ.  These  Scythians  worshipped 
Mercury  (Budha),  Woden  or  Odin,  and  believed  themselves  his 
progeny.     The  Gothic  mythology,  by  parallel,  might  be  shown 

^  Herodotus  (iv.  12)  says  :  "  The  Cimmerians,  expelled  by  the  Massa- 
getae,  migrated  to  the  Crimea."  Here  were  the  Thj'ssagetae,  or  western 
Getae  [the  lesser  Getae,  Herodotus  iv..22];  and  thence  both  the  Getae  and 
Cimbri  found  their  way  to  the  Baltic.  Rubruc{uis  the  Jesuit,  describing  the 
monuments  of  the  Comani  in  the  Dasht-i  Kipchak,  whence  these  tribes,  saj's : 
"  Their  monuments  and  circles  of  stones  are  like  our  Celtic  or  Druidical 
remains  "  (Bell's  Collection).  The  Khuman  are  a  branch  of  the  Kathi  tribe 
of  Saurashtra,  whose  paliyas,  or  funeral  monumental  pillars,  are  seen  in 
groups  at  every  town  and  village.  The  Chatti  were  one  of  the  early  German 
tribes.  [Needless  to  say,  the  German  Chatti  had  no  connexion  with  the 
Kathi  of  Gujarat.] 

^  [The  reference,  again,  is  to  the  Saisunaga  dynasty,  p.  64  above.] 
'  Asi  was  the  term  applied  to  the  Getes,  Yeuts,  or  Juts,  when  they  in- 
vaded Scandinavia  and  founded  Yeutland  or  Jutland  (see  '  Edda,^  Mallet's 
Introduction). 


SCYTHIANS  AND  GERMANS  73 

to  be  Grecian,  whose  gods  were  the  progeny  of  Coehis  and  Terra 
(Budha  and  EUa).^  Dryads,  satyrs,  fairies,  and  all  the  Greek 
and  Roman  superstition,  may  be  found  in  the  Scandinavian 
creed.  The  Goths  consulted  the  heart  of  victims^  had  oracles, 
had  sibyls,  had  a  Venus  in  Freya,  and  Parcae  in  the  Valkyrie."  ^ 

The  Scythian  Descent  of  the  Rajputs. — Ere  we  proceed  to  trace 
these  mythological  resemblances,  let  us  adduce  further  opinions 
in  proof  of  the'position  assumed  of  a  common  origin  of  the  tribes 
of  early  Europe  and  the  Scj^thic  Rajput. 

The  translator  of  Abulghazi,  in  his  preface,  observes  :  "  Our 
contempt  for  the  Tatars  would  lessen  did  we  consider  how  nearly 
we  stand  related  to  them,  and  that  our  ancestors  originally  came 
from  the  north  of  Asia,  and  that  our  customs,  laws,  and  way  of 
living  were  formerly  the  same  as  theirs.  In  short,  that  we  are 
no  other  than  a  colony  of  Tatars. 

"  It  was  from  Tatary  those  jDcople  came,  who,  imder  the  suc- 
cessive names  of  Cymbrians,*  Kelts,  and  Gauls,  possessed  all  the 
northern  part  of  Europe.  What  were  the  Goths,  Huns,  Alans, 
Swedes,  Vandals,  Franks,  but  swarms  of  the  same  hive  ?  The 
Swedish  chronicles  bring  the  Swedes  *  from  Cashgar,  and  [61]  the 
affinity  between  the  Saxon  language  and  Kipchak  is  great  ;  and 
the  Keltick  language  still  subsisting  in  Britany  and  Wales  is  a 
demonstration  that  the  inhabitants  are  descended  from  Tatar 
nations." 

^  Mercury  and  earth. 

^  Pinkerton,  On  the  Goths,  vol.  ii.  p.  94.     [All  this  is  obsolete.] 

^  Camari  was  one  of  the  eight  sons  of  Japhet,  says  Abulghazi :  whence 
the  Camari,  Cimmerii,  or  Cimbri.  Karaari  is  one  of  the  tribes  of  Saurashtra. 
[Kymry  =  fellow-countrymen  (Rhys,  Celtic  Britain,  116).] 

*  The  Suiones,  Suevi,  or  Su.  Now  the  Su,  Yueh-chi,  or  Yuti,  are  Getes, 
according  to  De  Guignes.  Marco  Polo  calls  Cashgar,  where  he  was  in  the 
sixth  century,  the  birthplace  of  the  Swedes  ;  and  De  la  Croix  adds,  that  in 
1691  Sparvenfeldt,  the  Swedish  ambassador  at  Paris,  told  him  he  had  read 
in  Swedish  chronicles  that  Cashgar  was  their  country.  When  the  Huns 
were  chased  from  the  north  of  China,  the  greater  part  retired  into  the 
southern  countries  adjoining  Europe.  The  rest  passed  directly  to  the  Oxus 
and  Jaxartes ;  thence  they  spread  to  the  Caspian  and  Persian  frontiers. 
In  Mawaru-1-nahr  (Transoxiana)  they  mixed  with  the  Su,  the  Yueh-chi,  or 
Getes,  who  were  particularly  powerful,  and  extended  into  Europe.  One 
would  be  tempted  to  regard  them  as  the  ancestors  of  those  Getes  who  were 
known  in  Europe.  Some  bands  of  Su  might  equally  pass  into  the  north  of 
Europe,  known  as  the  Suevi.  [The  meaning  of  Suevi  is  uncertain,  but  the 
word  has  no  connexion  with  that  of  any  Central  Asian  tribe.] 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

From  between  the  parallels  of  30°  and  50°  of  north  latitude, 
and  from  75°  to  95°  of  east  longitude,  the  highlands  of  Central 
Asia,  alike  removed  from  the  fires  of  the  equator  and  the  cold  of 
the  arctic  circle,  migrated  the  races  which  passed  into  Europe  and 
within  the  Indus.  We  must  therefore  voyage  up  the  Indus, 
cross  the  Paropanisos,  to  the  Oxus  or  Jihun,  to  Sakatai  ^  or 
Sakadwipa,  and  from  thence  and  the  Dasht-i  Kipchak  conduct 
the  Takshaks,  the  Getae,  the  Kamari,  the  Chatti,  and  the  Huns, 
into  the  plains  of  Hindustan. 

We  have  much  to  learn  in  these  unexplored  regions,  the  abode 
of  ancient  civilisation,  and  which,  so  late  as  Jenghiz  Khan's 
invasion,  abounded  with  large  cities.  It  is  an  error  to  suppose 
that  the  nations  of  Higher  Asia  were  merely  pastoral  ;  and  De 
Guignes,  from  original  authorities,  informs  us  that  when  the  Su 
invaded  the  Yueh-chi  or  Jats,  they  found  upwards  of  a  hundred 
cities  containing  the  merchandise  of  India,  and  with  the  currency 
bearing  the  effigies  of  the  prince. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Central  Asia  long  before  the  Christian 
era,  though  now  depopulated  and  rendered  desert  by  desolating 
wars,  which  have  raged  in  these  countries,  and  to  which  Europe 
can  exhibit  no  parallel.  Timur's  wars,  in  more  modern  times, 
against  the  Getic  nation,  will  illustrate  the  paths  of  his  ambitious 
predecessors  in  the  career  of  destruction. 

If  we  examine  the  political  limits  of  the  great  Getic  nation  in 
the  time  of  Cyrus,  six  centuries  before  Christ,  we  shall  find  them 
little  circumscribed  in  power  on  the  rise  of  Timur,  though  twenty 
centuries  had  elapsed  [62]. 

Jats  and  Getae. — At  this  period  (a.d.  1.330),  under  the  last 
prince  of  Getic  race,  Tuglilak  Timur  Khan,  the  kingdom  of 
Chagatai  ^  was  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Dasht-i  Kipchak,  and 

^  Mr.  Pinkerton's  research  had  discovered  Sakatai,  though  he  does  not 
give  his  authority  (D'Anville)  for  the  Sakadwipa  of  the  Puranas  !  "  Sakitai, 
a  region  at  the  fountains  of  the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes,  styled  Sakita  from  the 
Sacae"  (D'Anville,  Anc.  Geog.).  The  Yadus  of  Jaisalmer,  who  ruled 
Zabulistan  and  founded  Ghazni,  claim  the  Chagatais  as  of  their  own  Indu 
stock  :  a  claim  which,  without  deep  reflection,  appeared  inadmissible  ; 
but  which  I  now  deem  worthy  of  credit. 

-  Chagatai,  or  Sakatai,  the  Sakadwipa  of  the  Puranas  (corrupted  by  the 
Greeks  to  Scythia),  "  whose  inhabitants  worship  the  sun  and  whence  is  the 
river  Arvarma."  [For  the  Chagatai  Mongols  see  EUas-Ross,  History  of  the 
Moghuh  of  Central  Asia,  Introd.  28  if.] 


JATS  and  GETAE  75 

on  the  south  by  the  Jihun,  on  which  river  the  Getic  Khan,  hke 
Tomyris,  had  his  capital.  Kokhand,  Tashkent,  Utrar,^  Cyropolis, 
and  the  most  northern  of  the  Alexandrias,  were  within  the  bounds 
of  Chagatai. 

The  Getae,  Jut,  or  Jat,  and  Takshak  races,  which  occupy 
places  amongst  the  thirty-six  royal  races  of  India,  are  all  from 
the  region  of  Sakatai.  Regarding  their  earliest  migrations,  v/e 
shall  endeavour  to  make  the  Puranas  contribute  ;  but  of  their 
invasions  in  more  modem  times  the  histories  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni, 
and  Timur  abundantly  acquaint  us. 

From  the  mountains  of  Jud  ^  to  the  shores  of  Makran,'  and 
along  the  Ganges,  the  Jat  is  widely  spread  ;  while  the  Takshak 
name  is  now  confined  to  inscriptions  or  old  writings. 

Inquiries  in  their  original  haunts,  and  among  tribes  now  under 
different  names,  might  doubtless  bring  to  light  their  original 
designation,  now  best  known  within  the  Indus  ;  whUe  the  Takshak 
or  Takiuk  may  probably  be  discovered  in  the  Tajik,  still  in  his 
ancient  haunts,  the  Transoxiana  and  Chorasinia  of  classic  authors  ; 
the  Mawaru-n-nahr  of  the  Persians  ;  the  Turan,  Turkistan,  or 
Tocharistan  of  native  geography  ;  the  abode  of  the  Tochari, 
Takshak,  or  Turushka  invaders  of  India,  described  in  the  Puranas 
and  existing  inscriptions. 

The  Getae  had  long  maintained  their  independence  when 
Tomyris  defended  their  liberty  against  Cyrus.  Driven  in  success- 
ive wars  across  the  Sutlej,  we  shall  elsewhere  show  them  preserv- 
ing their  ancient  habits,  as  desultory  cavaliers,  under  the  Jat 
leader  of  Lahore,  in  pastoral  communities  in  Bikaner^  the  Indian 

^  Utrar,  probably  the  Uttarakuru  of  ancient  geography  :  the  uttara 
(northern)  kuru  (race) ;   a  branch  of  Indu  stock. 

2  Jadu  ka  dang,  the  Joudes  of  Rennell's  map  ;  the  Yadu  hills  high  up  in 
the  Panjab,  where  a  colony  of  the  Yadu  race  dwelt  when  expelled  Saurashtra. 
[The  Salt  Range  in  the  Jhelum,  Shahpur,  and  Mian  wall  districts  of  the 
Panjab,  was  known  to  ancient  historians  as  Koh-i-Jud,  or  '  the  hiUs  of  Jud,' 
the  name  being  applied  by  the  Muhammadans  to  this  range  on  account  of 
its  resemblance  to  Mount  Al-Jiidi,  or  Ararat.  The  author  constantly  refers 
to  it,  and  suggests  that  the  name  was  connected  with  the  Indian  Yadu,  or 
Yadava  tribe  (IGI,  xxi._412;  Abu-1  Fazl,  Akbarndma,  i.  237;  Elliot- 
Dowson,  ii.  235,  v.  561  ;  Aln,  ii.  405  ;  ASR,  ii.  17  ;  Hughes,  Diet,  of  Islam, 
23).] 

^  The  Numri,  or  Lumri  (foxes)  of  Baluchistan,  are  Jats  [?].  These  are 
the  Noniardies  of  Rennell.  [They  are  beheved  to  be  aborigines  {IGI,  xvi. 
146;    Census  Report,  Baluchistan,  1911,  i.  17).] 


76  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

desert  and  elsewhere,  though  they  have  lost  sight  of  their  early 
history.  The  transition  from  pastoral  to  agricultural  pursuits  is 
but  short,  and  the  descendant  of  the  nomadic  Getae  of  Transoxiana 
is  now  the  best  husbandman  on  the  plains  of  Hindustan^  [63]. 

The  invasion  of  these  Indu-Scytliic  tribes,  Getae,  Takshaks, 
Asii,  Chatti,  Rajpali,^  Huns,  Kamari,  introduced  the  worship  of 
Budha,  the  founder  of  the  Indu  or  Lunar  race. 

Herodotus  says  the  Getae  were  theists,^  and  held  the  tenets 
of  the  soul's  immortality  ;  so  with  the  Buddhists. 

Before,  however,  touching  on  points  of  religious  resemblance 
between  the  Asii,  Getae,  or  Jut  of  Scandinavia  (who  gave  his 
name  to  the  Cimbric  Chersonese)  and  the  Getae  of  Scythia  and 
India,  let  us  make  a  few  remarks  on  the  Asii  or  Aswa. 

The  Aswa. — To  the  Indu  race  of  Aswa  (the  descendants  of 
Dvimidha  and  Bajaswa),  spread  over  the  countries  on  both  sides 
the  Indus,  do  we  probably  owe  the  distinctive  appellation  of 
Asia.  Herodotus  *  says  the  Greeks  denominated  Asia  from  the 
wife  of  Prometheus  ;  while  others  deduce  it  from  a  grandson  of 
Manes,  indicating  the  Aswa  descendants  of  the  patriarch  Manu. 
Asa,*  Sakambhari,^  Mata,'  is  the  divinity  Hope,  '  mother-pro- 
tectress of  the  Sakha,'  or  races.  Every  Rajput  adores  Asapurna, 
'  the  fulfiller  of  desire  '  ;  or,  as  Sakambhari  Devi  (goddess  pro- 
tectress), she  is  invoked  previous  to  any  undertaking. 

The  Aswas  were  chiefly  of  the  Indu  race  ;  yet  a  branch  of  the 
Suryas  also  bore  this  designation.  It  appears  to  indicate  their 
celebrity  as  horsemen.*  All  of  them  worshipped  the  horse,  which 
they  sacrificed  to  the  sun.     This  grand  rite,  the  Asvamedha,  on 

^  [There  is  no  evidence,  beyond  resemblance  of  name,  to  connect  the 
Jats  with  the  Getae.]  ^  Royal  pastors  [?]. 

^  [iv.  59.]  The  sun  was  their  '  great  deity,'  though  they  had  in  Xamolxis 
a  lord  of  terror,  with  aiJSnity  to  Yama,  or  the  Hindu  Pluto.  "  The  chief 
divinity  of  the  Fenns,  a  Scythic  race,  was  Yammalu  "  (Pinkerton's  Hist, 
of  the  Goths,  vol.  ii.  p.  215). 

*  iv.  45  [Asia  probably  means  '  land  of  the  rising  sun.'] 
'  Asa,  '  hope.' 

®  Sakambhari :   from  sakham,  the  plural  of  sahha,  '  branch  or  race,'  and 
ambhar,  '  covering,  protecting.'     [The  word  means  '  herb  nourishing.'] 
'  IMata,  '  mother.' 

*  Asica  and  haya  are  synonymous  Sanskrit  terms  for  '  horse  '  ;  as]}  in 
Persian  ;  and  as  apphed  by  the  prophet  Ezelciel  [xxxviti.  6]  to  the  Getic 
invasion  of  Scythia,  a.c.  600  :  "  the  sons  of  Togarmah  riding  on  hojses  "  ; 
described  by  Diodorus,  the  period  the  same  as  the  Takshak  invasion  of  India. 


JATS  AND  GETAE  77 

the  festival  of  the  winter  solstice,  would  alone  go  far  to  exemplify 
their  common  Scythic  origin  with  the  Getic  Saka,  authorising  the 
inference  of  Pinkerton,  "  that  a  grand  Scythic  nation  extended 
from  the  Caspian  to  the  Ganges." 

The  Asvamedha.  —  The  Asvamedha  was  practised  on  the 
Ganges  and  Sarju  by  the  Solar  princes  [64],  twelve  hundred  years 
before  Christ,  as  by  the  Getae  in  the  time  of  Cyrus  ;  "  deeming  it 
right,"  says  Herodotus  [i.  216]  "  to  offer  the  swiftest  of  created 
to  the  chief  of  uncreated  beings  "  :  and  this  worship  and  sacrifice 
of  the  horse  has  been  handed  down  to  the  Rajput  of  the  present 
day.  A  description  of  this  grand  ceremony  shall  close  these 
analogies. 

The  Getic  Asii  carried  this  veneration  for  the  steed,  symbolic 
of  their  chief  deity  the  sun,  into  Scandinavia  :  equally  so  of  all 
the  early  German  tribes,  the  Su,  Suevi,  Chatti,  Sucimbri,  Getae, 
in  the  forests  of  Germany,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe  and  Weser. 
The  milk-white  steed  was  supposed  to  be  the  organ  of  the  gods, 
from  whose  neighing  they  calculated  future  events  ;  notions 
possessed  also  by  the  Aswa,  sons  of  Budha  (Woden),  on  the 
Yamuna  and  Ganges,  when  the  rocks  of  Scandinavia  and  the 
shores  of  the  Baltic  were  yet  untrod  by  man.  It  was  this  omen 
which  gave  Darius  Hystaspes  ^  (hinsna, '  to  neigh,'  aspa, '  a  horse ') 
a  crown.  The  bard  Chand  makes  it  the  omen  of  death  to  his 
principal  heroes.  The  steed  of  the  Seandina%aan  god  of  battle 
was  kept  in  the  temple  of  Upsala,  and  always  "  found  foaming 
and  sweating  after  battle."  "  Money,"  says  Tacitus,  "  was  only 
acceptable  to  the  German  when  bearing  the  effigies  of  the  horse."  * 

In  the  Edda  we  are  informed  that  the  Getae,  or  Jats,  who 
entered  Scandinavia,  were  termed  Asi,  and  their  first  settlement 
As-gard.^ 

Pinkerton  rejects  the  authority  of  the  Edda  and  follows 
Torfaeus,  who  "  from  Icelandic  chronicles  and  genealogies  con- 
cludes Odin  to  have  come  into  Scandinavia  in  the  time  of  Darius 
Hystaspes,  five  hundred  years  before  Christ." 

^  [Hystaspes  is  from  old  Persian,  Vishtaspa,  '  possessor  of  horses.'  The 
author  derives  it  from  a  modern  Hindi  word  hinsna,  '  to  neigh,'  possibly 
from  recollection  of  the  story  in  Herodotus  iii.  85.] 

^  [He  possibly  refers  to  the  statement  (Gennania,  v.),  that  their  coins 
bore  the  impress  of  a  two-horse  chariot.] 

^  Asirgarb,  '  fortress  of  the  Asi  '  [IGI,  vi.  12]. 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

This  is  the  period  of  the  last  Buddha,  or  Mahavira,  whose  era 
is  four  hundred  and  seventy-seven  years  before  Vikrama,  or  five 
hundred  and  thirty-three  before  Christ. 

The  successor  of  Odin  in  Scandinavia  was  Gotama  ;  and 
Gautama  was  the  successor  of  the  last  Buddha,  Mahavira,^  who 
as  Gotama,  or  Gaudama,  is  still  adored  from  the  Straits  of  Malacca 
to  the  Caspian  Sea. 

"  Other  antiquaries,"  says  Pinkerton,  "  assert  another  Odin, 
who  was  put  as  the  supreme  deity  one  thousand  years  before 
Christ"  [65]. 

Mallet  admits  two  Odins,  but  Mr.  Pinkerton  wishes  he  had 
abided  Ijy  that  of  Torfaeus,  in  500  a.c. 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the  periods  of  both  the  Scandinavian 
Odins  should  assimilate  with  the  twenty-second  Buddha  [Jain 
Tirthakara],  Neminath,  and  twenty-fourth  and  last,  Mahavira  ; 
the  first  the  contemporary  of  Krishna,  about  1000  or  1100  years, 
the  last  533,  before  Christ.  The  Asii,  Getae,  etc.,  of  Europe 
worshipped  Mercury  as  founder  of  their  line,  as  did  the  Eastern 
Asi,  Takshaks,  and  Getae.  The  Chinese  and  Tatar  historians 
also  say  Buddha,  or  Fo,  appeared  1027  years  before  Christ.  "  The 
Yuchi,  established  in  Bactria  and  along  the  Jihun,  eventually 
bore  the  name  of  Jeta  or  Yetan,^  that  is  to  say,  Getae.  Their 
empire  subsisted  a  long  time  in  this  part  of  Asia,  and  extended 
even  into  India.  These  are  the  people  whom  the  Greeks  knew 
under  the  name  of  Indo-Scythes.  Their  manners  are  the  same 
as  those  of  the  Turks  .^  Revolutions  occurred  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  East,  whose  consequences  were  felt  afar."  * 

The  period  allowed  by  all  these  authorities  for  the  migration 
of  these  Scythic  hordes  into  Europe  is  also  that  for  their  entry 
into  India. 

The  sixth  century  is  that  calculated  for  the  Takshak  from 
Sheshnagdesa ;  and  it  is  on  this  event  and  reign  that  the  Puranas 
declare,  that  from  this  period  "  no  prince  of  pure  blood  would  be 

^  The  great  [maha)  warrior  [vir).  [Buddha  lived  567-487  b.c.  :  Mahavira, 
founder  of  Jainism,  died  about  527  B.C.] 

-  Yeutland  was  the  name  given  to  the  whole  Cimbric  Chersonese,  or 
Jutland  (Pinkerton,  On  the  Goths). 

*  Turk,  Turushka,  Takshak,  or  '  Taunak,  fils  de  Tnrc '  (Abulghazi, 
History  of  the  Tatars). 

*  Histoire  des  Huns,  vol.  i.  p.  42. 


PERSONAL  HL^BITS,  DRESS,  THEOGONY,  RITES     79 

found,  but  that  the  Sudra,  the  Turushka,  and  the  Yavan,  would 
prevail." 

All  these  Indu-Scythic  invaders  held  the  religion  of  Buddha  : 
and  hence  the  conformity  of  manners  and  mythology  between  the 
Scandinavian  or  German  tribes  and  the  Rajputs  increased  by 
comparing  their  martial  poetry. 

Similarity  of  religious  manners  affords  stronger  proofs  of 
original  identity  than  language.  Language  is  eternally  changing 
— so  are  manners  ;  but  an  exploded  custom  or  rite  traced  to  its 
source,  and  maintained  in  opposition  to  climate,  is  a  testimony 
not  to  be  rejected. 

Personal  Habits,  Dress. — When  Tacitus  informs  us  that  the 
first  act  of  a  German  on  rising  was  ablution,  it  will  be  conceded 
this  habit  was  not  acquired  in  [66]  the  cold  climate  of  Germany, 
but  must  have  been  of  eastern  ^  origin  ;  as  were  "  the  loose 
flowing  robe  ;  the  long  and  braided  hair,  tied  in  a  knot  at  the  top 
of  the  head  "  ;  with  many  other  customs,  personal  habits,  and 
superstitions  of  the  Scj'thic  Cimbri,  Juts,  Chatti,  Suevi,  analogous 
to  the  Getic  nations  of  the  same  name,  as  described  by  Herodotus, 
Justin,  and  Strabo,  and  which  yet  obtain  amongst  the  Rajput 
Sakhae  of  the  present  day. 

Let  us  contrast  what  history  affords  of  resemblance  in  religion 
or  manners.     First,  as  to  religion. 

Taeogony. — Tuisto  (IVIercury)  and  Ertha  (the  earth)  were  the 
chief  divinities  of  the  early  German  tribes.  Tuisto  ^  was  born  of 
the  Earth  (Ila)  and  Manus  (Manu).  Ke  is  often  confounded 
with  Odin,  or  Woden,  the  Budha  of  the  eastern  tribes,  though 
they  are  the  Mars  and  Mercury  of  these  nations. 

^  Though  Tacitus  calls  the  German  tribes  indigenous,  it  is  evident  he 
knew  their  claim  to  Asiatic  origin,  when  he  asks,  "  Who  would  leave  the 
softer  abodes  of  Asia  for  Germany,  where  Nature  yields  nothing  but 
deformity  ?  " 

2  In  an  inscription  of  the  Geta  or  Jat  Prince  of  SaUndrapur  (Salpur)  of  the 
fifth  century,  he  is  styled  "  of  the  race  of  Tusta  "  {qu.  Tuisto  ?).  It  is  in  that 
ancient  nail-headed  character  used  by  the  ancient  Buddhists  of  India,  and 
still  the  sacred  character  of  the  Tatar  Lamas  :  in  short,  the  Pali.  All  the 
ancient  inscriptions  I  possess  of  the  branches  of  the  Agnikulas,  as  the 
Chauhan,  Pramara,  Solanki,  and  Parihara,  are  in  this  cha,racter.  That  of 
the  Jat  prince  styles  liim  "  Jat  Kathida  "  {qu.  of  (da)  Cathay  ?).  From  Tuisto 
and  Woden  v.e  have  our  Tuesdaj^  and  Wednesday.  In  India,  Wednesday  is 
Budhwar  (Dies  Mercurii),  and  Tuesday  Mangalwar  (Dies  Martis),  the  Mardi 
of  the  French. 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Religious  Rites. — The  Suiones  or  Suevi,  the  most  powerful 
Getie  nation  of  Scandinavia,  were  divided  into  many  tribes,  one 
of  whom,  the  Su  (Yueh-chi  or  Jat),  made  human  sacrifices  in  their 
consecrated  groves  ^  to  Ertha  (Ila),  whom  all  worshipped,  and 
whose  chariot  was  drawn  by  a  cow.^  The  Suevi  worshipped  Tsis 
(Isa,  Gauri,  the  Isis  and  Ceres  of  Rajasthan),  in  whose  rites  the 
figure  of  a  ship  is  introduced  ;  "  symbolic,"  observes  Tacitus, 
"  of  its  foreign  origin."  ^  The  festival  of  Isa,  or  Gauri,  wife  of 
Iswara,  at  Udaipur,  is  performed  on  the  lake,  and  appears  to  be 
exactly  that  of  Isis  and  Osiriain  Egypt,  as  described  by  Herodotus. 
On  this  occasion  Iswara  (Osiris),  who  is  secondary  to  his  wife,  has 
a  stalk  of  the  onion  in  blossom  in  his  hand  ;  a  root  detested  by 
the  Hindus  generally,  though  adored  by  the  Egyptians. 

Customs  of  War. — They  sung  hymns  in  praise  of  Hercules,  as 
well  as  Tuisto  or  Odin,  whose  banners  and  images  they  carried 
to  the  field  ;  and  fought  in  clans,  using  the  feram  or  javelin,  both 
in  close  and  distant  combat.  In  all  maintaining  [67]  the  resem- 
blance to  the  Harikula,  descendants  of  Budha,  and  the  Aswa, 
offspring  of  Bajaswa,  who  peopled  those  regions  west  of  the 
Indus,  and  whose  redundant  population  spread  both  east  and 
west. 

The  Suevi,  or  Suiones,  erected  the  celebrated  temple  of  Upsala, 
in  which  they  placed  the  statues  of  Thor,  Woden,  and  Freya,  the 
triple  divinity  of  the  Scandinavian  Asii,  the  Trimurti  of  the  Solar 
and  Lunar  races.  The  first  (Thor,  the  thunderer,  or  god  of  war) 
is  Hara,  or  Mahadeva,  the  destroyer  ;  the  second  (Woden)  is 
Budha,*  the  preserver ;  and  the  third  (Freya)  is  Uma,  the  creative 
power. 

The  grand  festival  to  Freya  was  in  spring,  when  all  nature 
revived  ;  then  boars  were  offered  to  her  by  the  Scandinavians, 
and  even  boars  of  paste  were  made  and  swallowed  by  the 
peasantry. 

As  Vasanti,  or  spring  personified,  the  consort  of  Hara  is 
worshipped  by  the  Rajput,  who  opens  the  season  with  a  grand 

^  Tacitus,  Germania,  xxxviii. 

^  The  gau,  or  cow,  symbolic  of  Prithivi,  the  earth.  On  this  see  note, 
p.  33. 

'  [Oermania,  ix.] 

*  Krishna  is  the  preserving  deity  of  the  Hindu  triad.  Krishna  is  of  the 
Tndu  line  of  Budha,  whom  he  worshipped  prior  to  his  own  deification. 


COMPARISON  OF  RAJPUTwS  WITH  N.  EUROPEANS     81 

hunt/  led  by  the  j^rince  and  his  vassal  chiefs,  when  they  chase, 
slay,  and  eat  the  boar.  Personal  danger  is  disregarded  on  this 
day,  as  want  of  success  is  ominous  that  the  Great  Mother  will 
refuse  all  petitions  throughout  the  year. 

Pinkerton,  quoting  Ptolemy  (who  was  fifty  years  after  Tacitus), 
says  there  were  six  nations  in  Yeutland  or  Jutland,  the  country 
of  the  Juts,  of  whom  were  the  Sablingii  (Suevi,^  or  Suiones),  the 
Chatti  and  Hermandri,  who  extended  to  the  estuary  of  the  Elbe 
and  Weser.  There  they  erected  the  pillar  Irmansul  to  "  the  god 
of  war,"  regarding  which  Sammes  ^  observes  :  "  some  will  have 
it  to  be  Mars  his  pillar,  others  Hermes  Saul,  or  the  pillar  of  Hermes 
or  Mercury  "  ;  and  he  naturally  asks,  "  how  did  the  Saxons  come 
to  be  acquainted  with  the  Greek  name  of  Mercury  ?  " 

Sacrificial  pillars  are  termed  Sula  in  Sanskrit  ;  which,  con- 
joined with  Hara,*  the  Indian  god  of  war,  would  be  Harsula.  The 
Rajput  warrior  invokes  Hara  with  his  trident  (trisula)  to  help 
him  in  battle,  while  his  battle-shout  is  '  mar  !  mar  !  '  The 
Cimbri,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  six  tribes  of  Yeutland, 
derive  their  name  from  their  fame  as  warriors  [68].^ 

Kumara  *  is  the  Rajput  god  of  war.  He  is  represented  with 
seven  heads  in  the  Hindu  mythology  :  the  Saxon  god  of  war  has 
six.'  The  six-headed  Mars  of  the  Cimbri  Chersonese,  to  whom 
was  raised  the  Ii'mansul  on  the  Weser,  was  worshipped  by  the 
Sakasenae,  the  Chatti,  the  Siebi  or  Suevi,  the  Jotae  or  Getae,  and 
the  Cimbri,  evincing  in  name,  as  in  religious  rites,  a  common 
origin  with  the  martial  warriors  of  Hindustan. 

Rajput  Religion. — ^The  religion  of  the  martial  Rajput,  and  the 
rites  of  Hara,  the  god  of  battle,  are  little  analogous  to  those  of 

1  '  Mahurat  ka  shikar.'  2  ^he  Siebi  of  Tacitus. 

^  Sammes's  Saxon  Ardiquities. 

*  Hara  is  the  Thor  of  Scandinavia ;  Hari  is  Budha,  Hermes,  or  Mercury. 

^  Mallet  derives  it  from  kempfer,  '  to  fight.'  [The  name  is  said  to  mean 
'comrades'  (Rhys,  Celtic  Britain,  116).  Irmansul  means  '  a  colossus,'  and 
has  no  connexion  with  Skr.  sfda  (CTrimm,  Teutonic  3Iythologi/,  i.  115).] 

**  Ku  is  a  mere  prefix,  meaning  '  evil ' ;  '  the  evil  striker  (Mar).'  Hence, 
probably,  the  Mars  of  Rome.  The  birth  of  Kumar,  the  general  of  the  army 
of  the  gods,  with  the  Hindus,  is  exactly  that  of  the  Grecians,  born  of  the 
goddess  Jahnavi  (Juno)  without  sexual  intercourse.  Kumara  is  always 
accompanied  by  the  peacock,  the  bird  of  Juno.  [Kumara  probably  means 
'  easily  dying  ' ;  there  is  no  connexion  with  Mars,  originally  a  deity  of 
vegetation.] 

'  For  a  drawing  of  the  Scandinavian  god  of  battle  see  Sammes. 

VOL    I  Q 


82  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

the  meek  Hindus,  the  followers  of  the  pastoral  divinity,  the 
worshippers  of  kine,  and  feeders  on  fruits,  herbs,  and  water. 
The  Rajput  delights  in  blood  :  his  offerings  to  the  god  of  battle 
are  sanguinary,  blood  and  wine.  The  cup  (kharpara)  of  libation 
is  the  human  skull.  He  loves  them  because  they  are  emblematic 
of  the  deity  he  worships  ;  and  he  is  taught  to  believe  that  Hara 
loves  them,  who  in  war  is  represented  with  tb.e  skull  to  drink 
the  foeman's  blood,  and  in  peace  is  the  patron  of  wine  and  women. 
With  Parbati  on  his  knee,  his  eyes  rolling  from  the  juice  of  the 
phul  (ardent  spirits)  and  opium,  such  is  this  Bacchanalian  divinity 
of  war.  Is  this  Hinduism,  acquired  on  the  burning  plains  of 
India  ?  Is  it  not  rather  a  perfect  picture  of  the  manners  of  the 
Scandinavian  heroes  ? 

The  Rajput  slays  buffaloes,  hunts  and  eats  the  boar  and  deer, 
and  shoots  ducks  and  wild  fowl  (kukkut)  ;  he  worships  his  horse, 
his  sword,  and  the  sun,  and  attends  more  to  the  martial  song  of 
the  bard  than  to  the  litany  of  the  Brahman.  In  the  martial 
mythology  and  warlike  poetry  of  the  Scandinavians  a  wide  field 
exists  for  assimilation,  and  a  comparison  of  the  poetical  remains 
of  the  Asi  of  the  east  and  west  would  alone  suffice  to  suggest  a 
common  origin. 

Bards. — In  the  sacred  Bardai  of  the  Rajput  we  have  the  bard 
of  our  Saxon  ancestry  ;  those  reciters  of  warlike  poetry,  of  whom 
Tacitus  says,  "  with  their  barbarous  strains,  they  influence  their 
minds  in  the  day  of  battle  with  a  chorus  of  military  virtue." 

A  comparison,  in  so  extensive  a  field,  would  include  the  whole 
of  their  manners  and  religious  opinions,  and  must  be  reserved  for 
a  distinct  work.'-  The  Valkyrie  [69],  or  fatal  sisters  of  the  Suevi 
or  Siebi,  would  be  the  twin  sisters  of  the  Apsaras,  who  summon  the 
Rajput  warrior  from  the  field  of  battle,  and  bear  him  to  "  the 
mansion  of  the  sun,"  equally  the  object  of  attainment  with  the 
children  of  Odin  in  Scandinavia,  and  of  Budha  and  Surya  in  the 

^  I  have  in  contemplation  to  give  to  the  public  a  few  of  the  sixty-nine 
books  of  the  poems  of  Chand,  the  last  great  bard  of  the  last  Hindu  emperor 
of  India,  Prithwiraja.  They  are  entirely  heroic  :  each  book  a  relation  of 
one  of  the  exploits  of  this  prince,  the  first  warrior  of  his  time.  Thej'  will 
aid  a  comparison  between  the  Rajput  and  Scandinavian  bards,  and  sliow 
how  far  the  Proven9al  Troubadour,  the  Neustrienne  Trouveur,  and  Minne- 
singer of  Germany,  have  anytliing  in  common  witli  the  Rajput  Bardai. 
[For  Rajput  bards  on  horseback,  drunk  with  opium,  singing  songs  to  arouse 
warriors'  courage,  see  Manucci  ii.  4'M  f.l 


COMPARISON  OF  RAJPUTS  WITH  N.  EUROPEANS     83 

plains  of  Scythia  and  on  the  Ganges,  like  the  Elysium  ^  of  the 
Heliadae  of  Greece. 

In  the  day  of  battle  we  should  see  in  each  the  same  excitements 
to  glory  and  contempt  of  death,  and  the  dramatis  personae  of  the 
field,  both  celestial  and  terrestrial,  move  and  act  alike.  We  should 
see  Thor,  the  thunderer,  leading  the  Siebi,  and  Hara  (Siva)  the 
Indian  Jove,  his  own  worshippers  (Sivseva)  ;  in  which  Freya, 
or  Bhavani,  and  even  the  preserver  (Krislma)  himself,  not 
un frequently  mingle. 

War  Chariots. — The  war  chariot  is  peculiar  to  the  Indu-Seythic 
nations,  from  Dasaratha,^  and  the  heroes  of  the  Mahabharata,  to 
the  conquest  of  Hindustan  by  the  Muhammadans,  when  it  was 
laid  aside.  On  the  plains  of  Kurukshetra,  Krishna  became 
charioteer  to  his  friend  Arjun  ;  and  the  Getic  hordes  of  the 
Jaxartes,  when  they  aided  Xerxes  in  Greece,  and  Darius  on  the 
plains  of  Arbela,'  had  their  chief  strength  in  the  war  chariot. 

The  war  chariot  continued  to  be  used  later  in  the  south-west 
of  India  than  elsewhere,  and  the  Kathi,*  Khuman,  Kumari  of 

.  ^  'EXvaioi,  from  "HXtos,  '  the  sun  ' ;    also  a  title  of  Apollo,  the  Hari  of 
India.     [The  two  words,  from  the  accentuation,  can  have  no  connexion.] 

^  This  title  of  tlie  father  of  Rama  denotes  a  '  charioteer '  ['  having  ten 
chariots.'     Harsha  (a.d.  612-647)  discarded  the  chariot  (Smith,  EHI,  339)]. 

^  The  Indian  satrapy  of  Darius,  saj's  Herodotus  [iii.  94],  was  the  richest 
of  all  the  Persian  provinces,  and  yielded  six  himdred  talents  of  gold.  Arrian 
informs  us  that  his  Indo-Scythic  subjects,  in  his  wars  with  Alexander,  were 
the  elite  of  his  army.  Besides  the  Sakasenae,  we  find  tribes  in  name  similar 
to  those  included  in  the  thirty-six  Rajkula ;  especially  the  Dahae  (Dahya, 
one  of  the  thirty-six  races).  The  Indo-Scythic  contingent  was  two  hundred 
war  chariots  and  fifteen  elephants,  which  were  marshalled  with  the  Parthii 
on  the  right,  and  also  near  Darius's  person.  By  this  disposition  they  were 
opposed  to  the  cohort  commanded  by  Alexander  in  person.  The  chariots 
commenced  the  action,  and  prevented  a  manoeuvre  of  Alexander  to  turn 
the  left  flank  of  the  Persians.  Of  their  horse,  also,  the  most  honourable 
mention  is  made  ;  they  penetrated  into  the  division  where  Parmenio  com- 
manded, to  whom  Alexander  was  compelled  to  send  reinforcements.  The 
Grecian  historian  dwells  with  pleasure  on  Indo-Scythic  valour  :  "  there 
were  no  equestrian  feats,  no  distant  fighting  with  darts,  but  each  fought  as 
if  victory  depended  on  his  sole  arm."  They  fought  the  Greeks  hand  to 
hand  [Arrian,  Anabasis,  iii.  15]. 

But  the  loss  of  empire  was  decreed  at  Arbela,  and  the  Sakae  and  Indo 
Scythae  had  the  honour  of  being  slaughtered  by  the  Yavans  of  Greece,  far 
from  their  native  land,  in  the  aid  of  the  king  of  kings. 

*  The  Kathi  are  celebrated  in  Alexander's  wars.  The  Kathiawar  Kathi 
can  be  traced  from  Multan  {the  ancient  abode)  {mtdasthcma, '  principal  place  ']. 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Saurashtra  have  to  recent  times  retained  their  Scythie  habits,  as 
their  monumental  stones  testify,  expressing  their  being  slain 
from  their  cars  [70]. 

Position  of  Women. — In  no  point  does  resemblance  more 
attach  between  the  ancient  German  and  Scandinavian  tribes,  and 
the  martial  Rajput  or  ancient  Getae,  than  in  their  delicacy  towards 
females, 

"  The  Germans,"  says  Tacitus  [Germania,  viii.],  "  deemed  the 
advice  of  a  woman  in  periods  of  exigence  oracular."  So  does  the 
Rajput,  as  the  bard  Chand  often  exemplifies  ;  and  hence  they 
append  to  her  name  the  epithet  Devi  (or  contracted  De),  '  god- 
like.' "  To  a  German  mind,"  says  Tacitus,  "  the  idea  of  a  woman 
led  into  captivity  is  insupportable  "  ;  and  to  prevent  this  the 
Rajput  raises  the  poignard  against  the  heart  which  beats  only  for 
him,  though  never  to  survive  the  dire  necessity.  It  is  then  they 
perform  the  sacrifice  '  johar,'  when  every  sakha  (branch)  is  cut 
off  :  and  hence  the  Rajput  glories  in  the  title  of  Sakha-band,  from 
having  performed  the  sakha  ;  an  awful  rite,  and  with  every 
appearance  of  being  the  sacaea  of  the  Scythie  Getae,  as  described 
by  Strabo.^ 

The  Dahya  (Dahae),  Johya  (the  latter  Hunnish),  and  Kathi  are  amongst 
the  thirty-six  races.  All  dwelt,  six  centuries  ago,  within  the  five  streams 
and  in  the  deserts  south  of  the  Ghara.  The  two  last  have  left  but  a  name. 
^  The  Sakae  had  invaded  the  inhabitants  on  the  borders  of  the  Pontic 
Sea :  whilst  engaged  in  dividing  the  booty,  the  Persian  generals  surprised 
them  at  night,  and  exterminated  them.  To  eternize  the  remembrance  of 
this  event,  the  Persians  heaped  up  the  earth  round  a  rock  in  the  plain  where 
the  battle  was  fought,  on  which  they  erected  two  temples,  one  to  the  goddess 
Anaitis,  the  other  to  the  divinities  Omanus  and  Anandate,  and  then  founded 
the  anmial  festival  called  Sacaea,  still  celebrated  by  the  possessors  of  Zela. 
Such  is  tlie  account  by  some  authors  of  the  origin  of  Sacaea.  According  to 
others  it  dates  from  the  reign  of  Cyrus  only.  This  prince,  they  say,  having 
carried  the  war  into  the  country  of  the  Sakae  (Massagetae  of  Herodotus) 
lost  a  battle.  Compelled  to  fall  back  on  his  magazines,  abundantly  stored 
with  provisions,  but  especially  wine,  and  having  halted  some  time  to  refresh 
his  army,  he  departed  before  the  enemy,  feigning  a  flight,  and  leaving  his 
camp  standing  full  of  provisions.  The  Sakae,  who  pursued,  reaching  the 
abandoned  camp  stored  with  provisions,  gave  themselves  up  to  debauch. 
Cyrus  returned  and  surprised  the  inebriated  and  senseless  barbarians. 
Some,  buried  in  profound  sleep,  were  easily  massacred  ;  others  occupied  in 
drinking  and  dancing,  without  defence,  fell  into  the  hands  of  armed  foes  : 
so  that  all  perished.  The  conqueror,  attributing  his  success  to  divine  pro- 
tection, consecrated  this  day  to  the  goddess  honoured  in  his  country,  and 
decreed  it  should  be  called  '  the  day  of  the  Sacaea.'     This  is  the  battle 


GAMING,  OMENS,  AUGURIES  85 

Gaming. — In  passion  for  play  at  games  of  cliance,  its  extent 
and  dire  consequences,  the  Rajput,  from  the  earliest  times,  has 
evinced  a  predilection,  and  will  stand  comparison  with  the  Scythian 
and  his  German  offspring.  The  German  staked  his  personal 
liberty,  became  a  slave,  and  was  sold  as  the  property  of  the 
winner.  To  this  vice  the  Pandavas  owed  the  loss  of  their 
sovereignty  and  personal  liberty,  involving  at  last  the  destruction 
of  all  the  Indu  [71]  races  ;  nor  has  the  passion  abated.  Religion 
even  consecrates  the  vice  ;  and  once  a  year,  on  '  the  Festival  of 
Lamps  '  (Diivali),  all  propitiate  the  goddess  of  wealth  and  fortune 
(Lakshmi)  by  offering  at  her  shrine. 

Destitute  of  mental  pursuits,  the  martial  Rajput  is  often 
slothful  or  attached  to  sensual  pleasures,  and  when  roused,  reck- 
less on  what  he  may  wreak  a  fit  of  energy.  Yet  when  order  and 
discipline  prevail  in  a  wealthy  chieftainship,  there  is  much  of  that 
patriarchal  mode  of  life,  with  its  amusements,  alike  suited  to  the 
Rajput,  the  Getae  of  the  Jihun,  or  Scandinavian. 

Omens,  Auguries. — Divination  by  lots,  auguries,  and  omens 
by  flights  of  birds,  as  practised  by  the  Getic  nations  described  by 
Herodotus,  and  amongst  the  Germans  by  Tacitus,  will  be  found 
amongst  the  Rajputs,  from  whose  works  ^  on  this  subject  might 
have  been  supplied  the  whole  of  the  Augurs  and  Aruspices, 
German  or  Roman. 

Love  of  Strong  Drink. — Love  of  liquor,  and  indulgence  in  it  to 
excess,  were  deep-rooted  in  the  Scandinavian  Asi  and  German 
tribes,  and  in  which  they  showed  their  Getic  origin  ;   nor  is  the 

related  by  Herodotus,  to  which  Strabo  alludes,  between  the  Persian  monarch 
and  Tomyris,  queen  of  the  Getae.  Amongst  the  Rajput  Sakha,  all  grand 
battles  attended  with  fatal  results  are  termed  sakha.  When  besieged, 
without  hope  of  relief,  in  the  last  effort  of  despair,  the  females  are  immolated, 
and  the  warriors,  decorated  in  saffron  robes,  rush  on  inevitable  destruction. 
This  is  to  perform  sakha.,  where  every  branch  (sakha)  is  cut  off.  Chitor  has 
to  boast  of  having  thrice  (and  a  half)  suffered  sakha.  Chitor  sakha  ka  pap, 
'  by  the  sin  of  the  sack  of  Chitor,'  the  most  solemn  adjuration  of  the  Guhilot 
Rajput.  If  such  the  origin  of  the  festival  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Sakae 
of  Tomyris,  it  will  be  allowed  to  strengthen  the  analogy  contended  for 
between  the  Sakae  east  and  west  the  Indus.  [For  the  Sacaea  festival  see 
Sir  J.  Frazer,  The  Golden  Bough,  The  Dying  God,  113  ff.  It  has  no  connexion 
with  the  Rajput  Sakha,  '  a  fight,'  which,  again,  is  a  different  word  from 
Sakha,  '  a  branch,  clan.'] 

^  I  presented  a  work  on  this  subject  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  as  well 
as  another  on  Palmistry,  etc. 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Rajput  behind  his  brethren  either  of  Scythia  or  Europe,  It  is 
the  free  use  of  this  and  similar  indulgences,  prohibited  by  ordin- 
ances which  govern  the  ordinary  Hindu,  that  first  induced  me  to 
believe  that  these  warlike  races  were  little  indebted  to  India. 

The  Rajput  welcomes  his  guest  with  the  munawzoar  ph/ala,  or 
'  cup  of  request,'  in  which  they  drown  ancient  enmities.  The 
heroes  of  Odin  never  relished  a  cup  of  mead  more  than  the  Rajput 
his  madhu  ;  -^  and  the  bards  of  Scandinavia  and  Rajwara  are  alike 
eloquent  in  the  praise  of  the  bowl,  on  which  the  Bardai  exhausts 
every  metaphor,  and  calls  it  ambrosial,  immortal.^  "  The  bard, 
as  he  sipped  the  ambrosia,  in  which  sparkled  the  ruby  seed  of  the 
pomegranate,  rehearsed  the  glory  of  the"  race  of  the  fearless.^ 
May  the  king  live  for  ever,  alike  bounteous  in  gifts  to  the  bard 
and  the  foe  !  "  Even  in  the  heaven  of  Indra,  the  Hindu  warrior's 
paradise,  akin  to  Valhalla  [72],  the  Rajput  has  his  cup,  which  is 
served  by  the  Apsaras,  the  twin  sister  of  the  celestial  Hebe  of 
Scania.  "  I  shall  quaff  full  goblets  amongst  the  gods,"  says  the 
dying  Getic  warrior  ;  *  "I  die  laughing  "  :  sentiments  which 
would  be  appreciated  by  a  Rajput. 

A  Rajput  inebriated  is  a  rare  sight  :  but  a  more  destructive 
and  recent  vice  has  usurped  much  of  the  honours  of  the  '  invita- 
tion cup,'  which  has  been  degi-aded  from  the  pure  '  flower '  * 
to  an  infusion  of  the  poppy,  destructive  of  every  quality.  Of  this 
pernicious  habit  we  may  use  the  words  which  the  historian  of 
Gerinan  manners  applies  to  the  tribes  of  the  Weser  and  Elbe,  in 
respect  to  their  love  of  strong  drink  :  "  Indulge  it,  and  you  need  not 
employ  the  terror  of  your  arms  ;  their  own  vices  will  subdue  them." 

^  Madlm  is  intoxicating  drink,  from  madhu,  '  a  bee,'  in  Sanskrit  [madhu, 
'  anything  sweet '].  It  is  well  known  that  mead  is  from  honey.  It  would 
be  curious  if  the  German  mead  was  from  the  Indian  madhu  (bee)  :  then 
both  cup  {kharpnra)  and  beverage  would  be  borrowed.  [3IadJm  does  not 
mean  '  a  bee  '  in  Sanskrit.] 

2  Anirila  (immortal),  from  the  initial  privative  and  mrit,  '  death.'  Thu.s 
the  Immurthal,  or  '  vale  of  immortality,'  at  Neufchatel,  is  as  good  Sanskrit 
as  German  [?]. 

=»  Abhai  Singh,  '  the  fearless  lion,'  prince  of  Marwar,  whose  bard  makes 
this  speech  at  the  festal  board,  when  the  prince  presented  with  his  own 
hand  the  cup  to  the  bard. 

*  Regner  Lodbrog,  in  his  dying  ode,  when  the  destinies  summon  him. 

*  Phul,  the  flower  of  the  mahua  tree,  the  favourite  drink  of  a  Rajput. 
Classically,  in  Sanskrit  it  is  madhuka,  of  the  class  Polyandria  Monogynia 
[Bassia  latifolia]  (see  As.  Ecs.  vol.  i.  p.  300). 


FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  87 

The  Clip  of  the  Scandinavian  worshippers  of  Thor,  the  god  of 
battle,  was  a  human  skull,  that  of  the  foe,  in  which  they  showed 
their  thirst  of  blood  ;  also  borrowed  from  the  chief  of  the  Hindu 
Triad,  Hara,  the  god  of  battle,  who  leads  his  heroes  in  the  '  red 
field  of  slaughter '  with  the  kkopra  ^  in  his  hand,  with  which  he 
gorges  on  the  blood  of  the  slain. 

Kara  is  the  patron  of  all  who  love  war  and  strong  drink,  and  is 
especially  the  object  of  the  Rajput  warrior's  devotion  :  accord- 
ingly blood  and  wine  form  the  chief  oblations  to  the  great  god  of 
the  Indus.  The  Gosains,^  the  peculiar  priests  of  Hara,  or  Bal, 
the  sun,  all  indulge  in  intoxicating  drugs,  herbs,  and  drinks. 
Seated  on  their  lion,  leopard,  or  deer  skins,  their  bodies  covered 
with  ashes,  their  hair  matted  and  braided,  with  iron  tongs  to 
5'ecd  the  penitential  fires,  their  savage  appearance  makes  them  fit 
organs  for  the  commands  of  the  blood  and  slaughter.  Contrary, 
lllcewise,  to  general  practice,  the  minister  of  Hara,  the  god  of  war, 
at  his  death  is  committed  to  the  earth,  and  a  circular  tumulus  is 
raised  over  him ;  and  with  some  classes  of  Gosains,  small  tumuli, 
whose  form  is  the  frustrum  of  a  cone,  with  lateral  steps,  the  apex 
crowned  with  a  cylindrical  stone  [73].' 

Funeral  Ceremonies. — In  the  last  rites  for  the  dead,  compari- 
son will  yield  proofs  of  original  similarity.  The  funeral  cere- 
monies of  Scandinavia  have  distinguished  the  national  eras,  and 
the  '  age  of  fire '  and  '  the  age  of  hills,'  *  designated  the  periods 
when  the  warrior  was  committed  to  mother  earth  or  consumed 
on  the  pyre. 

Odin  (Budha)  introduced  the  latter  custom,  and  the  raising 
of  tiunuli  over  the  ashes  when  the  body  was  burned  ;  as  also  the 
practice   of  the   wife   burning   with   her   deceased   lord.     These 

^  A  human  skull ;  in  the  dialects  pronounced  kho2Mr  :  Qu.  cup  in  Saxon  ? 
JCup,  in  Low  Latin  cuppa.] 

'  The  Kanphara  [or  Kanphata]  Jogis,  or  Gosains,  are  in  great  bodies, 
often  in  many  thousands,  and  are  sought  as  aUies,  especially  in  defensive 
warfare.  In  the  grand  miutary  festivals  at  Udaipur  to  the  god  of  war, 
the  scyiuitar,  symboho  of  Mars,  worshipped  by  the  Guhilots,  is  entrusted 
to  them  [I A,  vii.  47  ff. ;   BO,  ix.  part  i.  543]. 

'  An  entire  cemetery  of  these,  besides  many  detached,  I  have  seen,  and 
also  the  sacred  rites  to  their  manes  by  the  disciples  occupying  these  abodes 
of  austerity,  when  the  flowers  of  the  ak  [Calatropis  gigantea]  and  leaves  of 
evergreen  were  strewed  on  the  grave,  and  sprinkled  with  the  pure  element. 

*  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities,  chap.  xii. 


88  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

manners  were  carried  from  Sakadwipa,  or  Saka  Scythia,  "  where 
the  Geta,"  says  Herodotus  [v.  5],  "  was  consumed  on  the  pyre 
or  burned  ahve  with  her  lord."  With  the  Getae,  the  Siebi  or 
Suevi  of  Scandinavia,  if  the  deceased  had  more  than  one  wife, 
the  elder  claimed  the  privilege  of  burning.'^  Thus,  "  Nanna  was 
consumed  in  the  same  fire  with  the  body  of  her  husband,  Balder, 
one  of  Odin's  companions."  But  the  Scandinavians  were  anxious 
to  forget  this  naark  of  their  Asiatic  origin,  and  were  not  always 
willing  to  burn,  or  to  make  "  so  cruel  and  absurd  a  sacrifice  to  the 
manes  of  their  husbands,  the  idea  of  which  had  been  picked  up 
by  their  Scythian  ancestors,  when  they  inhabited  the  warmer 
climates  of  Asia,  where  they  had  their  first  abodes."  - 

"  The  Scythic  Geta,"  says  Herodotus  [iv.  71],  "  had  his  horse 
sacrificed  on  his  funeral  pyre  ;  and  the  Scandinavian  Geta  had 
his  horse  and  arms  buried  with  him,  as  they  could  not  approach 
Odin  on  foot."  ^  The  Rajput  warrior  is  carried  to  his  final  abode 
armed  at  all  points  as  when  alive,  his  shield  on  his  back  and  brand 
in  hand  ;  while  his  steed,  though  not  sacrificed,  is  often  presented 
to  the  deity,  and  becomes  a  perquisite  of  the  priest. 

Sati. — The  burning  of  the  dead  warrior,  and  female  immolation, 
or  Sati,  are  well-known  rites,  though  the  magnificent  cenotaphs 
raised  on  the  spot  of  sacrifice  are  little  known  or  visited  by  Euro- 
peans ;  than  which  there  are  no  better  memorials  of  the  rise  and 
decline  of  the  States  of  the  Rajput  heptarchy.  It  is  the  son  who 
raises  the  mausoleum  to  the  memory  of  his  father  ;  which  last 
token  of  respect,  or  laudable  vanity,  is  only  limited  by  the  means 
of  the  treasury.  It  is  commemorative  [74]  of  the  splendour  of 
his  reign  that  the  dome  of  his  father  sbould  eclipse  that  of  his 
predecessor.  In  every  principality  of  Rajwara,  the  remark  is 
applicable  to  chieftains  as  well  as  princes. 

Each  sacred  spot,  termed  '  the  place  of  great  sacrifice  '  (Maha- 
sati),  is  the  haunted  ground  of  legendary  lore.  Amongst  the 
altars  on  which  have  burned  the  beauteous  and  the  brave,  the 
harpy  *  takes  up  her  abode,  and  stalks  forth  to  devour  the  hearts 

1  Mallet  chap.  xii.  vol.  i.  p.  289.  ^  Edda. 

^  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities,  chap.  xii.  The  Celtic  Franks  had  the 
same  custom.  The  arms  of  Chilperic,  and  the  bones  of  the  horse  on  which 
he  was  to  be  presented  to  Odin,  were  found  in  his  tomb. 

*  The  Dakini  (the  Jigarkhor  of  Sindh)  is  the  genuine  vampire  [Atn,  ii. 
338  f .].     Captain  Waugh,  after  a  long  chase  in  the  valley  of  Udaipur,  speared 


FUNERAL  RITES  89 

of  her  victims.  The  Rajput  never  enters  these  places  of  silence 
but  to  perform  stated  rites,  or  anniversary  offerings  of  flowers 
and  water  to  the  manes  (pitri-deva  ^)  of  his  ancestors. 

Odin  ^  guarded  his  warriors'  final  abode  from  rapine  by  means 
of  "  wandering  fires  which  played  around  the  tombs  "  ;  and  the 
tenth  chapter  of  the  Salic  law  is  on  punishments  against  "  carrying 
off  the  boards  or  carpets  of  the  tombs."  Fire  and  water  are 
interdicted  to  such  sacrilegious  spoliators. 

The  shihaba,^  or  wandering  meteoric  fires,  on  fields  of  battle 
and  in  the  places  of  '  great  sacrifice,'  produce  a  pleasing  yet 
melancholy  effect  ;  and  are  the  source  of  superstitious  dread  and 
reverence  to  the  Hindu,  having  their  origin  in  the  same  natural 
cause  as  the  '  wandering  fires  of  Odin  '  ;  the  phosphorescent 
salts  produced  from  animal  decomposition. 

The  Scandinavian  reared  the  tumulus  over  the  ashes  of  the 
dead  ;  so  did  the  Geta  of  the  Jaxartes,  and  the  officiating  priests 
of  Hara,  the  Hindu  god  of  battle. 

The  noble  picture  drawn  by  Gibbon  of  the  sepulture  of  the 
Getic  Alaric  is  paralleled  by  that  of  the  great  Jenghiz  Khan. 
When  the  lofty  mound  was  raised,  extensive  forests  were  planted, 
to  exclude  for  ever  the  footsteps  of  man  from  his  remains. 

The  tumulus,  the  cairn,  or  the  pillar,  still  rises  over  the  Rajput 
who  falls  in  [75]  battle  ;  and  throughout  Rajwara  these  sacri- 
ficial monuments  are  foimd,  where  are  seen  carved  in  relief  the 
warrior  on  his  steed,  armed  at  all  points  ;   his  faithful  wife  (Sati) 


a  hyena,  whose  abode  was  the  tombs,  and  well  known  as  the  steed  on  which 
the  witch  of  Ar  sallied  forth  at  night.  Evil  was  predicted  :  and  a  dangerous 
fall,  subsequently,  in  chasing  an  elk,  was  attributed  to  his  sacrilegious 
slaughter  of  the  weird  sister's  steed. 

^  Pitri-deva,  '  Father-lords.'  ^  MaUet  chap.  xii. 

^  At  Gwalior,  on  the  east  side  of  that  famed  fortress,  where  myriads  of 
M^arriors  have  fattened  the  soil,  these  phosphorescent  lights  often  present  a 
singular  appearance.  I  have,  with  friends  whose  eyes  this  will  meet,  marked 
the  procession  of  these  lambent  night-fires,  becoming  extinguished  at  one 
place  and  rising  at  another,  which,  aided  by  the  unequal  locale,  have  been 
frequently  mistaken  for  the  Mahratta  prince  returning  with  his  numerous 
torch-bearers  from  a  distant  day's  sport.  I  have  dared  as  bold  a  Rajput 
as  ever  lived  to  approach  them  ;  whose  sense  of  the  levity  of  my  desire  was 
strongly  depicted,  both  in  speech  and  mien  :  "  men  he  would  encounter, 
but  not  the  spirits  of  those  erst  slain  in  battle."  It  was  generally  about  the 
conclusion  of  the  rains  that  these  lights  were  observed,  v/hen  evaporation 
took  place  from  these  marshy  grounds  impregnated  with  salts. 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

beside  him,  denoting  a  sacrifice,  and  the  sun  and  moon  on  either 
side,  emblematic  of  never-dying  fame.         • 

Cairns,  Pillars. — In  Saurashtra,  amidst  the  Kathi,  Khuman, 
Bala,  and  others  of  Scythic  descent,  the  Paliya,  or  Jujhar  (sacri- 
ficial pillars),  are  conspicuous  under  the  walls  of  every  town,  in 
lines,  irregular  groups,  and  circles.  On  each  is  displayed  in  rude 
relief  the  warrior,  with  the  manner  of  his  death,  lance  in  hand, 
generally  on  horseback,  though  sometimes  in  his  ear  ;  and  on  the 
coast  '  the  pirates  of  Budha '  ^  are  depicted  boarding  from  the 
shrouds.  Amidst  the  Khuman  of  Tatary  the  Jesuits  found  stone 
circles,  similar  to  those  met  with  wherever  the  Celtic  rites  pre- 
vailed ;  and  it  would  require  no  great  ingenuity  to  prove  an 
analogy,  if  not  a  common  origin,  between  Druidic  circles  and  the 
Indo-Scythic  monumental  remains.  The  trilithon,  or  seat,  in 
the  centre  of  the  judicial  circle,  is  formed  by  a  number  sacred  to 
Hara,  Bal,  or  the  sun,  whose  priest  expounds  the  law. 

Worship  o£  Arms.  The  Sword. — The  devotion  of  the  Rajput 
is  still  paid  to  his  arms,  as  to  his  horse.  He  swears  '  by  the  steel,' 
and  prostrates  himself  before  his  defensive  buckler,  his  lance,  his 
sword,  or  his  dagger. 

The  worship  of  the  sword  (asi)  may  divide  with  that  of  the 
horse  (aszva)  the  honour  of  giving  a  name  to  the  continent  of  Asia. 
It  prevailed  amongst  the  Scythic  Getae,  and  is  described  exactly 
by  Herodotus  [iv.  62].  To  Dacia  and  Thrace  it  was  carried  by 
Getic  colonies  from  the  Jaxartes,  and  fostered  by  these  lovers  of 
liberty  when  their  hordes  overran  Europe. 

The  worship  of  the  sword  in  the  Acropolis  of  Athens  by  the 
Getic  Attila,  with  all  the  accompaniments  of  pomp  and  place, 
forms  an  admirable  episode  in  the  history  of  the  decline  and  fall 
of  Rome  ;  and  had  Gibbon  witnessed  the  worship  of  the  double- 
edged  sword  (khanda)  by  the  prince  of  Mewar  and  all  his  chivalry, 
he  might  even  have  embellished  his  animated  account  of  the 
adoration  of  the  scymitar,  the  symbol  of  Mars. 

Initiation  to  Arms. — Initiation  to  military  fame  was  the  same 
with  the  [76]  German  as  with  the  Rajput,  when  the  youthful 
candidate  was  presented  with  the  lance,  or  buckled  with  the 
sword  ;    a  ceremony  which  will  be  noticed  when  their  feudal 

^  At  I)warka,  the  god  of  thieves  is  called  Budha  Trivikrama,  or  of  triple 
energy  :  the  Hermes  Triplex,  or  three-headed  Mercury  of  the  Egyptians. 
[No  such  cult  is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Dwarka,  BG,  viii.  GOl.J 


INITIATION  TO  ARMS :  ASVAAIEDHA  91 

manners  are  described  ;  many  other  traits  of  character  will  then 
be  depicted.  It  would  be  easy  to  swell  the  list  of  analogous 
customs,  which  even  to  the  objects  of  dislike  in  food  ^  would 
furnish  comparison  between  the  ancient  Celt  and  Rajput  ;  but 
they  shall  close  with  the  detail  of  the  most  ancient  of  rites. 

Asvamedha,  the  Horse  Sacrifice.  —  There  are  some  things, 
animate  and  inanimate,  which  have  been  common  objects  of 
adoration  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  sun,  the  moon, 
and  all  the  host  of  heaven  ;  the  sword  ;  reptiles,  as  the  serpent  ; 
animals,  as  the  noblest,  the  horse.  This  last  was  not  worshipped 
as  an  abstract  object  of  devotion,  but  as  a  type  of  that  glorious 
orb  which  has  had  reverence  from  every  child  of  nature.  The 
plains  of  Tatary,  the  sands  of  Libya,  the  rocks  of  Persia,  the  valley 
of  the  Ganges,  and  the  wilds  of  Orinoco,  have  each  yielded  votaries 
alike  ardent  in  devotion  to  his  effulgence  : 

Of  this  great  world  both  eye  and  soul. 

His  symbolic  worship  and  offerings  varied  with  clime  and  habit ; 
and  while  the  altars  of  Bal  in  Asia,  of  Belenus  among  the  Celts 
of  Gaul  and  Britain,  smoked  with  human  sacrifices,  the  bull  ^ 
bled  to  Mithras  in  Babylon,  and  the  steed  was  the  victim  to  Surya 
on  the  Jaxartes  and  Ganges. 

The  father  of  history  says  that  the  great  Getae  of  Central  Asia 
deemed  it  right  to  offer  the  swiftest  of  created  to  the  swiftest  of 
non-created  beings.  It  is  fair  to  infer  that  the  sun's  festival  with 
the  Getae  and  Aswa  nations  of  the  Jaxartes,  as  with  those  of 
Scandinavia,  was  the  winter  solstice,  the  Sankrant  of  the  Rajput 

^  Caesar  informs  us  that  the  Celts  of  Britain  would  not  eat  the  hare, 
goose,  or  domestic  fowl.  The  Rajput  will  hunt  the  first,  but  neither  eats  it, 
nor  the  goose,  sacred  to  the  god  of  battle  (Hara).  The  Rajput  of  Mewar 
eats  the  jungle  fowl,  but  rarely  the  domestic. 

'^  As  he  did  also  to  Balnath  (the  god  Bal)  in  the  ancient  times  of  India. 
The  baldan,  or  gift  of  the  bull  to  the  sun,  is  well  recorded.  [Balddn,  baliddna 
does  not  mean  the  offering  of  a  bull :  it  is  the  daily  presentation  of  a  portion 
of  the  meat  to  Earth  and  other  deities.]  There  are  numerous  temples  in 
Rajasthan  of  Baahm  [?] ;  and  Balpur  (Mahadeo)  has  several  in  vSaurashtra. 
All  represent  the  sun — 

Peor  his  other  name,  when  he  enticed 
Israel  in  Sittim,  on  their  march  from  Nile. 

Paradise  Lost,  book  i.  412  f.  [77], 

The  temple  of  Solomon  was  to  Bal,  and  all  the  idolaters  of  that  day  seem- 
to  have  held  to  the  grosser  tenets  of  Hinduism. 


92  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

and  Hindu  in  general.  Hi,  Haija,  Hyimr,  Aswa  denote  the 
steed  in  Sanskrit  and  its  dialects.  In  Gothic,  hyrsa  ;  Teutonic, 
hors  ;  Saxon,  horse.  The  grand  festival  of  the  German  tribes  of 
the  Baltic  was  the  Hiul,  or  Hid  (already  commented  on),  the 
Asvamedha  ^  of  the  children  of  Surya,  on  the  Ganges. 

The  Asvamedha  Ceremonies. — The  ceremonies  of  the  Asvamediia 
are  too  expensive,  and  attended  with  too  great  risk,  to  be  attempted 
by  modern  princes.  Of  its  fatal  results  we  have  many  historical 
records,  from  the  first  dawn  of  Indian  history  to  the  last  of  its 
princes,  Prithwiraja.  The  Ramayana,  the  Mahabharata,  and  the 
poems  of  Chand  all  illustrate  this  imposing  rite  and  its  effects.^ 

The  Ramayana  affords  a  magnificent  picture  of  the  Asvamedha. 
Dasaratha,  monarch  of  Ayodhya,  father  of  Rama,  is  represented 
as  commanding  the  rite :  "  Let  the  sacrifice  be  prepared,  and  the 
horse  '  liberated  from  the  north  bank  of  the  Sarju  !  "  *  A  year 
being  ended,  and  the  horse  having  returned  from  his  wanderings,* 
the  sacrificial  ground  was  prepared  on  the  spot  of  liberation. 

^  In  Aswa  {medha  signifies  '  to  kill ')  we  have  the  derivation  of  the  ancient 
races,  sons  of  Bajaswa,  who  peopled  the  countries  on  both  sides  the  Indus, 
and  the  probable  etymon  of  Asia  [?].  The  Assakenoi,  the  Ariaspai  of 
Alexander's  historians,  and  Aspasianae,  to  whom  Arsaces  fled  from  Seleucus, 
and  whom  Strabo  terms  a  Getic  race,  have  the  same  origin  ;  hence  Asigarh, 
'  the  fortress  of  the  Asi '  (erroneously  termed  Hansi),  and  Asgard  were  the 
first  settlements  of  the  Getic  Asi  in  Scandinavia.  Alexander  received  the 
homage  of  all  these  Getic  races  at  '  the  mother  of  cities,'  Balkh,  '  seat  of 
Cathaian  Khan  '  (the  Jat  Kathida  of  my  inscription),  according  to  Marco 
Polo,  from  whom  Milton  took  his  geography. 

^  The  last  was  undertaken  by  the  celebrated  Sawai  Jai  Singh  of  Amber  ; 
but  the  milk-white  steed  of  the  sun,  I  believe,  was  not  turned  out,  or 
assuredly  the  Ratliors  would  liave  accepted  the  challenge. 

^  A  milk-white  steed  is  selected  with  peculiar  marks.  On  hberation, 
properly  guarded,  he  wanders  where  he  listeth.  It  is  a  virtual  challenge. 
Arjuna  guarded  the  steed  liberated  by  Yudhishthira  ;  but  that  sent  round 
by  Parikshita,  his  grandson,  "  was  seized  by  the  Takshak  of  the  north." 
The  same  fate  occurred  to  Sagara,  father  of  Dasaratha,  which  involved  the 
loss  of  his  kingdom. 

*  The  Sarju,  or  Gandak,  from  the  Kumaun  mountains,  passes  through 
Kosalades,  the  dominion  of  Dasaratha. 

*  The  liorse's  return  after  a  year  evidently  indicates  an  astronomical 
revolution,  or  the  sun's  return  to  the  same  point  in  the  echptic.  Tliis 
return  from  his  southern  dechnation  must  have  been  always  a  day  of  rejoic- 
ing to  the  Scythic  and  Scandinavian  nations,  who  could  not,  says  Gibbon, 
fancy  a  worse  hell  than  a  large  abode  open  to  the  cold  wind  of  the  north. 
To  the  south  they  looked  for  the  deity  ;  and  hence,  with  the  Rajputs,  a 
religious  law  forbids  their  doors  being  to  the  north. 


THE  ASVAMEDHiV  93 

Invitations  were  sent  to  all  surrounding  monarchs  to  repair 
to  Ayodhya  :  King  Kaikeya,^  the  king  of  Kasi,^  Lomapada  of 
Angadesa,^  Kosala  of  Magadhadesa,*  with  the  kings  of  Sindhu/ 
Sauvira,®  and  Saurashtra  [78].' 

WTien  the  sacrificial  pillars  are  erected,  the  rites  commence. 
This  portion  of  the  ceremony,  termed  Yupochchraya,  is  tlius 
minutely  detailed  :  "  There  were  twenty-one  yupas,  or  pillars,* 
of  octagonal  shape,  each  twenty-one  feet  in  height  and  four  feet 
in  diameter,  the  capitals  bearing  the  figure  of  a  man,  an  elephant, 
or  a  bull.  They  were  of  the  various  sorts  of  wood  appropriated 
to  holy  rites,  overlaid  with  plates  of  gold  and  ornamented  cloth, 
and  adorned  with  festoons  of  flowers.  Wliile  the  yupas  were 
erecting,  the  Adhvaryu,  receiving  his  instructions  from  the  Hotri. 
or  sacrificing  priest,  recited  aloud  the  incantations. 

^  Kaike3^a  is  supposed  by  the  translator,  Dr.  Carey,  to  be  a  king  of  Persia, 
the  Kaivansa  preceding  Dariu'i.  The  epithet  Kai  not  unfrequently  occurs 
in  Hindu  traditional  couplets.-  One,  which  I  remember,  is  connected  with 
the  ancient  ruins  of  Abhaner  in  Jaipur,  recording  the  marriage  of  one  of  its 
princes  with  a  daughter  of  Kaikamb. 

Tu  beti  Kaikamb  /./,  7iam  Panyiala  ho,  etc.  '  Thou  art  the  daughter  of 
Kaikamb :  thy  name  Fairy  Garland.'  Kai  was  the  epithet  of  one  of  the 
Persian  dynasties.  Qu.  Kam-bakhsh,  the  Cambj^ses  of  the  Greeks  ?  [Cam- 
byses,  Kabuziya  or  Kambuzlya,  possibly  '  a  bard  '  (Rawlinson,  Herodotvs, 
iii.  543).]  ^  Benares. 

3  Tibet  or  Ava  [N.  Bengal].  *  Bihar.  s  Sind  valley. 

^  Unknown  to  me  [W.  and  S.  Panjab  and  its  vicinity]. 

'  Peninsula  of  Kathiawar. 

*  I  have  seen  several  of  these  sacrificial  pillars  of  stone  of  very  ancient 
date.  Many  years  ago,  when  all  the  Rajput  States  were  suffering  from  the 
thraldom  of  the  Mahrattas,  a  most  worthy  and  wealthy  banker  of  Surat, 
known  by  the  family  name  of  Trivedi,  who  felt  acutely  for  the  woes  inflicted 
by  incessant  predatory  foes  on  the  sons  of  Rama  and  Krishna,  told  me, 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  the  evils  which  afflicted  Jaipur  were  to  be  attri- 
buted to  the  sacrilege  of  the  prince,  Jagat  Singh,  who  had  dared  to  abstract 
the  gold  plates  of  the  sacrificial  pillars,  and  send  them  to  his  treasure' : 
worse  than  Rehoboam,  who,  when  he  took  awaj'  from  the  temple  "  the 
shields  of  gold  Solomon  had  made,"  had  the  grace  to  substitute  others  of 
brass.  Whether,  when  turned  into  currencj',  it  went  as  a  war  contribution 
to  the  Mahrattas,  or  was  applied  to  the  less  worthj'  use  of  his  concubine 
queen,  '  the  essence  of  camphor/  it  was  of  a  piece  with  the  rest  of  this 
prince's  unwise  conduct.  Jai  Singh,  who  erected  the  pillars,  did  honour  to  his 
countrj',  of  which  he  was  a  second  founder,  and  under  whom  it  attained  the 
height  from  which  it  has  now  fallen.  [Some  sacrificial  pillars  (yiipa)  were 
recently  found  in  the  bed  of  the  .Jumna  near  I'lathura,  with  inscriptions 
dated  in  the  twenty -fourth  j'car  of  Kanishka's  reign,  about  a.d.  102.] 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

"  The  sacrificial  pits  were  in  triple  rows,  eighteen  in  number, 
and  arranged  in  the  form  of  the  eagle.  Here  were  placed 
the  victims  for  immolation  ;  birds,  aquatic  animals,  and  the 
horse. 

"  Thrice  was  the  steed  of  King  Dasaratha  led  round  the  sacred 
fire  by  Kosala,  and  as  the  priests  pronounced  the  incantations  he 
was  immolated  ^  amidst  shouts  of  joy. 

"  The  king  and  queen,  placed  by  the  high  priest  near  the  horse, 
sat  up  all  night  watching  the  birds  ;  and  the  officiating  priest, 
having  taken  out  the  hearts,  dressed  them  agreeably  to  the  holy 
books.  The  sovereign  of  men  smelled  the  smoke  of  the  offered 
hearts,  acknowledging  his  transgressions  in  the  order  in  which 
they  were  committed. 

"  The  sixteen  sacrificing  priests  then  placed  (as  commanded  in 
the  ordinances)  on  the  fire  the  parts  of  the  horse.  The  oblation 
of  all  the  animals  was  made  on  wood,  except  that  of  the  horse, 
which  was  on  cane. 

"  The  rite  concluded  with  gifts  of  land  to  the  sacrificing  priests 
and  augurs  ;  but  the  holy  men  preferring  gold,  ten  millions  of 
jambunada  ^  were  bestowed  on  them"  [79]. 

Such  is  the  circumstantial  account  of  the  Asvamedha,  the 
most  imposing  and  the  earliest  heathen  rite  on  record.  It  were 
superfluous  to  point  out  the  analogy  between  it  and  similar  rites 
of  various  nations,  from  the  chosen  people  to  the  Auspex  of 
Rome  and  the  confessional  rite  of  the  Catholic  church. 

The  Sankrant,^  or  Sivaratri  (night  of  Siva),  is  the  winter 
solstice.     On  it  the  horse  bled  to  the  sun,  or  Balnath. 

^  On  the  Nauroz,  or  festival  of  the  new  year,  the  Great  Mogul  slays  a 
camel  with  his  own  hand,  which  is  distributed,  and  eaten  by  the  court 
favourites.  [A  camel  is  sacrificed  at  the  Tdu-1-azha  festival  (Hughes,  Did. 
Islam,  192  ff.).] 

2  This  was  native  gold,  of  a  pecuharly  dark  and  brilliant  hue,  which  was 
compared  to  the  fruit  jambu  (not  unlike  a  damson).  Everything  forms  an 
allegory  with  the  Hindus  ;  and  the  production  of  this  metal  is  appropriated 
to  the  period  of  gestation  of  Jahnavi,  the  river-goddess  (Ganges),  when  by 
Agni,  or  fire,  she  produced  Kumara,  the  god  of  war,  the  commander  of  the 
army  of  the  gods.  This  was  when  she  left  the  place  of  her  birth,  the  Hima- 
laya mountain  (the  great  storehouse  of  metallic  substances),  whose  daughter 
she  is  :  and  doubtless  this  is  in  allusion  to  some  very  remote  period,  when, 
bursting  her  rock-bound  bed,  Ganga  exposed  from  '  her  side  '  veins  of  this 
precious  metal. 

^  Little  bags  of  brocade,  filled  with  seeds  of  the  sesamum  or  cakes  of  the 


SACRED  TREES  95 

The  Scandinavians  termed  the  longest  night  the  '  mother 
night,'  ^  on  which  they  held  that  the  world  was  born.  Hence 
the  Beltane,  the  fires  of  Bal  or  Belenus  ;  the  Hiul  of  northern 
nations,  the  sacrificial  fires  on  the  Asvamedha,  or  worship  of  the 
sun,  by  the  Suryas  on  the  Ganges,  and  the  Swians  (I'VO  find 
Sauromatae  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 

The  altars  of  the  Phoenician  Ileliopohs,  Balbec  ^  or  Tadmor,* 
were  sacred  to  the  same  divmity  as  on  the  banks  of  Sarju,  or 
Balpiir,  in  Saurashtra,  where  "  the  horses  of  the  sun  ascended 
from  his  fountain  {Surya-kund),'"  to  carry  its  princes  to  conquest. 

From  Syria  came  the  instructors  of  the  Celtic  Druids,  v,^ho 
made  human  sacrifices,  and  set  up  the  pillar  of  Belenus  on  the 
hills  of  Cambria  and  Caledonia. 

Wlien  "  Judah  did  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  and  built 
them  high  places,  and  images,  and  groves,  on  every  high  hill  and 
under  every  tree,"  the  object  was  Bal,  and  the  pillar  (the  lingam) 
was  his  symbol.  It  was  on  his  altar  they  burned  incense,  and 
"  sacrificed  unto  the  calf  on  the  fifteenth  *  day  of  the  month  " 
(the  sacred  Amavas  of  the  Hindus).  The  calf  of  Israel  is  the 
bull  (nandi)  of  Balkesar  or  Iswara  ;  the  Apis  of  the  Egyptian 
Osiris  [80]. 

Sacred  Trees. — The  ash  was  sacred  to  the  sun-god  in  the  west. 
The  asvattha  (or  pipal)  ^  is  the  '  chief  of  trees,'  say  the  books 

same,  are  distributed  by  the  chiefs  to  friends  on  this  occasion.  While  the 
author  writes,  he  has  before  him  two  of  these,  sent  to  hini  by  the  young 
Mahratta  prince,  Holkar. 

^  Sivaratri  would  be  '  father  night  '  [?].  Siva-Iswara  is  the  '  universal 
father.' 

^  Ferishta,  the  compiler  of  the  imperial  history  of  India,  gives  us  a 
Persian  or  Arabic  derivation  of  this,  from  Bal,  '  the  sun,'  and  bee,  '  an  idol." 
[This  has  not  been  traced  in  Dow  or  Briggs.] 

^  Corrupted  ^o  Palmyra,  the  etymon  of  which,  I  beUeve,  has  never  been 
given,  which  is  a  version  of  Tadiiior.  In  Sanskrit,  tal,  or  tar,  is  the  '  date- 
tree  ' ;  mor  signifies  '  chief.'  We  have  more  than  one  '  city  of  palms  ' 
{Talpur)  in  India ;  and  the  tribe  ruhng  in  Haidarabad,  on  the  Indus,  is 
called  Talpuri,  from  the  place  whence  they  originated.  [Tadmor  is  Semitic, 
probably  meaning  '  abounding  in  palms.'  The  suggested  derivation  is 
impossible.] 

*  1  Kings  xiv.  23. 

*  Ficus  religiosa.  It  presents  a  perfect  resemblance  to  the  popul  (poplar) 
of  Germany  and  Italy,  a  species  of  which  is  the  aspen.  [They  belong  to 
different  orders.]  So  similar  is  it,  that  the  specimen  of  the  pipal  from 
Carohna  is  called,  in  the  Isola  Bella  of  the  Lago  Maggiore,  Populufi  angulata  ; 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

sacred  to  Bal  in  the  East :  and  death,  or  loss  of  Hmb,  is  incurred 
by  the  sacrilegious  mutilator  of  his  consecrated  groves/  where  a 
pillar  is  raised  bearing  the  inhibitory  edict. 

We  shall  here  conclude  the  analogy  between  the  Indo-Scythic 
Rajput  races  and  those  of  early  Europe.  Much  more  might  be 
adduced  ;  the  old  Runic  characters  of  Scandinavia,  the  Celtic, 
and  the  Osci  or  Etruscan,  might,  by  comparison  with  those  found 
in  the  cave  temples  and  rocks  in  Rajasthan  and  Saurashtra,  yield 
yet  more  important  evidence  of  original  similarity  ;   and  the  very 

and  another,  in  the  Jardin  des  Plantes  at  Toulon,  is  termed  the  Ficuspopuli- 
folia,  oufiguier  dfeuilles  de  peuplier.  The  aspen,  or  ash,  held  sacred  by  the 
Celtic  priests,  is  said  to  be  the  mountain-ash.  '  The  calf  of  Bal '  is  generally 
placed  under  the  pipal ;  and  Hindu  tradition  sanctifies  a  never-dying  stem, 
which  marks  the  spot  where  the  Hindu  ApoUo,  Ilari  (the  sun),  was  slain  by 
the  savage  Bhil  on  the  shores  of  Saurashtra.  [This  is  known  as  the  Prachi 
Pipal,  and  death  rites  are  performed  close  to  it  (BQ,  viii.  271,  note  2).] 

^  The  rehgious  feelings  of  the  Rajput,  though  outraged  for  centuries  by 
Moguls  and  mercenary  Pathans,  wiU  not  permit  him  to  see  the  axe  appUed 
to  the  noble  pipal  or  umbrageous  bar  (Ficus  indica),  without  execrating  the 
destroyer.  Unhappy  the  constitution  of  mind  which  knowingly  wounds 
rehgious  prejudices  of  such  ancient  date  !  Yet  is  it  thus  with  our  country- 
men in  the  East,  who  treat  all  foreign  prejudices  with  contempt,  shoot  the 
bird  sacred  to  the  Indian  Mars,  slay  the  calves  of  Bal,  and  fell  the  noble 
pipal  before  the  eyes  of  the  native  without  remorse.  He  is  unphilosophic 
and  unwise  who  treats  such  prejudices  with  contumely :  prejudices  beyond 
the  reach  of  reason.  He  is  uncharitable  who  does  not  respect  them  ;  im- 
politic, who  does  not  use  every  means  to  prevent  such  offence  by  ignorance 
or  levity.  It  is  an  abuse  of  our  strength,  and  an  ungenerous  advantage 
over  their  weakness.  Let  us  recollect  who  are  the  guardians  of  these  fanes 
of  Bal,  his  pipal,  and  sacred  bird  (the  peacock)  ;  the  children  of  Surya  and 
Chandra,  and  the  descendants  of  the  sages  of  yore,  they  who  fill  the  ranks 
of  our  array,  and  are  attentive,  though  silent,  observers  of  all  our  actions  : 
the  most  attached,  the  most  faithful,  and  the  most  obedient  of  mankind  ! 
Let  us  maintain  them  in  duty,  obedience,  and  attachment,  by  respecting 
their  prejudices  and  conciliating  their  pride.  On  the  fulfilment  of  this 
depends  the  maintenance  of  our  sovereignty  in  India  :  but  the  last  fifteen 
years  have  assuredly  not  increased  their  devotion  to  us.  Let  the  question 
be  put  to  the  unprejudiced,  whether  their  welfare  has  advanced  in  pro- 
portion to  the  dominion  they  have  conquered  for  us,  or  if  it  has  not  been  in 
the  inverse  ratio  of  this  prosperity  ?  Have  not  their  allowances  and  com- 
forts decreased  ?  Does  the  same  relative  standard  between  the  currency 
and  conveniences  of  life  exist  as  twenty  years  ago  ?  Has  not  the  first 
depreciated  twenty-five  per  cent,  as  baM-batta  stations  and  duties  have 
increased  ?  For  the  good  of  ruler  and  servant,  let  these  be  rectified.  With 
the  utmost  solemnity,  I  aver,  1  have  but  the  welfare  of  all  at  heart  in  these 
observations.     I   loved   the  service,   I   loved   the  native  soldier.     I   have 


THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES  97 

name  of  German  (from  wer,  bellum)  ^  might  be  found  to  be  deri\'ed 
from  the  feud  (vair)  and  foe-man  (vairi)  of  the  Rajput. 

If  these  coincidences  are  merely  accidental,  then  has  too  much 
been  already  said  ;  if  not,  authorities  are  here  recorded,  and 
hypotheses  founded,  for  the  assistance  of  others  [81  J. 


CHAPTER  7 

Having  discussed  the  ancient  genealogies  of  the  martial  races 
of  Rajasthan,  as  well  as  the  chief  points  in  their  character  and 
religion  analogous  to  those  of  early  Europe,  we  proceed  to  the 
catalogue  of  the  Chhattis  Rajkula,  or  '  thirty-six  royal  races.'  ^ 

The  table  before  the  reader  presents,  at  one  view,  the  authori- 
ties on  which  this  list  is  given  :  they  are  as  good  as  al)undant. 
The  first  is  from  a  detached  leaf  of  an  ancient  work,  obtained 
from  a  Yati  of  a  Jain  temple  at  the  old  city  of  Nado!,  in  Marwar. 
The  second  is  from  the  poems  of  Chand,^  the  bard  of  the  last 
Hmdu  kino-   of  Dellii.     The   third   is   from  an   estimable   work 


proved  what  he  will  do,  where  devoted,  when,  in  1817,  thirty-two  firelocks 
of  my  guard  attacked,  defeated,  and  dispersed  a  camp  of  fifteen  hundred 
men,  sla3ring  thrice  their  numbers.*  Having  quitted  the  scene  for  ever,  I 
submit  my  opinion  dispassionately  for  the  welfare  of  the  one,  and  with  it 
the  stability  or  reverse  of  the  other. 

^  D'Anville's  derivation  of  Gersnan,  from  wer  (bellum)  and  nMnus. 
[Possiblv  0.  Irish,  gair,  '  neighbour,'  or  (jairm,  '  battle-cry  '  {New  Eng.  Diet. 
s.v.).] 

^  [This  catalogue  is  now  of  historical  or  traditional,  rather  than  of 
ethnographical  value.  It  includes  some  which  are  admittedly  extinct : 
others  wiiich  are  proved  to  be  derived  from  Gurjara  and  other  foreign  tribes, 
while  it  omits  many  clans  which  are  most  influential  at  the  present  day, 
and  some  of  those  included  in  the  list  are  now  represented  by  scattered 
groups  outside  Rajputana.] 

^  Of  his  works  I  possess  the  most  complete  copy  existing. 


*  What  says  the  Thermopylae  of  India,  Corygaum  ?  Five  hundred  fire- 
locks against  twenty  thousand  men  !  Do  the  annals  of  Napoleon  record  a 
more  brilUant  exploit  ?  Has  a  column  been  reared  to  the  manes  of  the 
brave,  European  and  native,  of  this  memorable  day,  to  excite  to  future 
achievement  ?  What  order  decks  the  breast  of  the  gaUant  Fitzgerald,  for 
the  exploit  on  the  field  of  Nagpur  ?  At  another  time  and  place  his  word.s, 
"  At  my  peril  be  it !  Charge  !  "  would  have  crowned  his  crest !  These 
things  call  for  remedy  !  [Koregaon  in  Poona  District,  where  Captain 
Staunton  defeated  a  large  force  of  Mahrattas  on  January  1,  1818  (Wilson- 
Mill,  Hist,  of  India,  ii.  (1846),  303  ff.).] 

VOL.    I  H 


98  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

contemporary  with  Chand's,  the  Kumarjjal  Charitra'  or  "  History 
of  the  Monarchy  of  Anhilwara  Patan."  The  fourth  list  is  from 
the  Khichi  bard.^     The  fifth,  from  a  bard  of  Saurashtra. 

From  every  one  of  the  bardic  profession,  from  all  the  collectors 
and  collections  of  Rajasthan,  lists  have  been  received,  from  which 
the  catalogue  No.  6  has  been  formed,  admitted  by  the  genealogists 
to  be  more  perfect  than  any  existing  document.  From  it,  there- 
fore, in  succession,  each  race  shall  have  its  history  rapidly 
sketched  ;  though,  as  a  text,  a  single  name  is  sufficient  to  fill 
many  pages. 

The  first  list  is  headed  by  an  invocation  to  Mata  Sakambhari 
Devi,  or  mother-goddess,  protectress  of  the  races  (sakha)  [the 
mother  of  vegetation]. 

Each  race  (sakha)  has  its  Gotracharya,^  a  genealogical  creed, 
describing  [82]  the  essential  peculiarities,  religious  tenets,  and 
pristine  locale  of  the  clan.  Every  Rajput  should  be  able  to 
repeat  this  ;  though  it  is  now  confined  to  the  family  priest  or  the 
genealogist.  Many  chiefs,  in  these  degenerate  days,  would  be 
astonished  if  asked  to  repeat  their  gotracharya,  and  would  refer 
to  the  bard.  It  is  a  touchstone  of  affinities,  and  guardian  of  the 
laws  of  intermarriage.  When  the  inhibited  degrees  of  propinquity 
have  been  broken,  it  has  been  known  to  rectify  the  mistake, 
where,  however,  "  ignorance  was  bliss."  * 

^  Presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

2  Moghji,  one  of  the  most  intelligent  bards  of  the  present  day ;  but, 
heartbroken,  he  has  now  but  the  woes  of  his  race  to  sing.  Yet  has  he  forgot 
them  for  a  moment  to  rehearse  the  deeds  of  Parsanga,  who  sealed  his  fidelity 
by  his  death  on  the  Ghaggar.  Then  the  invisible  mantle  of  Bhavani  was 
wrapt  around  him  ;  and  with  the  birad  (fvror  poeticus)  flowing  freely  of 
their  deeds  of  yore,  their  present  degradation,  time,  and  place  were  all 
forgot.  But  the  time  is  fast  approaching  when  he  may  sing  with  the 
Cambrian  bard  : 

"  Ye  lost  companions  of  my  tuneful  art, 
Where  are  ye  fled  ?  " 

^  One  or  two  specimens  shall  be  given  in  the  proper  place. 

*  A  prince  of  Bundi  had  married  a  Rajputni  of  the  Malani  tribe,  a  name 
now  unknown  :  but  a  bard  repeating  the  '  gotracharya,'  it  was  discovered 
to  have  been  about  eight  centuries  before  a  ramification  (sa!  ha)  (if  the 
Chauhan,  to  which  the  Hara  of  Bundi  belonged— divorce  and  expiatory 
rites,  with  great  unhappiness,  were  the  consequences.  What  a  contrast  to 
the  unhallowed  doctrmes  of  polyandry,  as  mentioned  amongst  the  Pandavas, 
the  Scythic  nations,  the  inhabitants  of  Sirmor  of  the  present  day,-  and 
pertaining  even  to  Britain  in  the  days  of  Caesar  ! — "  Uxores  habent  deni 


ANCIENT   MSS.l 


10 


15 


20 


Ikshwaku. 

Surya. 

Soma  or  Chandra. 

Yadu.  •         I 

Chahuman  (Chauha 

Pramara.  1 

Chalukya  or  Solany 

Parihara. 

Chawara. 

Dudia. 

Rathor. 

Gohil. 

Dabhi. 

Makwahaua. 

Norka. 

Aswaria. 

Salar  or  Silara. 

Sinda. 

Sepat. 

Huu  or  nun. 

Kirjal. 

Haraira. 

Rajpali. 

Dhanpali. 
25  Agnipali. 

Bala. 

Jhala. 

Bhagdola. 

Motdan. 
30  Mohor. 

Kagair. 

Karjeo. 

Chadlia. 

Pokara. 

Nikumbha. 
3<)  Salala. 


LKI    MaTA 


do  not, 
feie. 


ace). 


35 
26 
16 
12 

Single. 


CORRECTED    LIST   BY   THE    AUTHOR. 

Ikshwaku,  Kakutstha,  or  Surya 

Anwai,  Indu,  Som,  or  Chandra. 

Grahilot  or  Guhilot     .        .    24  Saljha. 

Yadu 4 

5  Tuar        .         .         .         .         |    jy 

Rathor  .        .        .        .        .13 

Kushwaha  or  Kachluvaha.' 

l^ramara 

Chahuman  or  Chauhan 
10  Chalukya  or  Solanki    . 

Parihara 

Chawara 

Tak,  Tak,  or  Takshak. 

Jat  or  Geta. 
15  Hun  or  Htin. 

Kathi. 

Bala. 

Jhala 2 

Jethwa  or  Kaniari. 
20  Gohil. 

Sarfveya. 

Silar. 

Dabhi. 

Gaur 5 

Doda  or  Dor. 

Gaharwal. 

Bargujar        ...  3 

Sengar    ....."   single. 

Sikarwal         .        .        .  Ho 

30  Bais        .        .        .        .        ;       do' 

Dahia. 

Johya. 

Mohll. 

Nikumbha. 

RajpaU. 
36  Dahima  ....       do. 

Extni. 

Hul. 
Daharya. 


25 


1  The  author,  aftei 

2  The  bard  Chand  ?i  Are." 

i  As  the  work  is  chn  to  the  last  "  of  all  the  mightiest  is  the  Chauhan 

■»  By  name  Moghji, 


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gliry. 

THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES  99 

Most  of  tlie  kula  (races)  are  divided  into  numerous  branches  ^ 
(sakha),  and  these  sakha  subdivided  into  innumerable  clans 
(gotra),^  the  most  important  of  which  shall  be  given.  A  few  of 
the  kula  never  ramified  :  these  are  termed  eka,  or  '  single  '  ;  and 
nearly  one-third  are  eka. 

A  table  of  the  '  eighty-four '  mercantile  tribes,  chiefly  of 
Rajput  origin,  shall  also  be  furnished,  in  which  the  remembrance 
of  some  races  are  preserved  which  would  have  perished.  Lists 
of  the  aboriginal,  the  agricultural  and  the  pastoral  tribes  are  also 
given  to  complete  the  subject. 

Solar  and  Lunar  Races. — In  the  earlier  ages  there  were  but 
two  races,  Surya  and  Chandra,  to  which  were  added  the  four 
Agnikulas  *  ;  in  all  six.  The  others  are  subdivisions  of  Surya 
and  Chandra,  or  the  sakha  of  Indo-Seythic  origin,  who  found  no 
difficulty  in  obtaining  a  place  (though  a  low  one),  before  the 
Muhammadan  era,  amongst  the  thirty-six  regal  races  of  Rajasthan. 
The  former  we  may  not  imaptly  consider  as  to  the  time,  as  the 
Celtic,  the  latter  as  the  Gothic,  races  of  India.  On  the  generic 
terms  Surya  and  Chandra,  I  need  add  nothing  [83]. 

Grahilot  or  Guhilot. — Pedigree  *  of  the  Suryavansi  Rana,  of 
royal  race,  Lord  of  Chitor,  the  ornament  of  the  thirty -six  royal 
races. 

By  universal  consent,  as  well  as  by  the  gotra  of  this  race,  its 
princes  are  admitted  to  be  the  direct  descendants  of  Rama,  of  the 
Solar  line.     The  pedigree  is  deduced  from  him,  and  connected 

duodenique  inter  se  communes,"  says  that  accurate  writer,  speaking  of  the 
natives  of  this  island  ;  "  et  maxime  fratres  cum  fratribus,  parentesque  cum 
liberis  :  sed  si  qui  sint  ex  his  nati,  eorura  habentur  liheri,  quo  primura  virgo 
quaeque  deducta  est."     A  strange  medley  of  polyandry  and  polygamy  ! 

^  Aparam  sakham,  '  of  innumerable  branches,'  is  inscribed  on  an  ancient 
tablet  of  the  Guhilot  race. 

2  Got,  khanp,  denote  a  clan  ;  its  subdivisions  have  the  patronymic 
terminating  with  the  syllable  '  of,'  '  awat,'  '  sot,'  in  the  use  of  which  euphony 
alone  is  their  guide  :  thus,  Saldawat,  '  sons  of  Sakta '  ;  Kurmasot,  '  of 
Kurma  ' ;  Mairawat,  or  mairot,  mountaineers,  '  sons  of  the  mountains.' 
Such  is  the  Greek  Mainote,  from  maina,  a  mountain,  in  the  ancient  Albanian 
dialect,  of  eastern  origin. 

*  From  agni  {qu.  ignis  ?)  '  fire,'  the  sons  of  Vulcan,  as  the  others  of  Sol 
and  Luna,  or  Lunus,  to  change  the  sex  of  the  parent  of  the  Indu  (moou) 
race. 

*  Vansavali,  Suryavansi  Rajkuli  Rana  Chitor  ka  Dhani,  ChJiattis  Kuli 
Sengar. — MSS.  from  the  Rana's  library,  entitled  KJiuman  Raesa. 


100  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

with  Sumitra,  the  last  prince  mentioned  in  the  genealogy  of  the 
Puranas. 

As  the  origin  and  progressive  history  of  this  family  will  be 
fully  discussed  in  the  "  Annals  of  Mewar,"  we  shall  here  only 
notice  the  changes  which  have  marked  the  patronymic,  as  well 
as  the  regions  which  have  been  under  their  sway,  from  Kanaksen, 
who,  in  the  second  century,  abandoned  his  native  kingdom, 
Kosala,  and  established  the  race  of  Surya  in  Saurashtra. 

On  the  site  of  Vairat,  the  celebrated  abode  of  the  Pandavas 
during  exile,  the  descendant  of  Ikshwaku  established  his  line,  and 
his  descendant  Vijaya,  in  a  few  generations,  built  Vijayapur.^ 

They  became  sovereigns,  if  not  founders,  of  Valabhi,  which 
had  a  separate  era  of  its  own,  called  the  Valabhi  Samvat,  according 
with  S.  Vikrama  375.^  Hence  they  became  the  Balakaraes,  or 
kings  of  Valabhi  ;  a  title  maintained  by  successive  dynasties  of 
Saurashtra  for  a  thousand  years  after  this  period,  as  can  be 
satisfactorily  proved  by  genuine  history  and  inscriptions. 

Gajni,  or  Gaini,  was  another  capital,  whence  the  last  prince, 
Siladitya  (who  was  slain),  and  his  family,  were  expelled  by 
Parthian  invaders  in  the  sixth  century. 

A  posthumous  son,  called  Grahaditya,  obtained  a  petty 
sovereignty  at  Idar.  The  change  was  marked  by  his  name 
becoming  the  patronymic,  and  Grahilot,  vulgo  Guhilot,  designated 
the  Suryavansa  of  Rama. 

With  reverses  and  migration  from  the  wilds  of  Idar  to  Ahar,' 
the  Guhilot  was  changed  to  Aharya,  by  which  title  the  race  con- 
tinued to  be  designated  till  the  twelfth  century,  when  the  elder 
brother,  Rahup,  abandoned  his  claim  to  "  the  [84]  throne  of  Chitor," 
obtained  ^  by  force  of  arms  from  the  Mori,*  and  settled  at  Dungar- 

^  Always  conjoined  with  Vairat  — '  Vijayapur  Vairatgarh.'  [Vairat 
forty-one  miles  north  of  Jaipur  city.  The  reference  in  the  text  is  merely 
a  bardie  fable,  there  being  no  connexion  between  Vijaya  and  this  place 
{ASM,  ii.  249).] 

2  A.D.  319.  The  inscription  recording  this,  as  well  as  others  relating  to 
Valabhi  and  this  era,  I  discovered  in  Saurashtra,  as  well  as  the  site  of  this 
ancient  capital,  occupying  the  position  of  '  Byzantium  '  in  Ptolemy's  geo- 
graphy of  India.  They  will  be  given  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society.     [The  Valabhi  agrees  with  the  Gupta  era  (Smith,  EH  I,  20).] 

3  Anandpur  Ahar,  or  '  Ahar  the  city  of  repose.'  By  the  tide  of  events, 
the  family  was  destined  to  fix  their  last  capital,  Udaipur,  near  Ahar. 

*  The  middle  of  the  eighth  century. 

*  [Or  Maurya],  a  Pramara  prince. 


THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES 


101 


pur,  which  he  yet  holds,  as  well  as  the  title  Aliarya  ;  while  the 
younger,  Mahup.  established  the  seat  of  power  at  Sesoda,  whence 
Sesodia  set  aside  both  Aharya  and  Guhilot. 

Sesodia  is  now  the  common  title  of  the  race  ;  but  being  only 
a  subdivision,  the  Guhilot  holds  its  rank  in  the  kula. 

The  Guliilot  kula  is  subdivided  mto  twenty-four  saklia,^  or 
ramifications,  few  of  which  exist  : 


1.  Aharya 

2.  Mangalia 

3.  Sesodia 

4.  Pipara 

5.  Kalam 

6.  Gahor 

7.  Dhornia 

8.  Goda 

9.  Magrasa 

10.  Bhiinla 

11.  Kamliotak 

12.  Kotecha 
1.3.  Sora 

14.  Uhar 

15.  Useba 

16.  Nirrup 

17.  Nadoria 

18.  Nadhota 

19.  Ojakra 

20.  Kuclilira 

21.  Dosadh 

22.  Betwara 

23.  Paha 

24.  Purot 


At  Dungarpur. 

In  the  Deserts. 

Mewar. 

In  Marwar. 


,  In  few  numbers,  and  mostly 
'  now  imknown. 


'  ^\Jmost  extinct. 


i  [85] 


Yadu,  Yadava. — The  Yadu  was  the  most  illustrious  of  all  the 
tribes  of  Ind,  and  became  the  patronymic  of  the  descendants 
of  Budha,  progenitor  of  the  Lunar  (Indu)  race.  Yudhishthira 
and  Baladeva,  on  the  death  of  Krishna  and  their  expulsion  from 
Delhi  and  Dwaraka,  the  last  stronghold  of  their  power,  retired 
by  Multan  across  the  Indus.     The  two  first  are  abandoned  by 


[For  a  different  list,  see  Census  Report,  RajputMna,  1911,  i.  256.] 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

tradition  ;  but  the  sons  of  Krishna,  who  accompanied  them  after 
an  intermediate  halt  in  the  further  Duab  ^  of  the  five  rivers, 
eventually  left  the  Indus  behind,  and  passed  into  Zabulistan,^ 
founded  Gajni,  and  peopled  these  countries  even  to  Samarkand. 

The  annals  of  Jaisalmer,  which  give  this  early  history  of  their 
founder,  mix  up  in  a  confused  manner  ^  the  cause  of  their  being 
again  driven  back  into  India  ;  so  that  it  is  impossible  to  say 
whether  it  was  owing  to  the  Greek  princes  who  ruled  all  these 
countries  for  a  century  after  Alexander,  or  to  the  rise  of 
Islamism. 

Driven  back  on  the  Indus,  they  obtained  possession  of  the 
Panjab  and  founded  Salivahanpur.  Thence  expelled,  they  re- 
tired across  the  Sutlej  and  Ghara  into  the  Indian  deserts  ;  whence 
expelling  the  Langahas,  the  Johyas,  Mohilas,  etc.,  they  founded 
successively  Tanot,  Derawar,  and  Jaisalmer,*  in  S.  1212/  the 
present  capital  of  the  Bhattis,  the  lineal  successors  of  Krishna. 

Bhatti  was  the  exile  from  Zabulistan,  and  as  usual  with  the 
Rajput  races  on  any  such  event  in  their  annals,  his  name  set  aside 
the  more  ancient  patronymic,  Yadu.  The  Bhattis  subdued  all 
the  tracts  south  of  the  Ghara  ;  but  their  power  has  been  greatly 
circumscribed  since  the  arrival  of  the  Rathors.  The  Map  defines 
their  existing  limits,  and  their  annals  will  detail  their  past 
history. 

Jareja,  Jadeja  is  the  most  important  tribe  of  Yadu  race  next 
to  the  Bhatti.  Its  history  is  similar.  Descended  from  Krishna, 
and  migrating  simultaneously  with  the  remains  of  the  Harikulas, 
there  is  the  strongest  ground  for  believing  that  their  range  was  not 
so  wide  as  that  of  the  elder  branch,  but  that  they  settled  them- 
selves in  the  valley  of  the  Indus,  more  especially  on  the  west  shore 
in  Seistan  ;  and  in  nominal  and  armorial  distinctions,  even  in 
Alexander's  time,  they  retained  the  marks  of  their  ancestry  [86]. 

Sambos,  who  brought  on  him  the  arms  of  the  Grecians,  was  in 

^  The  place  where  they  found  refuge  was  in  the  cluster  of  hills  still  called 
Yadu  ka  dang,  '  the  Yadu  hills  '  : — the  Joudes  of  Rennell's  geography 
[see  p.  75  above]. 

2  [Zabuhstan,  with  its  capital,  Ghazni,  in  Afghanistan.] 

'  The  date  assigned  long  prior  to  the  Christian  era,  agrees  with  the 
Grecian,  but  the  names  and  manners  are  Muhammadan. 

*  Lodorwa  Patau,  whence  they  expelled  an  ancient  race,  was  their  capital 
before  Jaisalmer.     There  is  much  to  leam  of  these  regions. 

fi  A.D.  1155. 


THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES  103 

all  likelihood  a  Harikula  ;  and  the  Minnagara  of  Greek  historians 
Samanagara  ('  city  of  Sama  '),  his  capital.^ 

The  most  common  epithet  of  Krishna,  or  Hari,  was  Shania  or 
Syama,  from  his  dark  complexion.  Hence  the  Jareja  bore  it  as  a 
patronymic,  and  the  whole  race  were  Samaputras  (children  of 
Sama),  whence  the  titular  name  Sambos  of  its  princes.^ 

Tlie  modern  Jareja,  who,  from  circumstances  has  so  mixed 
with  the  Muhammadans  of  Sind  as  to  have  forfeited  all  pretensions 
to  purity  of  blood,  partly  in  ignorance  and  partly  to  cover  dis- 
grace, says  that  his  origin  is  from  Sham,  or  Syria,  and  of  the  stock 
of  tlie  Persian  Jamshid  :  consequently,  Sam  has  been  converted 
into  Jam  ^  ;  which  epithet  designates  one  of  the  Jareja  petty 
governments,  the  Jam  Raj. 

These  are  the  most  conspicuous  of  the  Yadu  race  ;  but  there 
are  others  who  still  bear  the  original  title,  of  which  the  head  is 
the  prince  of  the  petty  State  of  Karauli  on  the  Chambal. 

This  portion  of  the  Yadu  stock  would  appear  never  to  have 
strayed  far  beyond  the  ancient  limits  of  the  Suraseni,*  their 
ancestral  abodes.  They  held  the  celebrated  Bay  ana  ;  whence 
expelled,  they  established  Karauli  west,  and  Sabalgarh  east,  of 
the  Chambal.  The  tract  under  the  latter,  called  Yaduvati,  has 
been  wrested  from  the  family  by  Sindhia.  Sri  Mathura  ^  is  an 
independent  fief  of  Karauli,  held  by  a  junior  branch. 

The  Yadus,  or  as  pronounced  in  the  dialects  Jadon,  arc 
scattered  over  India,  and  many  chiefs  of  consequence  amongst 
the  Mahrattas  are  of  this  tribe. 

There  are  eight  sakha  of  the  Yadu  race  :  , 

1.  Yadu   .  .  .      Chief  Karauli. 

2.  Bhatti  .  .      Chief  Jaisalmer. 

3.  Jareja  .  .      Chief  Cutch  Bhuj. 

4.  Samecha        .  .     Muhammadans  in  Sind. 

^  [The  capital  of  Sambos  was  Sindiraana,  perhaps  the  modern  Sihwan 
(Smith,  EHI,  101).] 

2  [This  is  very  doubtful.] 

^  They  have  an  infinitely  better  etymology  for  this,  in  being  descendants 
of  Jambuvati,  one  of  Hari's  eight  wives.  [The  origin  of  the  term  Jam  is 
very  doubtful  :   see  Yule,  Hobson-Jobson,  s.v.] 

*  The  Suraseni  of  Vraj,  the  tract  so  named,  thirty  miles  around  Mathura. 

^  Its  chief,  Rao  Manohar  Singh,  was  well  known  to  me,  and  was,  I  may 
say,  my  friend.  For  years  letters  passed  between  us,  and  he  had  made  for 
me  a  transcript  of  a  valuable  copy  of  the  Mahabharata. 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

5.  Madecha 


6.  Bidman         .  .   j.  Unknown  [87]. 

7.  Baddi 

8.  Soha 


7.  Badda  .  .  j 


Tuar,  Tonwar,  Tomara. — The  Tuar,  though  acknowledged  as 
a  subdivision  of  the  Yadu,  is  placed  by  the  best  genealogists 
as  one  of  the  '  thirty-six,'  a  rank  to  which  its  celebrity  justly 
entitles  it. 

We  have  in  almost  every  ease  the  etymon  of  each  celebrated 
race.  For  the  Tuar  we  have  none  ;  and  we  must  rest  satisfied 
in  delivering  the  dictum  of  the  Bardai,  who  declares  it  of  Pandu 
origin. 

If  it  had  to  boast  only  of  Vikramaditya,  the  paramoimt  lord  of 
India,  whose  era,  established  fifty-six  years  before  the  Christian, 
still  serves  as  the  grand  beacon  of  Hindu  clironology,  this  alone 
would  entitle  the  Tuar  to  the  highest  rank.  But  it  has  other 
claims  to  respect.  Delhi,  the  ancient  Indraprastha,  founded  by 
Yudhishthira,  and  which  tradition  says  lay  desolate  for  eight 
centuries,  was  rebuilt  and  peopled  by  Anangpal  Tuar,  in  8.  848 
(a.d.  792),  who  was  followed  by  a  dynasty  of  twenty  princes, 
which  concluded  with  the  name  of  the  founder,  Anangpal,  in 
S.  1220  (a.d.  1164),^  when,  contrary  to  the  SaUc  law  of  the  Raj- 
puts, he  abdicated  (having  no  issue)  in  favour  of  his  grandchild, 
the  Chauhan  Prithviraja. 

The  Tuar  must  now  rest  on  his  ancient  fame  ;  for  not  an  inde- 
pendent possession  remains  to  the  race  ^  which  traces  its  lineage 
to  the  Pandavas,  boasts  of  Vikrama,  and  which  furnished  the 
last  dynasty,  emperors  of  Hindustan. 

It  would  be  a  fact  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
could  we  establish  to  conviction  that  the  last  Anangpal  Tuar  was 
the  lineal  descendant  of  the  founder  of  Indraprastha;  that  the 
issue  of  Y'^udhishthira  sat  on  the  throne  which  he  erected,  after  a 
lapse  of  2250  years      Universal  consent  admits  it,  and  the  fact  is 

^  [Vigraha-raja,  known  as  Visaladeva,  BTsal  Deo,  in  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century,  is  alleged  to  have  conqueredDelhi  from  a  chief  of  the 
Tomara  clan.  That  chief  was  a  descendant  of  Anangapala,  who,  a  century 
before,  had  built  the  Red  Fort  (Smith,  EHI,  386).] 

*  Several  Mahratta  chieftains  deduce  their  origin  from  the  Tuar  race,  as 
Ram  Rao  Phalkia,  a  very  gallant  leader  of  horse  in  Sindhia's  State. 


THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES  105 

us  well  established  as  most  others  of  a  historic  nature  of  such  a 
distant  period  :  nor  can  any  dynasty  or  family  of  Europe  produce 
evidence  so  strong  as  the  Tuar,  even  to  a  much  less  remote 
antiquity. 

The  chief  possessions  left  to  the  Tuars  are  the  district  of 
Tuargarh,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Chambal  towards  its  junction 
with  the  Jumna,  and  the  small  [88]  chieftainship  of  Patau  Tuar- 
vati  in  the  Jaipur  State,  and  whose  head  claims  affinity  with  the 
ancient  kings  of  Indraprastha. 

Rathor. — A  doubt  hangs  on  the  origin  of  this  justly  celebrated 
race.  The  Rathor  genealogies  trace  their  pedigi'ee  to  Kusa,  the' 
second  son  of  Rama  ;  consequently  they  would  be  Suryavansa. 
But  by  the  bards  of  this  race  they  are  denied  this  honour  ;  and 
although  Kushite,  they  are  held  to  be  the  descendants  of  Kasyapa, 
of  the  Solar  race,  by  the  daughter  of  a  Daitya  (Titan).  The  pro- 
geny of  Hiranyakasipu  is  accordingly  stigmatized  as  being  of 
demoniac  origin.  It  is  rather  singular  that  they  should  have  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Lunar  race  of  Kusanabha,  descendants  of  Ajamidha, 
the  fomiders  of  Kanauj.  Indeed,  some  genealogists  maintain  the 
Rathors  to  be  of  Kusika  race. 

The  pristine  locale  of  the  Rathors  is  Gadhipura,  or  Kanauj, 
A\here  they  are  found  entlironed  in  the  fifth  centurj^  ;  and  though 
beyond  that  period  they  connect  their  line  with  the  princes  of 
Kosala  or  Ayodhya,  the  fact  rests  on  assertion  only. 

From  the  fifth  century  their  history  is  cleared  from  the  mist 
of  ages,  which  envelops  them  all  prior  to  this  time  ;  and  in  the 
period  approaching  the  Tatar  conquest  of  India,  we  find  them 
contesting  with  the  last  Tuar  and  Chauhan  kings  of  Delhi,  and  the 
Balakaraes  of  Anhilwara,  the  right  to  paramount  importance 
amidst  the  princes  of  Ind.  The  combats  for  this  phantom  supre- 
macy destroyed  them  all.  Weakened  by  internal  strife,  the 
Chauhan  of  Delhi  fell,  and  his  death  exposed  the  north-west 
frontier.  Kanauj  followed  ;  and  while  its  last  prince,  Jaichand, 
found  a  grave  in  the  Ganges,  his  son  sought  an  asylum  in  Marust- 
hali,  '  the  regions  of  death.'  ^  Siahji  was  this  son  ;  the  founder 
of  the  Rathor  dynasty  in  Marwar,  on  the  ruins  of  the  Pariharas  of 
Mandor.  Here  they  brought  their  ancient  martial  spirit,  and  a 
more  valiant  being  exists  not  than  can  be  found  amongst  the  sons 
of  Siahji.  The  Mogul  emperors  were  indebted  for  half  their 
1  [This  is  a  pure  myth  (Smith,  EUI,  385,  413).] 


106  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

conquests  to  the  Lakh  Tarwar  Rathoran,  '  the  100,000  swords  of 
the  Rathors  '  ;  for  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that  50,000  of  the  blood 
of  Siahji  have  been  embodied  at  once.  But  enough  of  the  noble 
Rathors  for  the  present. 

The  Rathor  has  twenty-four  sakha :  Dhandal,  Bhadel,  Chachkit, 
Duharia,  Khokra,  Badara,  Chajira,  Ramdeva,  Kabria,  Hatundia, 
Malavat,  Sunda,  Katecha,  Maholi,  Gogadeva,  Mahecha,  .Taisingha, 
Mursia,  Jobsia,  Jora,  etc.,  etc.^  [89]. 

Rathor  Gotracharya. — Gotama  ^  Gotra  (race), — Mardawandani 
Sakha  (branch), — Sukracharya  Guru  (Regent  of  the  planet  Venus, 
Preceptor), — Garupata  Agni,' — Pankhani  Devi  (tutelary  goddess, 
winged).* 

Kachhwaha. — The  Kachhwaha  race  ^  is  descended  from  Kusa^ 
the  second  son  of  Rama.  They  are  the  Kushites  ®  as  the  Rajputs 
of  Mewar  are  the  Lavites  of  India.  Two  branches  migrated  from 
Kosala  :  one  founded  Rohtas  on  the  Son,  the  other  established 
a  colony  amidst  the  ravines  of  the  Kuwari,  at  Lahar.'  In  the 
course  of  time  they  erected  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Narwar,  or 
Nirwar,  the  abode  of  the  celebrated  Raja  Nala,  whose  descendants 
continued  to  hold  possession  throughout  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
the  Tatar  and  Mogul  domination,  when  they  were  deprived  of 

^  [For  a  fuller  list,  see  Census  Report,  Rajputana,  1911,  i.  255  f.] 
^  From  this  I  should  be  inclined  to  pronounce  the  Rathors  descendants 
of  a  race  (probably  Scythic)  professing  the  Buddhist  faith,  of  which  Gotama 
was  the  last  great  teacher,  and  disciple  of  the  last  Buddha  Mahivira,  in  S.  477 
(a.d.  533).     [Buddhism  and  Jainism  are,  as  usual,  confused.] 

*  Enigmatical — '  Clay  formation  by  fire  '  (agni). 

*  [The  Kuldevi,  or  family  goddess,  of  the  Rathors  in  Nagnaichian,  whose 
original  title  was  Rajeswari  or  Ratheswari,  her  present  name  being  taken 
from  tl^e  village  of  Nagana  in  Pachbhadra  ;  and  she  has  a  temple  in  the 
Jodhpur  fort,  with  shrines  under  the  mm  tree  {AzadirocJda  Indica)  which  is 
held  sacred  in  all  Rathor  settlements  [Census  Report,  Marwar,  1891,  ii.  25).] 

^  Erroneously  written  and  pronounced  Kutchwaha. 

^  The  resemblance  between  the  Kushite  Ramcsa  of  Ayodhya  and  the 
Rameses  of  Egypt  is  strong.  Each  was  attended  by  his  army  of  satyrs, 
Anubis  and  Cynocephalus,  which  last  is  a  Greek  misnomer,  for  the  animal 
bearing  this  title  is  of  the  Simian  family,  as  his  images  (in  the  Turin  museum) 
disclose,  and  the  brother  of  the  faithful  Hanuman.  The  comparison  be- 
tween the  deities  within  the  Indus  (called  Nilab,  '  blue  waters  ')  and  those 
of  the  Nile  in  Egypt,  is  a  point  well  worth  discussifhi.  [These  speculations 
are  untenable.] 

^  A  name  in  comphment,  probably,  to  the  elder  branch  of  their  race, 
Lava. 


THE  THIRTY-SIX  ROYAL  RACES  107 

it  by  the  Mahrattas,  and  the  abode  of  Nala  is  now  a  dependency 
of  Sindhia. 

In  the  tenth  century  a  branch  emigrated  and  founded  Amber, 
dispossessing  the  aborigines,  the  Minas,  and  adding  from  the 
Rajput  tribe  Bargujar,  who  held  Rajor  and  large  possessions 
around.  But  even  in  the  twelfth  century  the  Kachhwahas  were 
but  principal  vassals  to  the  Chauhan  king  of  Delhi ;  and  they 
have  to  date  their  greatness,  as  the  other  families  (espeoi^-lly  the 
Ranas  of  Mewar)  of  Rajasthan  their  decline,  from  the  ascent  of 
the  house  of  Timur  to  the  throne  of  Delhi.  The  map  shows  the 
limits  of  the  sway  of  the  Kachhwahas,  including  their  branches, 
the  independent  Narukas  of  Macheri,  and  the  tributary  con- 
federated Shaikhavats.  The  Kachhwaha  subdivisions  have  been 
mislaid  ;^  but  the  present  partition  into  Kothris  (chambers),  of 
which  there  are  twelve,  shall  be  given  in  their  annals. 

Agnikulas,  Pramara. — 1st  Pramara.  There  are  four  races  to 
whom  the  Hindu  genealogists  have  given  Agni,  or  the  element 
of  fire,  as  progenitor.  The  Agnikulas  are  therefore  the  sons  of 
Vulcan,  as  the  others  are  of  Sol,^  Mercurius,  and  Terra  [90]. 

The  Agnikulas  are  the  Pramara,  the  Parihara,  the  Chalukya 
or  Solanki,  and  the  Chauhan.^ 

That  these  races,  the  sons  of  Agni,  were  but  regenerated,  and 
converted  by  the  Brahm'ans  to  fight  their  battles,  the  clearest 
interpretations   of  their  allegorical  history  will   disclose  ;    and, 

'  [See  a  list  in  Census  Report,  Rajputana,  1911,  i.  255.] 
^  There  is  a  captivating  elegance  thrown  around  the  theogonies  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  which  we  fail  to  impart  to  the  Hindu  ;  though  that  elegant 
scholar.  Sir  Wilham  Jones,  could  make  even  Sanskrit  literature  fascinating  ; 
and  that  it  merits  the  attempt  intrinsically,  we  may  infer  from  the  charm 
it  possesses  to  the  learned  chieftain  of  Rajasthan.  That  it  is  perfectly 
analogous  to  the  Greek  and  Roman,  we  have  but  to  translate  the  names  to 
show.     For  instance  : — 


Sol  XT. 

Lunar. 

Maricha 

(Lux)    .        .   Atri. 

Kasyapa 

(Uranus)      .   Samudra  (Oceanus). 

Vaivaswata  or  Surya 

(Sol)     .        .   Soma,  or  Ind  (Luna  ;   qu.  Lunus  ?). 

Vaivaswa  Manu 

(Fihus  Soils)  Brihaspati  (Jupiter). 

Ha         .        .        .        . 

(Terra)         .   Budha  (Mercurius). 

^  [Hoernle  {JRAS,  1905,  p.  20)  believes  that  the  Pariharas  were  the  only 
sept  which  claimed  fire-origin  before  Chand  (flor.  a.d.  1191).  But  a  legend 
of  the  kind  was  current  in  South  India  in  the  second  century  a.d.  {IA, 
xxxiv.  263).] 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

as  the  most  ancient  of  their  inscriptions  are  in  the  Pali  character, 
discovered  wherever  the  Buddhist  rehgion  prevailed,  their  being 
declared  of  the  race  of  Tasta  or  Takshak,^  warrants  our  asserting 
the  Agnikulas  to  be  of  this  same  race,  which  invaded  India  about 
two  centuries  before  Christ.  It  was  about  this  period  that 
Parsvanatha  the  twenty-third  Buddha,^  appeared  in  India  ;  his 
symbol,  the  serpent.  The  legend  of  the  snake  (Takshak)  escap- 
ing wife  the  celebrated  work  Pingala,  which  was  recovered  by 
Garuda,  the  eagle  of  Krishna,  is  purely  allegorical ;  and  descrip- 
tive of  the  contentions  between  the  followers  of  Parswanatha, 
figured  under  his  emblem,  the  snake,  and  those  of  Krishna, 
depicted  under  his  sign,  the  eagle. 

The  worshippers  of  Surya  probably  recovered  their  power  on 
the  exterminating  civil  wars  of  the  Lunar  races,  but  the  creation 
of  the  Agnikulas  is  expressly  stated  to  be  for  the  preservation  of 
the  altars  of  Bal,  or  Iswara,  against  the  Daityas,  or  Atheists. 

The  ijelebrated  Abu,  or  Arbuda,  the  Olympus  of  Rajasthan, 
was  tlic  scene  of  contention  between  the  mmisters  of  Surya  and 
these  Titans,  and  their  relation  might,  with  the  aid  of  imagination, 
be  equally  amusing  with  the  Titanic  war  of  the  ancient  poets  of 
the  west  [91].  The  Buddhists  claim  it  for  Adinath,  their  first 
Buddlia  ;  the  Brahmans  for  Iswara,  or,  as  the  local  divinity  styled 
Achaleswara.*  The  Agnikunda  is  still  shown  on  the  summit  of 
Abu,  where  the  four  races  were  created  by  the  Brahmans  to  fight 
the  battles  of  Achaleswara  and  polytheism,  against  the  mono- 
theistic Buddhists,  represented  as  tlie  serpents  or  Takshaks.  The 
probable  period  of  this  conversion  has  been  hinted  at ;   but  of  the 

^  Figuratively,  '  the  serpent.' 

^  To  me  it  appears  that  there  were  four  distinguished  Buddhas  or  -wise 
men,  teachers  of  monotheism  in  India,  which  they  brought  from  Central 
Asia,  with  their  science  and  its  written  character,  the  arrow  or  nail-headed, 
which  I  have  discovered  wherever  they  have  been,— in  the  deserts  of  Jaisal- 
mer,  in  the  heart  of  Rajasthan,  and  the  shores  of  Saurashtra ;  which  were 
their  nurseries. 

The  first  Budha  is  the  parent  of  the  Lunar  race,  a.c.  2250. 
The  second  (twenty-second  of  the  Jains),  Nemnath,  a.c.  1120. 
The  third     (twenty-third  do.         ),  Parsawanath,  a.c.  650. 

The  fourth  (twenty-fourth  do.         ),  Mahivira,  A.c.  533. 

[The  author  confuses  Budha,  Mercury,  with  Buddha,  the  Teacher,  and  mixes 
up  Buddhists  with  Jains.] 

^  AcJial,  '  immovable,'  eswara,  '  lord.' 


THE  PRAMARAS  109 

dynasties  issuing  from  the  Agnikulas,  many  of  the  princes 
professed  the  Buddhist  or  Jain  faith,  to  periods  so  late  as  the 
Muhammadan  invasion. 

The  Pramara,  though  not,  as  his  name  implies,  the  '  chief 
warrior,'  was  the  most  potent  of  the  Agnikulas.  He  sent  forth 
thirty-five  sakha,  or  branches,  several  of  whom  enjoyed  extensive 
sovereignties.  '  The  world  is  the  Pramar's,'  is  an  ancient  saying, 
denoting  their  extensive  sway  ;  and  the  Naukot  ^  Marusthali 
signified  the  nine  divisions  into  which  the  country,  from  th<» 
Sutlej  to  the  ocean,  was  partitioned  amongst  them. 

Maheswar,  Dhar,  Mandu,  Ujjain,  Chandrabhaga,  Chitor,  Abu, 
Chandravati,  Mhau  Maidana,  Parmavati,  Umarkot,  Bakhar, 
Lodorva,  and  Patau  are  the  most  conspicuous  of  the  cajjitals 
they  conquered  or  founded. 

Though  the  Pramara  family  never  equalled  in  wealth  the 
famed  Solanki  princes  of  Anhilwara,  or  shone  with  such  lustre  as 
the  Chauhan,  it  attained  a  wider  range  and  an  earlier  consolida- 
tion of  dominion  than  either,  and  far  excelled  in  all,  the  Parihara, 
the  last  and  least  of  the  Agnikulas,  which  it  long  held  tributary. 

Maheswar,  the  ancient  seat  of  the  Haihaya  kings,  appears  to 
have  been  the  first  seat  of  government  of  the  Pramaras.  They 
subsequently  founded  Dharanagar,  and  Mandu  on  the  crest  of 
the  Vindhya  hills  ;  and  to  them  is  even  attributed  the  city  of 
Ujjain,  the  first  meridian  of  the  Hindus,  and  the  seat  of  Vikrama. 

There  are  numerous  records  of  the  family,  fixing  eras  in  their 
history  of  more  modern  times  ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
interpretation  of  yet  undeciphered  inscriptions  may  carry  us 
back  beyond  the  seventh  century. 

The  era  ^  of  Bhoj,  the  son  of  Munja,  has  been  satisfactorily 
settled  ;  and  an  [92]  inscription  *  in  the  nail-headed  character, 
carries  it  back  a  step  further,*  and  elicits  an  historical  fact  of 
infinite  value,  giving  the  date  of  the  last  prince  of  the  Pramaras 
of  Chitor,  and  the  consequent  accession  of  the  Guhilots. 

^  It  extended  from  the  Indus  almost  to  the  Jumna,  occupying  all  the 
sandy  regions,  Naukot,  Arbuda  or  Abu,  Dhat,  Mandodri,  Kheralu,  Parkar, 
Lodorva,  and  Pugal. 

2  See  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i.  p.  227.  [Raja 
Munja  of  Malwa  reigned  a.d.  974-995.  The  famous  Bhoja,  his  nephew,  not 
bis  son,  1018-60  (Smith,  EHI,  395).] 

3  Which  will  be  given  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 
*  S.  770,  or  A.D.  714. 


110  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

The  Nerbudda  was  no  limit  to  the  power  of  the  Pramaras 
About  the  very  period  of  the  foregoing  inscription,  Ram  Pramar 
held  his  court  in  Telingana,  and  is  invested  by  the  Chauhan  Bard, 
Chand,  with  the  dignity  of  paramount  sovereign  of  India,  and 
head  of  a  splendid  feudal  ^  association,  whose  members  became 
independent  on  his  death.  The  Bard  makes  this  a  voluntary  act 
of  the  Pramaras  ;  but  coupled  with  the  Guhilots'  violent  acquisi- 
tion of  Chitor,  we  may  suppose  the  successor  of  Ram  was  unable 
to  maintain  such  supremacy. 

While  Hindu  literature  survives  the  name  of  Bhoj  Pramara 
and  '  the  nine  gems  '  of  his  court  cannot  perish  ;  though  it  is 
difficult  to  say  which  of  the  three  ^  princes  of  this  name  is  particu- 
larly alluded  to,  as  they  all  appear  to  have  been  patrons  of  science 

Chandragupta,  the  supposed  opponent  of  Alexander,  was  a 
Maurya,  and  in  the  sacred  genealogies  is  declared  of  the  race  of 
Takshak.  The  ancient  inscriptions  of  the  Pramars,  of  which  the 
Maurya  is  a  principal  branch,  declare  it  of  the  race  of  Tasta  and 
Takshak,  as  does  that  now  given  from  the  seat  of  their  power,  Chitor.^ 

Salivahana,  the  conqueror  of  Vikramaditya,  was  a  Takshak, 
and  his  era  set  aside  that  of  the  Tuar  in  the  Deccan. 

Not  one  remnant  of  independence  exists  to  mark  the  greatness 
of  the  Pramaras  :   ruins  are  the  sole  records  of  their  power.     The 

1  "  When  the  Pramar  of  Tilang  took  sanctuary  with  Har,  to  the  thirty- 
six  tribes  he  made  gifts  of  land.  To  Kehar  he  gave  Katehr,  to  Rae  Pahar 
the  coast  of  Sind,  to  the  heroes  of  the  shell  the  forest  lands.  Ram  Pramar 
of  Tilang,  the  Chal<ravartin  lord  of  Uj jain,  made  the  gift.  He  bestowed  Delhi 
on  the  Tuars,  and  Patan  on  the  Chawaras  ;  Sambhar  on  the  Chauhans,  and 
Kanauj  on  the  Kamdliuj  ;  Mardes  on  the  Parihar,  Sorath  on  the  Jadon,  the 
Deccan  on  Jawala,  and  Cutch  on  the  Charan ''  (Poems  of  Chand).  [This  is 
an  invention  of  the  courtly  bard.] 

2  The  inscrii^tion  gives  S.  1100  (a.d.  1044)  for  the  third  Bhoj  :  and  this 
date  agrees  with  the  period  assigned  to  this  prince  in  an  ancient  Chrono- 
grammatic  Catalogue  of  reigns  embracing  all  the  Princes  of  the  name  of 
Bhoj,  which  may  therefore  be  considered  authentic.  This  authority  assigns 
S.  631  and  721  (or  a.d.  575  and  665)  to  the  first  and  second  Bhoj. 

^  Herbert  has  a  curious  story  of  Chitor  being  called  Taxila  ;  thence  the 
story  of  the  Ranas  being  sons  of  Porus.  I  have  an  inscription  from  a  temple 
on  the  Chambal,  within  the  ancient  limits  of  Mewar,  which  mentions  Taksha- 
silanagara,  '  the  stone  fort  of  the  Tak,'  but  I  cannot  apply  it.  The  city  of 
Toda  (Tonk,  or  properly  Tanka)  is  called  in  the  Chauhan  chronicles,  Takat- 
pur.  [Takshasila,  the  Taxila  of  the  Greeks,  the  name  meaning  '  the  hewn 
rock,'  or  more  probably,  '  the  rock  of  Taksha,'  the  Naga  king,  is  the  modern 
Shahderi  in  the  Rawalpindi  District,  Panjab  (IGI,  xxii.  200  f.).] 


THE  PRAMARAS  111 

prince  of  Dhat,^  in  the  Indian  [93]  desert,  is  the  last  phantom  of 
royalty  of  the  race  ;  and  the  descendant  of  the  prince  who  pro- 
tected Humayun,  when  driven  from  the  throne  of  Tin\ur,  in 
whose  capital,  Umarkot,  the  great  Akbar  was  born,  is  at  the  foot 
of  fortune's  ladder  ;  his  throne  in  the  desert,  the  footstool  of  the 
Baloeh,  on  whose  bounty  he  is  dependent  for  support. 

Among  the  thirty-five  sakha  of  the  Pramaras  the  Vihal  was 
eminent,  the  princes  of  which  line  appear  to  have  been  lords  of 
Chandravati,  at  the  foot  of  the  Aravalli.  The  Rao  of  Bijolia, 
one  of  the  sixteen  superior  nobles  of  the  Rana's  court,  is  a  Pramara 
of  the  ancient  stock  of  Dhar,  and  perhaps  its  most  respectable 
representative. 

Thirty-Five  Sakha  of  the  Pramaras 

Mori  [or  Mauryn]. — Of  which  was  Chandragupta,  and  the 
princes  of  Chitor  prior  to  the  Guhilot. 

Sodha. — Sogdoi  of  Alexander,  the  princes  of  Dhat  in  the 
Indian  desert. 

Sankhla. — Chiefs  of  Pugal,  and  in  Marwar. 

Khair. — Capital  Khairalu. 

Umra  and  Suinra. — Anciently  in  the  desert,  nowMuhammadans. 

Vihal,  or  Bihal. — Princes  of  Chandravati. 

Mepawat. — Present  chief  of  Bijolia  in  Mewar. 

Balhar. — Northern  desert. 

Kaba. — Celebrated  in  Saui-ashtra  in  ancient  times,  a  few  yet 
in  Sirohi. 

Vmata. — The  princes  of  Umatwara  in  Malwa,  there  established 
for  twelve  generations.  Umatwara  is  the  largest  tract  left  to 
the  Pramaras.  Since  the  war  in  1817,  being  under  the  British 
interference,  they  cannot  be  called  independent. 

Rehar 


IGu 


Dhunda      .  •  .       •  \  Girasia  petty  chiefs  in  Malwa. 

Sorathia 

Harer^        .  .  .  ' 

^  Of  the  Sodha  tribe,  a  grand  division  of  the  Pramaras,  and  who  held  all 
the  desert  regions  in  remote  times.  Their  subdivisions,  Umra  and  Sumra, 
gave  the  names  to  Umarkot  and  Umrasumra,  in  which  was  the  insular  Bakhar, 
on  the  Indus  :  so  that  we  do  not  misapply  etymology,  when  we  say  in  Sodha 
we  have  the  Sogdoi  of  Alexander.    " 

2  [For  a  different  list  see  Census  Report    MaJ2nitana,  1911,  i.  255.] 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Besides  others  unknown  ;  as  Chaonda,  Khejar,  Sagra,  Barkota, 
Puni,  Sampal,  Bhiba,  Kalpusar,  Kalmoh,  KohiJa,  Papa,  Kahoria, 
Dhand,  Deba,  Barhar,  Jipra,  Posra,  Dhunta,  Rikamva,  and 
Taika.  Many  of  these  are  proselytes  to  Islamism,  and  several 
beyond  the  Indus  [94]. 

Chahuman  or  Chauhan. — On  this  race  so  much  has  been  said 
elsewhere,^  that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  give  more  than  a 
rapid  sketch  of  them  here. 

This  is  the  most  vahant  of  the  Agnikulas,  and  it  niay  be 
asserted  not  of  them  only,  but  of  the  whole  Rajput  race.  Actions 
may  be  recorded  of  the  greater  part  of  each  of  the  Chhattis-kula, 
which  would  yield  to  none  in  the  ample  and  varied  pages  of 
history  ;  and  though  the  '  Talwar  Rathoran  '  would  be  ready  to 
contest  the  point,  impartial  decision,  with  a  knowledge  of  their 
respective  merits,  must  assign  to  the  Chauhan  the  van  in  the 
long  career  of  arms. 

Its  branches  (sakha)  have  maintained  all  the  vigour  of  the 
original  stem  ;  and  the  Haras,  the  Khichis,  the  Deoras,  the 
Sonigiras,  and  others  of  the  twenty-four,  have  their  names 
immortalised  in  the  song  of  the  bard. 

The  derivation  of  Chauhan  is  coeval  vnth  his  fabulous  birth  : 
'the  four-handed  warrior'  {Chatur-bhuja  Chatur-bahu  Vira). 
All  failed  when  sent  against  the  demons,  but  the  Chauhan,  the 
last  creation  of  the  Brahmans  to  fight  their  battles  against 
infidelity. 

A  short  extract  may  be  acceptable  fi-om  the  original  respecting 
the  birth  of  the  Chauhan,  to  guard  the  rites  of  our  Indian  Jove 
on  this  Olympus,  the  sacred  Abu  :  "  the  Guru  of  mountains,  like 
Sumer  or  Kailas,  which  Achaleswara  made  his  abode.  Fast  but 
one  day  on  its  summit,  and  your  sins  will  be  forgiven  ;  reside 
there  for  a  year,  and  you  may  become  the  preceptor  of  mankind." 

The  Agnikunda  Fire-pit. — Notwithstanding  the  sanctity  of 
Abu,  and  the  little  temptation  to  disturb  the  anchorites  of  Bal, 
"  the  Munis,  who  passed  their  time  in  devotion,  whom  desire 
never  approached,  who  drew  support  from  the  cow,  from  roots, 
fruits,  and  flowers,"  yet  did  the  Daityas,  envying  their  felicity, 
render  the  sacrifice  impure,  and  stop  in  transit  the  share  of  the 
gods.     "  The  Brahmans  dug'  the  pit  for  burnt-sacrifice  to  the 

^  See  Traiisactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i.  p.  133,  '  Comments 
on  a  Sanskrit  Inscription.'     ^ 


THE  CHAUHANS  113 

south-west  (nairrit)  ;  but  the  demons  ^  raised  storms  which 
darkened  the  air  and  filled  it  with  clouds  of  sand,  showering 
ordure,  blood,  bones  and  flesh,  with  every  imjijurity,  on  their 
rites.     Their  penance  was  of  no  avail." 

Again  they  kindled  the  sacred  fire  ;  and  the  priests,  assembling 
round  the  Agnikunda,^  prayed  for  aid  to  Mahadeo  [95].  "  From 
the  fire-fountain  a  figure  issued  forth,  but  he  had  not  a  warrior's 
mien.  The  Brahmans  placed  him  as  guardian  of  the  gate,  and 
thence  his  name,  Prithivi-dwara.*  A  second  issued  forth,  and 
being  formed  in  the  palm  (challu)  of  the  hand  was  named  Chalukya. 
A  third  appeared  and  was  named  Pramara.*  He  had  the  blessing 
of  the  Rishis,  and  with  the  others  went  against  the  demons,  but 
they  did  not  prevail.  Again  Vasishtha,*  seated  on  the  lotus, 
prepared  incantations  ;  again  he  called  the  gods  to  aid  :  and,  as 
he  poured  forth  the  libation,  a  figure  arose,  lofty  in  stature,  of 
elevated  front,  hair  like  jet,  eyes  rolling,  breast  expanded,  fierce, 
terrific,  clad  in  armour,  quiver  filled,  a  bow  in  one  hand  and  a 
brand  in  the  other,  quadriform  (Chaturanga),^  whence  his  name, 
Chauhxin. 

"  Vasishtha  prayed  that  his  hope  '  might  be  at  length  fulfilled, 
as  the  Chauhan  was  despatched  against  the  demons.  Sakti-devi  * 
on  her  lion,  armed  with  the  trident,  descended,  and  bestowed  her 
blessing  on  the  Chauhan,  and  as  Asapurna,  or  Kalika,  promised 
always  to  hear  his  prayer.  He  went  against  the  demons  ;  their 
leaders  he  slew.  The  rest  fled,  nor  halted  till  they  reached  the 
depths  of  hell.  Anhal  slew  the  demons.  The  Brahmans  were 
made  happy  ;   and  of  his  race  was  Prithwiraja."  ^ 

^  Asura-Daitya,  which  Titans  were  either  the  aboriginal  Bhils  or  tlie 
Scythic  hordes. 

-  I  have  visited  this  classic  spot  in  Hindu  mythology.  An  image  of 
Adipal  (the  '  first-created '),  in  marble,  still  adorns  its  embankment,  and  is 
a  piece  of  very  fine  sculpture.     It  was  too  sacred  a  relic  to  remove. 

^  '  Portal  or  door  (dwar)  of  the  earth  '  ;  contracted  to  Prithihara  and 
Parihara.  *  '  The  first  striker.' 

^  [In  the  Hara  version  of  the  legend  the  presiding  priest  is  Visvamitra.] 

^  Clmtur  ;   anga,  '  body  '  [chaturbdh^i']. 

'  Asa,  '  hope,'  puma,  to  '  fulfil '  ;  whence  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the 
Chauhan  race,  Asapurna. 

^  The  goddess  of  energy  (Sakti). 

^  [Cunningham  points  out  that  in  the  original  story  only  the  Chauhan 
was  created  from  the  fire-pit,  the  reference  to  other  clans  being  a  later  addi- 
tion (ASR,  ii.  255).] 

VOL.  I  1 


114  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

The  genealogical  tree  of  the  Chauhans  exhibits  thirty-nine 
princes,  from  Anhal,  the  first  created  Chauhan,  to  Prithwiraja, 
the  last  of  the  Hindu  emperors  of  India.^  But  whether  the  chain 
is  entire  we  cannot  say.  The  inference  is  decidedly  against  its 
being  so  ;  for  this  creation  or  regeneration  is  assigned  to  an  age 
centuries  anterior  to  Vikramaditya  :  and  we  may  safely  state 
these  converts  to  be  of  the  Takshak  race,  invaders  of  India  ut  a 
very  early  period. 

Ajaipal  is  a  name  celebrated  in  the  Chauhan  chronicles,  as  the 
founder  of  the  fortress  of  Ajmer,  one  of  the  earliest  establishments 
of  Chauhan  power. ^ 

Sambhar,^  on  the  banks  of  the  extensive  salt  lake  of  the  same 
name,  was  probably  anterior  to  Ajmer,  and  yielded  an  epithet 
to  the  princes  of  this  race,  who  [96]  were  styled  Sambhari  Rao. 
These  continued  to  be  the  most  important  places  of  Chauhan 
power,  until  the  translation  of  Prithwiraja  to  the  imperial  throne 
of  Delhi  threw  a  parting  halo  of  splendour  over  the  last  of  its 
independent  kings.  There  were  several  princes  whose  actions 
emblazon  the  history  of  the  Chauhans.  Of  these  was  Manika 
Rae,  who  first  opposed  the  progress  of  the  Muhammadan  arms. 
Even  the  history  of  the  conquerors  records  that  the  most  obstinate 
opposition  which  the  arms  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  encountered 
was  from  the  prince  of  Ajmer,*  who  forced  him  to  retreat,  foiled 
and  disgraced,  from  this  celebrated  stronghold,  in  his  destructive 
route  to  Saurashtra. 

The  attack  on  Manika  Rae  appears  to  have  been  by  Kasim,  the 
general  of  Walid,  on  the  close  of  the  first  century  of  the  Hegira.' 
The  second  attack  was  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  A  third 
was  (luring  the  reign  of  Bisaladeva,  who  headed  a  grand  con- 

^  Born  in  S.  1215,  or  a.d.  1159.  [Anhala  or  Agnipala  is  here  the  head  of 
the  Chauhan  line  ;  but  a  different  list  appears  in  the  Hammira  Maha- 
kavya  of  Nayachhandra  Suri  (I A,  viii.  55  ff.).] 

"  [Ajmer  is  commonly  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Raja  Aja,  a.d.  145. 
It  was  founded  by  Ajayadeva  Chauhan  about  a.d.  1100  {lA,  xxv.  162  f.).] 

'  A  name  derived  from  the  goddess  Sakambhari,  the  tutelar^'  divinity  of 
the  tribes,  whose  statue  is  in  the  middle  of  the  lake. 

*  Dharma  Dhiraj,  father  of  Bisaladeva,  must  have  been  the  defender  on 
this  occasion. 

^  [Muhammad  bin  Kasim  seems  to  have  marched  along  the  Indus  valley, 
not  in  the  direction  of  Ajmer  (Malik  Muhammad  Din,  Bcihawalpur  Gazet- 
teer, i.  28).] 


THE  CHAUHANS  115 

federacy  of  the  Rajput  princes  against  the  foes  of  their  religion. 
The  celebrated  Udayaditya  Pramar  is  enumerated  amongst  the 
chiefs  acting  in  subserviency  to  the  Chauhan  prince  on  this 
occasion,  and  as  his  death  has  been  fixed  by  unerring  records  in 
A.D.  1096,  this  combination  must  have  been  against  the  Islamite 
king  Maudud,  the  fourth  from  Mahmud  ;  and  to  this  victory  is  the 
allusion  in  the  inscription  on  the  ancient  pillar  of  Delhi.^  But 
these  irruptions  continued  to  the  captivity  and  death  of  the  last 
of  the  Chauhans,  whose  reign  exhibits  a  splendid  picture  of 
feudal  manners. 

The  Chauhans  sent  forth  twenty-four  branches,  of  whom  the 
most  celebrated  are  the  existing  families  of  Bundi  and  Kotah,  in 
the  division  termed  Haravati.  They  have  well  maintained  the 
Chauhan  reputation  for  valour.  Six  princely  brothers  shed  their 
blood  in  one  field,  in  the  support  of  the  aged  Shah  Jahan  against  his 
rebellious  son  Aurangzeb,  and  of  the  six  but  one  survived  his  wounds. 

The  Khichis  ^  of  Gagraun  and  Raghugarh,  the  Deoras  of  Sirohi, 
the  Sonigiras  of  Jalor,  the  Chauhans  of  Sui  Bah  and  Sanchor,  and 
the  Pawechas  of  Pawagarh,  have  all  immortalized  themselves  by 
the  most  heroic  and  devoted  deeds.  Most  of  these  famihes  yet 
exist,  brave  as  in  the  days  of  Prithwiraja. 

Many  chiefs  of  the  Chauhan  race  abandoned  their  faith  to 
preserve  their  lands,  the  Kaimkhani,^  the  Sarwanis,  the  Lowanis, 
the  Kararwanis,  and  the  Bedwanas  [97],  chiefly  residing  in  Shaik- 
havati,  are  the  most  conspicuous.  No  less  than  twelve  petty 
princes  thus  deserted  their  faith  :  which,  however,  is  not  contrary 
to  the  Rajput  creed  ;  for  even  Manu  says,  they  may  part  with 
wife  to  preserve  their  land.  Isaridas,  nephew  of  Prithwiraja,  was 
the  first  who  set  this  example. 

Twenty-four  Sakha  of  the  Chauhans. — Chauhan,  Hara,  Khichi, 
Sonigira,  Deora,  Pabia,  Sanchora,  Goelwal,  Bhadauria,  Nirwan, 
Malani,  Purbia,  Sura,  Madrecha,  Sankrecha,  Bhurecha,  Balecha, 
Tasera,  Chachera,  Rosia,  Chanda,  Nikumbha,  Bhawar,  and 
Bankat.* 

^  [This  is  doubtful.  Maudud  seems  to  have  not  come  further  south 
than  Sialkot  (Al  Badaoni,  Muntakhabu-t-tawdrilch,  i.  49  ;  EIIiot-Dowson 
ii.  273,  iv.  139  f.,  199  f.,  v.  160  f.)-] 

^  [The  author  has  barely  noticed  the  Khichis  ;  for  an  account  of  them 
see  ASR,  ii.  249  ff.]  ^  About  Fatehp  ir  Jhunjhunu. 

*  [For  a  different  Ust  see  Rajputana  Censiis  Report,  1911,  i.  255.] 


116  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Chalukya  or  Solanki. — Though  we  cannot  trace  the  history  of 
this  branch  of  the  Agnikulas  to  such  periods  of  antiquity  as  the 
Pramara  or  Chauhan,  it  is  from  the  deficiency  of  materials,  rather 
than  any  want  of  celebrity,  that  we  are  unable  to  place  it,  in  this 
respect,  on  a  level  with  them.  The  tradition  of  the  bard  makes 
the  Solankis  important  as  princes  of  Sura  on  the  Ganges,  ere 
the  Rathors  obtained  Kanauj.^  The  genealogical  test^  claims 
Lohkot,  said  to  be  the  ancient  Lahore,  as  a  residence,  which 
makes  them  of  the  same  Sakha  (Madhwani)  as  the  Chauhans. 
Certain  it  is,  that  in  the  eighth  century  we  find  the  Langahas  ' 
and  Togras  inhabiting  Multan  and  the  surrounding  country,  the 
chief  opponents  of  the  Bhattis  on  their  establishment  in  the 
desert.  They  were  princes  of  Kalyan,  on  the  Malabar  coast,* 
which  city  still  exhibits  vestiges  of  ancient  grandeur.  It  was 
from  Kalyan  that  a  scion  of  the  Solanki  tree  was  taken,  and 
engrafted  on  the  royal  stem  of  the  Chawaras  of  Anhilwara  Patan. 

It  was  in  S.  987  (a.d.  931)  that  Bhojraj,  the  last  of  the  Chawa- 
ras, and  the  Salic  law  of  India  were  both  set  aside,  to  make  way 
for  the  young  Solanki,  Mulraj,*  who  ruled  Anhilwara  for  the  space 
of  fifty-eight  years.  During  the  reign  of  his  son  and  successor, 
Chamimd  Rae,*^  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  carried  his  desolatiag  arms  into 
the  kingdom  of  Anhilwara.  With  its  wealth  he  raised  those  [98] 
magnificent  trophies  of  his  conquest,  among  which  the  '  Celestial 

^  [The  Chalukya  is  a  Gurjara  tribe,  the  name  being  the  Sanskritized  form 
of  the  old  dynastic  title,  Chalkya,  of  the  Deccan  dynasty  (a.d.  552—973) ;  and 
of  this  Solanki  is  a  dialectical  variant  {lA,  xi.  24  ;  BG,  i.  Part  i.  156,  Part  ii. 
336).] 

2  Solanki  Gotracharya  is  thus:  ''Madhwani  Sakha  —  Bharadwaja 
Gotra — Garh  Lohkot  nikas — Sarasvati  Nadi  (river) — Sama  Veda — Kapalis- 
war  Deva — Karduman  Rikheswar — Tin  Parwar  Zunar  (zone  of  three  threads) 
— -Keonj  Devi — Mahipal  Putra  (one  of  the  Penates)."  [Lohkot  is  Lohara 
in  Kashmir  (Stein,  Bajatarangini,  i.  Introd.  108,  ii.  293  ff.)-] 

*  Called  Malkhani,  being  the  sons  of  Mai  Khan,  the  first  apostate  from 
his  faith  to  Islamism.  Whether  these  branches  of  the  Solankis  were  com- 
pelled to  quit  their  religion,  or  did  it  voluntarily,  we  know  not. 

*  Near  Bombay.     [In  Thana  District,  not  Malabar  coast.] 

^  Son  of  Jai  Singh  Solanki,  the  emigrant  prince  of  Kalyan,  who  married 
the  daughter  of  Bhojraj.  These  particulars  are  taken  from  a  valuable  little 
geographical  and  historical  treatise,  incomplete  and  without  title.  [Mul- 
araja  Chaulnkya,  a.d.  961—96,  was  son  of  Bhubhata  :  Chamunda,  a.d.  997- 
1010  ;  it  was  in  the  reign  of  Bhima  I.  (1022-64)  that  Mahmiid's  invasion  in 
A.D.  1024  occurred  {BG,  i.  Part  i.  156  ff.  164).] 

*  ('ailed  Chamund  by  Muhammadan  historians. 


THE  CHALUKYAS  117 

Bride  '  might  have  vied  with  anything  ever  erected  by  man  as 
a  monument  of  folly .^  The  wealth  abstracted,  as  reported  in 
the  liistory  of  the  conquerors,  by  this  scourge  of  India,  though 
deemed  incredible,  would  obtain  belief,  if  the  commercial  riches 
of  Anhilwara  could  be  appreciated.  It  was  to  India  what  Venice 
was  to  Europe,  the  entrepot  of  the  products  of  both  the  eastern 
and  western  hemispheres.  It  fully  recovered  the  shock  given  by 
Mahmud  and  the  desultory  wars  of  his  successors  ;  and  we  find 
Siddharaja  Jayasingha,^  the  seventh  from  the  founder,  at  the 
head  of  the  richest,  if  not  the  most  warlike,  kingdom  of  India. 
Two-and-twenty  principalities  at  one  time  owned  his  power,  from 
the  Carnatic  to  the  base  of  the  Himalaya  Mountains  ;  but  his 
unwise  successor  drew  upon  himself  the  vengeance  of  the  Chauhan, 
PrithAviraja,  a  slip  of  which  race  was  engrafted,  in  the  person  of 
Kumarapala,  on  the  genealogical  tree  of  the  Solankis  ;  *  and  it  is 
a  curious  fact  that  this  dynasty  of  the  Balakaraes  alone  gives  us 
two  examples  of  the  Salic  law  of  India  being  violated.  Kumara- 
pala, installed  on  the  throne  of  Anhilwara,  '  tied  round  his  head 
the  turban  of  the  Solanki.'  He  became  of  the  tribe  into  which 
he  was  adopted.  Kumarapala,  as  well  as  Siddharaja,  was  the 
patron  of  Buddhism  ;  *  and  the  monuments  erected  under  them 
and  their  successors  claim  our  admiration,  from  their  magnificence 
and  the  perfection  of  the  arts  ;  for  at  no  period  were  they  more 
cultivated  than  at  the  courts  of  AnhUwara. 

The  lieutenants  of  Shihabu-d-din  disturbed  the  close  of  Kumara- 
pal's  reign  ;  and  his  successor,  Balo  Muldeo,  closed  this  dynasty 
in  S.  1284  (a.d.  1228),  when  a  new  dynasty,  called  the  Vaghela 
(descendants  of  Siddharaja)  under  BIsaldeo,  succeeded.^  The 
dilapidations  from  religious  persecution  were  repaired  ;  Somnath, 
renowned  as  Delphos  of  old,  rose  from  its  ruins,  and  the  kingdom 

1  [Ferishta  i.  61.] 

2  He  ruled  from  S.  1150  to  1201  [a.d.  1094-1143].  It  was  his  court  that 
was  visited  by  EI  Edrisi,  commonly  called  the  Nubian  geographer,  who 
particularly  describes  this  ijrince  as  following  the  tenets  of  Buddha.  [He 
was  probably  not  a  Jain  {BG,  i.  Part  i.  179).] 

*  [The  Gujarat  account  of  the  campaign  is  different  (BG,  i.  Part  i.  184  f.).] 

*  [Kumarapala  made  many  benefactions  to  the  Jains  {Ibid.  i.  Part  i. 
190  f.).] 

*  [Ajayapala  succeeded  Kumarapala.  BhimaIl.(A.D.  1179-1242),  called 
Bholo,  '  the  simpleton,'  was  the  last  of  the  Ghaulukya  dynasty,  which  was 
succeeded  by  that  of  the  \'aghelas  (1219-1304).  Visaladeva  reigned  a.d. 
1243-61.     See  a  full  account.  Ibid.  194  ff.] 


118  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

of  the  Balakaraes  was  attaining  its  pristine  magnificence,  when, 
under  the  fourth  prince,  Karandeva,  the  angel  of  destruction 
appeared  in  the  shape  of  Alau-d-din,  and  the  kingdom  of  Anhilw^ra 
was  annihilated.  The  lieutenants  of  the  Tatar  despot  of  Delhi 
let  loose  the  spirit  of  intolerance  and  avarice  on  the  rich  cities 
and  fertile  plains  of  Gujarat  and  Saurashtra.  In  contempt  of 
their  faith,  the  altar  of  an  Islamite  Darvesh  was  placed  in  contact 
with  the  shrine  of  Adinath,  on  the  [99]  most  accessible  of  their 
sacred  mounts  :  ^  the  statues  of  Buddha  [the  Jain  Tirthankaras] 
were  thrown  down,  and  the  books  containing  the  mysteries  of 
their  faith  suffered  the  same  fate  as  the  Alexandrian  library. 
The  walls  of  Anhilwara  were  demolished  ;  its  foundations  ex- 
cavated, and  again  filled  up  with  the  fragments  of  their  ancient 
temples.^ 

The  remnants  of  the  Solanki  dynasty  were  scattered  over  the 
land,  and  this  portion  of  India  remained  for  upwards  of  a  century 
without  any  paramount  head,  until,  by  a  singular  dispensation 
of  Providence,  its  splendour  was  renovated,  and  its  foundations 
rebuilt,  by  an  adventurer  of  the  same  race  from  which  the  Agni- 
kulas  were  originally  converts,  though  Saharan  the  Tak  hid  his 
name  and  his  tribe  under  his  new  epithet  of  Zafar  Khan,  and  as 
Muzaffar  ascended  the  throne  of  Gujarat,  which  he  left  to  his  son. 
This  son  was  Ahmad,  who  founded  Ahmadabad,  whose  most 
splendid  edifices  were  built  from  the  ancient  cities  around  it.* 

Baghels. — Though  the  stem  of  the  Solankis  was  thus  uprooted, 
yet  was  it  not  before  many  of  its  branches  (Sakha),  like  their  own 
indigenous  bar-tree,  had  fixed  themselves  in  other  soils.  The 
most  conspicuous  of  these  is  the  Baghela  *  family,  which  gave  its 

1  Satranjaya.     [IGI,  xix.  361  ff.] 

^  In  1822  I  made  a  journey  to  explore  the  remains  of  antiquity  in  Sau- 
rashtra. I  discovered  a  ruined  suburb  of  the  ancient  Patan  stil]  bearing  the 
name  of  Anhilwara,  the  Nahrwara,  which  D'Anville  had  "fort  a  cceur  de 
retrouver."  I  meditate  a  separate  account  of  this  kingdom,  and  the 
dynasties  which  governed  it. 

*  [Zafar  Khan,  son  of  Saharan  of  the  Tank  tribe  of  Rajputs,  embraced 
Islam,  and  became  viceroy  of  Gujarat.  According  to  Ferishta,  he  threw 
off  his  allegiance  to  Delhi  in  1396,  or  rather  maintained  a  nominal  allegiance 
till  1403.  Ahmad  was  grandson,  not  son,  of  Muzaffar.  (Ferishta  iv.  2  f. ; 
Bayley,  Dynasties  of  Gujarat,  67  ff.  ;    BG,  i.  Part  i.  232  f.).] 

*  The  name  of  this  subdivision  is  from  Bagh  Rao,  the  son  of  Siddharaja  ; 
though  the  bards  have  another  tradition  for  its  origin.  [They  take  their 
name  from  the  village  Vaghela  near  Anhilwara  {BG,  i.  Part  i.  198).] 


THE  CHALUKYAS  AND  PARIHARAS  119 

name  to  an  entire  division  of  Hindustan  ;  and  Bagtielkhand  lias 
now  been  ruled  for  many  centuries  by  the  descendants  of  Siddha- 
raja. 

Besides  Bandhugarh,  tliere  are  minor  cliieftainsliips  still  in 
Gujarat  of  the  Baghela  tribe.  Of  these,  Pethapur  and  Tharad 
are  the  most  conspicuous.  One  of  the  chieftains  of  the  second 
class  in  Mewar  is  a  Solanki,  and  traces  his  line  immediately  from 
Siddharaja  :  this  is  the  chief  of  Rupnagar,^  whose  stronghold  com- 
mands one  of  the  passes  leading  to  Marwar,  and  whose  family 
annals  would  furnish  a  fine  picture  of  the  state  of  border-feuds. 
Few  of  them,  till  of  late  years,  have  died  natural  deaths. 

The  Solanki  is  divided  into  sixteen  branches  [100]. 

1.  Baghela — Raja   of  Baghelkhand  (capital  Bandhugarh), 

Raos  of  Pitapur,  Tharad,  and  Adalaj,  etc. 

2.  Birpura — Rao  of  Lunawara. 

3.  Bahala — Kalyanpur  in  Mewar,  styled  Rao,  but  serving 

the  chief  of  Salumbar. 

'     ^  ,  ^  ,     oil"  Baru,  Tekra,  and  Chahir,  in  Jaisalmer. 

5.  Kalacha  ^  J 

6.  Langaha — ^Muslims  about  Multan. 

7.  Togra— -Muslims  in  the  Panjnad. 

8.  Brika —         ,,  „ 

9.  Surki — In  Deccan. 

10.  Sarwaria  ' — Girnar  in  Saurashtra. 

11.  Raka — Toda  in  Jaipur. 

12.  Ranakia — Desuri  in  Mewar. 

13.  Kharara — Alota  and  Jawara,  in  Malwa. 

14.  Tantia — Chandbhar  Sakanbari.* 

15.  Almecha — No  land. 

16.  Kalamor — Gujarat.^ 

Pratihara   or  Parihara. — Of  this,  the   last  and  least  of  _the 

^  I  knew  this  chieftain  well,  and  a  very  good  specimen  he  is  of  the  race. 
He  is  in  possession  of  the  famous  war-shell  of  Jai  Singh,  which  is  an  heirloom. 
^  Famous  robbers  in  the  deserts,  known  as  the  Malduts. 
'  Celebrated  in  traditional  history. 

*  Desperate  robbers.  I  saw  this  place  fired  and  levelled  in  1807,  when 
the  noted  Karim  Pindari  was  made  prisoner  by  Sindhia.  It  afterwards 
cost  some  British  blood  in  1817. 

*  [For  another  list  see  Census  Report,  Eajputana,  1911,  i.  256.] 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Agnikulas,  we  have  not  much  to  say.  The  Pariharas  never 
acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of  Rajasthan.  They  are 
always  discovered  in  a  subordinate  capacity,  acting  in  feudal 
subjection  to  the  Tuars  of  Delhi  or  the  Chauhans  of  Aimer  ;  and 
the  brightest  page  of  their  history  is  the  record  of  an  abortive 
attemi^t  of  Nahar  Rao  to  maintain  his  independence  against 
Prithwiraja.  Though  a  failure,  it  has  immortalized  his  name, 
and  given  to  the  scene  of  action,^  one  of  the  passes  of  the  Aravalli, 
a  merited  celebrity.  Mandor  ^  (classically  Maddodara)  was  the 
capital  of  the  Parihars,  and  was  the  chief  city  of  Marwar  which 
owned  the  sway  of  this  tribe  prior  to  the  invasion  and  settlement 
of  the  Rathors.  It  is  placed  five  miles  northward  of  the  modern 
[101]  Jodhpur,  and  preserves  some  specimens  of  the  ancient  Pali 
character,  fragments  of  sculpture  and  Jain  temples. 

The  Rathor  emigrant  princes  of  Kanauj  found  an  asylum  with 
the  Parihars.  They  repaid  it  by  treachery,  and  Chonda,  a  name 
celebrated  in  the  Rathor  annals,  dispossessed  the  last  of  the 
Parihars,  and  pitched  the  flag  of  the  Rathors  on  the  battlements 
of  Mandor.  The  power  of  the  Parihars  had,  however,  been  much 
reduced  previously  by  the  princes  of  Mewar,  who  not  only  ab- 
stracted much  territory  from  them,  but  assumed  the  title  of  its 
princes— Rana.^ 

The  Parihara  is  scattered  over  Rajasthan,  but  I  am  unaware 
of  the  existence  of  any  independent  chieftainship  there.  At  the 
confluence  of  the  Kuhari,  the  Sind,  and  the  Chambal,  there  is  a 
colony  of  this  race,  which  has  given  its  name  to  a  commune  of 
twenty-four  villages,  besides  hamlets,  situated  amidst  the  ravines 
of  these  streams.  They  were  nominally  subjects  of  Sindhia  ; 
but  it  was  deemed  requisite  for  the  line  of  defence  along  the 
Chambal  that  it  should  be  included  within  the  British  demarca- 
tion, by  which  we  incorporated  with  our  rule  the  most  notorious 
body  of  thieves  in  the  annals  of  Thug  history. 

The  Parihars  had  twelve  subdivisions,  of  which  the  chief  were 

^  Though  now  desolate,  the  walls  of  this  fortress  attest  its  antiquity, 
and  it  is  a  work  that  could  not  be  undertaken  in  this  degenerate  age.  The 
remains  of  it  bring  to  mind  those  of  Volterra  or  Cortona,  and  other  ancient 
cities  of  Tuscany  :  enormous  squared  masses  of  stone  without  any  cement. 
[For  a  full  account  of  Mandor,  see  Ersldne  iii.  ^.196  ff.] 

*  This  Avas  in  the  thirteenth  century  [a.d.  1381],  whc:i  Mandor  was  cap- 
tured, and  its  prince  slain,  by  the  Rawal  of  Chitor. 


THE  CHAWARAS  OR  CHAURAS  121 

the  Indha  and  Sindhal  :  a  few  of  both  are  still  to  be  found  about 
the  banks  of  the  Luni.^ 

Chawara  or  Chaura. — This  tribe  was  once  renowned  in  the 
history  of  India,  though  its  name  is  now  scarcely  kno\^Ti,  or  only 
in  the  chronicles  of  the  bard.  Of  its  origin  we  are  in  ignorance. 
It  belongs  neither  to  the  Solar  nor  Lunar  race,  and  consequently 
v/e  iTiay  presume  it  to  be  of  Scythic  origin.^  The  name  is  un- 
known in  Hindustan,  and  is  confined,  with  many  others  originat- 
ing from  beyond  the  Indus,  to  the  peninsula  of  Saurashtra.  If 
foreign  to  India  proper,  its  establishment  must  have  been  at  a 
remote  period,  as  we  find  individuals  of  it  intermarrying  with  the 
Suryavansa  ancestry  of  the  present  princes  of  Mewar,  when  this 
family  were  the  lords  of  Valabhi. 

The  capital  of  the  Chawaras  was  the  insular  Deobandar,  on 
the  coast  of  Saurashtra,  and  the  celebrated  temple  of  Sonmath, 
with  many  others  on  this  coast,  dedicated  to  Balnath,  or  the  sun, 
is  attributed  to  this  tribe  of  the  Sauras,*  or  [102]  worshippers  of 
the  sun  ;  most  probably  the  generic  name  of  the  tribe  as  well  as 
of  the  peninsula.* 

By  a  natural  catastrophe,  or  as  the  Hindu  superstitious 
chroniclers  will  have  it,  as  a  punishment  for  the  piracies  of  the 
prince  of  Deo,  the  element  whose  privilege  he  abused  rose  and 
overwhelmed  his  capital.  As  all  this  coast  is  very  low,  such  an 
occurrence  is  not  improbable  ;  though  the  abandonment  of  Deo 
might  have  been  compelled  by  the  irruptions  of  the  Arabians, 
who  at  this  period  carried  on  a  trade  with  these  parts,  and  the 
plunder  of  some  of  their  vessels  may  have  brought  this  punisli- 
meut  on  the  Chawaras.     That  it  was  owing  to  some  such  political 

^  [Six  sub-clans  are  named  in  Census  Report,  Bajputana,  1911,  i.  255.] 

"  [They  have  been  supposed  to  be  a  branch  of  the  Pramars,  but  they  arc 
certainly  of  Gurjara  origin  {IA,\y.  145  f. ;  BG,i^.  Parti.  124,  488  f. ;  i.  Parti. 
149  ff.).  According  to  Wilberforce-Bell,  the  word  Chaura  in  Gujarat  means 
'  robber  '  {History  of  Katliiawad,  51).] 

'  The  "ZvpoL  of  the  Greek  writers  on  Bactria,  the  boundary  of  the  Bactrian 
kingdom  under  ApoUodotus.  On  this  see  the  paper  on  Grecian  medals  in 
the  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i. 

*  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  south  and  west  of  India  cannot  pro- 
nounce the  ch,  and  invariably  substitute  the  s.  Thus  the  noted  Pindari 
leader  Chitu  was  always  called  Situ  by  the  Deccanis.  Again,  with  many 
of  the  tribes  of  the  desert,  the  s  is  alike  a  stumbHng-block,  which  causes 
many  singular  mistakes,  when  Jaisalmer,  the  '  hill  of  Jaisal,'  becomes 
Jahlmer,  '  the  hiU  of  fools.' 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

catastrophe,  we  have  additional  gxounds  for  beh'ef  from  the  annals 
of  Mewar,  which  state  that  its  princes  inducted  the  Chawaras  into 
the  seats  of  the  power  they  abandoned  on  the  continent  and  penin- 
sula of  Saurashtra. 

At  all  events,  the  prince  of  Deo  laid  the  foundation  of  Anhil- 
wara  Patan  in  S.  802  (a.d.  74.6),  which  henceforth  became  the 
capital  city  of  this  portion  of  India,  in  lieu  of  Valabhipura,  which 
gave  the  title  of  Balakaraes  to  its  princes,  the  Balhara  of  the 
earlier  Arabian  travellers,  and  following  them,  the  geographers 
of  Europe. "^ 

Vana  Raja  (or,  in  the  dialects,  Banraj)  was  this  founder,  and 
his  dynasty  ruled  for  one  hundred  and  eighty-four  years,  when, 
as  related  in  the  sketch  of  the  Solanki  tribe,  Bhojraj,  the  seventh 
from  the  founder,  was  deposed  by  his  nephew.^  It  was  during 
this  dynasty  that  the  Arabian  travellers  ^  visited  this  court,  of 
which  they  have  left  but  a  confused  picture.  We  are  not,  how- 
ever, altogether  in  darkness  regarding  the  Chawara  race,  as  in 
the  Khuman  Raesa,  one  of  the  chronicles  of  Mewar,  mention 
is  made  of  the  auxiliaries  under  a  leader  named  Chatansi,  in 
the  defence  of  Chitor  against  the  first  attack  on  record  of  the 
Muhammadans . 

When  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  invaded  Saurashtra  and  captured 
its  capital,  Anhilwara,  he  deposed  its  jDrince,  and  placed  upon  the 
throne,  according  to  Ferishta,  a  prince  of  the  former  dynasty, 
renowned  for  his  ancient  line  and  purity  of  blood,  and  who  is 
styled  Dabichalima  ;  a  name  which  has  jiuzzled  all  European 
commentators.  Now  the  Dabhi  was  a  celebrated  tribe,  said  by 
some  to  be  a  branch  of  the  [103]  Chawara,  and  this  therefore  may 
be  a  compound  of  Dabhi  Chawara,  or  the  Chaurasima,  by  some 
called  a  branch  of  the  ancient  Yadus.* 

^  [The  Balhara  of  Arab  travellers  of  the  tenth  century  were  the  Rash- 
trakuta  dynasty  of  Malkhed,  Balhara  teing  a  corruption  of  Vallabha- 
raja,  Vallabha  being  the  royal  title  {BG,  i.  Part  ii.  209).] 

^  [Vanaraja  reigned  from  a.d.  765  to  780,  and  the  dynasty  is  said  to  have 
lasted  196  years,  but  the  evidence  is  still  incomplete.  The  name  of  Bhojraj 
does  not  appear  in  the  most  recent  lists  [BG,  i.  Part  i.  152  ff.).] 

^  Relations  anciennes  des  Voyageurs,  par  Renaudot. 

*  [The  true  form  of  this  puzzling  term  seems  to  be  Dabshalim,  whose 
story  is  told  in  EUiot-Dowson  (ii.  500  ff.,  iv.  183).  Much  of  the  account  is 
mere  tradition,  but  it  has  been  plausibly  suggested  that  when  Bhima  I.,  the 
Chaulukya  king  of  Anhilwara  was  defeated  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  in  a.d. 


THE  TAKS  or  TAKSHAKS  123 

This  ancient  connexion  between  the  Surya\ansi  cliiefs  and  the 
Chawaras,  or  Sauras,  of  Saurashtra,  is  still  maintained  after  a 
lapse  of  more  than  one  thousand  years  ;  for  although  an  alliance 
with  the  Rana's  family  is  deemed  the  highest  honour  that  a  Hindu 
prince  can  obtain,  as  being  the  first  in  rank  in  Rajasthan,  yet  is 
the  humble  Chawara  sought  out,  even  at  the  foot  of  fortune's 
ladder,  whence  to  carry  on  the  blood  of  Rama.  The  present 
heir-apparent  of  a  line  of  '  one  hundred  kings,'  the  prince  Jawan 
Singh  [1828-38],  is  the  offspring  of  a  Chawara  mother,  the  daughter 
of  a  petty  chieftain  of  Gujarat. 

It  were  vain  to  give  any  account  of  the  present  stale  of  the 
families  bearing  this  name.  They  must  depend  upon  the  fame 
of  past  days  ;  to  this  we  leave  them. 

Tak  or  Takshak. — Takshak  appears  to  be  the  generic  term  of 
the  race  from  which  the  various  Scythic  tribes,  the  early  invaders 
of  India,  branched  off.  It  appears  of  more  ancient  application 
than  Getae,  which  was  the  parent  of  innumerable  sakha.  It 
might  not  be  judicious  to  separate  them,  though  it  would  be 
speculative  to  say  which  was  the  primitive  title  of  the  races  called 
Scythic,  after  their  country,  Sakatai  or  Sakadwipa,  the  land  of 
the  great  Getae. 

Abulghazi  makes  Taunak^  the  son  of  Turk  or  Targetai,  who 
appears  to  be  the  Turushka  of  the  Puranas,  the  Tukyuks  of  the 
Chinese  historians,  the  nomadic  Tokhari  of  Strabo,  who  aided  to 
overturn  the  Greek  kingdom  of  Bactria,  and  gave  their  name  to 

1024,  the  latter  may  have  appointed  Durlabha,  uncle  of  Bhima,  to  keep 
order  in  Gujarat,  and  that  the  two  Dabshalims  may  be  identified  with 
Durlabha  and  his  son  [BG,  i.  Part  i.  168).  Also  see  Ferishta  i.  76  ;  Bayley, 
Muhammadan  Dynasties  of  Gujarat,  32  ff.] 

^  Abulghazi  [Hist,  of  the  Turks,  Moguls,  and  Tartars,  1730,  i.  5  f .]  says, 
when  Noah  left  the  ark  he  divided  the  earth  amongst  his  three  sons  :  Shem 
had  Iran  :  Japhet,  the  country  of  '  Kuttup  Shamach,'  the  name  of  the 
regions  between  the  Caspian  Sea  and  India.  There  he  Hved  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years.  He  left  eight  sons,  of  whom  Turk  was  the  elder  and  the 
seventh  Camari,  supposed  the  Gomer  of  Scripture.  Turk  had  four  sons  ; 
the  eldest  of  whom  was  Taunak,  the  fourth  from  whom  was  Mogul,  a  cor- 
ruption of  Mongol,  signifying  sad,  whose  successors  made  the  Jaxartes  their 
winter  abode.  [The  word  means  '  brave  '  (Howorth,  Hist,  of  the  Mongols, 
i.  27).]  Under  his  reign  no  trace  of  the  true  rehgion  remained  :  idolatry 
reigned  everywhere.  Aghuz  Khan  succeeded.  The  ancient  Cimbri,  who 
went  west  with  Odin's  horde  of  Jats,  Chattis,  and  Su ,  were  probably  the  tribes 
descended  from  Camari,  the  son  of  Turk. 


124  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

the  grand  division  of  Asia,  Tokharistan  ^  or  Turkistan  :  and  there 
is  every  appearance  of  that  singular  race,  tlie  Tajik,*  still 
scattered  over  these  [104]  regions,  and  whose  history  appears  a 
mystery,  being  the  descendants  of  the  Takshak. 

It  has  been  already  observed,  that  ancient  inscriptions  in  t)ie 
Pali  or  Buddhist  character  have  been  discovered  in  various  parts 
of  Rajasthan,  of  the  race  called  Tasta,  Takshak,  and  Tak,  relating 
to  the  tribes,  the  Mori  [or  Maurya],  Pramara,  their  descendants. 
Naga  and  Takshak  are  synonymous  appellations  in  Sanskrit  for 
the  snake,  and  the  Takshak  is  the  celebrated  Nagvansa  of  the 
early  heroic  history  of  India.  The  Mahabharata  describes^  in  its 
usual  allegorical  style,  the  wars  between  the  Pandavas  of  Indra- 
prastha  and  the  Takshaks  of  the  north.  The  assassination  of 
Parikshita  by  the  Takshak,  and  the  exterminating  warfare  carried 
on  against  them  by  his  son  and  successor,  Janamejaya,  who  at 
last  compelled  them  to  sign  tributary  engagements,  divested  of 
its  allegory,'  is  plain  historical  fact. 

^  Tacash  continued  to  be  a  proper  name  with  the  great  Khans  of 
Kharizm  (Chorasmia)  until  they  adopted  the  faith  of  Muhammad.  The 
father  of  Jala],  the  foe  of  Jenghiz  Khan,  was  named  Tacash.  Tashkent  on 
the  .Jaxartes,  the  cajDital  of  Turkistan,  may  be  derived  from  the  name  of  the 
race.  Bayer  says,  "  Tocharistan  was  the  region  of  the  Tochari,  who  were 
•  the  ancient  Tijxapoi  (Tochari), or  Taxcipot(TachaA'oi)."  Amraianus  Marcellinus 
says,  "  many  nations  obey  the  Bactrians,  whom  the  Tochari  surjoass " 
(Hist.  Beg.  Bad.  p.  7). 

^  This  singular  race,  the  Tajiks,  are  repeatedly  mentioned  by  Mr.  Elpliin- 
stone  in  his  admirable  account  of  the  kingdom  of  Kabul.  They  are  also 
particularly  noticed  as  monopoHsing  the  commercial  transactions  of  the 
kingdom  of  Bokhara,  in  that  interesting  work.  Voyage  (TOrenbourg  a  Bokhara, 
the  map  accompanying  whicli,  for  the  first  time,  lays  down  authentically  the 
sources  and  course  of  the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes.  [The  term  Tajik  means  the 
settled  population,  as  opposed  to  the  Turks  or  tent-dM'ellers.  It  is  the  same 
word  as  Tazi, '  Arab,'  still  surviving  in  the  name  of  the  Persian  greyhound, 
which  was  apparently  introduced  by  the  Arabs.  Sykes  (Hist,  of  Persia,  ii. 
153,  note)  and  Skrine-Ross  {The  Heart  of  Asia,  3,  364  note)  state  that  the 
Tajiks  represent  the  Iranian  branch  of  the  Aryans.] 

3  The  Mahabharata  describes  this  warfare  against  the  snakes  literally  : 
of  which,  in  one  attack,  he  seized  and  made  a  burnt-oft'ering  (hom)  of  twenty 
thousand.  It  is  surprising  that  the  Hindu  will  accept  these  things  hterally. 
It  might  be  said  he  had  but  a  choice  of  difficulties,  and  that  it  would  be  as 
impossible  for  any  human  being  to  make  the  barbarous  sacrifice  of  twenty 
thousand  of  his  species,  as  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  twenty  thousand 
snakes  for  the  purpose.  The  author's  knowledge  of  what  barbarity  will 
inflict  leaves  the  fact  of  the  human  sacrifice,  though  not  perhaps  to  this 
extent,  not  even  improbable.     In  1811  his  duties  called  him  to  a  survey 


THE  TAKS  OR  TAKSHAKS  125 

When  Alexander  invaded  India,  he  found  the  Paraitakai,  the 
mountain  (pahar)  Tak,  inhabiting  the  Paropamisos  range  ;  nor 
is  it  by  any  means  unlikely  that  Taxiles,^  the  ally  of  the  Mace- 
donian king,  was  the  chief  (es)  of  the  Taks  ;  and  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Bhatti  princes  of  Jaisalmer,  when  driven  from 
Zabulistan,  they  dispossessed  the  Taks  on  the  Indus,  and  estab- 
lished themselves  in  their  land,  the  capital  of  which  was  called 
Salivahanpura  ;  and  as  the  date  of  this  event  is  given  as  3008  of 
the  Yudhishthira  era,  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  Salivahana, 
or  Salbhan  (who  was  a  Takshak),  the  conqueror  of  the  Tuar 
Vikrama,  was  of  the  very  family  dispossessed  by  the  Bhattis, 
who  compelled  them  to  migrate  to  the  south. 

The  calculated  period  of  the  invasion  of  the  Takshaks,  or 
.  Nagvansa,  under  Sheshnag,  is  about  six  or  seven  centuries  before 
the  Christian  era,  at  which  very  [105]  period  the  Scythic  invasion 
of  Egypt  and  Syria,  "  by  the  sons  of  Togarmah  riding  on  horses  " 
(the  Aswas,  or  Asi),  is  alike  recorded  by  tlie  prophet  Ezekiel  and 
Diodorus.  The  Abu  Mahatma  calls  the  Takshaks  "  the  sons  of 
Himachal,"  all  evincing  Scythic  descent  ;  and  it  was  only  eight 
reigns  anterior  to  this  change  in  the  Lunar  dynasties  of  India, 
that  Parsvanath,  the  twenty-third  Buddha  [Jain  Tirthankara], 
introduced  his  tenets  into  India,  and  fixed  his  abode  in  the  holy 
mount  Sarnet.^ 

amidst  the  ravines  of  the  Chambal,  the  tract  called  Gujargarh,  a  district 
inhabited  by  the  Gujar  tribe.  Turbulent  and  independent,  like  the  sons  of 
Esau,  their  hand  against  every  man  and  every  man's  hand  against  them, 
their  nominal  prince,  SurajmaU,  the  Jat  chief  of  Bharatpur,  pursued  exactlj' 
the  same  plan  towards  the  population  of  these  villages,  whom  they  captured 
in  a  night  attack,  that  Janamejaya  did  to  the  Takshaks  :  he  threw  them 
into  pits  with  combustibles,  and  actually  thus  consumed  them  !  This 
occurred  not  three-quarters  of  a  century  ago. 

^  Arrian  says  that  his  name  was  Omphis  [Ambhi],  and  that  his  father 
dying  at  this  time,  he  did  homage  to  Alexander,  who  invested  him  with  the 
title  and  estates  of  his  father  Taxiles.  Hence,  perhaps  (from  Tak),  the  name 
of  the  Indus,  Attak ;  [?]  not  Atak,  or  '  forbidden,'  according  to  modern 
signification,  and  which  has  only  been  given  since  the  Muhammadan  religion 
for  a  time  made  it  the  boundary  between  the  two  faiths.  [All  these  specu- 
lations are  valueless.] 

2  In  Bihar,  during  the  reign  of  Pradyota,  the  successor  of  Ripunjaya. 
Parsva's  symbol  is  the  serpent  of  Takshak.  His  doctrines  spread  to  the 
remotest  parts  of  India,  and  the  princes  of  Valabhipura  of  Ma'ndor  and 
Anhilwara  all  held  to  the  tenets  of  Buddha.  [As  usual,  Jains  are  con- 
founded with  Buddhists.  There  is  no  reason  to  beheve  that  the  Nagas,  a 
serpent-wor.shipping  tribe,  were  not  indigenous  in  India.] 


126  HISTORY  OP  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Enough  of  the  ancient  history  of  the  Tak  ;  we  wiU  now  descend 
to  more  modern  times,  on  which  we  shall  be  brief.  We  have 
already  mentioned  the  Takshak  Mori  [or  Maurya]  as  being  lords 
of  Chitor  from  a  very  early  period  ;  and  but  a  few  generations 
after  the  Guhilots  supplanted  the  Moris,  this  palladium  of  Hindu 
liberty  was  assailed  by  the  arms  of  Islam.  We  find  amongst  the 
numerous  defenders  who  appear  to  have  considered  the  cause  of 
Chitor  their  own,  "  the  Tak  from  Asirgarh."  ^  This  race  appears  to 
liave  retained  possession  of  Asir  for  at  least  two  centuries  after  this 
event,  as  its  chieftain  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  leaders  in 
the  array  of  Prithwiraja.  In  the  poems  of  Chand  he  is  called  the 
"  standard-bearer,  Tak  of  Asir."  ^ 

This  ancient  race,  the  foe  of  Janamejaya  and  the  friend  of 
Alexander,  closed  its  career  in  a  blaze  of  splendour.  The  celeb-, 
rity  of  the  kings  of  Gujarat  will  make  amends  for  the  obscurity 
of  the  Taks  of  modern  times,  of  whom  a  dynasty  of  fourteen  kings 
followed  each  other  in  succession,  commencing  and  ending  with 
the  proud  title  of  Muzaffar.  It  was  in  the  reign  of  Muhammad,^ 
son  of  the  first  Tughlak,  that  an  accident  to  his  nephew  Firoz 
proved  the  dawn  of  the  fortunes  of  the  Tak  ;  purchased,  however, 
with  the  change  of  name  and  religion.  Saharan  the  Tak  was  the 
lirst  apostate  of  his  line,  who,  under  the  name  of  Wajihu-1-mulk, 
concealed  both  his  origin  and  tribe.  His  son,  Zafar  Khan,  was 
raised  by  his  patron  Firoz  to  the  government  of  Gujarat,  about  the 
period  when  Timur  invaded  India.  Zafar  availed  himself  of  the 
weakness  of  his  master  and  the  distraction  of  the  times,  and 
mounted  the  throne  of  Gujarat  under  the  name  of  [106]  Muzaffar.* 
He  was  assassinated  by  the  hand  of  his  grandson,  Ahmad,  who 
changed  the  ancient  capital,  Anhilwara,  for  the  city  founded  by 
himself,  and  called  Ahmadabad,  one  of  the  most  splendid  in  the 
east.     With  the  apostasy  of  the  Tak,^  the  name  appears  to  have 

^  Tliis  is  the  celebrated  fortress  in  Khandesh,  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
British. 

2  In  the  list  of  the  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Kanauj  he  is  mentioned  by 
name,  as  "  Chatto  the  Tak."  ^  He  reigned  from  a.d.  1324  to  1351. 

*  'The  victorious'  [see  p.  118  above]. 

''  Tlie  Miratu-l-Sikandari  gives  the  ancestry  of  the  apostate  for  twenty- 
three  generations  ;  the  last  of  whom  was  Sesh,  the  same  which  introduced 
the  Nagvansa,  seven  centuries  before  the  Christian  era,  into  India.  The 
author  of  the  work  gives  the  origin  of  the  name  of  Tak,  or  Tank,  frojn  tarka, 
'  expulsion,'  from  his  caste,  which  he  styles  Khatri,  evincing  his  ignorance  of 
this  ancient  race. 


THE  JATS  127 

been  obliterated  from  the  tribes  of  Rajasthan  ;  nor  has  my 
search  ever  discovered  one  of  this  name  now  existing. 

Jat,  Jat. — In  all  the  ancient  catalogues  of  the  thirty-six  royal 
races  of  India  the  Jat  has  a  place,  though  by  none  is  he  ever 
styled  '  Rajput '  ;  nor  am  I  aware  of  any  instance  of  a  Rajput's 
intermarriage  with  a  Jat.^  It  is  a  name  widely  disseminated 
over  India,  though  it  does  not  now  occupy  a  very  elevated  place 
amongst  the  inhabitants,  belonging  chiefly  to  the  agricultural 
classes. 

In  the  Panjab  they  still  retain  their  ancient  name  of  Jat.  On 
the  Jumna  and  Ganges  they  are  styled  Jats,  of  whom  the  chief 
of  Bharatpur  is  the  most  conspicuous.  On  the  Indus  and  in 
Saurashtra  they  are  termed  Jats.  The  greater  portion  of  tlie 
husbandmen  in  Rajasthan  are  Jats  ;  and  there  are  numerous 
tribes  beyond  the  Indus,  now  proselytes  to  the  Muhammadan 
religion,  who  derive  their  origin  from  this  class. 

Of  its  ancient  history  sufficient  has  been  already  said.  We 
will  merely  add,  that  the  kingdom  of  the  great  Getae,  whose 
capital  was  on  the  Jaxartes,  preserved  its  integrity  and  name 
from  the  period  of  Cyrus  to  the  fourteenth  century,  when  it  was 
converted  from  idolatry  to  the  faith  of  Islam.  Herodotus  [iv. 
93-4]  informs  us  that  the  Getae  were  theists  and  held  the  tenet 
of  the  soul's  immortality  ;  and  De  Guignes,^  from  Chinese  authori- 
ties, asserts  that  at  a  very  early  period  they  had  embraced  the 
religion  of  Fo  or  Buddha. 

The  traditions  of  the  Jats  claim  the  regions  west  of  the  Indus 
as  the  cradle  of  the  race,  and  make  them  of  Yadu  extraction  ; 
thus  corroborating  the  annals  of  the  Yadus,  whieli  state  their 
migration  from  Zabulistan,  and  almost  inducing  us  to  [107]  dis- 
pense with  the  descent  of  this  tribe  from  Krishna,  and  to  pro- 

1  [Thougli  apparently  there  is  no  legal  connubium  between  Jats  and 
Rajputs,  the  two  tribes  are  closely  connected,  and  it  has  been  suggested 
that  both  had  their  origin  in  invaders  from  Central  Asia,  the  leaders  becoming 
Rajputs,  the  lower  orders  Jat  peasants.  The  author,  at  the  close  of  Vol.  II., 
gives  an  inscription  recording  the  marriage  of  a  Jat  with  a  Yadava  princess.] 

^  "  The  superiority  of  the  Chinese  over  the  Turks  caused  the  great  Khan 
to  turn  his  arms  against  the  Nomadic  Getae  of  Mawaru-l-nahr  (Transoxiana), 
descended  fi-om  the  Yueh-chi,  and  bred  on  the  Jihun  or  Oxus,  whence  they 
had  extended  themselves  along  the  Indus  and  even  Ganges,  and  are  there 
yet  found.  These  Getae  had  embraced  the  religion  of  Fo  "  {Hist.  Gen. 
des  Huns,  tom.  i.  p.  375). 


128  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

nounee  it  an  important  colony  of  the  Yueh-chi,  Yuti,  or  Jats. 
Of  the  first  migration  from  Central  Asia  of  this  race  within  the 
Indus  we  have  no  record  ;  it  might  have  been  simultaneous  with 
the  Takshak,  from  the  wars  of  Cyrus  or  his  ancestors. 

It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  Jat  divided  with  the 
Takshak  the  claim  of  being  the  parent  name  of  the  various  tribes 
called  Scythic,  invaders  of  India  ;  and  there  is  now  before  the 
author  an  inscription  of  the  fifth  century  applying  both  epithets 
to  the  same  prince/  who  is  invested  moreover  with  the  Scythic 
quality  of  worshipping  the  sun.  It  states,  likewise,  that  the 
mother  of  this  Jat  prince  was  of  Yadu  race  :  strengthening  their 
claims  to  a  niche  amongst  the  thirty-six  Rajkulas,  as  well  as  their 
Yadu  descent. 

The  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  to  which  this  inscription 
belongs,  is  a  period  of  interest  in  Jat  history.  De  Guignes,  from 
original  authorities,  states  the  Yueh-chi  or  Jats  to  have  estab- 
lished themselves  in  the  Panjab  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries, 
and  the  inscription  now  quoted  applies  to  a  prince  whose  capital 
is  styled  Salindrapura  in  these  regions  ;  and  doubtless  the  Saliva- 
hanpur  ^  where  the  Yadu  Bhattis  established  themselves  on  the 
expulsion  of  the  Tak. 

'^  "  To  my  foe,  salutation  !  This  foe  how  shall  I  describe  ?  Of  the  race 
of  Jat  Kathida,  whose  ancestor,  the  warrior  Takshak,  formed  the  garland 
on  the  neck  of  Mahadeva."  Though  this  is  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  snake 
necklace  of  the  father  of  creation,  yet  it  evidently  pointed  to  the  Jat's 
descent  from  the  Takshak.  But  enough  has  been  said  elsewhere  of  the 
snake  race,  the  parent  of  the  Scythic  tribes,  which  the  divine  Milton  seems 
to  have  taken  from  Diodorus's  account  of  the  mother  of  the  Scythae  : 
"  Woman  to  the  waist,  and  fair  ; 
But  ended  foul  in  many  a  scaly  fold  !  " 

Paradise  Lost,  Book  ii.  650  f. 

Whether  the  Jat  Kathida  is  the  Jat  or  Getae  of  Cathay  {da  being  the  mark 
of  the  genitive  case)  we  will  leav^e  to  conjecture  [?].  [Ney  Ehas  {History 
of  the  Moghuls  of  Central  Asia,  75)  suggests  that  the  theory  of  the  connexion 
between  Jats  and  Getae  was  largely  based  on  an  error  regarding  the  term 
jatah,  '  rascal,'  apphed  as  a  mark  of  reproach  to  the  Moguls  by  the 
Chagatai.] 

^  This  place  existed  in  the  twelfth  century  as  a  capital ;  since  an  in- 
scription of  Kamarpal,  prince  of  Anhilwara,  declares  that  this  monarch 
carried  his  conquests  "  even  to  Salpur."  There  is  Sialkot  in  Rennell's 
geography,  and  Wilford  mentions  "  Sangala,  a  famous  city  in  ruins,  sixty 
miles  west  by  north  of  Lahore,  situated  in  a  forest,  and  said  to  be  built  by 
Piiru.' 


THE  JATS  129 

How  much  earlier  than  this  the  Jat  penetrated  into  Rajasthan 
must  be  left  to  more  ancient  inscriptions  to  determine  :  suffice 
it  that  in  a.d.  440  we  find  him  in  power. ^ 

When  the  Yadu  was  expelled  from  Salivahanpura,  and  forced 
to  seek  refuge  [108]  across  the  Sutlej  among  the  Dahia  and  Johya 
Rajputs  of  the  Indian  desiert,  where  they  founded  their  first 
capital,  Derawar,  many  from  compulsion  embraced  the  Muham- 
madan  faith  ;  on  which  occasion  they  assumed  the  name  of  Jat,^ 
of  which  at  least  twenty  different  offsets  are  enumerated  in  the 
Yadu  chronicles. 

That  the  Jats  continued  as  a  powerful  community  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  Indus  and  in  the  Panjab,  fully  five  centuries  after 
the  period  our  inscription  and  their  annals  illustrate,  we  have  the 
most  interesting  records  in  the  history  of  Mahmud,  the  conqueror 
of  India,  whose  progress  they  checked  in  a  manner  unprecedented 
in  the  annals  of  continental  warfare.  It  was  in  416  of  the  Hegira 
(a.d.  1026)  that  Mahmud  marched  an  army  against  the  Jats,  who 
had  harassed  and  insulted  him  on  the  return  from  his  last  expedi- 
tion against  Saurashtra.  The  interest  of  the  account  authorizes 
its  being  given  from  the  original. 

"  The  Jats  inhabited  the  country  on  the  borders  of  Multan, 
along  the  river  that  runs  by  the  mountains  of  Jud.*  When 
Mahmud  reached  Multan,  finding  the  Jat  country  defended  by 
great  rivers,  he  built  fifteen  hundred  boats,*  each  armed  with  six 
iron   spikes   projecting  from  their  prows,  to  prevent  their  being 

i  At  this  time  (a.d.  449)  the  Jut  brothers,  Hengist  and  Horsa,  led  a 
colony  from  Jutland  and  founded  the  kingdom  of  Kent  {qu.  Kantha,  '  a 
coast,'  in  Sanskrit,  as  m  Gothic  Konta  ?).  The  laws  they  there  introduced, 
more  especially  the  still  prevailing  one  of  gavelkind,  where  all  the  sons  share 
equally,  except  the  youngest  who  has  a  double  portion,  are  purely  Scythic, 
and  brought  by  the  original  Goth  from  the  Jaxartes.  Alaric  had  finished 
his  career,  and  Theodoric  and  Genseric  {ric,  '  king,'  in  Sanskrit  [?])  were 
carrying  their  arms  into  Spain  and  Africa.    [These  speculations  are  valueless.] 

2  Why  should  these  proselytes,  if  originally  Yadu,  assume  the  name  of 
Jat  or  Jat  ?  It  must  be  either  that  the  Yadus  were  themselves  the  Scythic 
Yuti  or  Yueh-chi,  or  that  the  branches  intermarried  with  the  Jats,  and' 
consequently  became  degraded  as  Yadus,  and  the  mixed  issue  bore  the  name 
of  the  mother. 

^  The  Jadu  ka  Dang,  '  or  hills  of  Yadu,'  mentioned  in  the  sketch  of  this 
race  as  one  of  their  intermediate  points  of  halt  when  they  were  driven  from 
India  after  the  Mahabharata. 

*  Near  the  spot  where  Alexander  built  his  fleet,  which  navigated  to 
Babylon  thirteen  hundred  years  before. 

VOL.  I  K 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

boarded  by  the  enemy,  expert  in  this  kind  of  warfare.  In  each 
boat  he  placed  twenty  archers,  and  some  with  fire-balls  of  naphtha 
to  burn  the  Jat  fleet.  The  monarch  having  determined  on  their 
extirpation,  awaited  the  result  at  Multan.  The  Jats  sent  their 
wives,  children,  and  effects  to  Sind  Sagar,^  and  laimched  four 
thousand,  or,  as  others  say,  eight  thousand  boats  well  armed  to 
meet  the  Ghaznians.  A  terrible  conflict  ensued,  but  the  project- 
ing spikes  sunk  the  Jat  boats  while  others  were  set  on  fire.  Few 
escaped  from  this  scene  of  terror  ;  and  those  who  did,  met  with 
the  more  severe  fate  of  capti\'ity."  ^ 

Many  doubtless  did  escape  ;  and  it  is  most  probable  that  the 
Jat  communities,  on  whose  overthrow  the  State  of  Bikaner  was 
founded,  were  remnants  of  this  very  warfare  [109]. 

Not  long  after  this  event  the  original  empire  of  the  Getae  was 
overturned,  when  many  fugitives  found  a  refuge  in  India.  In 
1360  Togultash  Timur  was  the  great  Khan  of  the  Getae  nation  ; 
idolaters  even  to  this  period.  He  had  conquered  Khorasan,. 
invaded  Transoxiana  (whose  prince  fled,  but  whose  nephew. 
Amir  Timur,  averted  its  subjugation),  gained  the  friendship  of 
Togultash,  and  commanded  a  hundred  thousand  Getae  warriors. 
In  1369,  when  the  Getic  Klian  died,  such  was  the  ascendancy 
obtained  by  Timur  over  his  subjects,  that  the  Kuriltai,  or  general 
assembly,  transferred  the  title  of  Grand  Khan  from  the  Getic  to 
the  Chagatai  Timur.  In  1370  he  married  a  Getic  princess,  and 
added  Khokhand  and  Samarkand  to  his  patrimony,  Transoxiana. 
Rebellions  and  massacres  almost  depopulated  this  nursery  of 
mankind,  ere  the  Getae  abandoned  their  independence  ;  nor  was 
it  tUl  1388,  after  six  invasions,  in  which  he  burnt  their  towns, 
brought  away  their  wealth,  and  almost  annihilated  the  nation, 
that  he  felt  himself  secure.* 

^  Translated  by  Dow,  '  an  island.'  Sind  Sagar  is  one  of  the  Duabas  of 
the  Panjab.  I  have  compared  Dew's  translation  of  the  earlier  portion  of 
the  history  of  Ferishta  with  the  original,  and  it  is  infinitely  more  faithful 
than  the  world  gives  him  credit  for.  His  errors  are  most  considerable  in 
numerals  and  in  weights  and  measures  ;  and  it  is  owing  to  this  that  he  has 
made  the  captured  wealth  of  India  appear  so  incredible. 

^  Ferishta  vol.  i.  [The  translation  in  the  text  is  an  abstract  of  that  of 
Dow  (i.  72).  That  of  Briggs  (i.  81  f.)  is  more  accurate.  In  neither  version 
is  there  any  mention  of  the  Sind  Sagar.  Rose  (Glossary,  ii.  359)  discredits 
the  account  of  this  naval  engagement,  and  expresses  a  doubt  whether  the 
Jats  at  this  period  occupied  Jud  or  the  Salt  Ranges.] 

^  [By  the  '  Getae '  of  the  text  the  author  apparently  means  Mongols.] 


THE  JATS,  HUNS  131 

In  his  expedition  into  India,  having  overrun  great  part  of 
Europe,  "  taken  Moscow,  and  slain  the  soldiers  of  the  barbarous 
Urus/'  he  encountered  his  old  foes  "  the  Getae,  who  inhabited 
the  plains  of  Tohim,  where  he  put  two  thousand  to  the  syord, 
pursuing  them  into  the  desert  and  slaughtering  many  more  near 
the  Ghaggar."  -^ 

Still  the  Jat  maintained  himself  in  the  Panjab,  and  the  most 
powerful  and  independent  prince  of  India  at  this  day  is  the  Jat 
prince  of  Lahore,  holding  dominion  over  the  identical  regions 
where  the  Yueh-chi  colonized  in  the  fifth  century,  and  where  the 
Yadus,  driven  from  Ghazni,  established  themselves  on  the  ruins 
of  the  Taks.  The  Jat  cavalier  retains  a  portion  of  his  Scythic 
manners,  and  preserves  the  use  of  the  chakra  or  discus,  the  weapon 
of  the  Yadu  Krishna  in  the  remote  age  of  the  Bharat. 

Hun  or  Hiin. — Amongst  the  Scythic  tribes  who  have  secured 
for  themselves  a  niche  with  the  thirty-six  races  of  India,  is  the 
Hun.  At  what  period  this  race,  so  well  known  by  its  ravages 
and  settlement  in  Europe,  invaded  India,  we  know  not.^  Doubt- 
less it  was  in  the  society  of  many  others  yet  found  in  the  peninsula 
of  [110]  Saurashtra,  as  the  Kathi,  the  Bala,  the  Makwana,  etc. 
It  is,  however,  confined  to  the  genealogies  of  that  peninsula  ;  for 
although  we  have  mention  of  the  Hun  in  the  chronicles  and  in- 
scriptions of  India  at  a  very  early  period,  he  failed  to  obtain  a 
place  in  the  catalogue  of  the  northern  bards. 

The  earliest  notice  of  the  tribe  is  in  an  inscription  ^  recording 
the  power  of  a  prince  of  Bihar,  who,  amidst  his  other  conquests, 
"  humbled  the  pride  of  the  Hiins."  In  the  annals  of  the  early 
history  of  Mewar,  in  the  catalogue  of  princes  who  made  common 
cause  with  this  the  chief  of  all  the  Rajputs,  when  Chitor  was 
assailed  in  the  first  irruption  of  the  Muhammadans,  was  Angatsi, 

^  Abulghazi  vol.  ii.  chap.  16.  After  his  battle  with  Sultan  Mahmud  of 
Delhi,  Timur  gave  orders,  to  use  the  word  of  his  historian,  "  for  the  slaughter 
of  a  hundred  thousand  infidel  slaves.  The  great  mosque  was  fired,  and  the 
souls  of  the  infidels  were  sent  to  the  abj^ss  of  hell.  Towers  were  erected  of 
their  heads,  and  their  bodies  were  thrown  as  food  to  the  beasts  and  birds  of 
prey.  At  Mairta  the  infidel  Guebres  were  flayed  alive."  This  was  by  order 
of  Tamerlane,  to  whom  the  dramatic  historians  of  Europe  assign  every  great 
and  good  quaUty  ! 

2  [The  first  Hun  invasion  occurred  in  455  a.d.,  and  about  500  they  over- 
threw the  Gupta  Empire  (Smith,  EHI,  309,  316).] 

'  Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  i.  p.  136. 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

lord  of  the  Huns,  who  led  his  quota  on  this  occasion.  De  Guignes  i 
describes  Angat  as  being  the  name  of  a  considerable  horde  of 
Huns  or  Moguls  ;  and  Abulghazi  says  that  the  Tartar  tribe  who 
guarded  the  great  wall  of  China  were  termed  Angatti,  who  had 
a  distinct  prince  with  high  pay  and  honour.  The  countries  in- 
habited by  the  Hiong-nou  and  the  Ou-huon,  the  Turks  and  Moguls, 
called  '  Tatar  '  from  Tatan,^  the  name  of  the  country  from  the 
banks  of  the  Irtish  along  the  mountains  of  Altai  to  the  shores  of 
the  Yellow  Sea,  are  described  at  large  by  the  historian  of  the 
Huns  ;  following  whom  and  other  original  sources,  the  historian 
of  the  Fall  of  Rome  has  given  great  interest  to  his  narrative  of 
their  march  into  Europe.  But  those  who  are  desirous  to  learn 
all  that  relates  to  the  past  history  and  manners  of  this  people, 
must  consult  that  monument  of  erudition  and  research,  the 
Geography  of  Malte-Brun.* 

D'Anville,*  quoting  Cosmas  the  traveller,  informs  us  that  the 
White  Huns  (X^vkoI  Oi'i'i'ot)  *  occupied  the  north  of  India  ;  and  it 
is  most  probable  a  colony  of  these  found  their  way  into  Saur- 
ashtra  and  Mewar, 

It  is  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Chambal,  at  the  ancient  Barolh, 
that  tradition  assigns  a  residence  to  the  Hun  ;  and  one  of  the 
'  celebrated  temples  at  that  place,  called  the  Singar  Chaori,  is  the 
marriage  hall  of  the  Hun  prince,  who  is  also  declared  to  have  been 
possessed  of  a  lordship  on  the  opposite  bank,  occupying  the  [111] 
site  of  the  present  town  of  Bhainsror.  In  the  twelfth  century 
the  Hun  must  have  possessed  consequence,  to  occupy  the  place 
he  holds  in  the  chronicle  of  the  princes  of  Gujarat.  The  race  is 
not  extinct.  One  of  the  most  intelligent  of  the  living  bards  of 
India  assured  the  author  of  their  existence  ;  and  in  a  tour  where 
he  accompanied  him,  redeemed  his  pledge,  by  pointing  out  the 

^  Hist.  Gen.  des  Huns,  torn.  iii.  p.  238. 

2  [The  name  Tatar  is  derived  from  that  of  the  Ta-ta  Mongols  {EB,  xxvi. 
448).] 

^  Precis  de  Geographie  universelle.  Malte-Brun  traces  a  connexion 
between  the  Hungarians  and  the  Scandinavians,  from  similarity  of  language  : 
"  A  ces  sieclcs  primitifs  ou  les  Huns,  les  Goths,  les  Jotes,  les  Ases,  et  bieh 
d'autres  peuples  etaient  reunis  autour  des  anciens  autels  d'Odin."  Several 
of  the  words  which  he  affords  us  are  Sanskrit  in  origin.     Vol.  vi.  p.  370. 

*  Eclair cissemens  Geographiques  sur  la  Carte  de  VInde,  p.  43  [Smith, 
EHI,  315  ff.]. 

^  An  orthography  which  more  assimilates  with  the  Hindu  pronunciation 
of  tlie  name  Huon,  or  Oun,  than  Hun. 


THE  JATS,  KATHIS  133 

residence  of  some  in  a  village  on  the  estuary  of  the  Mahi,  though 
degraded  and  mixed  with  other  classes.^ 

We  may  infer  that  few  convulsions  occurred  in  Central  Asia, 
which  drove  forth  these  hordes  of  redundant  population  to  seek 
subsistence  in  Europe,  without  India  participating  in  such  over- 
flow. The  only  singular  circumstance  is,  by  what  means  they 
came  to  be  recognized  as  Hindus,  even  though  of  the  lowest  class. 
Sudra  we  cannot  term  them  ;  for  although  the  Kathi  and  the 
Bala  cannot  be  regarded  as,  or  classed  with  Rajputs,  they  would 
scorn  the  rank  of  Sudra. 

Kathi. — Of  the  ancient  notices  of  this  people  much  has  been 
already  said,  and  all  the  genealogists,  both  of  Rajasthan  and 
Saurashtra,  concur  in  assigning  it  a  place  amongst  the  royal  races 
of  India.  It  is  one  of  the  most  important  tribes  of  the  western 
peninsula,  and  which  has  effected  the  change  of  the  name  from 
Saurashtra  to  Kathiawar. 

Of  all  its  inhabitants  the  Kathi  retains  most  originality  :  his 
religion,  his  manners,  and  his  looks,  all  are  decidedly  Scythic.  He 
occupied,  in  the  time  of  Alexander,  that  nook  of  the  Panjab  near 
the  confluent  five  streams.  It  was  against  these  Alexander 
marched  in  person,  when  he  nearly  lost  his  life,  and  where  he  left 
such  a  signal  memorial  of  his  vengeance.  The  Kathi  can  be 
traced  from  these  scenes  to  his  present  haunts.  In  the  earlier 
portion  of  the  Annals  of  Jaisalmer  mention  is  made  of  their  con- 
flicts with  the  Kathi  ;  and  their  own  traditions  ^  fix  their  settle- 
ment in  the  peninsula  from  the  south-eastern  part  of  the  valley 
of  the  Indus,  about  the  eighth  century. 

In  the  twelfth  century  the  Kathi  were  conspicuous  in  the  wars 
with  Prithwiraja,  there  being  several  leaders  of  the  tribe  attached 

^  The  same  bard  says  that  there  are  three  or  four  houses  of  these  Huns 
at  Trisawi,  three  coss  from  Baroda  ;  and  the  Khichi  bard,  Moghji,  says  their 
traditions  record  the  existence  of  many  powerful  Hun  princes  in  India. 
[On  the  Huns  in  W.  India  see  BG,  i.  Part  i.  122  ff.  The  difficulty  in  the  text 
is  now  removed  by  the  proof  that  many  of  them  became  Rajputs.] 

-  The  late  Captain  Macmurdo,  whose  death  was  a  loss  to  the  service  and 
to  literature,  gives  an  animated  account  of  the  habits  of  the  Kathi.  His 
opinions  coincide  entirely  with  my  own  regarding  this  race.  See  vol.  i.  p. 
270,  Trans.  Soc.  of  Bombay.  [For  accounts  of  the  Kathi  see  BG,  ix.  Part  i. 
252  ft'.,  viii.  122  ff.  Under  the  Mahrattas  Kathiawar,  the  name  of  the 
Kathi  tract,  was  extended  to  the  whole  of  Saurashtra  (Wilberforce-Bell, 
Hist,  of  Kathiawad,  132  f.).] 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

to  his  army,  as  well  as  to  that  of  [112]  his  rival,  the  monarch  of 
Kanauj.^  Though  on  this  occasion  they  acted  in  some  degree  of 
subservience  to  the  monarch  of  Anhilwara,  it  would  seem  that 
this  was  more  voluntary  than  forced. 

The  Kathi  still  adores  the  sun,^  scorns  the  peaceful  arts,  and 
is  much  less  contented  with  the  tranquil  subsistence  of  industry 
than  the  precarious  earnings  of  his  former  predatory  pursuits. 
The  Kathi  was  never  happy  but  on  horseback,  collecting  his 
blackmail,  lance  in  hand,  from  friend  and  foe. 

We  will  conclude  this  brief  sketch  with  Captain  Macmurdo's 
character  of  this  race,  "  The  Kathi  differs  in  some  respects  from 
the  Rajput.  He  is  more  cruel  in  his  disposition,  but  far  exceeds 
him  in  the  virtue  of  bravery  ;  ^  and  a  character  possessed  of  more 
energy  than  a  Kathi  does  not  exist.  His  size  is  considerably 
larger  than  common,  often  exceeding  six  feet.  He  is  sometimes 
seen  with  light  hair  and  blue-coloured  eyes.  His  frame  is  athletic 
and  bony,  and  particularly  well  adapted  to  his  mode  of  life.  His 
countenance  is  expressive,  but  of  the  worst  kind,  being  harsh, 
and  often  destitute  of  a  single  mild  feature."  * 

Bala. — ^All  the  genealogists,  ancient  and  modern,  insert  the 
Bala  tribe  amongst  the  Rajkulas.  The  birad,  or  '  blessing,'  of 
the  bard  is  Taita  Multan  ka  rao,^  indicative  of  their  original  abodes 
on  the  Indus.  They  lay  claim,  however,  to  descent  from  the 
Suryavansi,  and  maintain  that  their  great  ancestor,  Bala  or  Bapa, 
was  the  offspring  of  Lava,  the  eldest  son  of  Rama ;  that  their  first 
settlement  in  Saurashtra  was  at  the  ancient  Dhank,  in  more 
remote  periods  called  Mungi  Paithan  ;  and  that,  in  conquering 
the  country  adjacent,  they  termed  it  Balakshetra  (their  capital 
Valabhipura),  and  assumed  the  title?  of  Balarae.  Here  they 
claim  identity  with  the  Guliilot  race  of  Mewar  :    nor  is  it  impos- 

^  It  is  needless  to  particularise  them  here.  In  the  poems  of  Chand,  some 
books  of  which  I  have  translated  and  purpose  giving  to  the  pubhc,  the 
important  part  the  Kathi  had  assigned  to  them  will  appear. 

^  [In  the  form  of  a  symbol  like  a  spider,  the  rays  forming  the  legs  {BO, 
ix.  Part  i.  257).] 

*  It  is  the  Rajput  of  Kathiawar,  not  of  Rajasthan,  to  whom  Captain 
Macmurdo  alludes. 

*  Of  their  personal  appearance,  and  the  blue  eyQ  indicative  of  their 
Gothic  or  Getic  origin,  the  author  will  have  occasion  to  speak  more  particu- 
larly in  his  personal  narrative. 

"  '  Princes  of  Tatta  and  Multan.' 


THE  KATHIS,  BALAS  135 

siblc  that  they  may  be  a  branch  of  this  family,  which  long  held 
power  in  Saurashtra.^  Before  the  Guhilots  adopted  the  worship 
of  Mahadeo,  which  period  is  indicated  in  their  annals,  the  chief 
object  of  their  adoration  was  the  sun,  giving  them  that  Scythic 
resemblance  to  which  the  Balas  have  every  appearance  of  claim 
[113]. 

The  Balas  on  the  continent  of  Saurashtra,  on  the  contrary, 
assert  their  origin  to  be  Induvansa,  and  that  they  are  the  Balaka- 
putras  who  were  the  anciept  lords  of  Aror  on  the  Indus.  It 
would  be  presumption  to  decide  between  these  claims  ;  but  I 
would  venture  to  surmise  that  they  might  be  the  offspring  of 
Salya,  one  of  the  princes  of  the  Mahabharata,  who  founded 
Aror. 

The  Kathis  claim  descent  from  the  Balas  :  an  additional  proof 
of  northern  origin,  and  strengthening  their  right  to  the  epithet 
of  the  bards,  '  Lords  of  Multan  and  Tatta.'  The  Balas  were  of 
sufficient  consequence  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  make  incur- 
sions on  Mewar,  and  the  first  exploit  of  the  celebrated  Rana  Hamir 
was  his  kiUing  the  Bala  chieftain  of  Chotila.^  The  present  chief 
of  Dhank  is  a  Bala,  and  the  tribe  yet  preserves  importance  in  the 
peninsula. 

Jhala  Makwana. — This  tribe  also  inhabits  the  Saurashtra 
peninsula.  It  is  styled  Rajput,  though  neither  classed  with  the 
Solar,  Lunar,  nor  Agnikula  races  ;  but  though  we  cannot  directly 
prove  it,  we  have  every  right  to  assign  to  it  a  northern  origin. 
It  is  a  tribe  little  known  in  Hindustan  or  even  Rajasthan,  into 
which  latter  country  it  was  introduced  entirely  through  the  medium 
of  the  ancient  lords  of  Saurashtra,  the  present  family  of  Mewar  ; 
a  sanction  which  covers  every  defect.  A  splendid  act  of  self- 
devotion  of  the  Jhala  chief,  when  Rana  Partap  was  oppressed 
with  the  whole  weight  of  Akbar's  power,  obtained,  with  the 
gratitude  of  this  prince,  the  highest  honours  he  could  confer, — 
his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  a  seat  on  his  right  hand.  That  it 
was  the  act,  and  not  his  rank  in  the  scale  of  the  thirty-six  tribes, 
which  gained  him  this  distinction,  we  have  decided  proof  in  later 
times,  when  it  was  deemed  a  mark  of  great  condescension  that 
the  present  Rana  should  sanction  a  remote  branch  of  his  own 

^  [The  origin  of  the  Balas  is  not  certain  :  they  were  probably  Gurjaras 
(Ibid.  495  £.).] 

2  [Chotila  in  Kathiawar  {BG,  viii.  407).] 


166  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

family  bestowing  a  daughter  in  marriage  on  the  Jhala  ruler  of 
Kotah.^  This  tribe  has  given  its  name  to  one  of  the  largest 
divisions  of  Saurashtra,  Jhalawar,  which  possesses  several  towns 
of  importance.  Of  these  Bankaner,  Halwad,  and  Dhrangadra 
are  the  principal. 

Regarding  the  period  of  the  settlement  of  the  Jhalas  tradition 
is  silent,  as  also  on  their  early  history  :  but  the  aid  of  its  quota 
was  given  to  the  Rana  against  the  [114]  first  attacks  of  the 
Muhammadans  ;  and  in  the  heroic  history  of  Prithwiraja  we 
have  ample  and  repeated  mention  of  the  Jhala  chieftains  who 
distinguished  themselves  in  his  service,  as  well  as  in  that  of  his 
antagonist,  and  the  name  of  one  of  these,  as  recorded  by  the  bard 
Chand,  I  have  seen  inscribed  on  the  granite  rock  of  the  sacred 
Girnar,  near  their  primitive  abodes,  where  we  leave  them.  There 
are  several  subdivisions  of  the  Jhala,  of  which  the  Makwana  is  the 
princiijal. 

Jethwa,  Jaithwa,  Kamari. — This  is  an  ancient  tribe,  and  by  all 
authorities  styled  Rajput  ;  though,  like  the  Jhala,  little  known 
out  of  Saurashtra,  to  one  of  the  divisions  of  which  it  has  given 
its  name,  Jethwar.  Its  present  possessions  are  on  the  western 
coast  of  the  peninsula  :  the  residence  of  its  prince,  who  is  styled 
Rana,  is  Porbandar. 

In  remote  times  their  capital  was  Ghumli,  whose  ruins  attest 
considerable  power,  and  afford  singular  scope  for  analogy,  in 
architectural  device,  with  the  style  termed  Saxon  of  Europe,^ 
The  bards  of  the  Jethwas  run  through  a  long  list  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  crowned  heads,  and  in  the  eighth  century  have  chron- 
icled the  marriage  of  their  prince  with  the  Tuar  refounder  of  Delhi. 
At  this  period  the  Jethwa  bore  the  name  of  Kamar  ;  and  Sahl 
Kamar  is  reported  to  be  the  prince  who  was  driven  from  Ghumli, 
in  the  twelfth  century,  by  invaders  from  the  north.  With  this 
change  the  name  of  Kamar  was  sunk,  and  that  of  Jethwa  assumed, 

^  His  son,  Madho  Singh,  the  present  administrator,  is  the  offspring  of 
the  celebrated  Zalim  and  a  Ranawat  chieftain's  daughter,  which  has  entitled 
his  (Madho  Singh's)  issue  to  marry  far  above  their  scale  in  rank.  So  much 
does  superiority  of  blood  rise  above  all  worldly  considerations  with  a  Rajput, 
that  although  ZaUm  Singh  held  the  reins  of  the  richest  and  best  ordered 
State  of  Rajasthan,  he  deemed  his  family  honoured  by  his  obtaining  to  wife 
for  his  grandson  the  daughter  of  a  Kachhwaha  minor  chieftain. 

-  [Ghumli  in  the  Barda  hills,  about  40  miles  east  of  Porbandar  (Wilber- 
iorce-Bell,  Hist,  of  Kathiawad,  49  f. ;  BG,  viii.  440).] 


THE  JETHWAS,  GOHILS,  SARWAIYAS  137 

which  has  induced  the  author  to  style  them  Kamari  ;  ^  and  as  they, 
with  the  other  inhabitants  of  this  peninsula,  have  all  the  appear- 
ance of  Scythic  descent,  urging  no  pretensions  to  connexion  with 
the  ancient  races  of  India,  they  may  be  a  branch  of  that  celebrated 
race,  the  Cimmerii  of  higher  Asia^  and  the  Cimbri  of  Europe. 

Their  legends  are  as  fabulous  as  fanciful.  They  trace  their 
descent  from  the  monkey-god  Hanuman,  and  confirnn  it  by 
alleging  the  elongation  of  the  spine  of  their  princes,  who  bear  the 
epithet  of  Puncharia,  or  the  'long-tailed,'  Ranas  of  Saurashtra. 
But  the  manners  and  traditions  of  this  race  will  appear  more  fully 
in  the  narrative  of  the  author's  travels  amongst  them. 

Gohil." — This  was  a  distinguished  race  :  it  claims  to  be  Surya- 
vansi,  and  with  some  pretension.  The  first  residence  of  the 
Gohils  was  Juna  Khergarh,  near  the  bend  of  the  Luni  in  Marwar.' 
How  long  they  had  been  established  here  we  know  not.  They 
took  it  from  one  of  the  aboriginal  Bhil  chiefs  named  Kherwa,  and 
had  been  in  possession  of  it  for  twenty  generations  when  expelled 
by  the  [115]  Rathors  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century.  Thence 
migrating  to  Saurashtra,  they  fixed  at  Piramgarh  ;  *  which  being 
destroyed,  one  branch  settled  at  Bhagwa,  and  the  chief  inarrying 
the  daughter  of  Nandanagar  or  Nandod,^  he  usurped  or  obtained 
his  father-in-law's  estates  ;  and  twenty-seven  generations  are 
enumerated,  from  Sompal  to  Narsingh,  the  present  Raja  of 
Nandod.  Another  branch  fixed  at  Sihor,  and  thence  founded 
Bhaunagar  and  Gogha.  The  former  town,  on  the  gulf  of  the 
Mahi,  is  the  residence  of  the  Gohils,  who  have  given  their  name, 
Gohilwar,  to  the  eastern  portion  of  the  peninsula  of  Saurashtra. 
The  present  chief  addicts  himself  to  commerce,  and  possesses 
ships  which  trade  to  the  gold  coast  of  Sofala. 

Sarwaiya  or  Sariaspa. — Of  this  race  tradition  has  left  us  only 
the  knowledge  that  it  once  was  famous  ;  for  although,  in  the 
catalogues  of  the  bard,  it  is  introduced  as  the  "  essence  of  the 
Khatri  race,"  "  we  have  only  a  few  legends  regarding  its  present 

^  [The  terms  Kamar  and  Kamari  seem  to  have  disappeared.] 
^  A  compound  word  from  goh,  '  strength  ' ;    Ha,  '  the  earth.'     [This  is 
out  of  the  question  :    of.  Guhilot.] 

^  [For  Kher,  '  the  cradle  of  the  Rathors,'  see  Erskine  iii.  A.  199.] 

*  [For  the  island  of  Piram  in  Ahmadabad  district  see  IGI,  xx.  149  f.,  and 
for  the  tradition  Wilberforce-Bell,  op.  cit.  71  f. ;   BG,  iv.  348,  viii.  114.] 

*  [The  ancient  Nandapadra  in  Rajplpla,  Bombay  (IGI,  xviii.  361  ;  BG, 
i.  Part  ii.  314).]  *  Sarwaiya  Kliatri  tain  sar. 


138  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

degradation.  Its  name,  as  well  as  this  epithet  of  the  bard, 
induces  a  belief  that  it  is  a  branch  of  the  Aswas,  with  the  prefix 
of  sar,  denoting  '  essence,'  or  priority.  But  it  is  useless  to  specu- 
late on  a  name. 

Silar  or  Salar. — Like  the  former,  we  have  here  but  the  shade 
of  a  name  ;  though  one  which,  in  all  probability,  originated  the 
epithet  Larike,  by  which  the  Saurashtra  peninsula  was  known  to 
Ptolemy  and  the  geographers  of  early  Europe.  The  tribe  of  Lar 
was  once  famous  in  Saurashtra,  and  in  the  annals  of  Anhilwara 
mention  is  made  of  Siddharaja  Jayasingha  having  extirpated 
them  throughout  his  dominions.  Salar,  or  Silar,  would  therefore 
be  distinctively  the  Lar.^  Indeed,  the  author  of  the  Kumarpal 
Charitra  styles  it  Rajtilak,  or  '  regal  prince  '  ;  but  the  name  only 
now  exists  amongst  the  mercantile  classes  professing  the  faith 
of  Buddha  [Jainism]  :  it  is  inserted  as  one  of  the  eighty-four. 
Tlie  greater  portion  of  these  are  of  Rajput  origin. 

Dabhi. — Little  can  be  said  of  this  tribe  but  that  it  was  once 
celebrated  in  Saurashtra.  By  some  it  is  called  the  branch  of  the 
Yadu,  though  all  the  genealogists  give  it  distinct  importance.  It 
now  possesses  neither  territory  nor  numbers.^ 

Gaur. — The  Gaur  tribe  was  once  respected  in.  Rajasthan, 
though  it  never  there  attained  to  any  considerable  eminence. 
The  ancient  kings  of  Bengal  were  of  this  race,  and  gave  their 
name  to  the  capital,  Lakhnauti  [116]. 

We  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  possessors  of 
the  land  afterwards  occupied  by  the  Chauhans,  as  they  are  styled 
in  all  the  old  chronicles  the  '  Gaur  of  Ajmer.'  Repeated  mention  is 
made  of  them  in  the  wars  of  Prithwiraja,  as  leaders  of  considerable 
renown,  one  of  whom  formed  a  small  State  in  the  centre  of  India, 
which  survived  through  seven  centuries  of  Mogul  domination, 
till  it  at  length  fell  a  prey  indirectly  to  the  successes  of  the  British 
over  the  Mahrattas,  when  Sindhia  in  1809  annihilated  the  power 
of  the   Gaur  and  took  possession  of  his  capital,   Sheopur.*     A 

^  Su,  as  before  observed,  is  a  distinctive  prefix,  meaning  '  excellent.' 
[The  derivation  is  impossible.     Lata  was  S.  Gujarat.] 

2  [For  the  Dabhi  tribe,  see  lA,  iii.  69  ff.,  193  f. ;  Forbes,  Rasmdla,  237  f.] 
'  In  1807  the  author  passed  through  this  territory,  in  a  soHtary  ramble 
to  explore  these  parts,  then  Uttle  known  ;  and  though  but  a  young  Sub., 
was  courteously  received  and  entertained  both  at  Baroda  and  Sheopur. 
In  1809  he  again  entered  the  country  under  very  different  circumstances, 
in  the  suite  of  the  British  envoy  with  Sjndhia's  court,  and  had  the  grief  to 


DORS,  GAHARWARS,  CHANDELS  139 

petty  district,  yielding  about  £5000  annually,  is  all  this  rapacious 
head  of  a  predatory  government  has  left  to  the  Gaur,  out  of  about 
twelve  lacs  of  annual  revenue.  The  Gaur  has  five  sakha  :  Untahar? 
Silhala,  Tur,  Dusena,  and  Budana.^ 

Dor  or  Doda. — We  have  little  to  say  of  this  race.  Though 
occupying  a  place  in  aU  the  genealogies,  time  has  destroyed  all 
knowledge  of  the  pa'st  history  of  a  tribe,  to  gain  a  victory  over 
whom  was  deemed  by  Prithwiraja  worthy  of  a  tablet.'^ 

Gaharwar. — The  Gaharwar  Rajput  is  scarcely  known  to  his 
brethren  in  Rajasthan,  who  will  not  admit  his  contaminated 
blood  to  mix  with  theirs  ;  though,  as  a  brave  warrior,  he  is 
entitled  to  their  fellowship.  The  original  country  of  the  Gahar- 
war is  in  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Kasi.*  Their  great  ancestor  was 
Ivhortaj  Deva,  from  whom  Jasamida,  the  seventh  in  descent,  in 
consequence  of  some  grand  sacrificial  rites  performed  at  Vindhya- 
vasi,  gave  the  title  of  Bundela  to  his  issue.  Bundela  has  now 
usurped  the  name  of  Gaharwar,  and  become  the  appellation  of 
the  immense  tract  which  its  various  branches  inhabit  in  Bundel- 
khand,  on  the  ruins  of  the  Chandelas,  whose  chief  cities,  Kalanjar, 
Mohini,  and  Mahoba,  they  took  possession  of.* 

Chandel. — The  Chandela,  classed  by  some  of  the  genealogists 
amongst  the  thirty-six  tribes,  were  powerful  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, possessing  the  whole  of  the  regions  between  [117]  the  Jumna 
and  Nerbudda,  now   occupied   by  the  Bundelas  and  Baghelas. 


witness  the  operations  against  Sheopur,  and  its  fall,  unable  to  aid  his  friends. 
The  Gaur  prince  had  laid  aside  the  martial  virtues.  He  became  a  zealot  in 
the  worship  of  Vishnu,  left  off  animal  food,  was  continually  dancing  before 
the  image  of  the  god,  and  was  far  more  conversant  in  the  mystical  poetry 
of  Krishna  and  his  beloved  Radha  than  in  the  martial  song  of  the  bard. 
His  name  was  Radhikadas,  '  the  slave  of  Radha  ' ;  and,  as  far  as  he  is 
personally  concerned,  we  might  cease  to  lament  that  he  was  the  last  of  his 
race. 

^  [Only  two  sub-clans  are  named  in  Rajpuiana  Census  Report,  1911,  i. 
255.  Gaur  Rajjiuts  are  numerous  in  the  United  Provinces,  and  the  Gaur 
Brahmans  of  Jaipur  represent  a  foreign  tribe  merged  into  Hindu  society 
{lA,  xi.  22).  They  can  have  no  connexion  with  the  Pala  or  Sena  dynasty 
of  Bengal  (Smith,  EHI,  397  ff.).] 

^  See  Transactions  of  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i.  p.  133.  [They  are 
found  in  the  Upper  Ganges-Jumna  Duab,  and  are  Musalmans.] 

^  Benares. 

*  [For  the  Gaharwar,  see  Crooke,  Tribes  and  Castes  N.W.P.  and  Oudh, 
ii.  32  if.,  and  for  the  Gaharwar  dynasty  of  Kanauj  (Smith,  EHI,  384  £f.).] 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

Their  wars  with  Prithwiraja,  forming  one  of  the  most  inter- 
esting of  his  exploits,  ended  in  the  humihation  of  the  Cliandela, 
and  prepared  the  way  for  their  conquest  by  the  Gaharwars  ; 
the  date  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Bundela  Manvira  was  about 
A.D.  1200.  Madhukar  Sah,  the  thirteenth  in  descent  from  him, 
founded  Orchha  on  the  Betwa,  by  whose  son,  Birsingh  Deva, 
considerable  power  was  attained.  Orchha  became  the  chief  of 
the  numerous  Bundela  principalities  ;  but  its  founder  drew  upon 
himself  everlasting  infamy,  by  putting  to  death  the  wise  Abu-1 
Fazl,^  the  historian  and  friend  of  the  magnanimous  Akbar,  and 
the  encomiast  and  advocate  of  the  Hindu  race. 

From  the  period  of  Akbar  the  Bundelas  bore  a  distinguished 
part  in  all  the  grand  conflicts,  to  the  very  close  of  the  monarchy  : 
nor,  amongst  all  the  brave  chiefs  of  Rajasthan,  did  any  perform 
more  gallant  or  faithful  services  than  the  Bundela  chieftains  of 
Orchha  and  Datia.  Bhagwan  of  Orchlia  commanded  the  ad- 
vanced guard  of  the  army  of  Shah  Jahan.  His  son,  Subhkarana, 
was  Aurangzeb's  most  distinguished  leader  in  the  Deccan,  and 
Dalpat  fell  in  the  war  of  succession  on  the  plains  of  Jajau.*  His 
descendants  have  not  degenerated  ;  nor  is  there  anything  finer 
in  the  annals  of  the  chivalry  of  the  West,  than  the  dignified  and 
heroic  conduct  of  the  father  of  the  present  chief.*  The  Bundela 
is  now  a  numerous  race,  while  the  name  Gaharwar  remains  in  their 
original  haunts. 

Bargujar. — This  race  is  Suryavansi,  and  the  only  one,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Guhilot,  which  claims  from  Lava,  the  elder  son 

^  Slain  at  the  instigation  of  Prince  Salim,  son  of  Akbar,  afterwards  the 
emperor  Jahangir.  See  this  incident  stated  in  the  emperor's  own  Com- 
mentaries l^Ain,  i.  Introd.  xxiv.  ff.]. 

*  [For  Subhkaran  Singh,  see  Manucci  (i.  270,  272).  Dalpat  was  one  of 
his  patients  (Ibid.  ii.  298).] 

'  On  the  death  of  Mahadaji  Sindhia,  the  females  of  his  family,  in  appre- 
hension of  his  successor  (Daulat  Rao),  sought  refuge  and  protection  with 
the  Raja  of  Datia.  An  array  was  sent  to  demand  their  surrender,  and 
hostihty  was  proclaimed  as  the  consequence  of  refusal.  This  brave  man 
would  not  even  await  the  attack,  but  at  the  head  of  a  devoted  band  of  three 
hundred  horse,  with  their  lances,  carried  destruction  amongst  their  assailants, 
neither  giving  nor  receiving  quarter  :  and  thus  he  fell  in  defence  of  the  laws 
of  sanctuary  and  honour.  Even  when  grievously  wounded,  he  would 
accept  no  aid,  and  refused  to  leave  the  field,  but  disdaining  all  compromise 
awaited  his  fate.  The  author  has  passed  upon  the  spot  where  this  gallant 
deed  was  performed  ;  and  from  his  son,  the  present  Raja,  had  the  annals 
of  his  house.  « 


SENGARS,  SAKARWALS,  BAIS,  DAHIAS  141 

of  Rama,  The  Bargujar  held  considerable  possessions  in  Dhun- 
dhar/  and  their  capital  was  the  hill  fortress  of  Rajor  ^  in  the 
principality  of  Macheri.  Rajgarh  and  Alwar  were  also  their  [118] 
possessions.  The  Bargujars  were  expelled  these  abodes  by  the 
Kachhwahas.  A  colony  found  refuge  and  a  new  residence  at 
Anupshahr  on  the  Ganges. 

Sengar. — Of  this  tribe  little  is  known,  nor  does  it  appear  ever 
to  have  obtained  great  celebrity.  The  sole  chieftainship  of  the 
Sengars  is  Jagmohanpur  on  the  Jumna.' 

Sakarwal. — This  tribe,  like  the  former,  never  appears  to  have 
claimed  much  notice  amidst  the  princes  of  Rajasthan  ;  nor  is 
there  a  single  independent  chieftain  now  remaining,  although 
there  is  a  small  district  called  after  them,  Sakarwar,  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Chambal,  adjoining  Jaduvati,  and  like  it  now  incor- 
porated in  the  province  of  Gwalior,  in  Sindhia's  dominions.  The 
Sakarwal  is  therefore  reduced  to  subsist  by  cultivation,  or  the 
more  precarious  employment  of  his  lance,  either  as  a  follower  of 
others,  or  as  a  common  depredator.  They  have  their  name  from 
the  town  of  Sikri  (Fatehpur),  which  was  formerly  an  independent 
principality.* 

Bais. — The  Bais  has  obtained  a  place  amongst  the  thirty-six 
races,  though  the  author  believes  it  but  a  subdivision  of  the 
Suryavansi,  as  it  is  neither  to  be  met  with  in  the  lists  of  Chand, 
nor  in  those  of  the  Kumarpal  Charitra.  It  is  now  numerous,  and 
has  given  its  name  to  an  extensive  district,  Baiswara  in  the  Duab, 
or  the  land  between  the  Ganges  and  Jumna. ^ 

Dahia. — This  is  an  ancient  tribe,  whose  residence  was  the 
banks  of  the  Indus,  near  its  confluence  with  the  Sutlej  ;  and 
although  they  retain  a  place  amongst  the  thirty-six  royal  races, 
we  have  not  the  knowledge  of  any  as  now  existing.     They  are 

^  Amber  or  Jaipur,  as  well  as  Macheri,  were  comprehended  in  Dhundhar, 
the  ancient  geographical  designation  [said  to  be  derived  from  an  ancient 
sacrificial  mound  (dhundh),  on  the  western  frontier  of  the  State,  or  from  a 
demon-king,  Dhundhu  {IGI,  xiii.  385).] 

*  The  ruins  of  Rajor  are  about  fifteen  miles  west  of  Rajgarh.  A  person 
sent  there  by  the  author  reported  the  existence  of  inscriptions  in  the  temple 
of  Nilkantha  Mahadeo. 

'  [They  are  numerous  in  the  United  Provinces,  but  their  origin  and 
traditions  are  uncertain.] 

*  [See  Crooke,  Tribes  and  Castes  N.W.P.  and  Oudh,  iv.  263  ff.] 

^  [They  are  almoa^  certainly  of  mixed  origin  (Crooke,  op.  cif.  i.  118  ff.).] 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

mentioned  in  the  annals  of  the  Bhattis  of  Jaisalmer,  and  from 
name  as  well  as  from  locale,  we  may  infer  that  they  were  the 
Dahae  of  Alexander.^ 

Joiya,  Johya. — This  race  possessed  the  same  haimts  as  the 
Dahia,  and  are  always  coupled  with  them.  They,  however, 
extended  across  the  Ghara  into  the  northern  desert  of  India, 
and  in  ancient  chronicles  are  entitled  '  Lords  of  Jangaldesa,'  a 
tract  which  comprehended  Hariana,  Bhatner,  and  Nagor.  The 
author  possesses  a  work  relative  to  this  tribe,  like  the  Dahia, 
now  extinct.^ 

Mohil. — We  have  no  mode  of  judging  of  the  pretensions  of 
this  race  to  the  place  it  is  allowed  to  occupy  by  the  genealogists. 
All  that  can  be  learned  of  its  past  history  is,  that  it  inhabited 
a  considerable  tract  so  late  as  the  foundation  of  the  present  State 
of  Bikaner,  the  Rathor  founders  of  which  expelled,  if  not  extir- 
pated, the  Mohil.  With  the  Malan,  Malani,  and  Mallia,  also  ex- 
tinct, it  may  [119]  claim  the  honour  of  descent  from  the  ancient 
Malloi,  the  foes  of  Alexander,  whose  abode  was  Multan.  ( Qu. 
Mohilthan  ?  )  « 

Nikumbha. — Of  this  race,  to  which-  celebrity  attaches  in  all  the 
genealogies,  we  can  only  discover  that  they  were  proprietors  of 
the  district  of  Mandalgarh  prior  to  the  Guhilots.* 

Rajpali.— It  is  difficult  to  discover  anything  regarding  this 
race,  which,  under  the  names  of  Rajpali,  Rajpalaka,  or  simply 
Pala,  are  mentioned  by  all  the  genealogists  ;  especially  those  of 
Saurashtra,  to  which  in  all  probability  it  was  confined.  This 
tends  to  make  it  Scythic  in  origin  ;  the  conclusion  is  strengthened 
by  thcr  derivation  of  the  name,  meaning  '  royal  shepherd  '  :  it 
was  probably  a  branch  of  the  ancient  Pali.^ 

Dahariya. — The  Kumarpal  Charitra  is  our  sole  authority  for 

^  [They  lived  east  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  can  have  uo  connexion  with 
the  Indian  Dahia  (Sykes,  Hist,  of  Persia,  i.  330).] 

^  [Their  origin  is  very  uncertain  ;  in  Bahawalpur  they  now  repudiate 
Rajput  descent,  and  claim  to  be  descendants  of  the  Prophet  (Rose,  Glossary, 
ii.  410  ff.  ;   Malik  Muhammad  Din,  Gazetteer  Bahawalpur,  i.  23,  133  ff.).] 

3  [The  Malloi  (Skt.  Malava)  occupied  the  present  Montgomery  District, 
and  parts  of  Jhang.  They  had  no  connexion  with  Multan  (Skt.  Miilasthana- 
pura),  (Smith,  EHI,  96  ;  McCrindle,  Alexander,  350  ff.).] 

*  [They  are  a  mixed  race,  early  settlers  in  Alwar  (Crooke,  Tribes  and 
Castes  N.W.P.  and  Oudh,  iv.  86  ff.)".] 

^  The  final  syllable  lea  is  a  mark  of  tlie  genitive  cas^[?]. 


THE  DAHARIYA,  DAHIIVIA  143 

classing  this  race  with  the  thirty-six.  Of  its  historj'  we  know 
nothing.  Amongst  the  princes  who  came  to  the  aid  of  Chitor, 
when  first  assailed  by  the  arms  of  Islam,  was  '  the  lord  of  Debal, 
Dahir,  Despati.'  ^  From  the  ignorance  of  the  transcriber  of  the 
Guhilot  annals,  Delhi  is  written  instead  of  Debal ;  but  we  not 
only  have  the  whole  of  the  names  of  the  Tuar  race,  but  Delhi  was 
not  in  existence  at  this  time.  Slight  as  is  the  mention  of  this 
prince  in  the  Chitor  annals,  it  is  nevertheless  of  high  value,  as 
stamping  them  with  authenticity  ;  for  this  Dahir  v/as  actually 
the  despot  of  Sind,  whose  tragical  end  in  his  capital  Debal  is 
related  by  Abu-1  Fazl.  It  was  in  the  ninety-ninth  year  of  the 
Hegira  that  lie  was  attacked  by  Muhammad  bin  Kasim,  the 
lieutenant  of  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad,  and  treated  with  the  gi-eatest 
barbarity.^  Whether  this  prince  used  Dahir  as  a  proper  name, 
or  as  that  of  his  tribe,  must  be  left  to  conjecture. 

Dahima. — The  Dahima  has  left  but  the  wreck  of  a  great  name.^ 
Seven  centuries  have  swept  av/ay  all  recollection  of  a  tribe  who 
once  afforded  one  of  the  proudest  themes  for  the  song  of  the  bard. 
The  Dahima  was  the  lord  of  Bayana,  and  one  of  the  most  powerful 
vassals  of  the  Chauhan  emperor,  Prithwiraja.  Three  brothers  of 
this  house  held  the  highest  offices  under  this  monarch,  and  the 
period  during  which  the  elder,  Kaimas,  was  his  minister,  was  the 
brightest  in  the  history  of  the  Chauhan  :  but  he  fell  a  victim  to 
a  blind  jealousy.  Pundir,  the  second  brother  [120],  commanded 
the  frontier  at  Lahore.  The  third,  Chawand  Rae,  was  the 
principal  leader  m  the  last  battle,  where  Prithwiraja  fell,  with  the 
whole  of  his  chivalry,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghaggar.  Even  the 
historians  of  Shihabu-d-din  have  preserved  the  name  of  the 
gallant  Dahima,  Chawand  Rae,  whom  they  style  Khandirai  ;  and 
to  whose  valour,  they  relate,  Shihabu-d-din  himself  nearly  fell  a 
sacrifice.  With  the  Chauhan,  the  race  seems  to  have  been 
extinguished.  Rainsi,  his  only  son,  was  by  this  sister  of  Chawand 
Rae,  but  he  did  not  survive  the  capture  of  Delhi.     This  marriage 

1  'Chief  of  a  country,'  from  des,  'country,'  and  pati,  'chief.'  {Qu.. 
deairoTTjs  ?) 

-  [Ain,  ii.  344  f.  Dahir  was  killed  in  action  :  the  real  tragedy  was  the 
death  of  Muhammad  bin  Kasim  in  consequence  of  a  false  accusation  (Elliot- 
Dowson  i.  292).] 

*  [Elliot  {Suppltmental  Glossary,  262)  writes  the  name  Dhahima,  and 
says  they  are  found  in  Meerut  District.] 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

forms  the  subject  of  one  of  the  books  of  the  bard,  who  never  was 
more  eloquent  than  in  the  praise  of  the  Dahima.^ 

Abokiginal  Races  ^ 

Bagri,  Mer,  Kaba^  Mina,  Bhil,  Sahariya,  Thori,  Khangar, 
Gond,  Bhar,  Janwar,  and  Sarad. 

Agricultukal  and  Pastoral  Tribes 
Abhira  or  Ahir,  Goala,  Kurmi  or  Kulumbi,  Gujar,  and  Jat 

Rajput  Tribes  to  which  no  Sakha  is  assigned 

Jaha,  Peshani,  Sohagni,  Chahira,  Ran,  Simala,  Botila,Gotchar, 
Malan,  Uhir,  Hul,  Bachak,  Batar,  Kerach,  Kotak,  Busa,  and 
Bargota. 

Catalogue  of  the  Eighty-Four  Mercantile  Tribes 

Sri  Sri  ISIal,  Srimal,  Oswal,  Bagherwal,  Dindu,  Pushkarwal, 
Mertawal,  Harsora,  Surawal,  Pihwal,  Bhambu,  Kandhelwal, 
Dohalwal,  Kederwal,  Desawal,  Gujarwal,  Sohorwal,  Agarwal, 
Jaelwal,  Manatwal,  Kajotiwal,  Kortawal,  Chehtrawal,  Soni, 
Sojatwal,  Nagar,  Mad,  Jalhera,  Lar,  Kapol,  Khareta,  Barari, 
Dasora,  Bambarwal,  Nagadra,  Karbera,  Battewara,  Mewara, 
Narsinghpura,  Khaterwal,  Panehamwal,  Hanerwal,  Sirkera, 
Bais,  Stukhi,  Kambowal,  Jiranwal,  Baghelwal,  Orchitwal,  Baman- 
wal,    Srigur,    Thakurwal,    Balmiwal,    Tepora,    Tilota,    Atbargi, 

^  Chand,  the  bard,  thus  describes  Bayana,  and  the  marriage  of  Prith- 
wiraja  with  the  Dahimi :  "On  the  summit  of  the  hills  of  Druinadahar, 
whose  awful  load  oppressed  the  head  of  Sheshnag,  was  placed  the  castle  of 
Bayana,  resembling  Kailas.  The  Dahima  had  three  sons  and  two  fair 
daughters  :  may  his  name  be  perpetuated  throughout  this  iron  age  !  One 
daughter  was  married  to  the  Lord  of  Mewat,  the  other  to  the  Chauhan. 
With  her  he  gave  in  dower  eight  beauteous  damsels  and  sixty-three  female 
slaves,  one  hundred  chosen  horses  of  the  breed  of  Irak,  two  elephants,  and 
ten  shields,  a  pallet  of  silver  for  the  bride,  one  hundred  wooden  images,  one 
hundred  chariots,  and  one  thousand  pieces  of  gold."  The  bard,  on  taking 
leave,  says  :  "  the  Dahima  lavished  his  gold,  and  filled  his  coffers  with  the 
praises  of  mankind.  The  Dahimi  produced  a  jewel,  a  gem  without  price, 
the  Prince  Rainsi." 

The  author  here  gives  a  fragment  of  the  ruins  of  Bayana,  the  ancient 
abode  of  the  Dahima. 

2  [Many  names  in  the  following  list  are  not  capable  of  identification,  and 
their  correct  form  is  uncertain.  Those  of  the  mercantile  tribes  are  largely 
groups  confined  to  Rajputana.] 


THE  PRESENT  STATUS  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES     145 

Ladisakha,  Badnora,  Khicha,  Gasora,  Bahaohar,  Jemo,  Padmora, 
Maharia,  Dhakarwal,  Mangora,  Goelwal,  Mohorwal,  Chitora, 
Kakalia,  Bhareja,  Andora,  Sachora,  Bhungrawal,  Mandahala, 
Bramania,  Bagria,  Dindoria,  Borwal,  Serbia,  Orwal,  Nuphag,  and 
Nagora.     (One  wanting.) 


CHAPTER   8 

Having  thus  taken  a  review  of  the  tribes  which  at  various 
times  inhabited  and  still  inhabit  Hindustan,  the  subject  must 
be  concluded. 

In  so  extensive  a  field  it  was  impossible  to  introduce  all  that 
could  have  been  advanced  on  the  distinctive  marks  in  religion 
and  manners  ;  but  this  deficiency  will  be  remedied  in  the  annals 
of  the  most  prominent  races  yet  ruling,  by  which  we  shall  prevent 
repetition. 

The  same  religion  governing  the  institutions  of  all  tliese  tribes 
operates  to  counteract  that  dissimilarity  in  manners,  which  would 
naturally  be  expected  amidst  so  great  a  variety,  from  situation 
or  climate  ;  although  such  causes  do  produce  a  material  difference 
in  external  habit.  Cross  but  the  elevated  range  which  divides 
upland  Mewar  from  the  low  sandy  region  of  Marwar,  and  the 
difference  of  costume  and  manners  will  strike  the  most  casual 
observer.  But  these  changes  are  only  exterior  and  personal  ;  the 
mental  character  is  less  changed,  because  the  same  creed,  the 
same  religion  (the  principal  former  and  reformer  of  manners), 
guides  them  all. 

Distinctions  between  the  Rajput  States. — We  have  the  same 
mythology,  the  same  theogony,  the  same  festivals,  though  com- 
memorated with  peculiar  distinctions.  There  are  niceties  in 
thought,  as  in  dress,  which  if  possible  to  communicate  would 
excite  but  little  interest  ;  when  the  tie  of  a  turban  and  the  fold 
of  a  robe  are,  like  Masonic  symbols,  distinguishing  badges  of 
tribes.  But  it  is  in  their  domestic  circle  that  manners  are  best 
seen  [122]  ;  where  restraint  is  thrown  aside,  and  no  authority 
controls  the  freedom  of  expression.  But  does  the  European  seek 
access  to  this  sanctum  of  nationality  ere  he  gives  his  debtor  and 
creditor  account  of  character,  his  balanced  catalogue  of  virtues  and 
vices  ?  He  may,  however,  with  the  Rajput,  whose  independence 
of  mind  places  him  above  restraint,  and  whose  hospitality 
voi-  I  t, 


146  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

and  love  of  character  will  alv/ays  afford  free  communication  to 
those  who  respect  his  opinions  and  his  prejudices,  and  who  are 
devoid  of  that  overweening  opinion  of  self,  which  imagines  that 
nothing  can  be  learned  from  such  friendly  intercourse.  The 
personal  dissimilarity  accordingly  arises  from  locale  ;  the  mental 
similarity  results  from  a  grand  fixed  principle,  which,  whatever 
its  intrinsic  moral  effect,  whatever  its  incompatibility  with  the 
elevated  notions  we  entertain,  has  preserved  to  these  races,  as 
nations,  the  enjoj^ment  of  their  ancient  habits  to  this  distant 
period.  May  our  boasted  superiority  in  all  that  exalts  man 
above  his  fellows,  ensure  to  our  Eastern  empire  like  duration  ; 
and  may  these  notions  of  our  own  peculiarly  favoured  destiny 
operate  to  prevent  us  from  laying  prostrate,  in  our  periodical 
ambitious  visitations,  these  the  most  ancient  relics  of  civilization 
on  the  face  of  the  earth.  For  the  dread  of  their  amalgamation 
with  our  empire  will  prevail,  though  such  a  result  would  be 
opposed  not  only  to  their  happiness,  but  to  our  own  stability. 

Alliances  with  the  British. — With  our  present  system  of  alli- 
ances, so  pregnant  with  evil  from  their  origin,  this  fatal  conse- 
quence (far  from  desired  by  the  legislative  authorities  at  home) 
must  inevitably  ensue.  If  the  wit  of  man  had  been  taxed  to 
devise  a  series  of  treaties  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  rupture, 
these  would  be  entitled  to  applause  as  specimens  of  diplomacy. 

There  is  a  perpetual  variation  between  the  spirit  and  the  letter 
of  every  treaty  ;  and  while  the  internal  independence  of  each 
State  is  the  groundwork,  it  is  frittered  away  and  nullified  by 
successive  stipulations,  and  these  positive  and  negative  qualities 
continue  mutually  repelling  each  other,  until  it  is  apparent  that 
independence  cannot  exist  under  such  conditions.  Wliere  dis- 
cipline is  lax,  as  with  these  feudal  associations,  and  where  each 
subordinate  vassal  is  master  of  his  own  retainers,  the  article  of 
military  contingents  alone  would  prove  a  source  of  contention. 
By  leading  to  interference  with  each  individual  chieftain,  it  would 
render  such  aid  worse  than  useless.  But  this  is  a  minor  con- 
sideration to  the  tributary  pecuniary  stipulation  which,  unsettled 
and  undetermined,  leaves  a  door  open  to  a  [123]  system  of  espionage 
into  their  revenue  accounts — a  system  not  only  disgusting,  but 
contrary  to  treaty,  which  leaves  '  internal  administration'  sacred. 
These  openings  to  dispute,  and  the  general  laxity  of  their 
governments  coming  in  contact  with  our  regular  system,  present 


THE  PRESENT  STATUS  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES     147 

dangerous  handles  for  ambition  :  and  who  so  Wind  as  not  to  know 
that  ambition  to  be  distinguished  must  influence  every  viceregent 
in  the  East  ?  While  deeds  in  arms  and  acquisition  of  territory 
outweigh  the  meek  eclat  of  civil  virtue,  the  periodical  visitations 
to  these  kingdoms  will  ever  be  like  the  comet's, 

Foreboding  change  to  princes. 

Our  position  in  the  East  has  been,  and  continues  to  be,  one  in 
which  conquest  forces  herself  upon  us.  We  have  yet  the  power, 
however  late,  to  halt,  and  not  anticipate  her  further  orders  to 
march.  A  contest  for  a  mud-bank  has  carried  our  arms  to  the 
Aurea  Chersonesus,  the  limit  of  Ptolemy's  geography.  With  the 
Indus  on  the  left,  the  Brahmaputra  to  the  right,  the  Himalayan 
barrier  towering  like  a  giant  to  guard  the  Tatarian  ascent,  the 
ocean  and  our  ships  at  our  back,  such  is  our  colossal  attitude  ! 
But  if  misdirected  ambition  halts  not  at  the  Brahmaputra,  but 
plunges  in  to  gather  laurels  from  the  teak  forest  of  Arakan,  what 
surety  have  we  for  these  Hindu  States  placed  by  treaty  within 
the  grasp  of  our  control  ? 

But  the  hope  is  cherished,  that  the  same  generosity  which 
form.ed  those  ties  that  snatched  the  Rajputs  from  degradation 
and  impending  destruction,  will  maintain  the  pledge  given  in 
the  fever  of  success,  "  that  their  mdependence  should  be  sacred  "  ; 
that  it  will  palliate  faults  we  may  not  overlook,  and  perpetuate 
this  oasis  of  ancient  rule,  in  the  desert  of  destructive  revolution, 
of  races  whose  virtues  are  their  own,  and  whose  vices  are  the 
grafts  of  tyranny,  conquest,  and  religious  intolerance.^ 

To  make  them  known  is  one  step  to  obtain  for  them,  at  least, 
the  boon  of  sympathy  ;  for  with  the  ephemeral  poAver  of  our 
governors  and  the  agents  of  government,  is  it  to  be  expected  that 
the  rod  will  more  softly  fall  when  ignorance  of  their  history  pre- 
vails, and  no  kind  association  springs  from  a  knowledge  of  their 
martial  achievements  and  yet  proud  bearing,  their  generosity, 
courtesy,  and  extended  hospitality  ?  These  are  Rajput  virtues 
yet  extant  amidst  all  their  revolutions,  and  which  have  survived 
ages  of  Muhammadan  bigotry  and  power  ;  though  to  the  honour 
of  the  virtuous  and  magnanimous  few  among  the  crowned  heads 

^  [The  present  relations  of  the  States  to  the  Government  of  India  justify 
these  expectations.] 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

of  eight  centuries,  both  Tatar  and  Mogul,  there  were  some  great 
souls  [124]  ;  men  of  high  worth,  who  appeared  at  intervals  to 
redeem  the  oppression  of  a  whole  preceding  dynasty. 

The  high  ground  we  assumed,  and  the  lofty  sentiments  with 
which  we  introduced  ourselves  amongst  the  Rajputs,  arrogating 
motives  of  purity,  of  disinterested  benevolence,  scarcely  belonging 
to  humanity,  and  to  which  their  sacred  writings  alone  yielded  a 
parallel,  gave  such  exalted  notions  of  our  right  of  exerting  the 
attributes  of  divinity,  justice,  and  mercy,  that  they  expected 
little  less  than  almighty  wisdom  in  our  acts  ;  but  circumstances 
have  throughout  occurred  in  each  individual  State,  to  show  we 
were  mere  mortals,  and  that  the  poet's  moral  ; 

'Tis  distance  lends  enchantment  to  the  view, 

was  true  in  politics.  Sorrow  and  distrust  were  the  consequences 
— anger  succeeded  ;  but  the  sense  of  obligation  is  still  too  power- 
ful to  operate  a  stronger  and  less  generous  sentiment.  These 
errors  may  yet  be  redeemed,  and  our  Rajput  allies  yet  be  retained 
as  useful  friends  :  though  they  can  only  be  so  while  in  the  en- 
joyment of  perfect  internal  independence,  and  their  ancient 
institutions. 

"  No  political  institution  can  endure,"  observes  the  eloquent 
historian  of  the  Middle  Ages,  "  which  does  not  rivet  itself  to  the 
heart  of  men  by  ancient  prejudices  or  acknowledged  merit.  The 
feudal  compact  had  much  of  this  character.  In  fulfilling  the 
obligations  of  mutual  assistance  and  fidelity  by  military  service, 
the  energies  of  friendship  were  awakened,  and  the  ties  of  moral 
sympathy  superadded  to  those  of  positive  compact." 

We  shall  throw  out  one  of  the  assumed  causes  which  give 
stability  to  political  institutions  ;  '  acknowledged  merit,'  which 
never  belonged  to  the  loose  feucl^l  compact  of  Rajwara  ;  but  the 
absence  of  this  strengthens  the  necessary  substitute,  '  ancient 
prejudices,'  which  supply  many  defects. 

Our  anomalous  and  inconsistent  interference  in  some  cases, 
and  our  non-interference  in  others,  operate  alike  to  augment  the 
dislocation  induced  by  long  predatory  oppression  in  the  various 
orders  of  society,  instead  of  restoring  that  harmony  and  con- 
tinuity which  had  previously  existed.  The  great  danger,  nay, 
the  inevitable  consequence  of  perseverance  in  this  line  of  conduct, 
will  be  their  reduction  to  the  same  degradation  with  our  other 


THE  PRESENT  STATUS  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES    149 

allies,   and   their   ultimate   incorporation   with   our  already   too 
extended  dominion  [125]. 

It  may  be  contended,  that  the  scope  and  tenor  of  these  alliances 
were  not  altogether  unfitted  for  the  period  when  they  were  formed, 
and  our  circumscribed  knowledge  ;  but  was  it  too  late,  when  this 
knowledge  was  extended,  to  purify  them  from  the  dross  which 
deteriorated  the  two  grand  principles  of  mutual  benefit,  on  which 
all  were  grounded,  viz.  '  perfect  internal  independence  '  to  them, 
and  '  acknowledged  supremacy  '  to  the  protecting  power  ?  It 
will  be  said,  that  even  these  corner-stones  of  the  grand  political 
fabric  are  far  from  possessing  those  durable  qualities  which  the 
contracting  parties  define,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  are 
the  Ormuzd  and  Alirimanes,  the  good  and  evil  principles  of  con- 
tention. But  when  we  have  superadded  pecuniary  engagements 
of  indefinite  extent,  increasing  in  the  ratio  of  their  prosperity, 
and  armed  quotas  or  contingents  of  their  troops,  whose  loose 
habits  and  discipline  would  ensure  constant  complaint,  we  may 
certainly  take  credit  for  having  established  a  system  which  must 
compel  that  direct  interference,  which  the  broad  principle  of  each 
treaty  professes  to  check. 

The  inevitable  consequence  is  the  perpetuation  of  that  de- 
nationalising principle,  so  well  understood  by  the  Mahrattas, 
'  divide  et  impera.'  We  are  few  ;  to  use  an  Oriental  metaphor, 
our  agents  must  '  use  the  eyes  and  ears  of  others.'  That  mutual 
dependence,  which  would  again  have  arisen,  our  interference  will 
completely  nullify.  Princes  will  find  they  can  oppress  their 
chiefs,  chiefs  will  find  channels  by  which  their  sovereign's  com- 
mands may  be  rendered  nugatory,  and  irresponsible  ministers 
must  have  our  support  to  raise  these  undefined  tributary  supplies  ; 
and  unanimity,  confidence,  and  all  the  sentiments  of  gratitude 
which  they  owe,  and  acknowledge  to  be  our  due,  will  gradually 
fade  with  the  national  degradation.  That  our  alliances  have  this 
tendency  cannot  be  disputed.  By  their  very  nature  they  transfer 
the  respect  of  every  class  of  subjects  from  their  immediate 
sovereign  to  the  paramount  authority  and  its  subordinate  agents. 
Who  will  dare  to  urge  that  a  government,  which  camiot  support 
its  internal  rule  without  restriction,  can  be  national  ?  that  with- 
out power  unshackled  and  unrestrained  by  exterior  council  or 
espionage,  it  can  maintain  self-respect,  the  corner-stone  of  every 
virtue  with  States  as  with  individuals  ?      This  first  of  feelings 


150  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

these  treaties  utterly  annihilate.  Can  we  suppose  such  denational- 
ised allies  are  to  be  depended  upon  in  emergencies  ?  or,  if  allowed 
to  retain  a  spark  of  their  ancient  moral  inheritance,  that  it  [126] 
will  not  be  kindled  into  a  flame  against  us  when  opportunity 
offers,  instead  of  lighting  up  the  powerful  feeling  of  gratitude 
which  yet  exists  towards  us  in  these  warlike  communities  ? 

Like  us  they  were  the  natural  foes  of  that  predatory  system 
which  so  long  disturbed  our  power,  and  our  preservation  and  theirs 
were  alike  consulted  in  its  destruction.  WTien  we  sought  their 
alliance,  we  spoke  in  the  captivating  accents  of  philanthropy  ; 
we  courted  them  to  disunite  from  this  Ahrimanes  of  political 
convulsion.  The  benevolent  motives  of  the  great  mover  of  these 
alliances  we  dare  not  call  in  question,  and  his  policy  coincided 
with  the  soundest  wisdom.  But  the  treaties  might  have  been 
revised,  and  the  obnoxious  parts  which  led  to  discord,  abrogated, 
at  the  expense  of  a  few  paltry  lacs  of  tribute  and  a  portion  of 
sovereign  homage.  It  is  not  yet  too  late.  True  policy  would 
enfranchise  them  altogether  from  our  alliance  ;  but  till  then  let 
them  not  feel  their  shackles  in  the  galling  restraint  on  each  internal 
operation.  Remove  that  millstone  to  national  prosperity,  the 
poignant  feeling  that  every  increased  bushel  of  corn  raised  in 
their  long-deserted  fields  must  send  its  tithe  to  the  British  gran- 
aries. Let  the  national  mind  recover  its  wonted  elasticity,  and 
they  wiU  again  attain  their  former  celebrity.  We  have  the  power 
to  advance  this  greatness,  and  make  it  and  its  result  our  own  ;  or, 
by  a  system  unworthy  of  Britain,  to  retard  and  even  quench  it 
altogether.^ 

Never  were  their  national  characteristics  so  much  endangered 
as  in  the  seducing  calm  which  folloAved  the  tempestuous  agita- 
tions in  which  they  had  so  long  floated  ;  doubtful,  to  use  their 
own  figurative  expression,  whether  '  the  gilt  of  our  friendship, 

•^  If  Lord  Hastings'  philanthropy,  which  rejoiced  in  snatching  these 
ancient  States  from  the  degradation  of  predatory  warfare,  expected  that  in 
four  short  years  order  should  rise  out  of  the  chaos  of  a  century,  and  "  was 
prepared  to  visit  with  displeasure  all  symptoms  of  internal  neglect,  arising 
from  supineness,  indifference,  or  concealed  ill-will  "  ;  if  he  signified  that 
"  government  would  take  upon  itself  the  task  of  restoring  order,"  and  that 
"  all  changes  "  on  this  score  "  would  be  demanded  and  rigidly  exacted  "  : 
in  fine,  that  "  such  arrangements  would  be  made  as  would  deprive  them 
of  the  power  of  longer  abusing  the  spirit  of  hberal  forbearance,  the  motives 
of  which  they  were  incapable  of  understanding  or  appreciating  "  ;  what 
have  they  to  hope  from  those  without  his  sympathies  ? 


THE  PRESENT  STATUS  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES     151 

or  our  arms,'  were  fraught  with  greater  evil.  The  latter  they 
could  not  withstand  ;  though  it  must  never  be  lost  sight  of,  that, 
like  ancient  Rome  when  her  glory  was  fading,  we  use  '  the  arms 
of  the  barbarians  '  to  defend  our  conquests  against  them  !  Is 
the  mind  ever  stationary  ?  are  virtue  and  high  notions  to  be 
acquired  from  contact  and  example  ?  Is  there  no  mind  above 
tlie  level  of  £10  monthly  pay  in  all  the  native  legions  of  the  three 
presidencies  of  India  ?  no  Odoacer,  no  Sivaji,  [127]  again  to 
revive  ?  Is  the  book  of  knowledge  and  of  truth,  which  we  hold 
up,  only  to  teach  them  submission  and  perpetuate  their  weak- 
ness ?  Can  we  without  fresh  claims  expect  eternal  gratitude, 
and  must  we  not  rationally  look  for  reaction  in  some  grand  im- 
pulse, which,  by  furnishing  a  signal  instance  of  the  mutability 
of  power,  may  afford  a  lesson  for  the  benefit  of  posterity  ? 

Is  the  mantle  of  protection,  which  we  have  thrown  over  these 
warlike  races,  likely  to  avert  such  a  result  ?  It  might  certainly, 
if  imbued  with  all  those  philanthropic  feelings  for  which  we  took 
credit,  act  with  soporific  influence,  and  extinguish  the  embers  of 
international  animosity.  '  The  lion  and  the  lamb  were  to  drink 
from  the  same  fountain  '  ;  they  were  led  to  expect  the  holy 
Satya  Yug,  when  each  man  reposed  under  his  own  fig-tree,  which 
neither  strife  nor  envy  dared  approach. 

When  so  many  nations  are  called  upon,  in  a  period  of  great 
calamity  and  danger,  to  make  over  to  a  foreigner,  their  opposite 
in  everything,  their  superior  in  most,  the  control  of  their  forces 
in  time  of  war,  the  adjudication  of  their  disputes  in  time  of  peace, 
and  a  share  in  the  fruits  of  their  renovating  prosperity,  what  must 
be  the  result  ;  when  each  Rajput  may  hang  up  his  lance  in  the 
haU,  convert  his  sword  to  a  ploughshare,  and  make  a  basket  of 
his  buckler  ?  What  but  the  prostration  of  every  virtue  ?  It 
commences  with  the  basis  of  the  Rajput's — the  martial  virtues  ; 
extinguish  these  and  they  will  soon  cease  to  respect  themselves. 
Sloth,  low  cunning  and  meanness  will  follow.  Wliat  nation  ever 
maintained  its  character  that  devolved  on  the  stranger  the 
power  of  protection  !  To  be  great,  to  be  independent,  its  martial 
spirit  must  be  cherished  :  happy  if  within  the  bounds  of  modera- 
tion. Led  away  by  enthusiasm,  the  author  experienced  the 
danger  of  interference,  when  observing  but  one  side  of  the  picture 
— the  brilliant  lights  which  shone  on  their  long  days  of  darkness, 
not  calculating  the  shade  which  would  follow  the  sudden  glare. 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE  RAJPUT  TRIBES 

On  our  cessation  from  every  species  of  interference  alone 
depends  their  independence  or  their  amalgamation  —  a  crisis 
fraught  with  danger  to  our  overgrown  rule. 

Let  Alexander's  speech  to  his  veterans,  tired  oi  conquest  and 
refusing  to  cross  the  Hyphasis^  be  applied,  and  let  us  not  reckon 
too  strongly  on  our  empire  of  ojoinion  :  "  Fame  never  represents 
matters  truly  as  they  are,  but  on  the  contrary  magnifies  every- 
thing. This  is  evident  ;  for  our  o^vn  reputation  and  glory,  though 
founded  on  solid  truth,  is  yet  more  obliged  to  rumour  than 
reality."  ^ 

We  may  conclude  with  the  Macedonian  conqueror's  reasons 
for  showing  the  [128]  Persians  and  his  other  foreign  allies  so 
much  favour  :  "  The  possession  of  what  we  got  by  the  sword  is 
not  very  durable,  but  the  obligation  of  good  offices  is  eternal. 
If  we  have  a  mind  to  keep  Asia,  and  not  simply  pass  through  it. 
our  clemency  must  extend  to  them  also,  and  their  fidelity  wUl 
make  our  empire  everlasting.  As  for  ourselves,  we  have  more 
than  we  know  what  to  do  with,  and  it  must  be  an  insatiable, 
avaricious  temper  which  desires  to  continue  to  fill  what  already 
runs  over."  ^  [129] 

^  Quintus  Curtius,  lib.  ix.  [ii.  6]. 
2  Ibid.  Ub.  viii.  [viii.  27]. 


BOOK  III 
SKETCH  OF  A  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

CHAPTER    1 

Feudalism  in  Rajasthan. — It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  any 
code  of  civil  or  criminal  jurisprudence  ever  existed  in  any  of 
these  principalities  ;  though  it  is  certain  that  none  is  at  this  day 
discoverable  in  their  archives.  But  there  is  a  martial  system 
peculiar  to  these  Rajput  States,  so  extensive  in  its  operation  as 
to  embrace  every  object  of  society.  This  is  so  analogous  to  the 
ancient  feudal  system  of  Europe,  that  I  have  not  hesitated  to 
hazard  a  comparison  between  them,  with  reference  to  a  period 
when  the  latter  was  yet  imperfect.  Long  and  attentive  observa- 
tion enables  me  to  give  this  outline  of  a  system,  of  which  there 
exists  Uttle  written  evidence.  Curiosity  originally,  and  subse- 
quently a  sense  of  public  duty  (lest  I  might  be  a  party  to  injustice), 
co-operated  in  inducing  me  to  make  myself  fully  acquainted  with 
the  minutiae  of  this  traditionary  theory  of  government  ;  and 
incidents,  apparently  trivial  in  themselves,  exposed  parts  of  a 
widely  -  extended  system,  which,  though  now  disjointed,  still 
continue  to  regulate  the  actions  of  extensive  communities,  and 
lead  to  the  inference,  that  at  one  period  it  must  have  attained  a 
certain  degree  of  perfection. 

Many  years  have  elapsed  since  I  first  entertained  these  opinions, 
long  before  any  connexion  existed  between  these  States  and  the 
British  Government  ;  when  their  geography  was  little  known  to 
us,  and  their  history  still  less  so.  At  that  period  I  frequently 
travelled  amongst  them  for  amusement,  making  these  objects 
subservient  thereto,  and  laying  the  result  freely  before  my  Govern- 

153 


154  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

ment.  I  had  [130]  abundant  sources  of  intelligence  to  guide  me 
in  forming  my  analogies  ;  Montesquieu,  Hume,  Millar,  Gibbon  ^  : 
but  I  sought  only  general  resemblances  and  lineaments  similar 
to  those  before  me.  A  more  perfect,  because  more  familiar 
picture,  has  since  appeared  by  an  author,^  who  has  drawn  aside 
the  veil  of  mystery  which  covered  the  subject,  owing  to  its  being 
till  then  but  imperfectly  understood.  I  compared  the  features  of 
Rajput  society  with  the  finished  picture  of  this  eloquent  writer, 
and  shall  be  satisfied  with  having  substantiated  the  claim  of  these 
tribes  to  participation  in  a  system,  hitherto  deemed  to  belong 
exclusively  to  Europe.  I  am  aware  of  the  danger  of  hypothesis, 
and  shall  advance  nothing  that  I  do  not  accompany  by  incon- 
testable proofs. 

The  Tribal  System. — The  leading  features  of  government 
amongst  semi -barbarous  hordes  or  civilized  independent  tribes 
must  have  a  considerable  resemblance  to  each  other.  In  the 
same  stages  of  society,  the  wants  of  men  must  everywhere  be 
similar,  and  wUl  produce  the  analogies  which  are  observed  to 
regulate  Tatar  hordes  or  German  tribes,  Caledonian  clans,  the 
Rajput  Kula  (race),  or  Jareja  Bhayyad  (brotherhood).  All  the 
countries  of  Europe  participated  in  the  system  we  denominate 
feudal  ;  and  we  can  observe  it,  in  various  degrees  of  perfection 
or  deterioration,  from  the  mountains  of  Caucasus  to  the  Indian 
Ocean.  But  it  requires  a  persevering  toil,  and  more  discriminat- 
ing judgement  than  I  possess,  to  recover  all  these  relics  of  civiliza- 
tion :  yet  though  time,  and  still  more  oppression,  have  veiled 
the  ancient  institutions  of  Mewar,  the  mystery  may  be  penetrated, 
and  will  discover  parts  of  a  system  worthy  of  being  rescued  from 
oblivion. 

Influence  of  Muhammadans  and  Mahrattas. — Mahratta  cunning, 
engrafted  on  Muhammadan  intolerance,  had  greatly  obscured 
tliese  institutions.  The  nation  itself  was  passing  rapidly  away : 
the  remnant  which  was  left  had  become  a  matter  of  calcula- 
tion, and  their  records  and  their  laws  partook  of  this  general 
decay.  The  nation  may  recover  ;  the  physical  frame  may  be 
renewed  ;  but  the  morale  of  the  society  must  be  recast.  In  this 
chaos  a  casual  observer  sees  nothing  to  attract  notice  ;  the  theory 
of  government  appears,  without  any  of  the  dignity  which  now 
marks  our  regular  system.  Whatever  does  exist  is  attributed 
1  Miscellaneous  Works,  vol.  iii.  ^  Hallam's  Middle  Ages. 


FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN  155 

to  fortuitous  causes — to  nothing  systematic  :  no  fixed  principle 
is  discerned,  and  none  is  admitted  ;  it  is  deemed,  a  mechanism 
witliout  a  plan.  Tliis  opinion  is  hasty.  Attention  to  distinctions, 
though  often  merely  nominal  [131],  will  aid  us  in  discovering  the 
outhnes  of  a  picture  which  must  at  some  period  have  been  more 
finished  ;  when  real  power,  unrestrained  by  foreign  influence, 
upheld  a  system,  the  plan  of  which  was  original.  It  is  in  these 
remote  regions,  so  little  known  to  the  Western  world,  and  where 
original  manners  lie  hidden  under  those  of  the  conquerors,  that 
we  may  search  for  the  germs  of  the  constitutions  of  European 
States.^  A  contempt  for  all  that  is  Asiatic  too  often  marks  our 
countrymen  in  the  East  :  though  at  one  period  on  record  the 
taunt  might  have  been  reversed. 

In  remarking  the  curious  coincidence  between  the  habits, 
notions,  and  governments  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  those 
of  Rajasthan,  it  is  not  absolutely  necessary  we  should  conclude 
that  one  system  was  borrowed  from  the  other  ;  each  may,  in 
truth,  be  said  to  have  the  patriarchal  form  for  its  basis.  I  have 
sometimes  been  inclined  to  agree  with  the  definition  of  Gibbon, 
who  styles  the  system  of  our  ancestors  the  offspring  of  chance 
and  barbarism.  "  Le  systeme  feodal,  assemblage  monstriieux  de 
tant  de  parties  que  le  terns  et  I'hazard  ont  reunies,  nous  offre  im 
objet  tres  complique  :  pour  I'etudier  il  faut  le  decomposer."  ^ 
This  I  shall  attempt. 

The  form,  as  before  remarked,  is  truly  patriarchal  in  these 

^  It  is  a  liigli  gratification  to  be  su^jported  by  such  authority  as  M.  8t. 
Martin,  who,  in  his  Discours  sur  VOrigine  et  VHistoire  des  Arsacides,  thus 
speaks  of  the  system  of  government  termed  feudal,  which  I  contend  exists 
amongst  the  Rajputs  :  "  On  pensc  assez  generalement  que  cette  sorte  de 
gouvernemeat  qui  dominait  il  y  a  quelques  siecles,  et  qu'on  appelle  systeme 
feodal,  etait  particuliere  a  I'Europe,  et  que  c'est  dans  les  forets  de  la  Germanie 
qu'il  faut  en  chercher  I'origine.  Cependant,  si  au  heu  d'admettre  les  faits 
sans  les  discuter,  comme  il  arrive  trop  souvent,  on  examinait  un  peu  cette 
opinion,  eile  disparaitrait  devant  la  critique,  ou  du  moins  elle  se  modifierait 
singuherement ;  et  Ton  verrait  que,  si  c'est  des  forets  de  la  Germanie  que 
nous  avons  tire  le  gouvernement  feodal,  il  ii'en  est  certainement  pas  originaire. 
Si  Ton  veut  comparer  I'Europe,  telle  qu'eUe  etait  au  xii"  siecle,  avec  la 
monarchie  fondee  en  Asie  par  les  Arsacides  trois  siecles  avant  notre  ere, 
partout  on  verra  des  institutions  et  des  usages  pareils.  On  y  trouvera  les 
memes  dignites,  et  jusqu'aux  memes  titres,  etc.,  etc.  Boire,  chasser,  com- 
battre,  faire  et  dcfaire  des  rois,  c'etaient  la  les  nobles  occupations  d'uu 
Parthe  "  {Journal  Asiatique,  vol.  i.  p.  65).     It  is  nearly  so  with  the  Rajput. 

-  Gibbon,  Miscell.  vol.  iii.  Du  gouvernement  feodal. 


156  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

States,  where  the  greater  portion  of  the  vassal  chiefs,  from  the 
highest  of  the  sixteen  peers  to  the  holders  of  a  charsa  ^  of  land, 
claim  affinity  in  blood  to  the  sovereign.^ 

The  natural  seeds  are  implanted  in  every  soil,  but  the  tree  did 
not  gain  [132]  maturity  except  in  a  favoured  aspect.  The  jDcr- 
fection  of  the  system  in  England  is  due  to  the  Normans,  who 
brought  it  from  Scandinavia,  whither  it  was  probably  conveyed 
by  Odin  and  the  Sacasenae,  or  by  anterior  migrations,  from  Asia  : 
which  would  coincide  with  Richardson's  hypothesis,  who  con- 
tends that  it  was  introduced  from  Tatary.  Although  speculative 
reasoning  forms  no  part  of  my  plan,  yet  when  I  observe  analogy 
on  the  subject  in  the  customs  of  the  ancient  German  tribes,  the 
Franks  or  Gothic  races,  I  shall  venture  to  note  them.  Of  one 
thing  there  is  no  doubt — knowledge  must  have  accompanied  the 
tide  of  migration  from  the  east  :  and  from  higher  Asia  emerged 
in  the  Asi,  the  Chatti,  and  the  Cimbric  Lombard;  who  spread 
the  system  in  Scandinavia,  Friesland,  and  Italy. 

Origin  of  Feuds. — "  It  has  been  very  common,"  says  the 
enlightened  historian  of  the  Feudal  System  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
"  to  seek  for  the  origin  of  feuds,  or  at  least  for  analogies  to  them, 
in  the  history  of  various  countries  ;  but  though  it  is  of  great 
importance  to  trace  the  similarity  of  customs  in  different  parts  of 
the  world,  we  should  guard  against  seeming  analogies,  which 
vanish  away  when  they  are  closely  observed.  It  is  easy  to  find 
partial  resemblances  to  the  feudal  system.  The  relation  of  patron 
and  client  in  the  republic  of  Rome  has  been  deemed  to  resemble 
it,  as  well  as  the  barbarians  and  veterans  who  held  frontier  lands 
on  the  tenure  of  defending  them  and  the  frontier  ;   but  they  were 

^  A  '  skin  or  hyde.'  Millar  (chap.  v.  p.  85)  defines  a  '  hyde  of  land,' 
the  quantity  which  can  be  cultivated  by  a  single  plough.  A  charsa,  '  skin 
or  hyde  '  of  land,  is  as  much  as  one  man  can  water  ;  and  what  one  can 
water  is  equal  to  what  one  i)lough  can  cultivate.  If  irrigation  ever  had 
existence  by  the  founders  of  the  system,  we  may  suppose  this  the  meaning 
of  the  term  which  designated  a  knighfs  fee.  It  may  have  gone  westward 
with  emigration.  [The  English  '  hide  '  :  ''  the  amount  considered  adequate 
for  the  supjDort  of  one  free  family  with  its  dependants  :  at  an  early  date 
defined  as  being  as  much  land  as  could  be  tilled  by  one  plough  in  a  year," 
has  no  connexion  with  '  hide,'  '  a  skin.'  It  is  O.E.  Md,  from  hitv,  hig, 
'  household."     '  Hide,'  '  a  skin,'  is  O.E.  hyd  {New  English  Diet,  ssv.).] 

"  Bapji,  '  sire,'  is  the  appellation  of  royalty,  and,  strange  enough, 
whether  to  male  or  female  ;  while  its  offsets,  which  form  a  numerous  branch 
of  vassals,  are  called  babas,  '  the  infants.' 


FEUDAE  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN  157 

bound  not  to  an  individual,  but  to  the  state.  Such  a  resemblance 
of  fiefs  may  be  found  in  the  Zamindars  of  Hindustan  and  the 
Timariots  of  Turke}-.  The  clans  of  the  Highlanders  and  Irish 
followed  their  chieftain  into  the  field  :  but  their  tie  was  that  of 
imagined  kindred  and  birth,  not  the  spontaneous  compact  of 
vassalage."  ^ 

I  give  this  at  length  to  show,  that  if  I  still  persist  in  deeming 
the  Rajput  system  a  pure  relation  of  feuds,  I  have  before  my  eyes 
the  danger  of  seeming  resemblances.  But  grants,  deeds,  charters, 
and  traditions,  copies  of  all  of  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix, 
will  establish  my  opinions.  I  hope  to  prove  that  the  tribes  in  the 
northern  regions  of  Hindustan  did  possess  the  system,  and  that 
it  was  handed  down,  and  still  obtains,  notwithstanding  seven 
centuries  of  paramount  sway  of  the  Mogul  and  Pathan  dynasties, 
altogether  opposed  to  them  except  in  this  feature  of  government 
where  there  was  an  original  similarity.  In  some  of  these  States 
— ^those  least  affected  by  conquest — the  system  remained  freer 
from  innovation.  It  is,  however,  from  INIewar  chiefly  that  I  shall 
deduce  my  examples,  as  its  internal  [133]  rule  was  less  influenced 
by  foreign  policy,  even  to  the  period  at  which  the  imperial  power 
of  Delhi  Avas  on  the  decline. 

Evidence  from  Mewar. — As  in  Europe,  for  a  length  of  time, 
traditionary  custom  was  the  only  regulator  of  the  rights  and 
tenures  of  this  system,  varying  in  each  State,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  (in  its  minor  details)  in  the  different  provinces  of  one 
State,  according  to  their  mode  of  acquisition  and  the  description 
of  occupants  when  required.  It  is  from  such  circumstances  that 
the  variety  of  tenure  and  customarj^  law  proceeds.  To  account 
for  this  variety,  a  knowledge  of  them  is  requisite  ;  nor  is  it  until 
every  part  of  the  system  is  developed  that  it  can  be  fully  under- 
stood. The  most  trifling  cause  is  discovered  to  be  the  parent  of 
some  important  result.  If  ever  these  were  embodied  into  a  code 
(and  we  are  justified  in  assuming  such  to  have  been  the  case), 
the  varied  revolutions  which  have  swept  away  almost  all  relics 
of  their  history  were  not  likely  to  spare  these.  ISIention  is  made 
of  several  princes  of  the  house  of  Mewar  who  legislated  for  their 
country  ;  but  precedents  for  every  occurring  case  lie  scattered 
in  formulas,  grants,  and  traditionary  sayings.  The  inscriptions 
still  existing  on  stone  would  alone,  if  collected,  form  a  body  of 
^  Hallam's  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ]i.  200. 


158  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RA/ASTHAN 

laws  sufficient  for  an  infant  community  ;  and  these  were  always 
first  committed  to  writing,  and  registered  ere  the  column  was 
raised.  The  seven  centuries  of  turmoil  and  disaster,  during  which 
these  States  were  in  continual  strife  with  the  foe,  produced  many 
princes  of  high  intellect  as  w^ell  as  valour.  Sanga  Rana,  and  his 
antagonist.  Sultan  IJabur,  v/ei'c  revived  in  their  no  less  celebrated 
grandsons,  the  great  Akhar  and  Rana  Partap  :  the  son  of  the 
latter,  Amra,  the  foe  of  Jahangir,  was  a  character  of  whom  the 
proudest  nation  might  be  vain. 

Evidence  from  Inscriptions.^ — The  pen  has  recorded,  and  tradi- 
tion handed  down,  many  isolated  fragments  of  the  genius  of  these 
Rajput  princes,  as  statesmen  and  warriors,  touching  the  political 
division,  regulations  of  the  aristocracy,  and  commercial  and 
agricultural  bodies.  Sumptuary  laws,  even,  which  append  to  a 
feudal  system,  are  to  be  traced  in  these  inscriptions  :  the  annul- 
ling of  monopolies  and  exorbitant  taxes  ;  the  regulation  of  transit 
duties  ;  prohibition  of  profaning  sacred  days  by  labour  ;  im- 
inunities,  privileges,  and  charters  to  trades,  corporations,  and 
towns  ;  such  as  would,  in  climes  more  favourable  to  liberty,  have 
matured  into  a  league,  or  obtained  for  these  branches  a  voice  in 
the  coimcils  of  the  State.  My  search  for  less  perishable  docu- 
ments than  parchment  when  I  found  the  cabinet  of  the  prince 
contained  them  not,  was  unceasing  ;  but  though  the  bigoted 
Muhammadan  destroyed  [134]  most  of  the  traces  of  civilization 
within  his  reach,  perseverance  was  rewarded  with  a  considerable 
number.  They  are  at  least  matter  of  curiosity.  They  will 
evince  that  monopolies  and  restraints  on  commerce  were  well 
understood  in  Rajvt^ara,  though  the  doctrines  of  political  economy 
never  gained  footing  there.  The  setting  up  oi  these  engraved 
tablets  or  pillars,  called  Seoras,^  is  of  the  highest  antiquity. 
Every  subject  commences  with  invoking  the  sun  and  moon  as 
witnesses,  and  concludes  with  a  denunciation  of  the  severest 
penalties  on  those  who  break  the  spirit  of  the  imperishable  bond. 
Tablets  of  an  historical  nature  I  have  of  twelve  and  fourteen 
hundred  years'  antiquity,  but  of  grants  of  land  or  privileges 
about  one  thousand  years  is  the  oldest.  Time  has  destroyed 
many,  but  man  more.  They  became  more  numerous  during  the 
last  three  centuries,  when  successful  struggles  against  their  foes 
produced  new,  privileges,  granted  in  order  to  recall  the  scattered 
^  Sanskrit,  Silla. 


EVIDENCE  FROM  INSCRIPTIONS  159 

inhabitants.  Thus  one  contains  an  abolition  of  the  monopoly  of 
tobacco  ;  ^  another,  the  remission  of  tax  on  printed  cloths,  with 
permission  to  the  country  manufacturers  to  sell  their  goods  free 
of  duty  at  the  neighbouring  tov/ns.  To  a  tliird,  a  mercantile 
city,  the  abolition  of  war  contributions,^  and  the  establishment 
of  its  internal  judicial  authority.  Nay,  even  where  good  manners 
alone  are  concerned,  the  lawgiver  appears,  and  with  an  amusing 
simplicity  :  ^  "  From  the  public  feast  none  shall  attempt  to  carry 
anything  away."  "  None  shall  eat  after  sunset,"  shows  that  a 
Jain  obtained  the  edict.  To  yoke  the  bullock  or  other  animal  for 
any  work  on  the  sacred  Amavas,*  is  also  declared  pimishable. 
Others  contain  revocations  of  vexatious  fees  to  officers  of  the 
crown  ;  "of  beds  and  quilts  ^  "  ;  "  the  seizure  of  the  carts,  imple- 
ments, or  cattle  of  the  husbandmen,"  ^ — the  sole  boon  in  our  own 
Magna  Charta  demanded  for  the  husbandman.  These  and  several 
others,  of  which  copies  are  annexed,  need  not  be  repeated.  If 
even  from  such  memoranda  a  sufficient  number  could  be  collected 
of  each  prince's  reign  up  to  the  olden  time,  what  more  could  we 
desire  to  enable  us  to  judge  of  the  genius  of  their  princes,  the 
wants  and  habits  of  the  people,  their  acts  and  occupations  ? 
The  most  ancient  written  customary  law  of  France  is  a.d.  1088,^ 
at  which  time  Mewar  was  in  high  [135]  prosperity  ;  opposing,  at 
the  head  of  a  league  far  more  powerful  than  France  could  form 
for  ages  after,  the  progress  of  revolution  and  foreign  conquest. 
Ignorance,  sloth,  and  all  the  \aces  which  wait  on  and  result  from 
continual  oppression  in  a  perpetual  struggle  for  existence  of  ages' 
duration,  graduallj^  diminished  the  reverence  of  the  inhabitants 
themselves  for  these  relics  of  the  wisdom  of  their  forefathers. 
In  latter  years,  they  so  far  forgot  the  ennobling  feeling  and  respect 
for  '  the  stone  which  told  '  their  once  exalted  condition,  as  to 
convert  the  materials  of  the  temple  in  which  many  of  these  stood 
into  places  of  abode.  Thus  many  a  valuable  relic  is  built  up  in 
the  castles  of  their  barons,  or  buried  in  the  rubbish  of  the  fallen 
pile. 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  XII.  2  g^g  Appendix,  No.  XIII. 

'  See  Appendix,  No.  XIV. 

*  '  Full  moon  '  (See  Appendix,  No.  XIII.). 

^  It  is  customary,  when  officers  of  the  Government  are  detached  on 
service,  to  exact  from  the  towns  where  they  are  sent  both  bed  and  board. 

*  Seized  for  pubhc  service,  and  frequently  to  exact  a  composition  in 
money.  7  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  197. 


160  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

Books  oJ  Grants. — We  have,  however,  the  books  of  grants  to  the 
chiefs  and  vassals,  and  also  the  grand  rent-roll  of  the  country. 
These  are  of  themselves  valuable  documents.  Could  we  but 
obtain  those  of  remoter  periods,  they  would  serve  as  a  comment- 
ary on  the  history  of  the  country,  as  each  contains  the  detail  of 
every  estate,  and  the  stipulated  service,  in  horse  and  foot,  to  be 
performed  for  it.  In  later  times,  when  turbulence  and  disaffec- 
tion went  unpunished,  it  was  useless  to  specify  a  stipulation  of 
service  that  was  nugatory  ;  and  too  often  the  grants  contained 
but  the  names  of  towns  and  villages,  and  their  value  ;  or  if  they 
had  the  more  general  terms  of  service,  none  of  its  details.^  From 
all  these,  however,  a  sufficiency  of  customary  rules  could  easily 
be  found  to  form  the  written  law  of  fiefs  in  Rajasthan.  In 
France,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  variety  of  these  customs 
amounted  to  two  hundred  and  eighty-five,  of  which  only  sixty  ^ 
were  of  great  importance.  The  number  of  consequence  in  Mewar 
which  have  come  to  my  observation  is  considerable,  and  the  most 
important  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix.  Were  the  same  plan 
pursued  there  as  in  that  ordinance  which  produced  the  laws  of 
Pays  Coutumiers  ^  of  France,  viz.  ascertaining  those  of  each 
district,  the  materials  are  ready. 

Such  a  collection  would  be  amusing,  particularly  if  the  tradi- 
tionary were  added  to  the  engraved  laws.  They  would  often 
appear  jejune,  and  might  involve  contradictions  ;  but  wc  should 
see  the  wants  of  the  people  ;  and  if  ever  our  connexion  (which  God 
forbid  !)  should  be  drawn  closer,  we  could  then  legislate  without 
offending  national  customs  or  religious  prejudices.  Could  this, 
by  any  instinctive  [136]  impulse  or  external  stimulus,  be  effected 
by  themselves,  it  would  be  the  era  of  their  emersion  from  long 
oppression,  and  might  lead  to  better  notions  of  government,  and 
consequent  happiness  to  them  all. 

Noble  Origin  of  the  Rajput  Race. — If  we  compare  the  antiquity 
and  illustrious  descent  of  the  dynasties  which  have  ruled,  and 
some  which  continue  to  rule,  the  small  sovereignties  of  Rajasthan, 
with  many  of  celebrity  in  Europe,  superiority  will  often  attach 
to  the  Rajput.  From  the  most  remote  periods  we  can  trace 
nothing  ignoble,  nor  any  vestige  of  vassal  origin.     Reduced  in 

^  Some  of  these,  of  old  date,  I  have  seen  three  feet  in  length. 

2  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  199. 

'  HallaTn  notices  these  laws  by  this  technical  plirase. 


THE  RATHORS,  KACHirVVAHAS  161 

power,  circumscribed  in  territory,  compelled  to  yield  much  of 
their  splendour  and  many  of  the  dignities  of  birth,  they  have  not 
abandoned  an  iota  of  the  pride  and  high  bearing  arismg  from  a 
knowledge  of  their  illustrious  and  regal  descent.  On  this  prin- 
ciple the  various  revolutions  in  the  Rana's  family  never  en- 
croached ;  and  the  mighty  Jahangir  himself,  the  Emperor  of  the 
Moguls,  became,  like  Caesar,  the  commentator  on  the  history  of 
the  tribe  of  Sesodia.^  The  potentate  of  the  twenty-two  Satrapies 
of  Hind  dwells  with  proud  complacency  on  this  Rajput  king 
having  made  terms  with  him.  He  praises  heaven,  that  what 
his  immortal  ancestor  Babur,  the  founder  of  the  Mogul  dynasty, 
failed  to  do,  the  project  in  which  Hmnayun  had  also  failed,  and 
in  which  the  illustrious  Akbar,  his  father,  had  but  partial  success, 
was  reserved  for  him.  It  is  pleasing  to  peruse  in  the  comment- 
aries of  these  conquerors,  Babur  and  Jahangir,  their  sentiments 
with  regard  to  these  princes.  We  have  the  evidence  of  Sir 
Thomas  Roe,  the  ambassador  of  Elizabeth  to  Jahangir,  as  to  the 
splendour  of  this  race  :  it  appears  throughout  their  annals  and 
those  of  their  neighbours. 

The  Rathors  of  Marwar. — The  Rathors  can  boast  a  splendid 
pedigree  ;  and  if  we  cannot  trace  its  source  with  equal  certainty 
to  such  a  period  of  antiquity  as  the  Rana's,  we  can,  at  all  events, 
show  the  Rathor  monarch  wielding  the  sceptre  at  Kanauj,  at  the 
time  the  leader  of  an  unknown  tribe  of  the  Franks  was  paving 
the  way  towards  the  foundation  of  the  future  kingdom  of  France. 
Unwieldy  greatness  caused  the  sudden  fall  of  Kanauj  in  the 
twelfth  century,  of  which  the  existing  line  of  Marwar  is  a  renov- 
ated scion  .^ 

The  Kachhwahas  oJ  Amber. — Amber  is  a  branch  of  the  once 
illustrious  and  ancient  [137]  Nishadha.  now  Narwar,  Avhich  pro- 
duced the  ill-fated  prince  whose  story  ^  is  so  interesting.  Revolu- 
tion and  conquest  compelled  them  to  quit  their  ancestral  abodes. 
Hindustan  was  then  divided  into  no  more  than  four  great  king- 
doms.    By  Arabian  *  travellers  we  have  a  confused  picture  of 

^  Sesodia  is  the  last  change  of  name  which  the  Rana's  race  has  under- 
gone. It  was  first  Suryavansa,  then  Grahilot  or  Guhilot,  Aharj'^a,  and 
Sesodia.     These  changes  arise  from  revolutions  and  local  circumstances. 

2  [The  Rathor  dynasty  of  Kanauj  is  a  myth  (Smith,  EHI,  385).] 

^  Nala  and  Damayanti. 

*  Relations  anciemtes  des  Voyageurs,  par  Renaudot. 
VOL.  I  M 


162  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

these  States.  But  all  the  minor  States,  now  existing  in  the  west, 
arose  about  the  period  when  the  feudal  system  was  approaching 
maturity  in  France  and  England. 

The  others  are  less  illustrious,  being  the  descendants  of  the 
great  vassals  of  their  ancient  kings. 

The  Sesodias  of  Mewar. — Mewar  exhibits  a  marked  difference 
from  all  the  other  States  in  her  policy  and  institutions.  She  was 
an  old-established  dynasty  when  these  renovated  scions  were  in 
embryo.  We  can  trace  the  losses  of  Mewar,  but  with  difficulty 
her  acquisitions  ;  while  it  is  easy  to  note  the  gradual  aggrandise- 
ment of  Marwar  and  Amber,  and  all  the  minor  States.  Marwar 
was  composed  of  many  petty  States,  whose  ancient  possessions 
formed  an  allodial  vassalage  under  the  new  dynasty.  A  superior 
independence  of  the  control  of  the  prince  arises  from  the  peculiar- 
ity of  the  mode  of  acquisition  ;  that  is,  with  rights  similar  to  the 
allodial  vassals  of  the  European  feudal  system. 

Pride  of  Ancestry. — The  poorest  Rajput  of  this  day  retains  all 
the  pride  of  ancestry,  often  his  sole  inheritance  ;  he  scorns  to 
hold  the  plough,  or  to  use  his  lance  but  on  horseback.  In  these 
aristocratic  ideas  he  is  supported  by  his  reception  amongst  his 
superiors,  and  the  respect  paid  to  him  by  his  interiors.  The 
honours  and  privileges,  and  the  gradations  of  rank,  amongst  the 
vassals  of  the  Rana's  house,  exhibit  a  highly  artificial  and  refined 
state  of  society.  Each  of  the  superior  rank  is  entitled  to  a  banner, 
kettle-drums  preceded  by  heralds  and  silver  maces,  with  peculiar 
gifts  and  personal  honours,  in  commemoration  of  some  exploit 
of  their  ancestors. 

Armorial  Bearings. — The  martial  Rajputs  are  not  strangers 
to  armorial  bearings,^  now  so  indiscriminately  used  in  Europe. 

^  It  is  generally  admitted  that  armorial  bearings  were  little  known  till 
the  period  of  the  Crusades,  and  that  they  belong  to  the  east.  The  twelve 
tribes  of  Israel  were  distinguished  by  the  animals  on  their  banners,  and 
the  sacred  writings  frequently  allude  to  the  '  Lion  of  Judah.'  The  peacock 
was  a  favourite  armorial  emblem  of  the  Rajput  warrior ;  it  is  the  bird 
sacred  to  their  Mars  (Kumara),  as  it  was  to  Juno,  his  mother,  in  the  west. 
The  feather  of  the  peacock  decorates  the  turban  of  the  Rajput  and  the 
warrior  of  the  Crusade,  adopted  from  the  Hindu  through  the  Saracens. 
"Le  paon  a  toujours  ete  I'embleme  de  la  noblesse.  Plusieurs  chevaliers 
ornaient  leurs  casques  des  plumes  de  cet  oiseau  ;  un  grand  nombre  de 
families  nobles  le  portaient  dans  leur  blazon  ou  sur  leur  cimier  ;  quelques- 
uns  n'en  portaient  que  la  qtieue "  (Art.  "Armoiric,"  Diet,  de  Vancien 
Regime). 


TRIBAL  PALLADIUM  :  BANNERS  1G3 

The  great  banner  of  Mewar  exhibits  a  golden  sun  [1 38]  on  a  crimson 
field  ;  those  of  the  chiefs  bear  a  dagger.  Amber  displays  the 
panchranga,  or  five-coloured  flag.  The  lion  rampant  on  an 
argent  field  is  extinct  with  the  State  of  Chanderi.^ 

In  Europe  these  customs  were  not  introduced  till  the  period 
of  the  Crusades,  and  were  copied  from  the  Saracens  ;  while  the 
use  of  them  amongst  the  Rajput  tribes  can  be  traced  to  a  period 
anterior  to  the  war  of  Troy.  In  the  Mahabharat,  or  great  war, 
twelve  hundred  years  before  Christ,  we  find  the  hero  Bhishma 
exulting  over  his  trophy,  the  banner  of  Arjuna,  its  field  adorned 
with  the  figure  of  the  Indian  Hanuman.^  These  emblems  had  a 
religious  reference  amongst  the  Hindus,  and  were  taken  from  their 
mythology,  the  origin  of  all  devices. 

The  Tribal  Palladium. — Every  royal  house  has  its  palladium, 
which  is  frequently  borne  to  battle  at  the  saddle-bow  of  the 
prince.  Rao  Bhima  Hara,  of  Kotah,  lost  his  life  and  protecting 
deity  together.  The  late  celebrated  Khichi '  leader,  Jai  Singh, 
never  took  the  field  without  the  god  before  him.  '  Victory  to 
Bajrang  '  was  his  signal  for  the  charge  so  dreaded  by  the  Mahratta, 
and  often  has  the  deity  been  sprinkled  with  his  blood  and  that  of 
the  foe.  Their  ancestors,  who  opposed  Alexander,  did  the  same, 
and  carried  the  image  of  Hercules  (Baldeva)  at  the  head  of  their 
array.* 

Banners. — The  custom  (says  Arrian)  of  presenting  banners  as 
an  emblem  of  sovereignty  over  vassals,  also  obtained  amongst 
the  tribes  of  the  Indus  when  invaded  by  Alexander.  When  he 
conquered  the  Saka  and  tribes  east  of  the  Caspian,  he  divided 
the  provinces  amongst  the  princes  of  the  ancient  families,  for 
which  they  paid  homage,  engaged  to  serve  with  a  certain  quota 
of  troops,  and  received  from  his  own  hand  a  banner  ;  in  all  of 
which  he  followed  the  customs  of  the  country.  But  in  these  we 
see  only  the  outline  of  the  system;  we  must  descend  to  more 

^  I  was  the  first  European  who  traversed  this  wild  country,  in  1807,  not 
without  some  hazard.  It  was  then  independent :  about  three  years  after 
it  fell  a  prey  to  Sindhia.  [Several  ancient  dynasties  used  a  crest  (lanchhana), 
and  a  banner  (dhvaja)  :  see  the  list  in  BO,  i.  Part  ii.  299.] 

2  The  monkey-deity.  [Known  as  Bajrang,  Skt.  vajranga,  '  of  powerful 
frame.'] 

*  The  Khichis  are  a  branch  of  the  Chauhans,  and  Khiehiwara  lies  east  of 
Haravati. 

*  [Quintus  Curtius,  viii.  14,  46  ;  Arrian,  Indika,  viii.] 


164  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

modern  days  to  observe  it  more  minutely.  A  grand  picture  is 
drawn  of  the  power  of  Mewar,  when  the  first  grand  irruption  of 
the  Muhammadans  occurred  in  the  first  century  of  their  era  ; 
when  "  a  hundred  ^  kings,  its  alUes  and  dependents,  had  their 
thrones  raised  in  Chitor,"  for  its  defence  and  their  own  individu- 
ally [139],  when  a  new  religion,  propagated  by  the  sword  of  con- 
quest, came  to  enslave  these  realms.  This  invasion  was  by 
Sind  and  Makran  ;  for  it  was  half  a  century  later  ere  '  the  light  ' 
shone  from  the  heights  of  Pamir  ^  on  the  plains  of  the  Jumna  and 
Ganges, 

From  the  commencement  of  this  religious  war  in  the  moun- 
tains westward  of  the  Indus,  many  ages  elapsed  ere  the  '  King  of 
the  Faith  '  obtained  a  seat  on  the  throne  of  Yudhishthira.  Chand, 
the  bard,  has  left  us  various  valuable  memorials  of  this  period, 
applicable  to  the  subject  historically  as  well  as  to  the  immediate 
topic.  Visaladeva,  the  monarch  whose  name  appears  on  the 
pillar  of  victory  at  Delhi,  led  an  army  against  the  invader,  in 
which,  according  to  the  bard,  "  the  banners  of  eighty-four  princes 
were  assembled."  The  bard  describes  with  great  animation  the 
summons  sent  for  this  magnificent  feudal  levy  from  the  heart  of 
Antarbedi,*  to  the  shores  of  the  western  sea,  and  it  coincides  with 
the  record  of  his  victory,  which  most  probably  this  very  army 
obtained  for  him.  But  no  finer  picture  of  feudal  manners  exists 
than  the  history  of  Prithwiraja,  contained  in  Chand's  poems. 
It  is  surprising  that  this  epic  should  have  been  allowed  so  long 
to  sleep  neglected  :  a  thorough  knowledge  of  it,  and  of  others  of 
the  same  character,  would  open  many  sources  of  new  knowledge, 
and  enable  us  to  trace  many  curious  and  interesting  coin- 
cidences.* 

^  See  Annals  of  Mewar,  and  note  from  D'AnviUe. 

^  The  Pamir  range  is  a  grand  branch  of  the  Indian  Caucasus.  Chand, 
the  bard,  designates  them  as  the  "  Parbat  Pat  Pamir,"  or  Pamir  Lord  of 
Mountains.  From  Pahar  and  Pamir  the  Greeks  may  have  compounded 
Paropanisos,  in  which  was  situated  the  most  remote  of  the  Alexandrias.    [?] 

*  The  space  between  the  grand  rivers  Ganges  and  Jumna,  well  known 
as  the  Duab. 

*  Domestic  habits  and  national  manners  are  painted  to  the  hfe,  and  no 
man  can  well  understand  the  Rajput  of  yore  who  does  not  read  these. 
Those  were  the  days  of  chivalry  and  romance,  when  the  assembled  princes 
contended  for  the  hand  of  the  fair,  who  chose  her  own  lord,  and  threw  to 
the  object  of  her  choice,  in  full  court,  the  barmala,  or  garland  of  marriage. 
Those  were  the  days  which  the  Rajput  yet  loves  to  talk  of,  when  the  glance 


INFLUENCE  OF   CASTE  .  165 

In  perusing  these  tales  of  the  days  that  are  past,  we  should  be 
induced  to  conclude  that  the  Kuriltai  of  the  Tatars,  the  Chaugan 
of  the  Rajput,  and  the  Champ  de  Mars  of  the  Frank,  had  one 
common  origin. 

Influence  of  Caste. — Caste  has  for  ever  prevented  the  inferior 
classes  of  society  from  being  incorporated  with  this  haughty 
noblesse.  Only  those  of  jjure  blood  in  both  lines  can  hold  fiefs 
of  the  crown.  The  highest  may  marry  the  daughter  of  a  Rajput, 
whose  sole  [140]  possession  is  a  '  skin  of  land  '  :  ^  the  sovereign 
himself  is  not  degraded  by  such  alliance.  There  is  no  moral  blot, 
and  the  operation  of  a  law  like  the  Salic  would  prevent  any 
political  evil  resulting  therefrom.  Titles  are  granted,  and  even 
fiefs  of  office,  to  ministers  and  civil  servants  not  Rajputs  ;  they 
are,  however,  but  official,  and  never  confer  hereditary  right. 
These  official  fiefs  may  have  originally  arisen,  here  and  in  Europe, 
from  the  same  cause  ;  the  want  of  a  circulating  medium  to  pay  the 
offices.  The  Mantris  -  of  Mewar  prefer  estates  to'  pecuniary 
stipend,  which  gives  more  consequence  in  every  point  of  view. 
All  the  higher  offices — as  cup-bearer,  butler,  stewards  of  the 
household,  wardrobe,  kitchen,  master  of  the  horse — aU  these  are 
enumerated  as  ininisterialists  ^  at  the  court  of  Charlemagne  in 
the  dark  ages  of  Europe,  and  of  whom  we  have  the  duplicates. 
These  are  what  the  author  of  the  Middle  Ages  designates  as 
"  improper  feuds..''  *  In  Mewar  the  prince's  architect,  painter, 
physician,  bard,  genealogist,  heralds,  and  all  the  generation  of 
the  foster-brothers,  hold  lands.  Offices  are  hereditary  in  this 
patriarchal  government  ;  their  services  personal.  The  title 
even  appends  to  the  family,  and  if  the  chance  of  events  deprive 
them  of  the  substance,  they  are  seldom  left  destitute.  It  is  not 
uncommon  to  see  three  or  four  with  the  title  of  pardhan  or 
premier.^ 


of  an  eye  weighed  with  a  sceptre  :   when  three  things  alone  occupied  him  : 
his  horse,  his  lance,  and  his  mistress  ;  for  she  is  but  the  third  in  his  estima- 
tion, after  all :  to  the  two  first  he  owed  her. 
^  Charsa,  a  '  hide  or  skin  '  [see  p.  156  above]. 

*  '  Ministers,'  from  Mantra,  '  mystification  '  ['  a  sacred  text,  spell ']. 

'  It  is  probably  of  Teutonic  origin,  and  akin  to  Mantri,  which  embraces 
all  the  ministers  and  councillors  of  loyalty  (Hallam,  p.  195).     [?] 

*  Hallam,  p.  193. 

*  One  I  know,  in  whose  family  the  office  has  remained  since  the  period 
of  Prithvviraja,  who  transferred  his  ancestor  to  the  service  of  the  Rana's 


166  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

But  before  I  proceed  further  in  these  desultory  and  general 
remarks,  I  shall  commence  the  chief  details  of  the  system  as 
described  in  times  past,  and,  in  part,  still  obtaining  in  the 
principality  of  the  Rana  of  Mewar  As  its  geography  and 
distribution  are  fully  related  in  their  proper  place,  I  must 
refer  the  reader  to  that  for  a  preliminary  understanding  of  its 
localities.  >k. 

Estates  of  Chief  and  Fiscal  Land. — The  local  disposition  of  the 
estates  was  admirably  contrived.  Bounded  on  three  sides,  the 
south,  east,  and  west,  by  marauding  barbarous  tribes  of  Bhils, 
Mers,  and  Minas,  the  circumference  of  this  circle  was  subdivided 
into  estates  for  the  chiefs,  while  the  khalisa,  or  fiscal  land,  the 
best  and  richest,  was  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  consequently 
well  protected  [141].  It  appears  doubtful  whether  the  khalisa 
lands  amounted  to  one-fourth  of  those  distributed  in  grant  to  the 
chiefs.  The  value  of  the  crown  demesne  as  the  nerve  and  sinew 
of  sovereignty,  was  well  known  by  the  former  heads  of  this  house. 
To  obtain  any  portion  thereof  was  the  reward  of  important  ser- 
vices ;  to  have  a  grant  of  a  few  acres  near  the  capital  for  a  garden 
was  deemed  a  high  favour  ;  and  a  village  in  the  amphitheatre  or 
valley,  in  which  the  present  capital  is  situated,  was  the  nc  plus 
ultra  of  recompense.  But  the  lavish  folly  of  the  present  prince, 
out  of  this  tract,  twenty-five  miles  in  circumference,  has  not 
preserved  a  single  village  in  his  khalisa.  By  this  distribution, 
and  by  the  inroads  of  the  wild  tribes  in  the  vicinity,  or  of  Moguls 
and  Mahrattas,  the  valour  of  the  chiefs  were  kept  in  constant 
play. 

The  country  was  partitioned  into  districts,  each  containing 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  towns  and  villages,  though  sometimes 
exceeding  that  proportion.  The  great  number  of  Chaurasis  ^ 
leads  to  the  conclusion  that  portions  to  the  amount  of  eighty- 
four  had  been  the  general  subdivision.     Many  of  these  yet  remain  : 

house  seven  hundred  years  ago.  He  is  not  merely  a  nominal-  hereditary 
minister,  for  his  uncle  actually  held  the  office  ;  but  in  consequence  of  having 
favoured  the  views  of  a  pretender  to  the  crown,  its  active  duties  are  not 
entrusted  to  any  of  the  family. 

^  The  numeral  eighty-four.  [In  the  ancient  Hmdu  kingdoms  the  full 
estate  was  a  group  of  84  villages,  smaller  units  being  called  Byahsa,  42, 
or  Ch  ubisa,  24  (Baden-Powell,  The  Village  Community,  198,  and  see  a 
valuable  article  in  EUiot,  Supplemental  Glossary ,  178  ff.] 


THE  CHIEFS  OF  MEWAH  l6t 

as  the  '  Chaurasi '  of  Jahazpur  and  of  Kumbhalmer  :  tantaniouut 
to  the  old  '  hundreds  '  of  onr  Saxon  ancestry.  A  circle  of  posts 
was  distributed,  within  which  the  quotas  of  the  chiefs  attended, 
under  '  the  Faujdar  of  the  Sima  '  (vulgo  Sim),  or  conmiander  of 
the  border.  It  was  found  expedient  to  appoint  from  court  this 
lord  of  the  frontier,  always  accompanied  by  a  portion  of  the  royal 
insignia,  standard,  kettle-drums,  and  heralds,  and  being  genei'ally  a 
civil  officer,  he  united  to  his  military  olhce  the  administration  of 
justice.^  The  higher  vassals  never  attended  personally  at  these 
posts,  but  deputed  a  confidential  branch  of  their  family,  with 
the  quota  required.  For  the  government  of  the  districts  there 
were  conjoined  a  civil  and  a  military  officer  :  the  latter  generally 
a  vassal  of  the  second  rank.  Their  residence  was  the  chief  place 
of  the  district,  commonly  a  stronghold. 

The  division  of  the  chiefs  into  distinct  grades,  shows  a  highly 
artificial  state  of  society. 

First  class. — -We  have  the  Sixteen,  whose  estates  were  from 
hity  thousand  to  one  hundred  thousand  rupees  and  upwards,  of 
yearly  rent.  These  appear  in  the  [142]  presence  only  on  special 
invitation,  upon  festivals  and  solemn  ceremonies,  and  are  the 
hereditary  councillors  of  the  crown.^ 

Second  class,  from  five  to  fifty  thousand  rupees.  Their  duty 
is  to  be  always  in  attendance.  P>om  these,  chiefly,  faujdars  and 
military  officers  are  selected.- 

Third  class  is  that  of  Gol  ^  holding  lands  chiefly  under  five 
thousand  rupees,  though  by  favour  they  may  exceed  this  limit. 
They  are  generally  the  holders  of  separate  villages  and  portions 
of  land,  and  in  former  times  they  were  the  most  useful  class  to  the 
prince.  They  always  attended  on  his  person,  and  indeed  formed 
his  strength  against  any  combination  or  opposition  of  the  higher 
vassals. 

Fourth  class. — The  offsets  of  the  younger  branches  of  the 
Rana's  own  family,  within  a  certain  period,  are  called  the  babas, 
literally  '  infants,'  and  have  appanages  bestowed  on  them.     Of 

^  Now  each  chief  claims  the  right  of  administering  justice  in  his  own 
domain,  that  is,  in  civil  matters  ;  but  in  criminal  cases  they  ought  not 
without  the  special  sanction  of  the  crown.  Justice,  however,  has  long 
been  left  to  work  its  own  way,  and  the  seK-constituted  tribunals,  the  pan- 
chayats,  sit  in  judgment  in  all  cases  where  property  is  involved. 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  XX. 


168  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

this  class  are  Shahpura  and  Banera ;  too  powerful  for  subjects.* 
They  hold  on  none  of  the  terms  of  the  great  clans,  but  consider 
themselves  at  the  disposal  of  the  prince.  These  are  more  within 
the  influence  of  the  crown.  Allowing  adoption  into  these  houses, 
except  in  the  case  of  near  kindred,  is  assuredly  an  innovation  ; 
they  ought  to  revert  to  the  crown,  failing  immediate  issue,  as  did 
the  great  estate  of  Bhainsrorgarh,  two  generations  back.  From 
these  to  the  holder  of  a  clutrsa,  or  hide  of  land,  the  peculiarity  of 
tenure  and  duties  of  each  will  form  a  subject  for  discussion. 

Revenues  and  Rights  of  the  Crown. — I  need  not  here  expatiate 
upon  the  variety  of  items  which  constitute  the  revenues  of  the 
prince,  the  details  of  which  will  appear  in  their  proper  place. 
The  land-tax  in  the  khalisa  demesne  is,  of  course,  the  chief  source 
of  supply  ;  the  transit  duties  on  commerce  and  trade,  and  those 
of  the  larger  towns  and  cominercial  marts,  rank  next.  In  former 
times  more  attention  was  paid  to  this  important  branch  of  in- 
come, and  the  produce  was  greater  because  less  shackled.  The 
liberality  on  the  side  of  the  crown  was  only  equalled  by  the 
integrity  of  the  merchant,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was  carried 
would  imply  an  almost  Utopian  degree  of  perfection  in  their 
mutual  qualities  of  liberality  and  honesty  ;  the  one,  perhaps, 
generating  the  other.  The  remark  of  a  merchant  recently,  on 
the  vexatious  train  of  duties  and  espionage  attending  their 
collection,  is  not  merely  figurative  :  "  our  ancestors  tied  their 
invoice  to  the  horns  of  the  oxen  ^  at  the  first  frontier  post  of 
customs,  and  no  intermediate  questions  [143]  were  put  till  we 
passed  to  the  opposite  or  sold  our  goods,  when  it  was  opened 
and  payment  made  accordingly  ;  but  now  every  town  has  its 
rights."  It  will  be  long  ere  this  degree  of  confidence  is  restored 
on  either  side  ;  extensive  demand  on  the  one  is  met  by  fraud  and 
evasion  on  the  other,  though  at  least  one-half  of  these  evils  have 
already  been  subdued. 

Mines  and  Minerals. — The  mines  were  very  productive  in 
former  times,  and  yielded  several  lacs  to  the  princes  of  Mewar.^ 

^  [They  are  heads  of  the  Ranawat  sub-tribe.  The  latter  enjoys  the  right, 
on  succession,  of  having  a  sword  sent  to  him  with  full  honours,  on  receipt 
of  which  he  goes  to  Udaipur  to  be  installed  (Erskine  ii.  A.  92).] 

^  Oxen  and  carts  are  chieflj'  used  in  the  Tundas,  or  caravans,  for  trans- 
portation of  goods  in  these  countries ;  camels  further  to  the  north. 

^  [On  the  mines  of  Mewar,  see  lA,  i.  63  f.] 


TAXATION  169 

The  rich  tin  mines  of  Jawara  produced  at  one  time  a  considerable 
proportion  of  silver.  Those  of  copper  are  abundant,  as  is  also 
iron  on  the  now  alienated  domain  on  the  Chambal  ;  but  lead  least 
of  aU.i 

The  marble  quarries  also  added  to  the  revenue  ;  and  where 
there  is  such  a  multiplicity  of  sources,  none  are  considered  too 
minute  to  be  applied  in  these  necessitous  times. 

Barar. — Barar  is  an  indefinite  term  for  taxation,  and  is  con- 
nected with  the  thing  taxed  :  as  ghanim-barar,^  '  war-tax  '  ;  gliar 
ginii-barar,^  '  house-tax  ' ;  hal-barar,  '  plough-tax ' ;  neota-barar, 
'  marriage-tax  '  ;  and  others,  both  of  old  and  new  standing. 
The  war-tax  was  a  kind  of  substitute  for  the  regular  mode  of 
levying  the  rents  on  the  produce  of  the  soil  ;  whicii  was  rendered 
very  difficult  during  the  disturbed  period,  and  did  not  accord 
with  the  wants  of  the  prince.  It  is  also  a  substitute  in  those 
mountainous  regions,  for  the  jarib,^  where  the  produce  bears 
no  proportion  to  the  cultivated  surface  ;  sometimes  from  poverty 
of  soil,  but  often  from  the  reverse,  as  in  Kumbhalmer,  where  the 
choicest  crops  are  produced  on  the  cultivated  terraces,  and  on  the 
sides  of  its  mountains,  which  abound  with  springs,  yielding  the 
richest  canes  and  cottons,  and  where  experiment  has  proved 
that  four  crops  can  be  raised  in  the  same  patch  of  soil  within  the 
year. 

The  offering  on  confirmation  of  estates  (or  fine  on  renewal)  is 
now,  though  a  very  small,  yet  still  one  source  of  supply  ;  as  is 
the  annual  and  triennial  payment  of  the  quit-rents  of  the  Bhumia 
chiefs.  Fines  in  composition  of  offences  may  also  be  mentioned  : 
and  they  might  be  larger,  if  more  activity  were  introduced  in  the 
detection  of  offenders  [144]. 

These  governments  are  mild  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  ; 

^  The  privilege  of  coiniug  is  a  reservation  of  royalty.  No  subject  is 
allowed  to  coin  gold  or  silver,  though  the  Salumbar  chief  has  on  sufferance 
a  copper  currency.  The  mint  was  a  considerable  source  of  income,  and 
may  be  again  when  confidence  is  restored  and  a  new  currency  introduced. 
The  Chitor  rupee  is  now  thirty-one  per  cent  inferior  to  the  old  Bhilara 
standard,  and  there  was  one  struck  at  the  capital  even  worse,  and  very  nearly 
as  bad  as  the  moneta  nigra  of  Philip  the  Fair  of  France,  who  allowed  his 
vassals  the  privilege  of  coining  it.  [For  an  account  of  the  past  and  present 
coinage  of  Mewai;  see  W.  W.  Webb,  Currencies  of  the  Hindu  States  of  Raj- 
puiana,  3  ff.] 

*  Enemy.  ^  Numbering  of  houses. 

*  A  measure  of  land  [usually  55  English  j^ards]. 


170  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

and  a  heavy  fine  lias  more  effect  (especially  on  the  hill  tribes) 
than  the  execution  of  the  offender,  who  fears  death  less  than  the 
loss  of  property. 

Khar-Lakar. — The  composition  for  '  wood  and  forage  '  afforded 
a  considerable  supply.  When  the  princes  of  Mewar  were  oftener 
in  the  tented  field  than  in  the  palace,  combating  for  their  pre- 
servation, it  was  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  store  up  wood 
and  forage  for  the  supply  of  the  prince's  army.  What  originated 
in  necessity  was  converted  into  an  abuse  and  annual  demand. 
The  towns  also  supplied  a  certain  portion  of  provisions  ;  where 
the  prince  halted  for  the  day  these  were  levied  on  the  connnunity  ; 
a  goat  or  sheep  from  the  shepherd,  milk  and  flour  froin  the  farmer  . 
The  maintenance  of  these  customs  is  observable  in  taxes,  for  the 
origin  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  assign  a  reason  without  going 
into  the  history  of  the  period  ;  they  scarcely  recollect  the  source 
of  some  of  these  themselves.  They  are  akin  to  those  known 
under  the  feudal  tenures  of  France,  arising  from  exactly  the  same 
causes,  and  commuted  for  money  payments  ;  such  as  the  droit 
de  gisie  et  de  chevauche.^  Many  also  originated  in  the  perambula- 
tions of  these  princes  to  visit  their  domains  ;  ^  a  black  year  in  the 
calendar  to  the  chief  and  the  subject.  When  he  honoured  the 
chief  by  a  visit,  he  had  to  present  horses  and  arms,  and  to  enter- 
tain his  prince,  in  all  which  honours  the  cultivators  and  merchants 
had  to  share.  The  duties  on  the  sale  of  spirits,  opium,  tobacco, 
and  even  to  a  share  of  the  garden-stuff,  affords  also  modes  of 
supply  [145].' 


CHAPTER   2 

Legislative  Authority. — During  the  period  still  called  "  the  good 
times  of  Mewar,'  the  prince,  with  the  aid  of  his  civil  council,  the 
four  ministers  of  the  crown  and  their  deputies,  promulgated  all 
the  legislative  enactments  in  which  the  general  rights  and  wants 
of  the  community  were  involved.     In  these  the  martial  vassals 

^  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  232. 

■^  Hume  describes  the  necessity  for  our  earlier  kings  inaking  these  tours 
to  consume  the  produce,  being  in  kind.  So  it  is  in  Mewar  ;  but  I  fancy 
the  supply  was  always  too  easily  convertible  into  circulating  medium  to 
be  the  cause  there. 

'  See  Appendix,  No.  X. 


PANCHAYATS  171 

or  chiefs  had  no  concern  :  a  wise  exclusion,  comprehending  also 
their  immediate  dependents,  military,  commercial,  and  agri- 
cultural. Even  now,  the  little  that  is  done  in  these  matters  is 
effected  by  the  civil  administration,  though  the  Rajput  Pardhans 
have  been  too  apt  to  interfere  in  matters  from  which  they  ought 
always  to  be  kept  aloof,  being  ever  more  tenacious  of  tlieir  own 
rights  than  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  the  community. 

Panchayats. — The  neglect  in  the  legislation  of  late  years  was 
supplied  by  the  self-constituted  tribunals,  the  useful  panchayats, 
of  which  enough  has  been  said  to  render  furtlicr  illustration 
unnecessar^^  Besides  the  resident  ruler  of  the  district,  who  was 
also  a  judicial  functionary,  there  was,  as  already  stated,  a  special 
officer  of  the  government  in  each  frontier  thana,  or  garrison  post. 
He  vmited  the  triple  occupation  of  embodying  the  quotas,  levying 
the  transit  duties,  and  administering  justice,  in  which  he  was 
aided  at  the  chabutra  ^  or  coiu-t,  by  assembling  the  Chauthias  or 
assessors  of  justice.  Each  town  and  village  has  its  chauthia,  the 
members  of  which  are  elected  by  their  felloM'-citizens,  and  remain 
as  long  as  they  conduct  themselves  imijartially  in  disentangling 
the  intricacies  of  complaints  preferred  to  them. 

They  are  the  aids  to  the  Nagarseth,  or  chief  magistrate,  an 
hereditary  office  in  every  large  city  in  Rajasthan.  Of  this 
chauthia  the  Patel  and  Patwari  *  are  generally  members.  TJie 
former  of  these,  like  the  Dasaundhi  of  the  Mahrattas,  resembles 
in  his  duties  the  decanus  of  France  and  the  tithing-man  in  England. 
The  chauthia  and  panchayat  of  these  districts  are  analogous  to 
the  assessors  of  [140]  justice  called  scabi7ii  ^  in  France,  who  held 
the  office  by  election  or  the  concurrence  of  the  people.  But  these 
are  the  special  and  fixed  council  of  each  town  ;  the  general 
panchayats  are  formed  from  the  respectable  population  at  large, 
and  were  formerly  from  all  classes  of  society. 

The  chabutras,  or  terraces  of  justice,  were  always  established 
in  the  khalisa,  or  crown  demesne.  It  was  deemed  a  humiliating 
intrusion  if  they  sat  within  the  bounds  of  a  chief.  To  '  erect  the 
flag '  within  his  limits,  whether  for  the  formation  of  defensive 
posts  or  the  collection  of  duties,  is  deemed  a  gross  breach  of  his 

^  Literally  '  terrace,'  or  '  altar.' 
^  [Headman  and  accountant.] 

^  They  were  considered  a  sort  of  jury,  bearing  a  close  analogy  to  ■4;he 
judices  selecti,  who  sat  with  the  praetor  in  the  tribunal  of  Rome  (Hallam). 


172  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

privileged  iadependenee,  as  to  establish  them  within  the  walls  of 
his  residence  would  be  deemed  equal  to  sequestration.  It  often 
becomes  necessary  to  see  justice  enforced  on  a  chief  or  his  de- 
pendent, but  it  begets  eternal  disputes  and  disobedience,  tUl  at 
length  they  are  worried  to  compliance  by  rozina. 

Bozina. — When  delay  in  these  matters,  or  to  the  general 
conunands  of  the  prince,  is  evinced,  an  officer  or  herald  is  deputed 
with  a  party  of  four,  ten,  or  twenty  horse  or  foot,  to  the  hef  of 
the  chief,  at  whose  residence  they  take  up  their  abode  ;  and 
carrying,  under  the  seal,  a  warrant  to  furnish  them  with  specified 
daily  {rozina)  rations,  they  live  at  free  quarters  till  he  is  quickened 
into  compliance  with  the  commands  of  the  prince.  This  is  the 
only  accelerator  of  the  slow  movements  of  a  Rajput  chieftaia  in 
these  days,  whether  for  his  appearance  at  court  or  the  performance 
of  an  act  of  justice.  It  is  often  carried  to  a  harassing  e±cess,  and 
causes  much  complaint. 

In  cases  regarding  the  distribution  of  justice  or  the  internal 
economy  of  the  chief's  estates,  the  government  officers  seldom 
interfere.  But  of  their  panchayats  I  will  only  remark,  that  their 
import  amongst  the  vassals  is  very  comprehensive  ;  and  when 
they  talk  of  the  '  punch,'  it  means  the  '  collective  wisdom.'  In 
the  reply  to  the  remonstrance  of  the  Deogarh  vassals,^  the  chief 
promises  never  to  undertake  any  measure  without  their  delibera- 
tion and  sanction. 

On  all  grand  occasions  where  the  general  peace  or  tranquillity 
of  the  government  is  threatened^  the  chiefs  form  the  councU  of 
the  sovereign.  Such  subjects  are  always  first  discussed  in  the 
domestic  councUs  of  each  chief  ;  so  that  when  the  [147]  witenage- 
mot  of  Mewar  was  assembled,  each  had  prepared  himself  by 
previous  discussion,  and  was  fortified  by  abundance  of  advice. 

To  be  excluded  the  council  of  the  prince  is  to  be  in  utter 
disgrace.  These  grand  divans  produce  infinite  speculation,  and 
the  ramifications  which  form  the  opinions  are  extensive.  The 
council  of  each  chief  is,  in  fact,  a  miniature  representation  of  the 
sovereign's.  The  greater  sub-vassals,  his  civU  pardhan,  the 
mayor  of  the  household,  the  purohit,^  the  bard,  and  two  or  three 
of  the  most  intelligent  citizens,  form  the  minor  councils,  and  all 
are  separately  deliberating  while  the  superior  court  is  in  discus- 
sion. Thus  is  collected  the  wisdom  of  the  magnates  of  Rajwara. 
^  See  Appendix,  No.  III.  ^  Family  priost. 


MILITARY  SERVICE  :    ESCUAGE  173 

Military  Service. — In  Mewar,  diiriiig  the  days  of  her  glory  and 
prosperity,  fifteen  thousand  horse,  bound  by  the  ties  of  fidelity 
and  service,  followed  their  prince  into  the  field,  all  supported  by 
lands  held  by  grant  ;  from  the  chief  who  headed  five  hundred  of 
his  own  vassals,  to  the  single  horseman. 

Knight's  Fee  or  Single  Horsemen. — A  knight's  fee  in  these 
States  varies.  For  each  thousand  rupees  of  annual  rent,  never 
less  than  two,  and  generally  three  horsemen  were  furnished  ;  and 
sometimes  three  horse  and  three  foot  soldiers,  according  to  the 
exigencies  of  the  times  when  the  grant  was  conferred.  The 
different  grants  ^  appended  will  show  this  variety,  and  furnish 
additional  proof  that  this,  and  all  similar  systems  of  policy,  must 
be  much  indebted  to  chance  for  the  shape  they  ultimately  take. 
The  knight's  fee,  when  William  the  Conqueror  partitioned  England 
into  sixty  thousand  such  portions,  from  each  of  which  a  soldier's 
service  was  due,  was  fixed  at  £20.  Each  portion  furnished  its 
soldier  or  paid  escuage.  The  knight's  fee  of  Mewar  may  be  said 
to  be  two  hundred  and  fifty  rupees,  or  about  £30. 

Limitations  of  Service. — In  Europe,  service  was  so  restricted 
that  the  monarch  had  but  a  precarious  authority.  He  could 
only  calculate  upon  forty  days'  annual  service  from  the  tenant 
of  a  knight's  fee.  In  Rajasthan  it  is  very  different  :  "  at  home 
and  abroad,  service  shall  be  performed  when  demanded  "  ;  such 
is  the  condition  of  the  tenure. 

For  state  and  show,  a  portion  of  the  greater  vassals  ^  reside  at 
the  capital  for  [148]  some  months,  when  they  have  permission  to 
retire  to  their  estates,  and  are  relieved  by  another  portion.  On 
the  grand  military  festival  the  whole  attend  for  a  given  time  ;  and 
when  the  prince  took  the  field,  the  whole  assembled  at  their  own 
charge  :  but  if  hostilities  carried  them  beyond  the  frontier  they 
were  allowed  certain  rations. 

Escuage  or  Scutage. — Escuage  or  scutage,  the  phrase  in 
Europe  to  denote  the  amercement  *  for  non-attendance,  is  also 
known  and  exemplified  in  deeds.  Failure  from  disaffection, 
turbulence,  or  pride,  brought  a  heavy  fine  ;  the  sequestration  of 
the  whole  or  part  of  the  estate.*     The  princes  of  these  States 

^  See  Appendix,  Nos.  IV.  V.  and  VI. 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  XX.  art.  6  ;  the  treaty  between  the  chiefs  and  his 
vassals  defining  service. 

'  Appendix,  No.  XVI.  *  Both  of  which  I  have  witnessed. 


174  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTTTAN 

would  willingly  desire  to  see  escuage  more  general.  All  have 
made  this  first  attempt  towards  an  approximation  to  a  standing 
army  ;  but,  though  the  chiefs  would  make  compensation  to  get 
rid  of  some  particular  service,  they  are  very  reluctant  to  renounce 
lands,  by  which  alone  a  fixed  force  could  be  maintained.  The 
rapacity  of  the  court  would  gladly  fly  to  scutages,  but  in  the 
present  impoverished  state  of  the  fiefs,  such  if  injudiciously  levied 
would  be  almost  equivalent  to  resumption  ;  but  this  measure  is 
so  full  of  difficulty  as  to  be  almost  impracticable. 

Inefficiency  of  this  Form  of  Government. — Throughout  Rajas- 
than  the  character  and  welfare  of  the  States  depend  on  that  of  the 
sovereign  :  he  is  the  mainspring  of  the  system — the  active  power 
to  set  and  keep  in  motion  all  these  discordant  materials  ;  if  he 
relax,  each  part  separates,  and  moves  in  a  narrow  sphere  of  its 
own.  Yet  will  the  impulse  of  one  great  mind  put  the  machine 
in  regular  movement,  which  shall  endure  during  two  or  three 
imbecile  successors,  if  no  fresh  exterior  force  be  applied  to  check 
it.  It  is  a  system  full  of  defects  ;  yet  we  see  them  so  often 
balanced  by  virtues,  that  Ave  are  alternately  biassed  by  these 
counteracting  qualities  ;  loyalty  and  patriotism,  which  combine 
a  love  of  the  institutions,  religion,  and  manners  of  the  country, 
are  the  counterpoise  to  systematic  evil.  In  no  country  has  the 
system  ever  proved  efficient.  It  has  been  one  of  eternal  excite- 
ment and  irregular  action  ;  inimical  to  order,  and  the  repose 
deemed  necessary  after  conflict  for  recruiting  the  national  strength. 
The  absence  of  an  external  foe  was  but  the  signal  for  disorders 
within,  which  increased  to  a  terrific  height  in  the  feuds  of  the 
two  great  rival  factions  of  Mewar,  the  clans  of  [149]  Chondawat  ^ 
and  Saktawat,^  as  the  weakness  of  the  prince  augmented  by  the 
abstraction  of  his  personal  domain,  and  the  diminution  of  the 
services  of  the  third  class  of  vassals  (the  Gol),  the  personal  re- 
tainers of  the  crown  ;  but  when  these  feuds  broke  out,  even  with 
the  enemy  at  their  gates,  it  required  a  prince  of  great  nerve  and 
talent  to  regulate  them.     Yet  is  there  a  redeeming  quality  in  the 

'  A  clan  called  after  Chonda,  eldest  son  of  an  ancient  Rana,  who  resigned 
his  birthright. 

^  Sakta  was  the  son  of  Rana  Udai  Singh,  founder  of  Udayapura,  or 
Udaipur.  The  feuds  of  these  two  clans,  like  those  of  the  Annagnacs  and 
Bourguignons,  "  qui  couvrirent  la  France  d'un  crepe  sanglant,"  have  been 
the  destruction  of  Mewar.  It  requires  but  a  change  of  names  and  places, 
while  reading  the  one,  to  understand  perfectly  the  history  of  the  other. 


RIVALRY  OF  THE  SUB-CLANS  175 

• 

system,  which,  imperfect  as  it  is,  could  render  such  perilous 
circumstances  but  the  impulse  to  a  rivalry  of  heroism. 

Rivalry  o£  the  Chondawat  and  Saktawat  Sub-clans. — When 
Jahangir  had  obtained  possession  of  the  palladium  of  Mewar,  the 
ancient  fortress  of  Chitor,  and  driven  the  prince  into  the  wilds  and 
mountains  of  the  west,  an  opportunity  offered  to  recover  some 
frontier  lands  in  the  plains,  and  the  Rana  with  all  his  chiefs  was 
assembled  for  the  purpose.  But  the  Saktawats  asserted  an  equal 
privilege  with  their  rivals  to  form  the  vanguard  ;  ^  a  right  which 
their  indisputable  valour  (perhaps  superior  to  that  of  the  other 
party)  rendered  not  invalid.  The  Chondawats  claimed  it  as  an 
hereditary  privilege,  and  the  sword  would  have  decided  the 
matter  but  for  the  tact  of  the  prince.  "  The  harawal  to  the  clan 
which  first  enters  Untala,"  was  a  decision  which  the  Saktawat 
leader  quickly  heard  ;  while  the  other  could  no  longer  plead  his 
right,  when  such  a  gauntlet  was  thrown  down  for  its  maintenance. 

Untala  is  the  frontier  fortress  in  the  plains,  about  eighteen 
miles  east  of  the  capital,  and  covering  the  road  which  leads  from 
it  to  the  more  ancient  one  of  Chitor.  It  is  situated  on  a  rising 
groimd,  with  a  stream  flowing  beneath  its  walls,  which  are  of 
solid  masonry,  lofty,  and  with  round  towers  at  intervals.^  In 
the  centre  was  the  governor's  house,  also  fortified.  One  gate 
only  gave  admission  to  this  castle. 

The  clans,  always  rivals  in  power,  now  competitors  in  glory, 
moved  off  at  the  same  time,  some  hours  before  daybreak — • 
LTntala  the  goal,  the  harawal  the  reward  !  Animated  with  hope — 
a  barbarous  and  cruel  foe  the  object  of  their  prowess — their  wives 
and  families  spectators,  on  their  return,  of  the  meed  of  enterprise  ; 
the  bard  [150],  who  sang  the  praise  of  each  race  at  their  outset, 
demanding  of  each  materials  for  a  new  wreath,  supplied  every 
stimulus  that  a  Rajput  could  have  to  exertion. 

The  Saktawats  made  directly  for  the  gateway,  which  they 
reached  as  the  day  broke,  and  took  the  foe  unprepared  ;  but  the 
walls  were  soon  manned,,  and  the  action  commenced.  The 
Chondawats,  less  skilled  in  topography,  had  traversed  a  swamp, 
which  retarded  them — but  through  which  they  dashed,  fortun- 
ately meeting  a  guide  in  a  shepherd  of  Untala.  With  more 
foresight  than  their  opponents,  they  had  brought  ladders.     The 

^  Harawal. 

^  It  is  now  in  ruins,  but  the  towers  and  part  of  the  walls  are  still  standing. 


176  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

chief  led  the  escalade,  but  a  ball  rolled  him  back  amidst  his 
vassals  ;  it  was  not  his  destiny  to  lead  the  harawal  !  Each  party 
was  checked.  The  Saktawat  depended  on  the  elephant  he  rode, 
to  gain  admission  by  forcing  the  gate  ;  but  its  projecting  spikes 
deterred  the  animal  from  applying  its  strength.  His  men  were 
falling  thick  around  him,  when  a  shout  from  the  other  party 
made  him  dread  their  success.  He  descended  from  his  seat, 
placed  his  body  on  the  spikes,  and  commanded  the  driver,  on 
pain  of  instant  death,  to  propel  the  elephant  against  him.  The 
gates  gave  way,  and  over  the  dead  body  of  their  chief  his  clan 
rushed  to  the  combat  !  But  even  this  heroic  surrender  of  his 
life  failed  to  purchase  the  honour  for  his  clan.  The  lifeless  corpse 
of  his  rival  was  already  in  Untala,  and  this  was  the  event 
announced  by  the  shout  which  urged  his  sacrifice  to  honour  and 
ambition.  When  the  Chondawat  chief  fell,  the  next  in  rank  and 
kin  took  the  command.  He  was  one  of  those  arrogant,  reckless 
Rajputs,  who  signalized  themselves  wherever  there  was  danger, 
not  only  against  men  but  tigers,  and  his  common  appellation 
was  the  Benda  Thakur  ('  mad  chief ')  of  Deogarh.  When  his 
leader  fell,  he  rolled  the  body  in  his  scarf  ;  then  tying  it  on  his 
back,  scaled  the  wall,  and  with  his  lance  having  cleared  the  way 
before  him  he  threw  the  dead  body  over  the  parapet  of  Untala, 
shouting,  "  The  vanguard  to  the  Chondawat  !  we  are  first  in  !  " 
The  shout  was  echoed  by  the  clan,  and  the  rampart  was  in  their 
possession  nearly  at  the  moment  of  the  entry  of  the  Saktawats. 
The  Moguls  fell  under  their  swords  :  the  standard  of  Mewar  was 
erected  in  the  castle  of  Untala,  but  the  leading  of  the  vanguard 
remained  with  the  Chondawats^  [151]. 

This  is  not  the  sole  instance  of  such  jealousies  being  converted 

^  An  anecdote  appended  by  my  friend  Anira  (the  bard  of  the  Sangawats, 
a  powerful  division  of  the  Chondawats,  whose  head  is  Deogarh,  often  alluded 
to,  and  who  alone  used  to  lead  two  thousand  vassals  into  the  field)  was  well 
attested.  Two  Mogul  chiefs  of  note  were  deeply  engaged  in  a  game  of  chess 
when  the  tumult  was  reported  to  them.  Feeling  confident  of  success,  they 
continued  their  game  ;  nor  would  they  desist  till  the  inner  castle  of  this 
'  donjon  keep  '  was  taken,  and  they  were  surrounded  by  the  Rajputs,  when 
they  cooUy  begged  they  might  be  allowed  to  terminate  their  game.  This 
the  enemy  granted  ;  but  the  loss  of  their  chiefs  had  steeled  their  breasts 
against  mercy,  and  they  were  afterwards  put  to  death.  [Compare  the 
similar  case  of  Ganga;  Raja  of  Mysore,  who  was  surprised,  by  the  treachery 
of  his  ministers,  while  occupied  in  a  game  of  chess  (L.  Rice,  Mysore  Gazeltecr 
(1897),  i.  319.] 


RIVALRY  OF  THE  SUB-CLANS  177 

into  a  generous  and  patriotic  rivalry  ;  many  others  could  be 
adduced  throughout  the  greater  principaUties,  but  especially 
amongst  the  brave  Rathors  of  Marwar. 

It  was  a  nice  point  to  keep  these  clans  poised  against  each 
other  ;  their  feuds  were  not  without  utihty,  and  the  tact  of  the 
prince  frequently  turned  them  to  account.  One  party  was  certain 
to  be  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  sovereign,  and  this  alone  counter- 
balanced the  evil  tendencies  before  described.  To  this  day  it 
has  been  a  perpetual  struggle  for  supremacy  ;  and  the  epithets 
of  '  loyalist '  and  '  traitor  '  have  been  alternating  between  them 
for  centuries,  according  to  the  portion  they  enjoyed  of  the 
prince's  favour,  and  the  talents  and  disposition  of  the  heads  of  the 
clans  to  maintain  their  predominance  at  court.  The  Saktawats 
are  weaker  in  numbers,  but  have  the  reputation  of  greater 
bravery  and  more  genius  than  their  rivals.  I  am  inclined,  on  the 
whole,  to  assent  to  this  opinion  ;  and  the  very  consciousness  of 
this  reputation  must  be  a  powerful  incentive  to  its  preservation. 

When  all  these  governments  were  founded  and  maintained  on 
the  same  principle,  a  system  of  feuds,  doubtless,  answered  very 
well ;  but  it  cannot  exist  with  a  well-constituted  monarchy 
Where  individual  will  controls  the  energies  of  a  nation,  it  must 
eventually  lose  its  liberties.  To  preserve  their  power,  the  princes 
of  Rajasthan  surrendered  a  portion  of  theirs  to  the  emperors  of 
Delhi.  They  made  a  nominal  surrender  to  him  of  their  kingdoms 
receiving  them  back  with  a  sanad,  or  grant,  renewed  on  each 
lapse  :  thereby  acknowledging  him  as  lord  paramount.  They 
received,  on  these  occasions,  the  khilat  of  honour  and  investiture, 
consisting  of  elephants,  horses,  arms,  and  jewels  ;  and  to  their 
hereditary  title  of  '  prince  '  was  added  by  the  emperor,  one  of 
dignity,  mansab.^  Besides  this  acknowledgment  of  supremacy, 
they  offered  nazarana  ^  and  homage,  especially  on  the  festival 
of  Nauroz  (the  new  year),  engaging  to  attend  the  royal  presence 
when  required,  at  the  head  of  a  stipulated  number  of  their  vassals. 
The  emperor  presented  them  with  a  royal  standard,  kettle-drums, 
and  other  insignia,  which  headed  the  array  of  each  prince.  Here 
we  have  all  the  chief  incidents  of  a  great  feudal  sovereignty. 
Whether  the  Tatar  sovereigns  borrowed  these  customs  from  their 

^  ['  Office,  prerogative.'     For  a  full  account  of  the  Mansab  system,  see 
Irvine,  Army  of  the  Indian  Moghuls,  3  ff.] 
^  Fine  of  relief. 
VOL.  I  N 


178  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

princely  vassals,  or  brought  them  from  the  highlands  of  Asia,  from 
the  Oxus  [152]  and  Jaxartes,  whence,  there  is  little  doubt,  many 
of  these  Sachha  Rajputs  originated,  shall  be  elsewhere  considered. 

Akbar's  Policy  towards  the  Rajputs. — The  splendour  of  such  an 
array,  whether  in  the  field  or  at  the  palace,  can  scarcely  be  con- 
ceived. Though  Humayun  had  gained  the  services  of  some  of 
the  Rajput  princes,  their  aid  was  uncertain.  It  was  reserved  for 
his  son,  the  wise  and  magnanimous  Akbar,  to  induce  them  to 
become  at  once  the  ornament  and  support  of  his  throne.  The 
power  which  he  consolidated,  and  knew  so  well  to  wield,  was 
irresistible  ;  while  the  beneficence  of  his  disposition,  and  the 
wisdom  of  his  policy,  maintained  what  his  might  conquered.  He 
felt  that  a  constant  exhibition  of  authority  would  not  only  be 
ineffectual  but  dangerous,  and  that  the  surest  hold  on  their 
fealty  and  esteern  would  be  the  giving  them  a  personal  interest 
in  the  support  of  the  monarchy. 

Alliances  between  Moguls  and  Rajputs. — Akbar  determined  to 
unite  the  pure  Rajput  blood  to  the  scarcely  less  noble  stream 
which  flowed  from  Aghuz  Khan,  through  .lenghiz,  Timur,  and 
Babur,  to  himself,  calculating  that  they  would  more  readily  yield 
obedience  to  a  prince  who  claimed  kindred  with  them,  than  to 
one  purely  Tatar  ;  and  that,  at  all  events,  it  would  gain  the 
support  of  their  immediate  kin,  and  might  in  the  end  become 
general.  In  this  supposition  he  did  not  err.  We  are  less  ac- 
quainted with  the  obstacles  which  opposed  his  first  success  than 
those  he  subsequently  encountered  ;  one  of  which  neither  he  nor 
his  descendants  ever  overcame  in  the  family  of  Mewar,'who  could 
never  be  brought  to  submit  to  such  alliance. 

Amber,  the  nearest  to  Delhi  and  the  most  exposed,  though 
more  open  to  temptation  than  to  conquest,  in  its  then  contracted 
sphere,  was  the  first  to  set  the  example.^  Its  Raja  Bhagwandas 
gave  his  daughter  to  Humayun  ;  ^  and  subsequently  this  practice 
became  so  common,  that  some  of  the  most  celebrated  emperors 
were  the  offspring  of  Rajput  princesses.  Of  these,  Salim,  called 
after  his  accession,  Jahangir  ;    his  ill-fated  son,  Khusru  ;    Shah 

^  [There  were  earlier  instances  of  alliances  between  Muhanimadan 
princes  and  Hindus.  The  mother  of  Firoz  Shah,  born  a.d.  1309,  was  a 
Bhatti  lady  :  Khizr  Khan  married  Deval  Devi,  a  Vaghela  lady  of  Gujarat 
(EUiot-Dowson,  iii.  271  f.,  545;  Elphinstone,  395).] 

^  [There  is  no  evidence  for  this  statement  (Smith,  AJchar,  58,  225).] 


RAJPUT  GENERALS  179 

Jahan  ;  ^  Kanibakhsh,^  the  favourite  of  his  father  ;  Aurangzeb, 
and  his  rebelHous  son  Akbar,  whom  his  Rajput  kin  would  have 
placed  on  the  throne  had  his  genius  equalled  their  power,  are 
the  most  prominent  instances.  Farruldisiyar,  when  the  empire 
began  to  totter,  furnislxed  the  last  instance  of  a  Mogul  sove- 
reign [153]  marrying  a  Hindu  princess,'  the  daughter  of  Raja 
Ajit  Singh,  sovereign  of  INIarwar. 

These  Rajput  princes  became  the  guardians  of  the  minority 
of  their  imperial  nephews,  and  had  a  direct  stake  in  the  empircj 
and  in  the  augmentation  of  their  estates. 

Rajputs  in  the  Imperial  Service. — Of  the  four  hundred  and 
sixteen  Mansabdars,  or  militarj^  commanders  of  Akbar's  empire, 
from  leaders  of  two  hundred  to  ten  thousand  men,  forty-seven 
were  Rajputs,  and  the  aggregate  of  their  quotas  amounted  to. 
fifty-three  thousand  horse  :  *  exactly  one-tenth  of  the  united  Man- 
sabdars of  the  empire,  or  five  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  horse. ^ 
Of  the  forty-seven  Rajput  leaders,  there  were  seventeen  whose 
mansabs  were  from  one  thousand  to  five  thousand  liorse,  and 
thirty  from  two  hundred  to  one  thousand. 

The  princes  of  Amber,  Marwar,  Bikaner,  Bundi,  Jaisalmer, 
Bundelkhand,  and  even  Shaikhawati,  held  mansabs  of  above 
one  thousand  ;  but  Amber  only,  being  allied  to  the  throne,  had 
the  dignity  of  five  thousand. 

The  Raja  Udai  Singh  of  Marwar,  surnamed  the  Fat,  chief  of 

^  The  son  of  the  Princess  Jodh  Bai,  whose  magnificent  tomb  still  excites 
admiration  at  Sikandra,  near  Agra. 

^  'Gift  of  Love.'  [Kambakhsh  had  a' Hindu  wife,  Kalyan  Kumari, 
daughter  of  Amar  Chand  and  sister  of  Sagat  Singh,  Zamindar  of  Manoharpur. 
Professor  Jadunath  Sarkar  has  been  unable  to  trace  a  Hindu  wife  of  Akbar, 
son  of  Aurangzeb.] 

^  To  this  very  marriage  we  owe  the  origin  of  our  power.  When  the 
nuptials  were  preparing,  the  emperor  fell  ill.  A  mission  was  at  that  time 
at  Delhi  from  Surat,  where  we  traded,  of  which  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the 
surgeon.  He  cured  the  king,  and  the  marriage  was  completed.  In  the 
oriental  style,  he  desired  the  doctor  to  name  his  reward  ;  but  instead  of 
asking  anything  for  himself,  he  demanded  a  grant  of  land  for  a  factory  on 
the  Hoogly  for  his  employers.  It  was  accorded,  and  this  was  the  origin 
of  the  greatness  of  the  British  empire  in  the  East.  Such  an  act  deserved 
at  least  a  column  ;  but  neither  "  storied  urn  nor  animated  bust  "  marks 
the  spot  where  his  remains  are  laid  [C.  R.  Wilson,  Early  Annals  of  the 
English  in  Bengal,  ii.  235,  see  p.  468  below]. 

"  Abu-1  Fazl  [Ain,  i.  308  ff.]. 

^  The  infantry,  regulars,  and  mihtia,  exceeded  4,000,000. 


180  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

the  Rathors,  held  but  the  mansab  of  one  thousand,  while  a  scion 
of  his  house,  Rae  Singh  of  Bilvaner,  had  four  thousand.  This  is 
to  be  accounted  for  by  the  dignity  being  thrust  upon  the  head 
of  that  house.  The  independent  princes  of  Chanderi,  Karauh, 
Datia,  with  the  tributary  feudatories  of  the  larger  principalities, 
and  members  of  the  Shaikhawat  federation,  were  enrolled  on  the 
other  grades,  fi-om  four  to  seven  hundred.  Amongst  these  we 
find  the  founder  of  the  Saktawat  clan,  who,  quarrelling  with  his 
brother,  Rana  Partap  of  Mewar,  gave  his  services  to  Akbar.  In 
short  it  became  general,  and  what  originated  in  force  or  persua- 
sion, was  soon  coveted  from  interested  motives  ;  and  as  nearly 
all  the  States  submitted  in  [1.54]  time  to  give  queens  to  the  empire, 
few  were  left  to  stigmatize  this  dereliction  from  Hindu  principle. 

Akbar  thus  gained  a  double  victory,  securing  the  good  opinions 
as  well  as  the  swords  of  these  princes  in  his  aid.  A  judicious 
perseverance  would  have  rendered  the  throne  of  Timur  immov- 
able, had  not  the  tolerant  principles  and  beneficence  of  Akbar, 
Jahangir,  and  Shah  Jahan  been  lost  sight  of  by  the  bigoted  and 
bloodthirsty  Aurangzeb  ;  who,  although  while  he  lived  his  com- 
manding genius  wielded  the  destinies  of  this  immense  empire  at 
pleasure,  alienated  the  affections,  by  insulting  the  prejudices, 
of  those  who  had  aided  in  raising  the  empire  to  the  height  on 
which  it  stood.  This  affection  withdrawn,  and  the  wealoiess  of 
Farrukhsiyar  substituted  for  the  strength  of  Aurangzeb,  it  fell 
and  went  rapidly  to  pieces.  Predatory  warfare  and  spohation 
rose  on  its  ruins.  The  Rajput  princes,  with  a  short-sighted 
policy,  at  first  connived  at,  and  even  secretly  invited  the  tumult  ; 
not  calculating  on  its  affecting  their  interests.  Each  looked  to 
the  return  of  ancient  independence,  and  several  reckoned  on 
great  accession  of  power.  Old  jealousies  were  not  lessened  by  the 
part  which  each  had  played  in  the  hour  of  ephemeral  greatness  ; 
and  the  prince  of  Mewar,  who  preserved  his  blood  uncontamin- 
ated,  though  with  loss  of  land,  was  at  once  an  object  of  respect 
and  envy  to  those  who  had  forfeited  the  first  pretensions  ^  of  a 
Rajput.  It  was  the  only  ovation  the  Sesodia  ^  had  to  boast  for 
centuries  of  oppression  and  spoliation,  whilst  their  neighbours 

1  See,  in  the  Annals  of  Mewar,  the  letter  of  Rae  Singh  of  Bikaner  (who  had 
been  compelled  to  subfnit  to  this  practice),  on  hearing  that  Rana  Partap's 
reverses  were  likely  to  cause  a  similar  result.  It  is  a.  noble  production,  and 
gives  the  character  of  both. 

^  The  tribe  to  which  the  princes  of  Mewar  belonged. 


RESULTS  OF  FEUDALISM  181 

were  basking  in  court  favour.  The  great  increase  of  territory  of 
these  princes  nearly  equalled  the  power  of  Mewar,  and  the  dignities 
thus  acquired  from  the  sons  of  Timur,  they  naturally  wished 
should  appear  as  distinguished  as  his  ancient  title.  Hence,  while 
one  inscribed  on  his  seal  "  The  exalted  in  dignity,  a  prince  amongst 
princes,  and  king  of  kiags,"  ^  the  prince  of  Mewar  preserved  his 
royal  simplicity  in  "Maharana  Bhima  Singh,  son  of  Arsi."  But 
this  is  digression. 

Results  of  Feudalism. — It  would  be  difficult  to  say  what  would 
be  the  happiest  form  of  government  for  these  States  without  refer- 
ence to  their  neighbours.  Their  own  feudal  customs  would  seem 
to  have  worked  well.  The  experiment  of  centuries  has  secured 
[155]  to  them  political  existence,  while  successive  dynasties  of 
Afghans  and  Moguls,  during  eight  hundred  years,  have  left  but 
the  wreck  of  splendid  names.  Were  they  to  become  more  mon- 
archical, they  would  have  everything  to  dread  from  vmchecked 
despotism,  over  which  even  the  turbulence  of  their  chiefs  is  a 
salutary  control. 

Were  they  somewhat  more  advanced  towards  prosperity,  the 
crown  demesne  redeemed  from  dissipation  and  sterility,  and  the 
chiefs  enabled  to  bring  their  quotas  into  play  for  protection  and 
police,  recourse  should  never  be  had  to  bodies  of  mercenary 
troops,  which  practice,  if  persevered  in,  will  inevitably  change 
their  present  form  of  government.  This  has  invariably  been  the 
result,  in  Europe  as  weU  as  Rajasthan,  else  why  the  dread  of 
standing  armies  ? 

Employment  of  Mercenaries. — Escuage  is  an  approximating 
step.  When  Charles  VII.  of  France  -  raised  his  companies  of 
ordnance,  the  basis  of  the  first  national  standing  army  ever 
embodied  in  Europe,  a  tax  called  '  taiUe  '  was  imposed  to  pay 
them,  and  Guienne  rebelled.  Kotah  is  a  melancholy  instance  of 
subversion  of  the  ancient  order  of  society.  Mewar  made  the 
experiment  from  necessity  sixty  years  ago,  when  rebellion  and 
invasion  conjoined  ;  and  a  body  of  Sindis  were  employed,  which 
completed  their  disgust,  and  they  fought  with  each  other  till 
almost  mutually  exterminated,  and  till  all  faith  in  their  prince 
was  lost.  Jaipur  had  adopted  this  custom  to  a  greater  extent  ; 
but  it  was  an  ill-paid  band,  neither  respected  at  home  nor  feared 

^  Raj  Rajeswara,  the  title  of  the  prince  of  Marwar  :  the  prince  of  Amber, 
Raj  Rajindra.  *  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  117. 


182  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

abroad.  In  Marwar  the  feudal  compact  was  too  strong  to  tolerate 
it,  till  Pathan  predatory  bands,  prowling  amidst  the  ruins  of 
Mogul  despotism,  were  called  in  to  partake  in  each  family  broil  ; 
the  consequence  was  the  weakening  of  all,  and  opening  the  door 
to  a  power  stronger  than  any,  to  be  the  arbiter  of  their  fate. 

General  Duties  of  the  Pattawat,  or  Vassal  Chief  of  Rajasthan. — 
"  The  essential  principle  of  a  fief  was  a  mutual  contract  of  support 
and  fidelity.  Whatever  obligations  it  laid  upon  the  vassal  of 
service  to  his  lord,  corresponding  duties  of  protection  were  im- 
posed by  it  on  the  lord  towards  his  vassal.  If  these  were  trans- 
gressed on  either  side,  the  one  forfeited  his  land,  the  other  his 
signiory  or  rights  over  it."  ^  In  this  is  comprehended  the  very 
foundation  of  feudal  policy,  because  in  its  simplicity  we  recognize 
first  principles  involving  mutual  preservation.  The  best  [156] 
commentary  on  this  definition  of  simple  truth  will  be  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Rajputs  themselves  in  two  papers  :  one  containing 
the  opinions  of  the  chiefs  of  Marwar  on  the  reciprocal  duties  of 
sovereign  and  vassal ;  -  the  other,  those  of  the  sub-vassals  of 
Deogarh,  one  of  the  largest  fiefs  in  Rajasthan,  of  their  rights,  the 
infringement  of  them,  and  the  remedy.^ 

If,  at  any  former  period  in  the  history  of  Marwar,  its  prince 
had  thus  dared  to  act,  his  signiory  and  rights  over  it  would  not 
have  been  of  great  value  ;  his  crown  and  life  would  both  have 
been  endangered  by  these  turbulent  and  determined  vassals.  How 
much  is  comprehended  in  that  manly,  yet  respectful  sentence  : 
"  If  he  accepts  our  services,  then  he  is  our  prince  and  leader  ; 
if  not,  but  our  equal,  and  we  again  his  brothers,  claimants  of  and 
laying  claim  to  the  soil."  In  the  remonstrance  of  the  sub-vassals 
of  Deogarh,  we  have  the  same  sentiments  on  a  reduced  scale. 
In  both  we  have  the  ties  of  blood  and  kindred,  connected  with 
and  strengthening  national  policy.  If  a  doubt  could  exist  as  to 
the  principle  of  fiefs  being  similar  in  Rajasthan  and  in  Europe, 
it  might  be  set  at  rest  by  the  important  question  long  agitated  by 
the  feodal  lawyers  in  Europe,  "  whether  the  vassal  is  bound  to 
follow  the  standard  of  his  lord  against  his  own  kindred  or  against 
his  sovereign  "  :  which  in  these  States  is  illustrated  by  a  simple 
and  universal  proof.  If  the  question  were  put  to  a  Rajput  to 
whom  his  service  is  due,  whether  to  his  chief  or  his  sovereign,  the 

1  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  173.  *  See  Appendix,  No.  I. 

3  See  Appendix,  Noa.  II.  and  III. 


DUTIES  OP^  THE  VASSAL  CHIEFS  183 

reply  would  be,  Raj  ka  malik  ivuh,  pat  ^  ka  malik  yih  :  '  He  is  Lhe 
'Sovereign  of  the  State,  but  this  is  my  head' :  an  ambiguous  phrase, 
but  well  understood  to  imply  that  Iiis  own  immediate  chief  is 
the  only  authority  he  regards. 

This  will  appear  to  militate  against  the  right  of  remonstrance 
(as  in  the  case  of  the  vassals  of  Deogarh),  for  they  look  to  the 
crown  for  protection  against  injustice  ;  they  annihilate  other 
rights  by  admitting  appeal  higher  than  this.  Every  class  looks 
out  for  some  resource  against  oppression.  The  sovereign  is  the 
last  applied  to  on  such  occasions,  with  whom  the  sub-vassal  has 
no  bond  of  connexion.  He  can  receive  no  favour,  nor  perform 
any  service,  but  through  his  own  immediate  superior  ;  and  pre- 
sumes not  to  question  (in  cases  not  personal  to  himself)  the  pro- 
priety of  his  chief's  actions,  adopting  implicitly  his  feelings  [157] 
and  resentments.  The  daily  familiar  intercourse  of  life  is  far  too 
engrossing  to  allow  him  to  speculate,  and  with  his  lord  he  lives 
a  patriot  or  dies  a  traitor.  In  proof  of  this,  numerous  instances 
could  be  given  of  whole  clans  devoting  themselves  to  the  chief 
against  their  sovereign ;  ^  not  from  the  ties  of  kindred,  for  many 
were  aliens  to  blood  ;  but  from  the  ties  of  duty,  gratitude,  and 
all  that  constitutes  clannish  attachment,  superadded  to  feudal 
obligation.  The  sovereign,  as  before  observed,  has  nothing  to  do 
with  those  vassals  not  holding  directly  from  the  crown  ;  and 
those  who  wish  to  stand  well  with  their  chiefs  would  be  very  slow 
in  receiving  any  honours  or  favours  from  the  general  fountain- 
head.  The  Deogarh  chief  sent  one  of  his  sub- vassals  to  court 
on  a  mission  ;  his  address  and  deportment  gained  him  favour,  and 
his  consequence  was  increased  by  a  seat  in  the  presence  of  his 
sovereign.  When  he  returned,  he  found  this  had  lost  him  the 
favour  of  his  chief,  who  was  offended,  and  conceived  a  jealousy 
both  of  his  prince  and  his  servant.  The  distinction  paid  to  the 
latter  was,  he  said,  subversive  of  liis  proper  authority,  and  the 
vassal  incurred  by  his  vanity  the  loss  of  estimation  where  alone 
it  was  of  value. 

Obligations  of  a  Vassal. — The  attempt  to  define  all  the  obliga- 
tions of  a  vassal  would  be  endless  :  they  involve  all  the  duties  of 
kindred  in  addition  to  those  of  obedience.     To  attend  the  court 

^  Pat  means  '  head,'  '  chief.' 

^  The  death  of  the  chief  of  Nimaj,  in  the  Annals  of  Marwar,  and  Sheogarh 
Feud,  in  the  Personal  Narrative,  Vol.  II. 


184  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

of  his  chief  ;  never  to  absent  himself  without  leave  ;  to  ride  with 
him  a-hunting  ;  to  attend  him  at  the  court  of  his  sovereign  or  to 
war,  and  even  give  himself  as  a  hostage  for  his  release  ;  these  are 
some  of  the  duties  of  a  vassal. 


CHAPTER   3 

Feudal  Incidents. — I  shall  now  proceed  to  compare  the  more 
general  obligations  of  vassals,  known  under  the  term  of  '  Feudal 
Incidents  '  in  Europe,  and  show  their  existence  in  Rajasthan. 
These  were  six  in  num.ber  :  1.  Reliefs  ;  2.  Fines  of  alienation  ; 
3.  Escheats  ;  4.  Aids  ;  5.  Wardship  ;  6.  Marriage  [158]. 

Relief. — The  first  and  most  essential  mark  of  a  feudal  relation 
exists  in  all  its  force  and  purity  here  :  it  is  a  perpetually  recurring 
mark  of  the  source  of  the  grant,  and  the  solemn  renewal  of  the 
pledge  which  originally  obtained  it.  In  Mewar  it  is  a  virtual 
and  bona  fide  surrender  of  the  fief  and  renewal  thereof.  It  is 
thus  defined  in  European  polity  :  "A  relief  ^  is  a  sum  of  money 
due  from  every  one  of  full  age  taking  a  fief  by  descent."  It  was 
arbitrary,  and  the  consequent  exactions  formed  a  ground  of  dis- 
content ;  nor  was  the  tax  fixed  till  a  comparatively  recent  period. 

By  Magna  Charta  reliefs  were  settled  at  rates  proportionate 
to  the  dignity  of  the  holder."  In  France  the  relief  was  fixed  by 
the  customary  laws  at  one  year's  revenue.'  This  last  has  long 
been  the  settled  amount  of  nazarana,  or  fine  of  relief,  in  Mewar. 

^  "  Plusieurs  possesseurs  de  fiefs,  ayant  voulu  en  laisser  perpetuellement 
la  propriete  a  leurs  descendans,  prirent  des  arrangemens  avec  leur  Seigneur  ; 
et,  outre  ce  qu'ils  donnerent  pour  faire  le  marche,  lis  s'engagerent,  eux  et  leur 
posterite,  a  abandonner  pendant  une  annee,  au  Seigneur,  la  jouissance  entiere 
du  fief,  chaque  fois  que  le  dit  fief  changcrait  de  main.  C'est  ce  qui  forma  le 
droit  de  relief.  Quand  un  gentilhomme  avait  deroge,  il  pouvait  effaeer 
cotte  tachc  moycnnant  finances,  et  ce  qu'il  payait  s'appelait  relief,  il  recevait 
pour  quittance  des  lettres  de  relief  ou  de  rehabilitation-"  (Art.  '  Refief, 
Diet,  de  Vane.  Eegime). 

^  Namely,  "  the  heir  or  heirs  of  an  earl,  for  an  entire  earldom,  one  hundred 
pounds  ;  the  heir  or  heirs  of  a  baron,  for  an  entire  barony,  one  hundred 
marks  ;  the  heir  or  heirs  of  a  knight,  for  a  whole  knight's  fee,  one  hundred 
shilhngs  at  most  "  (Art.  III.  Magna  Charta). 

'  "  Le  droit  de  rachat  devoit  se  payer  a  chaque  mutation  d'heritier,  et 
se  paya  meme  d'abord  en  hgne  directe. — La  coutume  la  plus  generale 
i'avait  fixe  a  une  annee  du  revenue  "  {L'Esprit  des  Loix,  livre  xxxi.  chap, 
xxxiii.) 


RELIEFS  185 

Fine  paid  on  Succession. — On  the  demise  of  a  cliief,  the  prince 
inuTiediately  sends  a  party,  termed  the  zabti  (sequestrator),  con- 
sisting of  a  civil  olBcer  and  a  few  soldiers,  who  take  possession  of 
the  State  in  the  prince's  name.  The  heir  sends  his  prayer  to 
court  to  be  installed  in  the  property,  offering  the  proper  relief. 
This  paid,  the  chief  is  invited  to  repair  to  the  presence,  when  he 
performs  homage,  and  makes  protestations  of  service  and  fealty  ; 
he  receives  a  fresh  grant,  and  the  inauguration  terminates  by  the 
prince  girding  liim  with  a  sword,  in  the  old  forms  of  chivalry. 
It  is  an  imposing  ceremony,  performed  in  a  full  assembly  of  the 
court,  and  one  of  the  few  which  has  never  been  relinquished. 
The  fine  paid,  and  the  brand  buckled  to  his  side,  a  steed,  turban, 
plume,  and  dress  of  honour  given  to  the  chief,  the  investiture  ^ 
is  [159]  complete ;  the  sequestrator  returns  to  court,  and  the 
chief  to  his  estate,  to  receive  the  vows  and  congratulations  of 
his  vassals.^ 

In  this  we  plainly  perceive  the  original  power  (whether  exer- 
cised or  not)  of  resumption.  On  this  subject  more  will  appear 
in  treating  of  the  duration  of  grants.  The  kharg  bandhai,  or 
'  binding  of  the  sword,'  is  also  performed  when  a  Rajput  is  fit  to 
bear  arms  ;  as  amongst  the  ancient  German  tribes,  when  they 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  aspirant  for  fame  a  lance.  Such  are  the 
substitutes  for  the  toga  virilis  of  the  young  Roman.  The  Rana 
himself  is  thus  ordained  a  knight  by  the  first  of  his  vassals  in 
dignity,  the  chief  of  Salumbar. 

Renunciation  o£  Beliefs. — In  the  demoralization  of  all  those 
States,  some  of  the  chiefs  obtained  renimciation  of  the  fine  of 

^  That  symbolic  species  of  investiture  denominated  '  improper  investi- 
ture,' the  delivery  of  a  turf,  stone,  and  wand,  has  its  analogies  amongst  the 
mountaineers  of  the  AravalU.  The  old  baron  of  Badnor,  when  the  Mer 
villages  were  reduced,  was  clamorous  about  his  feudal  rights  over  those  wild 
people.  It  was  but  the  point  of  honour.  Erom  one  he  had  a  hare,  from 
another  a  bullock,  and  so  low  as  a  pair  of  sticks  which  they  use  on  the 
festivals  of  the  Hoh.  These  marks  of  vassalage  come  under  the  head  of 
'  petite  serjanteri '  (petit  serjeantry)  in  the  feudal  system  of  Europe  (see 
Art.  XLI.  of  Magna  Charta). 

^  ["  All  Rajput  Jagirdars,  or  holders  of  assigned  lands,  pay  nazarana  on 
the  accession  of  a  new  Maharana,  and  on  certain  other  occasions,  while  most 
of  them  pay  a  fine  called  Kaid  ['  imprisonment ']  on  succeeding  to  these 
estates.  On  the  death  of  a  Rajput  Jagirdar,  his  estates  immediately  revert 
to  the  Darbar,  and  so  remain  until  his  son  or  successor  is  recognized  by  the 
Maharana,  when  the  grant  is  renewed,  and  a  fresh  lease  taken  "  (Erskine 
ii.  A.  71).] 


186  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

relief,  which  was  tantamount  to  making  a  grant  in  perpetuity, 
and  annulling  the  most  overt  sign  of  paramount  sovereignty. 
But  these  and  many  other  important  encroachments  were  made 
when  little  remained  of  the  reality,  or  when  it  was  obscured  by 
a  series  of  oppressions  unexampled  in  any  European  State. 

It  is  in  Mewar  alone,  I  believe,  of  all  Rajasthan,  that  these 
marks  of  fealty  are  observable  to  such  an  extent.  But  what 
is  remarked  elsewhere  upon  the  fiefs  being  movable,  will  support 
the  doctrine  of  resumption  though  it  might  not  be  practised  :  a 
prerogative  may  exist  without  its  being  exercised. 

Fine  of  Alienation. — Rajasthan  never  attained  this  refine- 
ment indicative  of  the  dismemberment  of  the  system  ;  so  vicious 
and  self-destructive  a  notion  never  had  existence  in  these  States. 
Alienation  does  not  belong  to  a  system  of  fiefs  :  the  lord  would 
never  consent  to  it,  but  on  very  peculiar  occasions. 

In  Cutch,  amongst  the  Jareja  ^  tribes,  sub-vassals  may  alienate 
their  estates  ;  but  this  privilege  is  dependent  on  the  mode  of 
acquisition.  Perhaps  the  only  knowledge  we  have  in  Rajasthan 
of  alienation  requiring  the  sanction  of  the  lord  paramount,  is  in 
donations  for  pious  uses  :  but  this  is  partial.  We  see  in  the  re- 
monstrance of  the  Deogarh  vassals  the  opinion  they  entertained 
of  their  lord's  alienation  of  their  sub-fees  to  strangers,  and  without 
the  Rana's  consent  ;  which,  with  a  similar  train  of  conduct,  pro- 
duced sequestration  of  his  flef  till  they  were  reinducted  [160]. 

Tenants  of  the  Crown  may  Alienate. — The  agricultural  tenants, 
proprietors  of  land  held  of  the  crown,  may  alienate  their  rights 
upon  a  small  fine,  levied  merely  to  mark  the  transaction.  But 
the  tenures  of  these  non-combatants  and  the  holders  of  fees  are 
entirely  distinct,  and  cannot  here  be  entered  on,  further  than  to 
say  that  the  agriculturist  is,  or  was,  the  proprietor  of  the  soil  ; 
the  chief,  solely  of  the  tax  levied  thereon.  But  in  Europe  the 
alienation  of  the  feuduni  paternum  was  not  good  without  the 
consent  of  the  kindred  in  the  line  of  succession.^  This  would 
involve  sub-infeudation  and  frerage,  which  I  shall  touch  on 
distinctly,  many  of  the  troubles  of  these  countries  arising  there- 
from. 

^  Jareja  is  the  title  of  the  Rajput  race  in  Cutch  ;  they  are  descendants 
of  the  Yadus,  and  claim  from  Krishna.  In  early  ages  they  inhabited  the 
tracts  on  the  Indus  and  in  Seistan  [p.  102  above]. 

*  Wright  on  Tenures,  apud  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  185. 


ESCHEATS  AND  FORFEITURES  :  AIDS  187 

Escheats  and  Forfeitures. — The  flefs  which  v/ere  only  to  descend 
in  hneal  succession  reverted  to  the  crown  on  failure  of  heirs,  as 
they  could  not  be  bequeathed  by  will.  This  answers  equally  well 
for  England  as  for  Mewar.  I  have  witnessed  escheats  of  this 
kind,  and  foresee  more,  if  the  pernicious  practice  of  unlimited 
adoption  do  not  prevent  the  Rana  from  regaining  lands,  alienated 
by  himself  at  periods  of  contention.  Forfeitures  for  crimes 
must,  of  course,  occur,  and  these  are  partial  or  entire,  according 
to  the  delinquency. 

In  Marwar,  at  this  moment,  nearly  all  the  representatives  of 
the  great  fiefs  of  that  country  are  exiles  from  their  homes  :  a 
distant  branch  of  the  same  family,  the  prince  of  Idar,  would  have 
adopted  a  similar  line  of  conduct  but  for  a  timely  check  from  the 
hand  of  benevolence.^ 

There  is,  or  rather  was,  a  class  of  lands  in  Mewar  appended  to 
the  crown,  of  which  it  bestowed  life-rents  on  men  of  merit.  These 
were  termed  Chhorutar,  and  were  given  and  taken  back,  as  the 
name  implies  ;  in  contradistinction  to  grants  which,  though  origin- 
ating in  good  behaviour,  not  only  continued  for  life  but  descended 
in  perpetuity.  Such  places  are  still  so  marked  in  the  rent-roll, 
but  they  are  seldom  applied  to  the  proper  purpose. 

Aids. — Aids,  implying  '  free  gifts,'  or  '  benevolences,'  as  they 
were  termed  in  a  European  code,  are  well  known.  The  barar 
(war-tax)  is  well  understood  in  Mewar,  and  is  levied  on  many 
occasions  for  the  necessities  of  the  prince  or  the  head  of  a  clan. 
It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  the  dasaundh,  or  '  tenth,'  in  Mewar,  as  in 
Europe,  was  the  [161]  stated  sum  to  be  levied  in  periods  of  emer- 
gency or  danger.  On  the  marriage  of  the  daughters  of  the  prince, 
a  benevolence  or  contribution  was  always  levied  :  this  varied. 
A  few  years  ago,  when  two  daughters  and  a  granddaughter  were 
married  to  the  princes  of  Jaisalmer,  Bikaner,  and  Kishangarh,  a 
schedule  of  one-sixth,  to  portion  the  three,  was  made  out  ;  but 
it  did  not  realize  above  an  eighth.  In  this  aid  the  civil  officers 
of  government  contribute  equally  with  the  others.  It  is  a  point 
of  honour  with  all  to  see  their  sovereign's  daughters  married, 
and  for  once  the  contribution  merited  the  name  of  benevolence. 

^  The  Hon.  Mr.  Elphinstone,  Governor  of  Bombay.  As  we  prevented  the 
spoliation  of  Idar  by  the  predatory  powers,  we  are  but  right  in  seeing  that 
the  head  does  not  become  the  spoliator  himself,  and  make  these  brave  men 
"  wish  any  change  but  that  which  we  have  given  them." 


188  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

But  it  is  not  levied  solely  from  the  coffers  of  the  rich  ;  by  the 
chiefs  it  is  exacted  of  their  tenantry  of  all  classes,  who,  of  course, 
wish  such  subjects  of  rejoicing  to  be  of  as  rare  occurrence  as 
possible. 

"  These  feudal  aids  are  deserving  of  our  notice  as  the  com- 
mencement of  taxation,  of  which  they  long  answered  the  purpose, 
till  the  craving  necessities  and  covetous  policy  of  kings  established 
for  them  more  durable  and  onerous  burthens."  ^ 

The  great  chiefs,  it  may  be  assumed,  were  not  backward,  on 
like  occasions,  to  follow  such  examples,  but  these  gifts  were  more 
voluntary.  Of  the  details  of  aids  in  France  we  find  enumerated, 
"  paying  the  relief  to  the  suzerain  on  taking  possession  of  his 
lands  "  ;  ^  and  by  Magna  Charta  our  barons  could  levy  them  on 
the  following  counts  :  to  make  the  baron's  eldest  son  a  knight, 
to  marry  his  eldest  daughter,  or  to  redeem  his  person  from  cap- 
tivity. The  latter  is  also  one  occasion  for  the  demand  in  all  these 
covmtries.  The  chief  is  frequently  made  jDrisoner  in  their  preda- 
tory invasions,  and  carried  off  as  a  hostage  for  the  payment  of  a 
war  contribution.  Everything  disposable  is  often  got  rid  of  on 
an  occasion  of  this  kind.  Cceur  de  Lion  would  not  have  remained 
so  long  in  the  dungeons  of  Austria  had  his  subjects  been  Rajputs. 
In  Amber  the  most  extensive  benevolence,  or  barar,^  is  on  the 
marriage  of  the  Rajkumar,  or  heir  apparent. 

Wardship. — This  does  exist,  to  foster  the  infant  vassal  during 
minority  ;  but  often  terminating,  as  in  the  system  of  Europe,  in 
the  nefarious  act  of  defrauding  a  helpless  infant,  to  the  pecuniary 
benefit  of  some  court  favourite.  It  is  accordingly  [1G2]  here 
undertaken  occasionally  by  the  head  of  the  clan  ;  but  two  strong- 
recent  instances  brought  the  dark  ages,  and  the  purchase  of 
wardships  for  the  purpose  of  spoliation,  to  mind.  The  first  was 
in  the  Deogarh  chief  obtaining  by  bribe  the  entire  management 
of  the  lands  of  Sangramgarh,  on  pretence  of  improving  them  for 
the  infant,  Nahar  Singh,  whose  father  was  incapacitated  by 
derangement.  Nahar  was  a  junior  branch  of  the  clan  Sangawat, 
a  subdivision  of  the  Chondawat  clan,  both  Sesodias  of  the  Rana's 
blood.  The  object,  at  the  time,  was  to  unite  them  to  Deogarh, 
though  he  pleaded  duty  as  liead  of  the  clan.  His  nomination  of 
young  Nahar  as  liis  own  heir  gives  a  colouring  of  truth  to  his 

^  Hallara.  ^  Ducange,  apud  Hallam. 

^  Barar  is  the  generic  name  for  taxation. 


WARDSHIP  189 

intentions  ;  and  he  succeeded,  though  there  were  nearer  of  kin, 
who  were  set  aside  (at  the  wish  of  the  vassals  of  Deogarh  and 
witli  the  concurrence  of  the  sovereign)  as  unfit  to  head  them  or 
serve  him. 

Another  instance  of  the  danger  of  permitting  wardships, 
particularly  where  the  guardian  is  the  superior  in  clanship  and 
kindred,  is  exemplified  iii  the  Kalyanpur  estate  in  Mewar.  That 
property  had  been  derived  from  the  crown  only  two  generations 
back,  and  was  of  the  annual  value  of  ten  thousand  rupees.  The 
mother  having  little  interest  at  court,  the  Salumbar  chief,  by 
bribery  and  intrigue,  upon  paying  a  fine  of  about  one  year's  rent, 
obtained  possession  —  ostensibly  to  guard  the  infant's  rights ; 
but  the  falsehood  of  this  motive  was  soon  apparent.  There  were 
duties  to  perform  on  holding  it  which  were  not  thought  of.  It 
was  a  frontier  post,  and  a  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  quotas  to 
defend  that  border  from  the  incursions  of  the  wild  tribes  of  the 
south-west.  The  Salumbar  chief,  being  always  deficient  in  the 
quota  for  his  own  estate,  was  not  likely  to  be  very  zealous  in  his 
muster-roll  for  his  ward's,  and  complaints  were  made  which 
threatened  a  change.  The  chief  of  Chawand  was  talked  of  as 
one  who  would  provide  for  the  widow  and  minor,  who  could  not 
perform  the  duties  of  defence. 

The  sovereign  himself  often  assumes  the  guardianship  of 
minors  ;  but  the  mother  is  generally  considered  the  most  proper 
guardian  for  her  infant  son.  All  others  may  have  interests  of 
their  own  ;  she  can  be  actuated  by  his  welfare  alone.  Custom, 
therefore,  constitutes  her  the  guardian  ;  and  with  the  assistance 
of  the  elders  of  the  family,  she  rears  and  educates  the  young  chief 
till  he  is  fit  to  be  girded  with  the  sword  [103].^ 

The  Faujdar,  or  military  manager,  who  frequently  regulates 
the  household  as  weU  as  the  subdivisions  of  the  estate,  is  seldom 
of  the  kin  or  clan  of  the  chief  :  a  wise  regulation,  the  omission  of 
which  has  been  known  to  produce,  in  these  niaires  dii  palais  on  a 
small  scale,  the  same  results  as  will  be  described  in  the  larger. 
This  officer,  and  the  civil  functionary  who  transacts  all  the 
pecuniary  concerns  of  the  estate,  with  the  mother  and  her  family, 
are  always  considered  to  be  the  proper  guardians  of  the  minor. 
'  Blood  which  could  not  inherit,'  was  the  requisite  for  a  guardian 

^  The  charter  of  Henry  I.  promises  the  custody  of  heirs  to  the  mother  or 
next  of  kin  (Hallam,  vol.  ii.  p.  429). 


190  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

in  Europe/  as  here  ;   and  when  neglected,  the  results  are  in  both 
cases  the  same. 

Marriage. — Refinement  was  too  strong  on  the  side  of  the 
Rajput  to  admit  this  incident,  which,  with  that  of  wardship 
(both  partial  in  Europe),  illustrated  the  rapacity  ot  the  feudal 
aristocracy.  Every  chief,  before  he  marries,  makes  it  known  to 
his  sovereign.  It  is  a  compliment  which  is  expected,  and  is 
besides  attended  with  some  advantage,  as  the  prince  invariably 
confers  presents  of  honour,  according  to  the  station  of  the 
individual. 

No  Rajput  can  marry  in  his  own  clan  ;  and  the  incident  was 
originated  in  the  Norman  institutes,  to  prevent  the  vassal  marry- 
ing out  of  his  class,  or  amongst  the  enemies  of  his  sovereign.^ 

Thus,  setting  aside  marriage  (which  even  in  Europe  was  only 
partial  and  local)  and  alienation,  four  of  the  six  chief  incidents 
marking  the  feudal  system  are  in  force  in  Rajasthan,  viz.  relief, 
escheats,  aids,  and  wardships. 

Duration  of  Grants. — T  shall  now  endeavour  to  combine  all  the 
knowledge  I  possess  with  regard  to  the  objects  attained  in  granting 
lands,  the  nature  and  durability  of  these  grants,  whether  for  life 
and  renewable,  or  in  perpetuity.  I  speak  of  the  rules  as  under- 
stood in  Mewar.  We  ought  not  to  expect  much  system  in  what 
was  devoid  of  regularity,  even  according  to  the  old  principles  of 
European  feudal  law,  which,  though  now  reduced  to  some  fixed 
])rinciples,  originated  in,  and  was  governed  by,  fortuitous  cir- 
cumstances ;  and  after  often  changing  its  character,  ended  in 
despotism,  oligarchy,  or  democracy. 

Classes  of  Landholders. — There  are  two  classes  of  Rajput 
landholders  in  INIewar,  though  the  one  greatly  exceeds  the  other 
in  number.  One  is  the  Girasia  Thakur,  or  lord  ;  the  other  the 
Bliumia.  The  Girasia  chieftain  is  he  who  holds  (giras)  by  grant 
(pafto)  of  the  [164]  prince,  for  which  he  performs  service  with 
specified  quotas  at  home  and  abroad,  renewable  at  every  lapse, 
when  all  the  ceremonies  of  resumption,^  the  fine  of  relief,'*  and  the 
investiture  take  place. 

The  Bhumia  does  not  renew  his  grant,  but  holds  on  prescriptive 

1    Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  190. 

*  [The  nile  of  tribal  exogamy,  whatever  may  be  its  origin,  is  much  more 
primitive  than  the  author  supposed  (Sir  J.  G.  Frazer,  Totemism  and  Exogamy, 
i.  54  ff.).]  ^  Zahii,  'sequestration.'  *  Nazarana. 


GIRASIA  :  GRANTS  RESUMABLE  191 

possession.  He  succeeds  without  any  fine,  but  pays  a  small 
annual  quit-rent,  and  can  be  called  upon  for  local  service  in  the 
district  which  he  in.habits  for  a  certain  period  of  time.  He  is  the 
counterpart  of  the  allodial  proprietor  of  the  European  system, 
and  the  real  zamindar  of  these  principalities.  Both  have  the 
same  signification  ;  from  bhum  and  zamin,  '  land  '  :  the  latter 
is  an  exotic  of  Persian  origin. 

Girasia. — Girasia  is  from  giras,  '  a  subsistence  '  ;  literally  and 
familiarly  '  a  mouthful.'  Whether  it  may  have  a  like  origm  with 
the  Celtic  word  gwas,^  said  to  mean  '  a  servant,'  ^  and  whence  the 
word  vassal  is  derived,  I  shall  leave  to  etymologists  to  decide, 
who  may  trace  the  resemblance  to  the  girasia,  the  vassal  chieftain 
of  the  Rajputs.  All  the  chartularies  or  pattas  ^  commence, 
"  To  .  .  .  giras  has  been  ordained." 

Whether  Resumable. — It  has  always  been  a  subject  of  doubt 
whether  grants  were  resumable  at  pleasure,  or  without  some 
delinquency  imputable  to  the  vassal.  Their  duration  in  Europe 
was,  at  least,  the  life  of  the  possessor,  when  they  reverted  *  to 
the  fisc.  The  whole  of  the  ceremonies  in  cases  of  such  lapse  are 
decisive  on  this  point  in  Mewar.  The  right  to  resume,  therefore, 
may  be  presumed  to  exist  ;  while  the  non-practice  of  it,  the 
formalities  of  renewal  being  gone  through,  may  be  said  to  render 
the  right  a  dead  letter.  But  to  prove  its  existence  I  need  only 
mention,  that  so  late  as  the  reign  of  Rana  Sangram/  the  fiefs  of 
Mewar  were  actually  movable  ;  and  little  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  has  passed  since  this  practice  ceased.  Thus  a  Rathor 
would  shift,  with  family,  chattels,  and  retainers,  from  the  north 
into  the  wUds  of  Chappan  ;  ^  while  the  Saktawat  relieved  would 

1  It  might  not  be  unworthy  of  research  to  trace  many  words  common  to 
the  Hindu  and  the  Celt ;  or  to  inquire  whether  the  Kimbri,  the  Juts  or 
Getae,  the  Sakasena,  the  Chatti  of  the  Elbe  and  Cimbric  Chersonese,  and 
the  ancient  Britons,  did  not  bring  their  terms  with  their  bards  and  votes 
(the  Bhats  and  Bardais)  from  the  highland  of  Scythia  east  of  the  Caspian, 
which  originated  the  nations  common  to  both,  improved  beyond  the  Wolga 
and  the  Indus  [?]. 

^  HaUam,  vol.  i.  155.     [Welsh,  Cornish  givas,  '  a  servant.'] 

*  Patta,  a  '  patent '  or  '  grant ' ;   Pattawat,  '  holder  of  the  fief  or  grant.' 

*  Montesquieu,  chaps,  xxv.,  liv.,  xxxi. 

^  Ten  generations  ago.  [At  present  an  estate  is  not  liable  to  confiscation 
save  for  some  gross  pohtical  offence  (Erskine  ii.  A.  71).] 

*  The  mountainous  and  woody  region  to  the  south-west,  dividing  Mewar 
from  Gujarat. 


192  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

occupy  the  plains  at  the  foot  of  the  Aravalli  ;  ^  or  a  Chondawat 
would  exchange  his  [165]  abode  on  the  banks  of  the  Chambal 
with  a  Pramara  or  Chauhan  from  the  table-mountain,  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Mewar.^ 

Since  these  exchanges  were  occurring,  it  is  evident  the  fiefs 
(pattas)  were  not  grants  in  perpetuity.  This  is  just  the  state  of 
the  benefices  in  France  at  an  early  period,  as  described  by  Gibbon, 
following  Montesquieu  :  "  Les  benefices  etoient  amovibles  :  bien- 
tot  ils  les  rendirent  perpetuels,  et  enfin  hereditaires."  ^  This  is 
the  precise  gradation  of  fiefs  in  Mewar  ;  movable,  perpetual,  and 
then  hereditary.  The  sons  were  occasionally  permitted  to  suc- 
ceed their  fathers  ;  *  an  indulgence  which  easily  grew  into  a  right, 
though  the  crown  had  the  indubitable  reversion.  It  is  not,  how- 
ever, impossible  that  these  changes  ^  were  not  of  ancient  authority, 
but  arose  from  the  policy  of  the  times  to  prevent  infidelity. 

We  ought  to  have  a  high  opinion  of  princes  who  could  produce 
an  effect  so  powerful  on  the  minds  of  a  proud  and  turbulent 
nobility.  The  son  was  heir  to  the  title  and  power  over  the 
vassals'  personals  and  movables,  and  to  the  allegiance  of  his 
father,  but  to  nothing  which  could  endanger  that  allegiance. 

A  proper  apportioning  and  mixture  of  the  different  clans  was 
another  good  result  to  prevent  their  combinations  in  powerful 
families,  which  gave  effect  to  rebellion,  and  has  tended  more  than 
external  causes  to  the  ruin  which  the  State  of  Mewar  exhibits. 

^  The  grand  chain  dividing  the  western  from  the  central  States  of 
Rajasthan. 

^  Such  changes  were  triennial ;  and,  as  I  have  heard  the  prince  himself 
say,  so  interwoven  with  their  customs  was  this  rule  tJiat  it  caused  no  dis- 
satisfaction ;  but  of  this  we  may  be  allowed  at  least  to  doubt.  It  was  a 
perfect  check  to  the  imbibing  of  local  attachment ;  and  the  prohibition 
against  erecting  forts  for  refuge  or  defiance,  prevented  its  growth  if  acquired. 
It  produced  the  object  intended,  obedience  to  the  prince,  and  unity  against 
the  restless  Mogul.  Perhaps  to  these  institutions  it  is  owing  that  Mewar 
alone  never  was  conquered  by  the  kings  during  the  protracted  struggle  of 
seven  centuries  ;  though  at  length  worried  and  worn  out,  her  power  expired 
with  theirs,  and  predatory  spohation  completed  her  ruin. 

^  Gibbon,  Misc.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  189  ;  Sur  le  systeme  feodal  surtout  en 
France. 

*  Hallam,  quoting  Gregory  of  Tours  ;   the  picture  drawn  in  a.d.  595. 

'  "  Fiefs  had  partially  become  hereditary  towards  the  end  of  the  first 
race :  in  these  days  they  had  not  the  idea  of  an  '  unah enable  fief.' "  Montes- 
quieu, vol.  ii.  p.  431.  The  historian  of  the  Middle  Ages  doubts  if  ever  they 
were  resumable  at  pleasure,  unless  from  delinquency. 


KALA  PATTAS  193 

Nobility  :  Introduction  o£  Foreign  Stocks. — Throughout  the 
various  gradations  of  its  nobility,  it  was  the  original  policy  to 
introduce  some  who  were  foreign  in  country  and  blood.  Chiefs  of 
the  Rathor,  Chauhan,  Pramara,  Solanki,  and  Bhatti  tribes  were 
intermingled.  Of  these  several  were  lineal  descendants  of  the 
most  ancient  races  of  the  kings  of  Delhi  and  Anhilwara  Patan  ;  ^ 
and  from  these,  in  order  to  preserve  the  purity  of  blood,  the 
princes  of  Mewar  took  their  wives,  when  the  other  princes  of 
Hind  assented  to  [166]  the  degradation  of  giving  daughters  in 
marriage  to  the  emperors  of  Delhi.  The  princes  of  Mewar  never 
yielded  in  this  point,  but  preserved  their  ancient  manners  amidst 
all  vicissitudes.  In  like  manner  did  the  nobles  of  the  Rana's 
blood  take  daughters  from  the  same  tribes  ;  the  interest  of  this 
foreign  race  was  therefore  strongly  identified  with  the  general 
welfare,  and  on  all  occasions  of  internal  turmoil  and  rebellion 
they  invariably  supported  their  prince.  But  when  these  wise 
institutions  were  overlooked,  when  the  great  clans  increased 
and  congregated  together,  and  the  crown  demesne  was  impover- 
ished by  prodigality,  rebellions  were  fostered  by  Mahratta 
rapacity,  which  were  little  known  during  the  lengthened  para- 
mount sway  of  the  kings  of  Delhi.  This  foreign  admixture 
will  lead  us  to  the  discussion  of  the  different  kinds  of  grants  : 
a  difference,  perhaps,  more  nominal  than  real,  but  exhibiting  a 
distinction  so  wide  as  to  imply  grants  resumable  and  irresum- 
able. 

Kala  Pattas. — It  is  elsewhere  related  that  two  great  clans, 
descendants  of  the  Ranas  Rae  Mall  and  Udai  Singh,  and  their 
numerous  scions,  forming  subdivisions  with  separate  titles  or 
patronymics,  compose  the  chief  vassalage  of  this  country. 

Exogamy. — Chondawat  and  Saktawat  are  the  stock  ;  the 
former  is  subdivided  into  ten,  the  latter  into  about  six  clans. 
Rajputs  never  intermarry  with  their  own  kin  :  the  prohibition 
has  no  limit  ;  it  extends  to  the  remotest  degree.  All  these  clans 
are  resolvable  into  the  generic  term  of  '  the  race  '  or  Kula  Sesodia. 
A  Sesodia  man  and  woman  cannot  unite  in  wedlock — all  these 
are  therefore  of  the  blood  royal  ;  and  the  essayists  on  population 
would  have  had  a  fine  field  in  these  quarters  a  century  ago,  ere 
constant  misery  had  thinned  the  coimtry,  to  trace  the  numerous 

^  The  Nahlwara  of  D'Anville  and  the  Arabian  travellers  of  the  eighth 
century,  the  capital  of  the  Balhara  kings. 

VOL.  I  O 


194  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

progeny  of  Chonda  and  Sakta  in  the  Genesis  ^  of  Mewar.  The 
Bhat's  genealogies  would  still,  to  a  certain  extent,  afford  the  same 
means. 

Descent  gives  a  strength  to  the  tenure  of  these  tribes  which 
the  foreign  nobles  do  not  possess  ;  for  although,  from  all  that 
has  been  said,  it  will  be  evident  that  a  right  of  reversion  and 
resumption  existed  (though  seldom  exercised,  and  never  but  in 
cases  of  crime),  yet  the  foreigner  had  not  this  strength  in  the  soil, 
even  though  of  twenty  generations'  duration.  The  epithet  of 
kala  patta,  or  '  black  grant,'  attaches  to  the  foreign  grant,  and  is 
admitted  by  the  holder,  from  which  the  kinsman  thinks  himself 
exempt.  It  is  virtually  a  grant  resumable  ;  nor  can  the  pos- 
sessors feel  that  security  which  the  other  widely  affiliated  aristo- 
cracies afford  [167].  When,  on  a  recent  occasion,  a  revision  of 
all  the  grants  took  place,  the  old  ones  being  called  in  to  be  renewed 
under  the  sign-manual  of  the  reigning  prince,  the  minister  himself 
visited  the  chief  of  Salumbar,  the  head  of  the  Chondawats,  at  his 
residence  at  the  capital,  for  this  purpose.  Having  become 
possessed  of  several  villages  in  the  confusion  of  the  times,  a 
perusal  of  the  grant  would  have  been  the  means  of  detection  ; 
and  on  being  urged  to  send  to  his  estate  for  it,  he  replied,  pointing 
to  the  palace,  "  My  grant  is  in  the  fovmdation  of  that  edifice  "  : 
an  answer  worthy  of  a  descendant  of  Chonda,  then  only  just  of 
age.  The  expression  marks  the  spirit  which  animates  this  people, 
and  recalls  to  mind  the  well-known  reply  of  our  own  Earl  Warenne, 
on  the  very  same  occasion,  to  the  quo  warranto  of  Edward  :  "  By 
their  swords  my  ancestors  obtained  this  land,  and  by  mine  will  I 
maintain  it." 

Hence  it  may  be  pronounced  that  a  grant  of  an  estate  is  for 
the  life  of  the  holder,  with  inheritance  for  his  offspring  in  lineal 
descent  or  adoption,  with  the  sanction  of  the  prince,  and  resum- 
able for  crime  or  incapacity  :  ^  this  reversion  and  power  of 
resumption  being  marked  by  the  usual  ceremonies  on  each  lapse 

^  Janam,  '  birth  ' ;  es,  '  lord  '  or  '  man.'  [See  p.  24  above.] 
^  "  La  loi  des  Lombards  oppose  les  benefices  a  la  propriete.  Les  his- 
toriens,  les  formules,  les  codes  des  differens  peuples  barbares,  tons  les  monu- 
mens  qui  nous  restent,  sont  unanimes.  Enfin,  ceux  qui  ont  ecrit  le  livre  dea 
fiefs,  nous  apprennent,  que  d'abord  les  Seigneurs  purent  les  oter  a  leur 
volonte,  qu'ensuite  ils  les  assurerent  pour  un  an,  et  apres  les  donnerenfc  pour 
la  vie  "  (L'Esprit  des  Loix,  chap.  xvi.  livre  30). 


THE  BHUMIAS  195 

of  the  grantee,  of  sequestration  (zabti),  of  relief  (nazarano),  of 
homage  and  investiture  of  the  heir.  Those  estates  held  by 
foreign  nobles  differ  not  in  tenure  ;  though,  for  the  reasons 
specified,  they  have  not  the  same  grounds  of  security  as  the 
others,  in  whose  welfare  the  whole  body  is  mterested,  feeling  the 
case  to  be  their  own  :  and  their  interests,  certainly,  have  not 
been  so  consulted  since  the  rebellions  of  S.  1822,^  and  subsequent 
years.  Witness  the  Chauhans  of  Bedla  and  Kotharia  (in  the 
Udaipur  valley),  and  the  Pramar  of  the  plateau  of  Mewar,  all 
chiefs  of  the  first  rank. 

The  difficulty  and  danger  of  resuming  an  old-established  grant 
'n  these  countries  are  too  great  to  be  lightly  risked.  Though  in 
all  these  estates  there  is  a  mixture  of  foreign  Rajputs,  yet  the 
blood  of  the  chief  predominates  ;  and  these  must  have  a  leader 
of  their  own,  or  be  incorporated  in  the  estates  of  the  nearest  of 
kin.  This  increase  might  not  be  desirable  for  the  crown,  but  the 
sub-vassals  cannot  be  turned  [168]  adrift  ;  a  resumption  therefore 
in  these  countries  is  widely  felt,  as  it  involves  many.  If  crime  or 
incapacity  render  it  necessary,  the  prince  inducts  a  new  head  of 
that  blood  ;  and  it  is  their  pride,  as  well  as  the  prince's  interest, 
that  a  proper  choice  should  be  made.  If,  as  has  often  occurred, 
the  title  be  abolished,  the  sub-vassals  retain  their  sub-infeuda- 
tions,  and  become  attached  to  the  crown. 

Many  estates  were  obtained,  during  periods  of  external  com- 
motion, by  threats,  combination,  or  the  avarice  of  the  prince — his 
short-sighted  policy,  or  that  of  his  ministers — which  have  been 
remedied  in  the  late  reorganization  of  Mewar  ;  where,  by  retro- 
grading half  a  century,  and  bringing  matters  as  near  as  po'ssible 
to  the  period  preceding  civil  dissension,  they  have  advanced  at 
least  a  century  towards  order. 

Bhumia,  the  Allodial  Proprietor. — It  is  stated  in  the  historical 
annals  of  this  country  that  the  ancient  clans,  prior  to  Sanga 
Rana,-  had  ceased,  on  the  rising  greatness  of  the  subsequent  new 
division  of  clans,  to  hold  the  higher  grades  of  rank  ;  and  had,  in 
fact,  merged  into  the  general  military  landed  proprietors  of  this 
country  under  the  term  bhumia,  a  most  expressive  and  compre- 
hensive name,  importing  absolute  identity  with  the  soil  :  bhum 
meaning  '  land,'  and  being  far  more  expressive  than  the  new- 

1  A.D.  1766. 
2  Contemporary  and  opponent  of  Sultan  Babur. 


196  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

fangled  word,  unknown  to  Hindu  India,  of  zamindar,  the  '  land- 
holder '  of  Muhammadan  growth.  These  Bhumias,  the  scions 
of  the  earliest  princes,  are  to  be  met  with  in  various  parts  of 
Mewar  ;  though  only  in  those  of  high  antiquity,  where  they  were 
defended  from  oppression  by  the  rocks  and  wilds  in  which  they 
obtained  a  footing  ;  as  in  Kumbhalmer,  the  wilds  of  Chappan, 
or  plains  of  Mandalgarh,  long  under  the  kings,  and  where  their 
agricultural  pursuits  maintained  them. 

Their  clannish  appellations,  Kumbhawat,  Lunawat,  and 
Ranawat,  distinctly  show  from  what  stem  and  when  they  branched 
off  ;  and  as  they  ceased  to  be  of  sufficient  importance  to  visit  the 
court  on  the  new  and  continually  extending  ramifications,  they 
took  to  the  plough.  But  while  they  disdained  not  to  derive  a 
subsistence  from  labouring  as  husbandmen,  they  never  abandoned 
their  arms  ;  and  the  Bhumia,  amid  the  crags  of  the  alpine  Aravalli 
where  he  pastures  his  cattle  or  cultivates  his  fields,  preserves  the 
erect  mien  and  proud  spirit  of  his  ancestors,  with  more  tractability, 
and  less  arrogance  and  folly,  than  his  more  [169]  courtly  but  now 
widely  separated  brethren,  who  often  make  a  jest  of  his  in- 
dustrious but  less  refined  qualifications.^  Some  of  these  yet 
possess  entire  villages,  which  are  subject  to  the  payment  of  a 
small  quit-rent  :  they  also  constitute  a  local  militia,  to  be  called 
in  by  the  governor  of  the  district,  but  for  which  service  they  are 
entitled  to  rations  or  peti.^     These,  the  allodial  ^  tenantry  of  our 

^  Many  of  them  taking  wives  from  the  degraded  but  aboriginal  races  in 
their  neighbouring  retreats,  have  begot  a  mixed  progeny,  who,  in  describing 
themselves,  unite  the  tribes  of  father  and  mother. 

^  Literally,  '  a  belly-full.' 

3  Allodial  property  is  defined  (Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  144)  as  "  land  which  had 
descended  by  inheritance,  subject  to  no  burthen  but  pubUc  defence.  It 
passed  to  all  the  children  equally  ;  in  failure  of  children,  to  the  nearest 
kindred."  Thus  it  is  strictly  the  Miras  or  Bhuni  of  the  Rajputs  :  inheritance, 
patrimony.  In  Mewar  it  is  divisible  to  a  certain  extent ;  but  in  Cutch,  to 
infinity  :  and  is  liable  only  to  local  defence.  The  holder  of  bhum  calls  it 
his  Adyapi,  i.e.  of  old,  by  prescriptive  right ;  not  by  written  deed.  Montes- 
quieu, describing  the  conversion  of  allodial  estates  into  fiefs,  says,  "These 
lands  were  held  by  Romans  or  Franks  (i.e.  freemen)  not  the  king's  vassals," 
viz.  lands  exterior  and  anterior  to  the  monarchy.  We  have  Rathor,  Solanki, 
and  other  tribes,  now  holding  bhum  in  various  districts,  whose  ancestors 
were  conquered  by  the  Sesodias,  but  left  in  possession  of  small  portions 
insufficient  to  cause  jealousy.     Some  of  these  may  be  said  to  have  converted 

their  lands  into  fiefs,  as  the  Chauhan  lord  of ,  who  served  the  Salumbar 

chief. 


FEUDAL  MILITIA  197 

feudal  system,  form  a  considerable  body  in  many  districts,  armed 
with  matchlock,  sword,  and  shield.  In  Mandalgarh,  when  their 
own  interests  and  the  prince's  unite  (though  the  rapacity  of 
governors,  pupils  of  the  Mahratta  and  other  predatory  schools, 
have  disgusted  these  independents),  four  thousand  Bhumias 
could  be  collected.  They  held  and  maintained  without  support 
the  important  fortress  of  that  district,  during  half  a  century  of 
turmoil,  for  their  prince.  Mandalgarh  is  the  largest  district  of 
Mewar,  and  in  its  three  hundred  and  sixty  towns  and  villages 
many  specimens  of  ancient  usage  may  be  found.  The  Solanki 
held  largely  here  in  ancient  days,  and  the  descendant  of  the 
princes  of  Patau  still  retains  his  Bhum  and  title  of  Rao.^ 

Feudal  Militia. — All  this  feudal  militia  pay  a  quit-rent  to  the 
crown,  and  perform  local  but  limited  service  on  the  frontier 
garrison  ;  and  upon  invasion,^  when  the  Kher  is  called  out,  the 
whole  are  at  the  disposal  of  the  prince  on  furnishing  rations 
only.  They  assert  that  they  ought  not  to  pay  this  quit-rent  and 
perform  service  also  ;  but  this  may  be  doubted,  since  the  sum 
is  so  small.  To  elude  it,  they  often  performed  service  under 
some  powerful  chief,  where  faction  or  court  interest  [170]  caused 
it  to  be  winked  at.  To  serve  without  a  patta  is  the  great  object 
of  ambition.  Ma  ka  bhum,  '  my  land,'  in  their  Doric  tongue,  is  a 
favourite  phrase.' 

^  Amidst  ruins  overgrown  with  forest,  I  discovered  on  two  tables  of  stone 
the  genealogical  history  of  this  branch,  which  was  of  considerable  use  in 
elucidating  that  of  Anhilwara,  and  which  corresponded  so  well  with  the 
genealogies  of  a  decayed  bard  of  the  family,  who  travelled  the  country  for  a 
subsistence,  that  I  feel  assured  they  formerly  made  good  use  of  these  marble 
records.  "  See  Appendix,  Nos.  XVI.  and  XVJI. 

*  I  was  intimately  acquainted  with,  and  much  esteemed,  many  of  these 
Bhumia  chiefs — from  my  friend  Paharji  (the  rock),  Ranawat  of  Amargarh, 
to  the  Kumbhawat  of  Sesoda  on  the  highest  point,  lord  of  the  jiass  of  the 
Aravalli ;  and  even  the  mountain  hon,  Dungar  Singh  who  bore  amongst  us, 
from  his  old  raids,  the  famiHar  title  of  Roderic  Dhu.  In  each  situation  I 
have  had  my  tents  filled  with  them  ;  and  it  was  one  of  the  greatest  pleasures 
I  ever  experienced,  after  I  had  taken  my  leave  of  them,  perhaps  for  ever, 
crossed  the  frontiers  of  Mewar,  and  encamped  in  the  dreary  pass  between  it 
and  Marwar,  to  find  that  a  body  of  them  had  been  my  guards  during  the 
night.  This  is  one  of  the  many  pleasing  recollections  of  the  past.  Fortu- 
nately for  our  happiness,  the  mind  admits  their  preponderance  over  opposite 
feeUngs.  I  had  much  to  do  in  aiding  the  restoration  of  their  past  condition  ; 
leaving,  I  believe,  as  few  traces  of  error  in  the  mode  as  could  be  expected, 
where  so  many  conflicting  interests  were  to  be  reconciled. 


198  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

Circumstances  have  concurred  to  produce  a  resemblance  even 
to  the  refined  fiction  of  giving  up  their  allodial  property  to  have 
it  conferred  as  a  fief.  But  in  candour  it  should  be  stated,  that 
the  only  instances  were  caused  by  the  desire  of  being  revenged 
on  the  immediate  superiors  of  the  vassals.  The  Rathor  chief  of 
Dabla  held  of  his  superior,  the  Raja  of  Banera,  three  considerable 
places  included  in  the  grant  of  Banera.  He  paid  homage,  an 
annual  quit-rent,  was  bound  to  attend  him  personally  to  court, 
and  to  furnish  thirty-five  horse  in  case  of  an  invasion.  During 
the  troubles,  though  perfectly  equal  to  their  performance,  he 
was  remiss  in  all  these  duties.  His  chief,  with  returning  peace, 
desired  to  enforce  the  return  to  ancient  customs,  and  his  rights 
so  long  withheld  ;  but  the  Rathor  had  ielt  the  sweets  of  entire 
independence,  and  refused  to  attend  his  smnmons.  To  the 
warrant  he  replied,  "  his  head  and  Dabla  were  together  "  ;  and 
he  would  neither  pay  the  quit-rent  nor  attend  his  court.  This 
refractory  spirit  was  reported  to  the  Rana  ;  and  it  ended  in  Dabla 
being  added  to  the  fisc,  and  the  chief's  holding  the  rest  as  a  vassal 
of  the  Rana,  but  only  to  perform  local  service.  There  are  many 
other  petty  free  proprietors  on  the  Banera  estate,  holding  from 
small  portions  of  land  to  sinall  villages  ;  but  the  service  is  limited 
and  local  in  order  to  swell  the  chief's  miniature  court.  If  they 
accompany  him,  he  must  find  rations  for  them  and  their  steeds. 

So  cherished  is  this  tenure  of  Bhum,  that  the  greatest  chiefs 
are  always  solicitous  to  obtain  it,  even  in  the  villages  wholly 
dependent  on  their  authority  :  a  decided  proof  of  its  durability 
above  common  grants.  The  various  modes  in  which  it  is  ac- 
quired, and  the  precise  technicalities  which  distinguished  its 
tenure,  as  well  as  the  privileges  attached  to  it,  are  fully  developed 
in  translations  of  different  deeds  on  the  subject  [171].^ 

Rajas  of  Banera  and  Shahpura.— We  have  also,  amongst  the 
nobilitj'^  of  Mewar,  two  who  hold  the  independent  title  of  prince 
or  raja,  one  of  whom  is  by  far  too  powerful  for  a  subject.  These 
are  the  Rajas  of  Banera  and  Shahpura,  both  of  the  blood  royal. 
The  ancestor  of  the  first  was  the  twin-brother  of  Rana  Jai  Singh  ; 
the  other,  a  Ranawat,  branched  off  from  Rana  Udai  Singh. 

They  have  their  grants  renewed,  and  receive  the  khilat  of 
investiture  ;  but  they  pay  no  relief,  and  are  exempt  from  all 
but  persona]  attendance  at  their  prince's  court,  and  the  local 
^  See  Appendix. 


SUB-INFEUDATION  199 

service  of  the  district  in  which  their  estates  are  situated.  They 
have  hitherto  paid  but  Httle  attention  to  their  duties,  but  this 
defect  arose  out  of  the  times.  These  lands  lying  most  exposed 
to  the  imperial  headquarters  at  Ajmer,  they  were  compelled  to 
bend  to  circumstances,  and  the  kings  were  glad  to  confer  rank 
and  honour  on  such  near  relations  of  the  Rana's  house.  He 
bestowed  on  them  the  titles  of  Raja,  and  added  to  the  Shahpura 
chief's  patrimony  a  large  estate  in  Ajmer,  which  he  now  holds 
direct  of  the  British  Government,  on  payment  of  an  annual  tribute. 

Form  and  Substance  o£  Grant. — To  give  a  proper  idea  of  the 
variety  of  items  forming  these  chartularies,  I  append  several  * 
which  exhibit  the  rights,  privileges,  and  honours,  as  well  as  the 
sources  of  income,  while  they  also  record  the  terms  on  which  they 
are  granted.  Many  royalties  have  been  alienated  in  modern  times 
by  the  thoughtless  prodigality  of  the  princes  ;  even  the  grand 
mark  of  vassalage,  the  fine  of  relief,  has  been  forgiven  to  one  or  two 
individuals  ;  portions  of  transit  duties,  tolls  on  ferries,  and  other 
seignorial  rights ;  coining  copper  currency;  exactions  of  every  kind, 
from  the  levy  of  toll  for  night  protection  of  merchandise  and  for  the 
repairs  of  fortifications,  to  the  share  of  the  depredations  of  the  com- 
mon robber,  will  sufficiently  show  the  demoralization  of  the  country. 

Division  of  Pattas,  or  Sub-infeudation. — Many  years  ago,  when 
the  similarity  of  the  systems  first  struck  my  attention,  I  took 
one  of  the  grants  or  pattas  of  a  great  vassal  of  Jaipur,  and  dis- 
sected it  in  all  its  minutiae,  with  the  aid  of  a  very  competent 
authority  who  had  resided  as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  chief. 
This  document,  in  which  the  subdivision  of  the  whole  clan  is 
detailed,  materially  aided  me  in  developing  the  system  [172]. 

The  court  and  the  household  economy  of  a  great  chieftain  is 
a  miniature  representation  of  the  sovereign's  :  the  same  officers, 
from  the  pardhan,  or  minister,  to  the  cup-bearer  (paniyari),  as 
well  as  the  same  domestic  arrangements.  He  must  have  his 
sliish-mahall,-  his  hari-mahaU,^  and  his  mandir,*  like  his  prince. 

1  See  Appendix,  Nos.  IV.,  V.,  VI. 

^  Mirror  apartments.  [To  meet  the  demand  for  the  glass  mosaics  seen 
in  the  palaces  of  Rajputana,  the  Panjab,  and  Burma,  the  industry  of  blowing 
glass  globes,  silvered  inside,  came  into  existence.  The  globes  are  broken 
into  fragments,  and  set  in  cement  (in  Burma  in  laquer),  and  used  to  decorate 
the  walls  (Watt,  C'omm.  Prod.  563,  717  f.).  There  is  a  Shish  Mahall  in  the 
Agra  Fort.]  ^  Gardens  on  the  terrace  within  the  palace. 

*  Private  temple  of  worship. 


200  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

He  enters  the  dari-sala,  or  carpet  hall,  the  minstrel  ^  preceding 
him  rehearsing  the  praises  of  his  family  ;  and  he  takes  his  seat 
on  his  throne,  while  the  assembled  retainers,  marshalled  in  lines 
on  the  right  and  left,  simultaneously  exclaim,  "  Health  to  our 
chief !  "  which  salutation  he  returns  by  bowing  to  all  as  he  passes 
them.  When  he  is  seated,  at  a  given  signal  they  all  follow  the 
example,  and  shield  rattles  against  shield  as  they  wedge  into 
their  places. 

We  have  neither  the  kiss  nor  individual  oaths  of  fidelity 
administered.  It  is  sufficient,  when  a  chief  succeeds  to  his  patri- 
mony, that  his  '  aw  '  ^  is  proclaimed  within  his  sim  or  boundary. 
Allegiance  is  as  hereditary  as  the  land  :  "I  am  your  child  ;  my 
head  and  sword  are  yours,  my  service  is  at  your  command." 
It  is  a  rare  thing  for  a  Rajput  to  betray  his  Thakur,  while  the 
instances  of  self-devotion  for  him  are  innumerable  :  many  will 
be  seen  interspersed  in  these  papers.  Base  desertion,  to  their 
honour  be  it  said,  is  little  known,  and  known  only  to  be  execrated. 
Fidelity  to  the  chief,  Swamidharma,  is  the  climax  of  all  the  virtues. 
The  Rajput  is  taught  from  his  infancy,  in  the  song  of  the  bard, 
to  regard  it  as  the  source  of  honour  here,  and  of  happiness  here- 
after. The  poet  Chand  abounds  with  episodes  on  the  duty  and 
beauty  of  fidelity  ;  nor  does  it  require  a  very  fervid  imagination 
to  picture  the  affections  which  such  a  life  is  calculated  to  promote, 
when  the  chief  is  possessed  of  the  qualities  to  call  them  forth. 
At  the  chase  his  vassals  attend  him  :  in  the  covert  of  the  forest, 
the  ground  their  social  board,  they  eat  their  repast  together, 
from  the  venison  or  wild  boar  furnished  by  the  sport  of  the  day  ; 
nor  is  the  cup  neglected.  They  are  familiarly  admitted  at  all 
times  to  his  presence,  and  accompany  him  to  the  court  of  their 
mutual  sovereign.     In  short,  they  are  inseparable.' 

Their  having  retained  so  much  of  their  ancient  manners  and 
customs,  during  [173]  centuries  of  misery  and  oppression,  is  the 
best  evidence  that  those  customs  were  riveted  to  their  very  souls. 
The  Rajput  of  character  is  a  being  of  the  most  acute  sensibility  ; 

^  DhoU. 

^  An  is  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Three  things  in  Mewar  are  royalties  a 
subject  cannot  meddle  with  :  1,  ^n,  or  oath  of  allegiance  ;  2,  Dan,  or  transit 
dues  on  commerce  ;    3,  Khan,  or  mines  of  the  precious  metals. 

^  I  rather  describe  what  they  were,  than  what  they  are.  Contentions  and 
poverty  have  weakened  their  sympathies  and  affections ;  but  the  mind  of 
philanthropy  must  hope  that  they  will  again  become  what  they  have  been. 


CHARSA  201 

where  honour  is  concerned,  the  most  trivial  omission  is  often 
ignorantly  construed  into  an  affront. 

Provision  for  Chief's  Relations. — In  all  the  large  estates  the 
chief  must  provide  for  his  sons  or  brothers,  according  to  his 
means  and  the  number  of  immediate  descendants.  In  an  estate 
of  sixty  to  eighty  thousand  rupees  of  annual  rent,  the  second 
brother  might  have  a  village  of  three  to  Ave  thousand  of  rent. 
This  is  his  patrimony  (bnpota)  :  he  besides  pushes  his  fortune 
at  the  court  of  his  sovereign  or  abroad.  Juniors  share  in  propor- 
tion. These  again  subdivide,  and  have  their  little  circle  of 
dependents.  Each  new  family  is  known  by  the  name  of  the 
founder  conjoined  to  that  of  his  father  and  tribe  :  Man  Megh- 
singhgot  Saktawat  ;  that  is,  '  Man,  family  of  Megh,  tribe  Sak- 
tawat.'     The  subdivisions  descend  to  the  lowest  denomination. 

Charsa. —  Charsa,  a  '  hide  of  land,'  or  al)out  sufficient  to 
furnish  an  equipped  cavalier.  It  is  a  singular  coincidence  that 
the  term  for  the  lowest  subdivision  of  land  for  military  service 
should  be  the  same  amongst  the  Rajputs  as  in  the  English  system. 
Besides  being  similar  in  name,  it  nearly  corresponds  in  actual 
quantity.  From  the  beginning  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  government 
the  land  was  divided  into  hides,  each  comprehending  what  could 
be  cultivated  by  a  single  plough.^  Four  hides  constituted  one 
knight's  fee,^  which  is  stated  to  be  about  forty  acres.  The  Charsa 
may  have  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  bighas  ;  which  are  equal 
to  about  ten  acres — the  Saxon  hide. 

For  what  these  minor  vassals  held  to  be  their  rights  on  the 
great  pattawats,  the  reader  is  again  referred  to  the  letter  of  protest 
of  the  inferior  jjattawats  of  the  Deogarh  estate  —  it  may  aid 
his  judgement  ;  and  it  is  curious  to  observe  how  nearly  the 
subject  of  their  prayer  to  the  sovereign  corresponded  with  the 
edict  of  Conrad  of  Italy,'  in  the  year  1037,  which  originated  in 

^  Millar's  Historical  View  of  the  English  Government,  p.  85.  [See  p.  156 
above.] 

*  Hume,  History  of  England,  Appendix  II.  vol.  ii.  p.  291. 

^  "  1.  That  no  man  should  be  deprived  of  his  fief,  whether  held  of  the 
emperor  or  mesne  lord,  but  by  the  laws  of  the  empire  and  judgement  of  his 
peers.  2.  That  from  such  judgeinent  the  vassal  might  appeal  to  his  sovereign. 
3.  That  fiefs  should  be  inherited  by  sons  and  their  children,  or  in  their 
failure  by  brothers,  provided  they  were  feuda.  paterna,  such  as  had  descended 
fi-om  the  father.  4.  That  the  lord  should  not  alienate  the  fief  of  his  vassal 
without  his  consent.' 


202  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

disagreements  between  the  great  lords  and  their  vassals  on  the 
subject  of  sub-infeudations  [174]. 

The  extent  to  which  the  subdivision  before  mentioned  is  carried 
in  some  of  the  Rajput  States,  is  ruinous  to  the  protection  and 
general  welfare  of  the  country.  It  is  pursued  in  some  parts  till 
there  is  actually  nothing  left  sufficiently  large  to  share,  or  to 
furnish  subsistence  for  one  individual  :  consequently  a  great 
deprivation  of  services  to  the  State  ensues.  But  this  does  not 
prevail  so  much  in  the  larger  principalities  as  in  the  isolated 
tributary  Thakurats  or  lordships  scattered  over  the  country  ;  as 
amongst  the  Jarejas  of  Cutch,  the  tribes  in  Kathiawar,  and 
the  small  independencies  of  Gujarat  bordering  on  the  greater 
western  Rajput  States.  This  error  in  policy  requires  to  be 
checked  by  supreme  authority,  as  it  was  in  England  by  Magna 
Charta,^  when  the  barons  of  those  days  took  such  precautions 
to  secure  their  own  seignorial  rights. 

Brotherhood. — -The  system  in  these  countries  of  minute  sub- 
division of  fiefs  is  termed  bhayyad,^  or  brotherhood,  synonymous 
to  the  tenure  by  frerage  of  France,  but  styled  only  an  approxi- 
mation to  sub-infeudation.^  "  Give  me  my  bat  (share),"  says 
the  Rajput,  when  he  attains  to  man's  estate,  '  the  bat  of  the 
bhayyad,'  the  portion  of  the  frerage  ;  and  thus  they  go  on  clipping 
and  paring  till  all  are  impoverished.  The  '  customs  '  of  France  * 
preserved  the  dignities  of  families  and  the  indivisibility  of  a  feudal 
homage,  without  exposing  the  younger  sons  of  a  gentleman  to 
beggary  and  dependence.  It  would  be  a  great  national  benefit 
if  some  means  could  be  found  to  limit  this  subdivision,  but  it  is 
an  evil  difficult  of  remedy.  The  divisibility  of  the  Cutch  and 
Kathiawar  frerage,  carried  to  the  most  destructive  extent,  is  pro- 
ductive of  litigation,  crime,  and  misery.  Where  it  has  proper 
limits  it  is  useful  ;  but  though  the  idea  of  each  rood  supporting 
its  man  is  very  poetical,  it  does  not  and  cannot  answer  in  practice. 
Its  limit  in  Mewar  we  would  not  undertake  to  assert,  but  the 
vassals  are  careful  not  to  let  it  become  too  small  ;  they  send  the 
extra  numbers  to  seek  their  fortunes  abroad.  In  this  custom* 
and  the  difficulty  of  finding  daejas,  or  dowers,  for  their  daughters, 

^  By  the  revised  statute.  Quia  emptores,  of  Edw.  I.,  which  forbids  it  in 
excess,  under  penalty  of  forfeiture  (Hallam,  vo].  i.  p.  184). 
^  Bhayyad,  '  frerage.' 
3  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  186.  *  Ibid. 


RAKHWALI  203 

we  have  the  two  chief  causes  of  infanticide  amongst  the  Rajputs, 
which  horrible  practice  was  not  always  confined  to  the  female. 

The  author  of  the  Middle  Ages  exemplifies  ingeniously  the 
advantages  of  sub-[175]infeudation,  by  the  instance  of  two 
persons  holding  one  knight's  fee  ;  and  as  the  lord  was  entitled 
to  the  service  of  one  for  forty  days,  he  could  commute  it  for  the 
joint  service  of  the  two  for  twenty  days  each.  He  even  erects 
as  a  maxim  on  it,  that  "  whatever  opposition  was  made  to  the 
rights  of  sub-infeudation  or  frerage,  would  indicate  decay  in  the 
military  character,  the  living  principle  of  feudal  tenure "  ;  ^ 
which  remark  may  be  just  where  proper  limitation  exists,  before 
it  reaches  that  extent  when  the  impoverished  vassal  would  descend 
to  mend  his  shoes  instead  of  liis  shield.  Primogeniture  is  the 
corner-stone  of  feudality,  but  this  unrestricted  sub-infeudation 
would  soon  destroy  it."  It  is  strong  in  these  States  ;  its  rights 
were  first  introduced  by  the  Normans  from  Scandinavia.  But 
more  will  appear  on  this  subject  and  its  technicalities,  in  the 
personal  narrative  of  the  author. 


CHAPTER   4 

Rakhwali. — I  now  proceed  to  another  point  of  striking 
resemblance  between  the  systems  of  the  east  and  west,  arising  from 
the  same  causes — the  unsettled  state  of  society,  and  the  deficiency 
of  paramount  protection.  It  is  here  called  rakhwali,^  or  '  pre- 
servation '  ;  the  salvamenta  of  Europe.*  To  a  certain  degree  it 
always  existed  in  these  States  ;    but  the  interminable  predatory 

^  Hallara,  vol.  i.  p.  186. 

"  ■'  Le  droit  d'ainesse  a  cause,  pendant  I'existence  du  regime  feodal,  une 
multitude  de  guerres  et  de  proces.  Notre  histoire  nous  presente,  a  chaque 
page,  des  cadets  reduits  a  la  mendicite,  se  Kvrant  a  toutes  sortes  de  brigan- 
dages pour  reparer  les  torts  de  la  fortune  ;  des  aines,  refusant  la  legitime  a 
leurs  freres  ;  des  cadets,  assassinant  leur  aine  pour  lui  succeder,  etc."  (see 
article,  '  Droit  d'ainesse,'  Diet,  de  VAncien  Regime). 

^  See  Appendix,  Nos.  VII.,  VIII.,  and  IX. 

*  This  is  the  '  sauvement  ou  vingtain  '  of  the  French  system  :  there  it 
ceased  with  the  cause.  "  Les  guerres  (feudal)  cesserent  avec  le  regime 
feodal,  et  les  paysans  n'eurent  plus  besoin  de  la  protection  du  Seigneur  ;  on 
ne  les  for9a  pas  moins  de  reparer  son  chateau,  et  de  lui  payer  le  droit  qui 
se  nommait  de  sauvement  ou  vingtain  "  (Art.  '  Chateau,'  Diet,  de  VAncien 
Regime). 


204  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

warfare  of  the  last  half  century  increased  it  to  so  frightful  an 
extent  that  superior  authority  was  required  to  redeem  the  abuses 
it  had  occasioned.  It  originated  in  the  necessity  of  protection  ; 
and  the  modes  of  obtaining  it,  as  well  as  the  compensation  [176] 
when  obtained,  were  various.  It  often  consisted  of  money  or 
kind  on  the  reaping  of  each  harvest  :  sometimes  in  a  multi- 
plicity of  petty  privileges  and  advantages,  but  the  chief  object 
was  to  obtain  bhwn  :  and  here  we  have  one  solution  of  the  con- 
stituted bhumia,^  assimilating,  as  observed,  to  the  allodial  pro- 
prietor. Bhum  thus  obtained  is  irrevocable  ;  and  in  the  eager 
anxiety  for  its  acquisition  we  have  another  decided  proof  of 
every  other  kind  of  tenure  being  deemed  resumable  by  the  crown. 
It  was  not  unfrequent  that  application  for  protection  was 
made  to  the  nearest  chief  by  the  tenants  of  the  fisc  ;  a  course 
eventually  sanctioned  by  the  Government,  which  could  not  refuse 
assent  where  it  could  not  protect.  Here,  then,  we  revert  to  first 
principles  ;  and  '  seignorial  rights  '  may  be  forfeited,  when  they 
cease  to  yield  that  which  ought  to  have  originated  them,  viz. 
benefit  to  the  community.  Personal  service  at  stated  periods, 
to  aid  in  the  agricultural  ^  economy  of  the  protector,  was  some- 
times stipulated,  when  the  husbandmen  were  to  find  implements 
and  cattle,*  and  to  attend  whenever  ordered.  The  protected 
calls  the  chief  '  patron  '  ;  and  the  condition  may  not  unaptly  be 
compared  to  that  of  personal  commendation,*  like  salvamenta, 
founded  on  the  disturbed  state  of  society.  But  what  originated 
thus  was  often  continued  and  multiplied  by  avarice,  and  the 
spirit  of  rapine,  which  disgraced  the  Rajput  of  the  last  half 
century,  though  he  had  abundance  of  apologies  for  '  scouring 
the  country.'  But  all  salvamenta  and  other  marks  of  vassalage, 
obtained  during  these  times  of  desolation,  were  annulled  in  the 
settlement  which  took  place  between  the  Rana  and  his  chiefs, 
in  A.D.  1818^  [177]. 

^  The  chief  might  lose  his  patta  landsj^and  he  would  then  dwindle  down 
into  the  bhumia  proprietor,  which  title  only  lawless  force  could  take  from 
him.     See  Appendix,  No.  IX. 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  X.,  Art.  II. 

^  This  species  would  come  under  the  distinct  term  of  Hydages  due  by 
soccage  vassals,  who  in  return  for  protection  supply  carriages  and  work 
(Hume,  vol.  ii.  p.  308). 

*  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  169. 

^  In  indulging  my  curiosity  on  this  subject,  1  collected  some  hundred 


RAKHWALI,  BASAl  205 

But  the  crown  itself,  by  some  singular  proceeding,  possesses, 
or  did  possess,  according  to  the  Patta  Bahi,  or  Book  of  Grants, 
considerable  salvnmenta  right,  especially  in  the  districts  between 
the  new  and  ancient  capitals,  in  sums  of  from  twenty  to  one 
hundred  rupees  in  separate  villages. 

To  such  an  extent  has  this  rakhwali  ^  been  carried  when  pro- 
tection was  desired,  that  whole  communities  have  ventured  their 
liberty,  and  become,  if  not  slaves,  yet  nearly  approaching  the 
condition  of  slaves,  to  the  protector.  But  no  common  visitation 
ever  leads  to  an  evil  of  this  magnitude.  I  mention  the  fact  merely 
to  show  that  it  does  exist  ;  and  we  may  infer  that  the  chief,  who 
has  become  the  arbiter  of  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  his  followers, 
must  have  obtained  this  power  by  devoting  all  to  their  protection. 
The  term  thus  originated,  and  probably  now  (with  many  others) 
written  for  the  first  time  in  English  letters  in  this  sense,  is  Basai. 

engagements,  and  many  of  a  most  singular  nature.  We  see  the  chieftain 
stipulating  for  fees  on  marriages  ;  for  a  dish  of  the  good  fare  at  the  wedding 
feast,  which  he  transfers  to  a  relation  of  his  district  if  unable  to  attend  him- 
self ;  portions  of  fuel  and  provender ;  and  even  wherewithal  to  fill  the 
wassail  cup  in  his  days  of  merriment.  The  Rajput's  rehgious  notions  are 
not  of  so  strict  a  character  as  to  prevent  his  even  exacting  his  rakhwali  dues 
from  the  churcli  lands,  and  the  threat  of  slaughtering  the  sacred  flock  of  our 
Indian  Apollo  has  been  resorted  to,  to  compel  payment  when  withheld. 
Nay,  by  the  chiefs  it  was  imposed  on  things  locomotive  :  on  caravans,  or 
Tandas  of  merchandise,  wherever  they  halted  for  the  day,  rakhwali  was 
demanded.  Each  petty  chief  through  whose  district  or  patch  of  territory 
they  travelled,  made  a  demand,  till  commerce  was  dreadfully  shackled  ; 
but  it  was  the  only  way  in  which  it  could  be  secured.  It  was  astonishing 
how  commerce  was  carried  on  at  all ;  yet  did  the  cloths  of  Dacca  and  the 
shawls  of  Kashmir  pass  through  all  such  restraints,  and  were  never  more  in 
request.  Where  there  is  demand  no  danger  will  deter  enterprise ;  and 
commerce  flourished  more  when  these  predatory  armies  were  rolUng  like 
waves  over  the  land,  than  during  the  succeeding  halcyon  days  of  pacification. 
^  The  method  by  which  the  country  is  brought  under  this  tax  is  as 
follows :  "  When  the  people  are  almost  ruined  by  continual  robberies  and 
plunders,  the  leader  of  the  band  of  thieves,  or  some  friend  of  his,  proposes 
that,  for  a  sum  of  money  annually  paid,  he  will  keep  a  number  of  men  in 
arms  to  protect  such  a  tract  of  ground,  or  as  many  parishes  as  submit  to  the 
contribution.  When  the  terms  are  agreed  upon  he  ceases  to  steal,  and 
thereby  the  contributors  are  safe  :  if  any  one  refuse  to  pay,  he  is  immediately 
plundered.  To  colour  all  this  villainy,  those  concerned  in  the  robberies  pay 
the  tax  with  the  rest ;  and  all  the  neighbourhood  must  comply  or  be  undone. 
This  is  the  case  (among  others),  with  the  whole  low  country  of  the  shire  of 
Ross  "  (Extract  from  Lord  Lovat's  Memorial  to  George  I.  on  the  State  of 
the  Highlands  of  Scotland,  in  a.d.  1724). 


206  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

Basai,  Slavery. — Slavery  is  to  be  found  in  successive  stages  of 
society  of  Europe,  but  we  have  no  parallel  in  Rajwara  (at  least 
in  name)  to  the  agricultural  serfs  and  villains  of  Europe  ;  nor  is 
there  any  intermediate  term  denoting  a  species  of  slavery  between 
the  Gola  ^  of  the  Hindu  chief's  household  and  the  free  Rajput 
but  the  singular  one  of  basai,  which  must  be  explained,  since  it 
cannot  be  translated.  This  class  approximates  closely  to  the 
trihutarii  and  coloni,  perhaps  to  the  servi,  of  the  Salic  Franks, 
"  who  were  cultivators  of  the  earth,  and  subject  to  residence 
upon  their  master's  estate,  though  not  destitute  of  property  or 
civil  rights."  ^  Precisely  the  condition  of  the  cultivator  in  Haraoti 
who  now  tills  for  a  taskmaster  the  fields  he  formerly  owned,  de- 
graded to  the  name  of  hali,^  a  ploughman. 

"  \Vlien  small  proprietors,"  saj^s  Hallam,  "  lost  their  lands  by 
mere  rapine,  we  may  believe  their  liberty  was  hardly  less  en- 
dangered." The  hali  of  Haraoti  knows  the  bitter  truth  of  this 
inference,  which  applies  to  the  subject  immediately  before  us, 
[178]  the  basai.  The  portion  of  liberty  the  latter  has  parted 
with,  was  not  originally  lost  through  compulsion  on  the  part  of 
the  protector,  but  from  external  violence,  which  made  this 
desperate  remedy  necessary.  Very  different  from  the  hali  of 
Kotah,  who  is  servile  though  without  the  title — a  serf  in  con- 
dition but  without  the  patrimony  ;  compelled  to  labour  for 
subsistence  on  the  land  he  once  owned  ;  chained  to  it  by  the 
double  tie  of  debt  and  strict  police  ;  and  if  flight  were  practicable, 
the  impossibility  of  bettering  his  condition  from  the  anarchy 
around  would  render  it  unavailing.  This  is  not  the  practice 
under  the  patriarchal  native  government,  which,  with  all  its 
faults,  retains  the  old  links  of  society,  with  its  redeeming  sym- 
pathies ;  but  springs  from  a  maire  du  palais,  who  pursued  an 
unfeeling  and  mistaken  policy  towards  this  class  of  society  till 
of  late  years.  Mistaken  ambition  was  the  origin  of  the  evil  ;  he 
saw  his  error,  and  remedied  it  in  time  to  prevent  further  inischief 
to  the  State.  This  octogenarian  ruler,  Zalim  Singh  of  Kotah, 
is  too  much  of  a  philosopher  and  politician  to  let  passion  over- 

^  In  Persian  ghuldm,  literally  '  slave  ' ;  evidently  a  word  of  the  same 
origin  with  the  Hindu  gola.     [The  words  have  no  connexion.] 

2  HaUam,  vol.  i.  p.  217. 

^  From  hal,  '  a  plough.'  Syl  is  '  a  plough  '  in  Saxon  (Turner's  Anglo- 
Saxons).  The  h  and  s  are  permutable  throughout  Rajwara.  [The  words 
have  no  connexion.]     In  Marwar,  Salim  Singh  is  pronounced  Halim  Hingh. 


SLAVERY  207 

come  his  interests  and  reputation  ;  and  we  owe  to  the  greatest 
despot  a  State  ever  had  the  only  regular  charter  which  at  present 
exists  in  Rajasthan,  investing  a  corporate  body  with  the  election 
of  their  own  magistrates  and  the  making  of  their  own  laws,  sub- 
ject only  to  confirmation  ;  with  all  the  privileges  which  marked 
in  the  outset  the  foundation  of  the  free  cities  of  Europe,  and  that 
of  boroughs  in  England. 

It  is  true  that,  in  detached  documents,  we  see  the  spirit  of 
these  institutions  existing  in  Mewar,  and  it  is  as  much  a  matter 
of  speculation,  whether  this  wise  ruler  promulgated  this  novelty 
as  a  trap  for  good  opinions,  or  from  policy  and  foresight  alone  : 
aware,  when  all  around  him  was  improving,  from  the  shackles 
of  restraint  being  cast  aside,  that  his  retention  of  them  must  be 
hurtful  to  himself.  Liberality  in  this  exigence  answered  the 
previous  purpose  of  extortion.  His  system,  even  then,  was  good 
by  comparison  ;  all  around  was  rapine,  save  in  the  little  oasis 
kept  verdant  by  his  skill,  where  he  permitted  no  other  oppression 
than  his  own. 

This  charter  is  appended  ^  as  a  curiosity  in  legislation,  being 
given  thirty  years  ago.  Another,  for  the  agriculturists'  protec- 
tion, was  set  up  in  a.d.  1821.  No  human  being  prompted  either  ; 
though  the  latter  is  modelled  from  the  proceedings  in  Mewar, 
and  may  have  been  intended,  as  before  observed,  to  entrap 
applause. 

In  every  district  of  Haraoti  the  stone  was  raised  to  record  this 
ordinance  [179]. 

Gola — Das  (Slaves). — Famine  in  these  regions  is  the  great  cause 
of  loss  of  liberty  :  thousands  were  sold  in  the  last  great  famine. 
The  predatory  system  of  the  Pindaris  and  mountain  tribes  aided 
to  keep  it  up.  Here,  as  amongst  the  Franks,  freedom  is  derived 
through  the  mother.  The  offspring  of  a  goli  ^  or  dasi  must  be  a 
slave.  Hence  the  great  number  of  golas  in  Rajput  families, 
whose  illegitimate  offspring  are  still  adorned  in  Mewar,  as  our 
Saxon  slaves  were  of  old,  with  a  silver  ring  round  the  left  ankle, 
instead  of  the  neck.  They  are  well  treated,  and  are  often  amongst 
the  best  of  the  military  retainers ;  *  but  are  generally  esteemed  in 
proportion  to  the  quality  of  the  mother,  whether  Rajputni, 
Muslim,  or  of  the  degraded  tribes  :   they  hold  confidential  places 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  XI.  *  Female  slave. 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  XIX. 


208  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

about  the  chiefs  of  whose  blood  they  are.  The  great -grand  father 
of  the  late  chief  of  Deogarh  used  to  appear  at  court  with  three 
hundred  galas  ^  on  horseback  in  his  train,  the  sons  of  Rajputs, 
each  with  a  gold  ring  round  his  ankle  :  men  whose  lives  were  his 
own.  This  chief  could  then  head  two  thousand  retainers,  his  own 
vassals.^ 

Slavery  due  to  Gambling. — Tacitus  ^  describes  the  baneful 
effects  of  gambling  amongst  the  German  tribes,  as  involving 
personal  liberty  ;  their  becoming  slaves,  and  being  subsequently 
sold  by  the  winner.  The  Rajput's  passion  for  gaming,  as  re- 
marked in  the  history  of  the  tribes,  is  strong  ;  and  we  can  revert 
to  periods  long  anterior  to  Tacitus,  and  perhaps  before  the  woods 
of  Germany  were  peopled  with  the  worshippers  of  Tuisto,  for  the 
antiquity  of  this  vice  amongst  the  Rajput  warriors,  presenting  a 
highly  interesting  picture  of  its  pernicious  effects.  Yudhishthira 
having  staked  and  lost  the  throne  of  India  to  Duryodhana,  to 
recover  it  hazarded  the  beautiful  and  virtuous  Draupadi.  By 
the  loaded  dice  of  his  foes  she  became  the  goli  of  the  Kaurava,  who, 
triumphing  in  his  pride,  would  have  unveiled  her  in  public  ;  but 
the  deity  presiding  over  female  modesty  preserved  her  from  the 
rude  gaze  of  the  assembled  host  ;  the  miraculous  scarf  lengthened 
as  he  withdrew  it,  till  tired,  he  desisted  at  the  instance  of  superior 
interposition.  Yudhishthira,  not  satisfied  with  this,  staked 
twelve  years  of  his  personal  liberty,  and  became  an  exile  from 
the  haunts  of  Kalindi,  a  wanderer  in  the  wilds  skirting  the  distant 
ocean  [180]. 

The  illegitimate  sons  of  the  Rana  are  called  das,  literally 
'  slave  '  :   they  have  no  rank,  though  they  are  liberally  provided 

^  The  reader  of  Dow's  translation  of  Ferishta  [i.  134]  may  recollect  that 
when  Kutbu-d-din  was  left  the  viceroy  of  the  conqueror  he  is  made  to  say  : 
"  He  gave  the  country  to  Gola  the  son  of  Pittu  Rai."  ["  He  delivered  over 
the  country  to  the  Gola,  or  natural  son,  of  Pithow  Ray  "  (Briggs'  trans, 
i.  128).]  Dow  mistakes  this  appellation  of  the  natural  brother  of  the  last 
Hindu  sovereign  for  a  proper  name.  He  is  mentioned  by  the  bard  Ghand  in 
his  exploits  of  Prithwiraja. 

^  I  have  often  received  the  most  confidential  messages,  from  chiefs  of  the 
highest  rank,  through  these  channels.  [There  are,  at  the  present  day, 
several  bastard  castes  originally  composed  of  the  illegitimate  children  of  men 
of  rank,  Rajputs,  Brahmans,  Mahajans,  and  others.  These  are  now  re- 
cruited from  the  descendants  of  such  persons,  and  from  recently  born  illegiti- 
mate children  (Census  Report,  Rajputana,  1911,  i.  2-i9f.).] 

^  Germania,  xxiv. 


SLAVES  209 

for.  Basai  signifies  '  acquired  slaveiy  '  ;  in  contradistinction  to 
gola,  '  an  hereditary  slave.'  The  gola  can  only  marry  a  goli  :  the 
lowest  Rajput  would  refuse  his  daughter  to  a  son  of  the  Rana  of 
this  kind.  The  basai  can  redeem  ^  his  liberty  :  the  gola  has  no 
wish  to  do  so,  because  he  could  not  improve  his  condition  nor 
overcome  his  natural  defects.  To  the  basai  nothing  dishonour- 
able attaches  :  the  class  retain  their  employments  and  caste,  and 
are  confined  to  no  occupation,  but  it  must  be  exercised  with  the 
chief's  sanction.  Individuals  reclaimed  from  captivity,  in  grati- 
tude have  given  up  their  liberty  :  communities,  when  this  or 
greater  evils  threatened,  have  done  the  same  for  protection  of 
their  lives,  religion,  and  honour.  Instances  exist  of  the  popula- 
tion of  towns  being  in  this  situation.  The  greater  part  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  estate  of  BijoUi  are  the  basai  of  its  chief,  who 
is  of  the  Pramara  tribe  :  they  are  his  subjects  ;  the  Rana,  the 
paramount  lord,  has  no  sort  of  authority  over  them.  Twelve 
generations  have  elapsed  since  his  ancestor  conducted  this  little 
colony  into  Mewar,  and  received  the  highest  honours  and  a  large 
estate  on  the  plateau  of  its  border,  in  a  most  interesting  country.^ 
The  only  badge  denoting  the  basai  is  a  small  tuft  of  hair  on  the 
crown  of  the  head.  The  term  interpreted  has  nothing  harsh  in 
it,  meaning  '  occupant,  dweller,  or  settler.'  The  numerous  towns 
in  India  called  Basai  have  this  origin  :  chiefs  abandoning  their 
ancient  haunts,  and  settling  *  with  all  their  retainers  and  chattels 
in  new  abodes.  From  this,  the  town  of  Basai  near  Tonk  (Ram* 
pura),  derived  its  name,  when  the  Solanki  prince  was  compelled 
to  abandon  his  patrimonial  lands  in  Gujarat  ;   his  subjects  of  all 

^  The  das  or  '  slave  '  may  hold  a  fief  in  Rajasthan,  but  he  never  can  rise 
above  the  condition  in  which  this  defect  of  birth  has  placed  him.  "  L'affran- 
chissement  consistait  a  sortir  de  la  classe  des  serfs,  par  Facquisition  d'un 
fief,  ou  seulement  d'un  fonds.  La  necessite  oil  s'etaient  trouves  les  seigneurs 
feodaux  de  vendre  une  partie  do  leurs  terres,  pour  faire  leurs  equipages  des 
croisades,  avait  rendu  ces  acquisitions  communes  ;  mais  le  fief  n'anobhssait 
qu'a  la  troisieme  generation."  Serfs  who  had  twice  or  thrice  been  cham- 
pions, or  saved  the  hves  of  their  masters,  were  also  liberated.  "  Un  eveque 
d'Auxerre  declara  qu'il  n'affranchirait  gratuitement,  qui  que  ce  soit,  s'il 
n'avait  re^u  quinze  blessurea  a  son  service "  (see  Article  '  Affranchisse- 
ment,'  Diet,  de  Vancien  Regime). 

^  I  could  but  indistinctly  learn  whether  this  migration,  and  the  species 
of  paternity  here  existing,  arose  from  rescuing  them  from  Tatar  invaders, 
or  from  the  calamity  of  famine. 

'  Basna,  '  to  settle.' 
VOL.  I  P 


210  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

classes  accompanjdng  him  voluntarily,  in  preference  to  sub- 
mitting to  foreign  rule.  Probably  the  foundation  of  BijoUi  was 
similar  ;  though  only  the  name  of  Basai  now  attaches  to  the 
inhabitants.  It  is  not  uncommon  [181],  in  the  overflowing  of 
gratitude,  to  be  told,  "  You  may  sell  me,  I  am  your  basai."  ^ 

Private  Feuds — Composition.— In  a  state  of  society  such  as 
these  sketches  delineate,  where  all  depends  on  the  personal 
character  of  the  sovereign, ,  the  field  for  the  indulgence  of  the 
passions,  and  especially  of  that  most  incident  to  the  uncontrollable 
habits  of  such  races — revenge — must  necessarily  be  great.  Private 
feuds  have  tended,  with  the  general  distraction  of  the  times,  to 
desolate  this  country.  Some  account  of  their  mode  of  prosecu- 
tion, and  the  incidents  thence  arising,  cannot  fail  to  throw  addi- 
tional light  on  the  manners  of  society,  which  during  the  last 
half-century  were  fast  receding  to  a  worse  than  semi-barbarous 
condition,  and,  aided  by  other  powerful  causes,  might  have 
ended  in  entire  annihilation.  The  period  was  rapidly  advancing, 
when  this  fair  region  of  Mewar,  the  garden  of  Rajasthan,  would 
have  reverted  to  its  primitive  sterility.  The  tiger  and  the  wild 
boar  had  already  become  inmates  of  the  capital,  and  the  bats 
flitted  undisturbed  in  the  palaces  of  her  princes.  The  ante- 
courts,  where  the  chieftains  and  their  followers  assembled  to 
grace  their  prince's  cavalcade,  were  overgrown  with  dank  shrubs 
and  grass,  through  which  a  mere  footpath  conducted  the  '  de- 
scendant of  a  hundred  kings  '  to  the  ruins  of  his  capital. 

In  these  principalities  the  influence  of  revenge  is  universal. 
Not  to  prosecute  a  feud  is  tantamount  to  an  acknowledgement  of 
self-degradation  ;  and,  as  in  all  countries  where  the  laws  are 
insufficient  to  control  individual  actions  or  redress  injuries,  they 
have  few  scruples  as  to  the  mode  of  its  gratification.     Hence 

^  I  had  the  happmess  to  be  the  means  of  releasing  from  captivity  some 
young  chiefs,  who  had  been  languishing  in  Mahratta  fetters  as  hostages  for 
the  payment  of  a  war  contribution.  One  of  them,  a  younger  brother  of  the 
Purawat  division,  had  a  mother  dying  to  see  him  ;  but  tliough  he  might 
have  taken  her  house  in  the  way,  a  strong  feehng  of  honour  and  gratitude 
made  him  forgo  this  anxious  visit :  "I  am  your  Rajput,  your  gola,  your 
basai."  He  was  soon  sent  off  to  his  mother.  Such  little  acts,  minghng 
with  pubhc  duty,  are  a  compensation  for  the  many  drawbacks  of  sohtude, 
gloom,  and  vexation,  attending  such  situations.  They  are  no  sinecures  or 
beds  of  roses— ease,  comfort,  and  health,  being  all  subordinate  considera- 
tions. 


PRIVATE  FEUDS  211 

feuds  are  entailed  with  the  estates  from  generation  to  generation. 
To  sheathe  the  sword  till  '  a  feud  is  balanced  '  (their  own  idio- 
matic expression),  would  be  a  blot  never  to  be  effaced  from  the 
escutcheon. 

In  the  Hindu  word  which  designates  a  feud  we  have  another 
of  those  striking  coincidences  in  terms  to  which  allusion  has 
already  been  made  :  vair  is  '  a  feud,'  vairi,  '  a  foe.'  The  Saxon 
term  for  the  composition  of  a  feud,  wergild,  is  familiar  to  every 
man.  In  some  of  these  States  the  initial  vowel  is  hard,  and  [182] 
pronounced  bair.  In  Rajasthan,  bair  is  more  common  than  vair, 
but  throughout  the  south-west  vair  only  is  used.  In  these  we 
have  the  original  Saxon  word  war,^  the  French  guer.  The  Rajput 
wergild  is  land  or  a  daughter  to  wife.  In  points  of  honour  the 
Rajput  is  centuries  in  advance  of  our  Saxon  forefathers,  who  had 
a  legislative  remedy  for  every  bodily  injury,  when  each  finger 
and  toe  had  its  price.^  This  might  do  very  well  when  the  injury 
was  committed  on  a  hind,  but  the  Rajput  must  have  blood  for 
blood.  The  monarch  must  be  powerful  who  can  compel  accept- 
ance of  the  compensation,  or  mund-kaii? 

The  prosecution  of  a  feud  is  only  to  be  stopped  by  a  process 
which  is  next  to  impracticable  ;  namely,  by  the  party  injured 
volunteering  forgiveness,  or  the  aggressor  throwing  himself  as  a 
suppliant  unawares  on  the  clemency  of  his  foe  within  his  own 
domains  :    a  most  trying  situation  for  each  to  be  placed  in,  yet 

^  Gilbert  on  Tenures,  art.  "  Warranty,"  p.  169.  [Wergild,  wer,  '  man,' 
gield,  gieldan ;  vair  is  Skt.  vtra,  '  hero ' ;  O.E.  wer,  O.H.G.  werran,  '  to 
embroil,'  Fr.  guerre.] 

^  "  The  great  toe  took  rank  as  it  should  be,  and  held  to  double  the  sum 
of  the  others,  for  which  ten  scyllinga  was  the  value  without  the  nail,  which 
was  thirty  scealta  to  boot"  (Turner's  Anglo-Saxons,  vol.  ii.  p.  133). 

^  Appendix,  No.  XVIII.  The  laws  of  composition  were  carried  to  a 
much  greater  extent  amongst  the  Hindu  nations  than  even  amongst  those 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  who  might  have  found  in  Manu  all  that  was  ever 
written  on  the  subject,  from  the  kiUing  of  a  Brahman  by  design  to  the  accid- 
ental murder  of  a  dog.  The  Brahman  is  four  times  the  value  of  the  soldier, 
eight  of  the  merchant,  and  sixteen  times  of  the  Sudra.  "  If  a  Brahman  kill 
one  of  the  soldier  caste  (without  mahce),  a  bull  and  one  thousand  cows  is  the 
fine  of  expiation.  If  he  slays  a  merchant,  a  bull  and  one  hundred  cows  is  the 
fine.  If  a  Sudra  or  lowest  class,  ten  white  cows  and  a  bull  to  the  priest  is 
the  expiation  "  [Laivs,  xi.  127  ff.].  Manu  legislated  also  for  the  protection 
of  the  brute  creation,  and  if  the  priest  by  chance  kills  a  cat,  a  frog,  a  dog, 
a  lizard,  an  owl,  or  a  crow,  he  must  drink  nothing  but  milk  for  three  days 
and  nights,  or  walk  four  miles  in  the  night. 


212  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

not  unexampled,  and  revenge  in  such  a  case  would  entail  infamy. 
It  was  reserved  for  these  degenerate  days  to  produce  such  an 
instance. 

Amargarh-Shahpura  Feud. — The  Raja  of  Shahpura,  one  of 
the  most  powerful  of  the  chiefs  of  Mewar,  and  of  the  Rasa's 
blood,  had  a  feud  with  the  Ranawat  chief,  the  Bhumia  proprietor 
of  Amargarh.  Ummeda,^  the  chief  of  Shahpura,  held  two 
estates  :  one  was  the  grant  of  the  kings  of  Delhi,  the  other  of  his 
own  sovereign,  and  each  amounting  to  £10,000  ^  of  annual  rent, 
besides  the  duties  on  commerce.  His  estate  in  Mewar  was  in 
the  district  of  Mandalgarh,  where  also  lay  his  antagonist's  ;  their 
bounds  were  in  common  and  some  of  the  lands  were  intermixed  : 
this  led  to  disputes,  threats,  and  blows,  even  in  the  towns  of  their 
fathers,  between  their  husbandmen.  The  Bhumia  Dilel  was 
much  less  powerful  ;  he  was  lord  of  only  ten  villages,  not  yielding 
above  £1200  a  year  ;  but  they  were  compact  and  well  managed, 
and  he  was  [183]  popular  amongst  his  brethren,  whose  swords 
he  could  always  command.  His  castle  was  perched  on  a  rock, 
and  on  the  towers  facing  the  west  (the  direction  of  Shahpura) 
were  mounted  some  swivels  :  moreover  a  belt  of  forest  surrounded 
it,  through  which  only  two  or  three  roads  were  cut,  so  that  surprise 
was  impossible.  Dilel  had  therefore  little,  to  fear,  though  his 
antagonist  could  bring  two  thousand  of  his  own  followers  against 
him.  The  feud  burned  and  cooled  alternately  ;  but  the  Raja's 
exposed  villages  enabled  Dilel  to  revenge  himself  with  much 
inferior  means.  He  carried  off  the  cattle,  and  sometimes  the 
opulent  subjects,  of  his  foe,  to  his  donjon-keep  in  Amargarh  for 
ransom.  Meanwhile  the  husbandmen  of  both  suffered,  and 
agriculture  was  neglected,  till  half  the  villages  held  by  Ummeda 
in  Mandalgarh  became  deserted.  The  Raja  had  merited  this  by 
his  arrogance  and  attempts  to  humble  Dilel,  who  had  deserved 
more  of  the  sympathies  of  his  neighbours  than  his  rival,  whose 
tenants  were  tired  of  the  payments  of  barchi-dohai.^ 

^   Ummeda,  '  hope.' 

2  Together  £20,000,  eqvial  to  £100,000  of  England,  if  the  respective  value 
of  the  necessaries  of  hfe  be  considered. 

^  Barchi  is  '  a  lance.'  In  these  marauding  days,  when  there  was  a  riever 
in  every  village,  they  saUied  out  to  '  run  the  country,'  either  to  stop  the 
passenger  on  the  highway  or  the  inhabitant  of  the  city.  The  lance  at  his 
breast,  he  would  call  out  dohai,  an  invocation  of  aid.  During  harvest  time 
barchi-dohai  used  to  be  exacted. 


AMARGARH  SHAHPURA  FEUD  213 

Unmieda  was  eccentric,  if  the  term  be  not  too  weak  to  char- 
acterize acts  which,  in  more  civih'zed  regions,  would  have  sub- 
jected him  to  coercion.  He  has  taken  his  son  and  suspended  him 
by  the  cincture  to  the  pinnacle  of  his  little  chapel  at  Shahpura, 
and  then  called  on  the  mother  to  come  and  witness  the  sight. 
He  would  make  excursions  alone  on  horseback  or  on  a  swift 
camel,  and  be  missing  for  days.  In  one  of  these  moods  he  and 
his  foe  Dilel  encountered  face  to  face  within  the  bounds  of  Amar- 
garh.  Dilel  only  saw  a  chief  high  in  rank  at  his  mercy.  With 
courtesy  he  saluted  him,  invited  him  to  his  castle,  entertained 
him,  and  pledged  his  health  and  forgiveness  in  the  munawwar 
piyala  :  ^  they  made  merry,  and  in  the  cup  agreed  to  extinguish 
the  remembrance  of  the  feud. 

Both  had  been  summoned  to  the  court  of  the  sovereign.  The 
Raja  proposed  that  they  should  go  together,  and  invited  him  to 
go  by  Shahpura.  Dilel  accordingly  saddled  his  twenty  steeds, 
moved  out  his  equipage,  and  providing  himself  with  fitting 
raiment,  and  funds  to  maintain  him  at  the  capital,  accompanied 
the  Raja  to  receive  the  return  of  his  hospitality.  They  ate  from 
the  same  platter,^  drank  of  the  same  cup  and  enjoyed  the  song 
and  dance.  They  even  went  together  to  [184]  their  devotions, 
to  swear  before  their  deity  what  they  had  pledged  in  the  cup — 
oblivion  of  the  past.  But  scarcely  had  they  crossed  the  threshold 
of  the  chapel,  when  the  head  of  the  chief  of  Amargarh  was  rolling 
on  the  pavement,  and  the  deity  and  the  altar  were  sprinkled  with 
his  blood  !  To  this  atrocious  and  unheard-of  breach  of  the  laws 
of  hospitality,  the  Raja  added  the  baseness  of  the  pilferer,  seizing 
on  the  effects  of  his  now  lifeless  foe.  He  is  said,  also,  with  all  the 
barbarity  and  malignity  of  long-treasured  revenge,  to  have 
kicked  the  head  with  his  foot,  apostrophising  it  in  the  pitiful 
language  of  resentment.  The  son  of  Dilel,  armed  for  revenge, 
collected  all  his  adherents,  and  confusion  was  again  commencing 
its  reign.  To  prevent  this,  the  Rana  compelled  restitution  of 
the  horses  and  effects  ;  and  five  villages  from  the  estate  of  the 
Raja  were  the  mund-kati  (wergild)  or  compensation  to  the  son  of 
Dilel.  The  rest  of  the  estate  of  the  murderer  was  eventually 
sequestrated  by  the  crown. 

^  '  Cup  of  invitation.'     {^Munawivar,  Pers.  '  bright,  splendid.'] 
^  This  is  a  favourite  expression,  and  a  mode  of  indicating  great  friend- 
ship :   '  to  eat  of  the  same  platter  (thali),  and  drink  of  the  same  cup  (piyala).' 


214  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

The  feuds  of  Arja  and  Sheogarh  are  elsewhere  detailed,  and 
such  statements  could  be  multiplied.  Avowal  of  error  and 
demand  of  forgiveness,  with  the  offer  of  a  daughter  in  marriage, 
often  stop  the  progress  of  a  feud,  and  might  answer  better  than 
appearing  as  a  suppliant,  which  requires  great  delicacy  of  con- 
trivance.^ Border  disputes  ^  are  most  prolific  in  the  production 
of  feuds,  and  the  Rajput  lord-marchers  have  them  entailed  on 
them  as  regularly  as  their  estates.  The  border  chiefs  of  Jaisalmer 
and  Bikaner  carry  this  to  such  extent  that  it  often  involved  both 
states  in  hostilities.  The  vair  and  its  composition  in  Mandalgarh 
will,  however,  suffice  for  the  present  to  exemplify  these  things. 

Rajput  Pardhans  or  Premiers. — It  would  not  be  difficult, 
amongst  the  Majores  Dornus  Regiae  of  these  principalities,  to 
find  parallels  to  the  M aires  du  Palais  of  France.  Imbecilitj^  in 
the  chief,  whether  in  the  east  or  west,  must  have  the  same  conse- 
quences ;  and  more  than  one  State  in  India  will  present  us  with 
the  joint  appearance  of  the  phantom  and  the  substance  of  royalty. 
The  details  of  [185]  personal  attendance  at  court  will  be  found 
elsewhere.  When  not  absent  on  frontier  duties,  or  by  permission 
at  their  estates,  the  chiefs  resided  with  their  families  at  the 
capital ;  but  a  succession  of  attendants  was  always  secured,  to 
keep  up  its  splendour  and  perform  personal  service  at  the  palace. 
In  Mewar,  the  privileges  and  exemptions  of  the  higher  class  are 
such  as  to  exhibit  few  of  the  marks  of  vassalage  observable  at 
other  courts.  Here  it  is  only  on  occasion  of  particular  festivals 
and  solemnities  that  they  ever  join  the  prince's  cavalcade,  or 
attend  at  court.  If  full  attendance  is  required,  on  the  reception 
of  ambassadors,  or  in  discussing  matters  of  general  policy,  when 

^  The  Bundi  feud  with  the  Rana  is  still  unappeased,  since  the  predecessor 
of  the  former  slew  the  Rana's  father.  It  was  an  indefensible  act,  and  the 
Bundi  prince  was  most  desirous  to  terminate  it.  He  had  no  daughter  to 
offer,  and  hinted  a  desire  to  accompany  me  incog,  and  thus  gain  admission 
to  the  presence  of  the  Rana.  The  benevolence  and  generosity  of  this  prince 
would  have  insured  him  success  ;  but  it  was  a  dehcate  matter,  and  I  feared 
some  exposure  from  any  arrogant  hot-headed  Rajput  ere  the  scene  could 
have  been  got  up.  The  Raja  Bishan  Singh  of  Bundi  is  since  dead  [in  1828]  ; 
a  brave  and  frank  Rajput ;  he  has  left  few  worthier  beliind.  His  son  [Ram 
Siiigli,  1821-89],  yet  a  minor,  promises  well.  The  protective  alliance,  which 
is  to  turn  their  swords  into  ploughshares,  will  prevent  their  becoming  foes  ; 
but  they  will  remain  sulky  border-neighbours,  to  the  fostering  of  disputes 
and  the  disquiet  of  the  merchant  and  cultivator. 

^  Sim — Kankar. 


PREMIERS  215 

they  have  a  right  to  hear  and  advise  as  the  hereditary  council 
(panchayai)  of  the  State,  they  are  summoned  by  an  officer,  with 
the  prince'' s  juhar,^  and  his  request.  On  grand  festivals  the  great 
nakkaras,  or  kettle-drums,  beat  at  three  stated  times  ;  the  third 
is  the  signal  for  the  chief  to  quit  his  abode  and  mount  his  steed. 
Amidst  all  these  privileges,  when  it  were  almost  difficult  to 
distinguish  between  the  prince  and  his  great  chiefs,  there  are 
occasions  well  understood  by  both,  which  render  the  superiority 
of  the  former  apparent  :  one  occurs  in  the  formalities  observed 
on  a  lapse  ;  another,  when  at  court  in  personal  service,  the  chief 
once  a  week  mounts  guard  at  the  palace  with  his  clan.  On  these 
occasions  the  vast  distance  between  them  is  seen.  When  the 
chief  arrives  in  the  grand  court  of  the  palace  with  his  retainers,  he 
halts  under  the  balcony  till  intimation  is  given  to  the  prince,  who 
from  thence  receives  his  obeisance  and  duty.  This  over,  _he 
retires  to  the  great  darikhana,  or  hall  of  audience,  appropriated 
for  these  ceremonies,  where  carpets  are  spread  for  him  and  his 
retainers.  At  meals  the  prince  sends  his  compliments,  requesting 
the  chief's  attendance  at  the  rasora  ^  or  '  feasting  hall,'  where  with 
other  favoured  chiefs  he  partakes  of  dinner  with  the  prince.  He 
sleeps  in  the  hall  of  audience,  and  next  morning  with  the  same 
formalities  takes  his  leave.  Again,  in  the  summons  to  the 
presence  from  their  estates,  instant  obedience  is  requisite.  But 
in  this,  attention  to  their  rank  is  studiously  shown  by  ruqa, 
written  by  the  private  secretary,  with  the  sign-manual  of  the 
prince  attached,  and  sealed  with  the  private  finger-ring.  For 
the  inferior  grades,  the  usual  seal  of  state  entrusted  to  the  minister 
is  used. 

But  these  are  general  duties.  In  all  these  States  some  great 
court  favourite  [186],  from  his  talents,  character,  or  intrigue, 
holds  the  office  of  premier.  His  duties  are  proportioned  to  his 
wishes,  or  the  extent  of  his  talents  and  aml)ition  ;  but  he  does  not 
interfere  with  the  civil  administration,  which  has  its  proper 
minister.  They,  however,  act  together.  The  Rajput  premier 
is  the  military  minister,  with  the  political  government  of  the 

'  A  salutation,  only  sent  by  a  superior  to  an  inferior. 

-  The  Idtchen  is  large  enough  for  a  fortress,  and  contains  large  eating 
halls.  Food  for  seven  hundred  of  the  prince's  court  is  daily  dressed.  This 
is  not  for  any  of  the  personal  servants  of  the  prince,  or  female  establish- 
ments ;    all  these  are  separate. 


216  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

fiefs  ;  the  civil  minister  is  never  of  this  caste.  Local  customs 
have  given  various  appellations  to  this  officer.  At  Udaipur  he  is 
called  hhanjgarh  ;  at  Jodhpur,  pardhan  ;  at  Jaipur  (where  they 
have  engrafted  the  term  used  at  the  court  of  Delhi)  miisahib  ;  at 
Kotah,  kiladar,  and  diwan  or  regent.  He  becomes  a  most  im- 
portant personage,  as  dispenser  of  the  favours  of  the  sovereign. 
Through  him  chiefly  all  requests  are  preferred,  this  being  the 
surest  channel  to  success.  His  influence,  necessarily,  gives  him 
unbounded  authority  over  the  military  classes,  with  unlimited 
power  over  the  inferior  officers  of  the  State.  With  a  powerful 
body  of  retainers  always  at  his  command,  it  is  surprising  we  have 
not  more  frequently  our  '  mayors  of  Burgundy  and  Dagoberts,'  ^ 
our  '  Martels  and  Pei^ins,'  in  Rajasthan. 

We  have  our  hereditary  Rajput  premiers  in  several  of  these 
States  :  but  in  all  the  laws  of  succession  are  so  regulated  that 
they  could  not  usurp  the  throne  of  their  prince,  though  they 
might  his  functions. 
— "  When  the  treaty  was  formed  between  Mewar  and  the  British 
Government,  the  ambassadors  wished  to  introduce  an  article  of 
guarantee  of  the  office  of  pardhan  to  the  family  of  the  chief  noble 
of  the  country,  the  Rawat  of  Salumbar.  The  fact  was,  as  stated, 
that  the  dignity  was  hereditary  in  this  family  ;  but  though  the 
acquisition  was  the  result  of  an  act  of  virtue,  it  had  tended  much 
towards  the  ruin  of  the  country,  and  to  the  same  cause  are  to  be 
traced  all  its  rebellions. 

The  ambassador  was  one  of  the  elders  of  the  same  clan,  being 
the  grand  uncle  of  the  hereditary  pardhan.  He  had  taken  a  most 
active  share  in  the  political  events  of  the  last  thirty  years,  and  had 
often  controlled  the  councils  of  his  prince  during  this  period, 

^  Dagobert  commended  his  wife  and  son  Clovis  to  the  trust  of  Ega, 
with  whom  she  jointly  held  the  care  of  the  palace.  On  his  death,  with  the 
aid  of  more  powerful  lords,  she  chose  another  mayor.  He  confirmed  their 
grants  for  hfe.  They  made  his  situation  hereditary  ;  but  which  could  only 
have  held  good  from  the  cfowd  of  imbeciles  who  succeeded  Clovis,  until 
the  descendant  of  this  mayor  thrust  out  his  children  and  seized  the  crown. 
This  change  is  a  natural  consequence  of  unfitness  ;  and  if  we  go  back  to  the 
genealogies  (called  sacred)  of  the  Hindus,  we  see  there  a  succession  of 
dynasties  forced  from  their  thrones  by  their  ministers.  Seven  examples 
are  given  in  the  various  dynasties  of  the  race  of  Chandra.  (See  Genealogical 
Tables,  No.  II.)  [The  above  is  in  some  ways  inaccurate,  but  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  correct  it,  as  it  is  not  connected  with  the  question  of  premiers  in 
Rajputana  :    see  EB,  xvii.  938.] 


PREMIERS  217 

and  actualij'^  held  the  post  of  premier  himself  when  stipulating  [187] 
for  his  minor  relative.  With  the  ascendancy  he  exercised  over  the 
prince,  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  had  no  intention  of  renouncing 
it  during  his  lifetime  ;  and  as  he  was  educating  his  adopted  heir 
to  all  his  notions  of  authority,  and  initiating  him  in  the  intrigues  of 
office,  the  guaranteed  dignity  in  the  head  of  his  family  would  have 
become  a  nonentity,^  and  the  Ranas  would  have  been  governed 
by  the  deputies  of  their  mayors.  From  both  those  evils  the  times 
have  relieved  the  prince.  The  crimes  of  Ajit  had  made  his  dis- 
missal from  office  a  point  of  justice,  but  imbecility  and  folly  will 
never  be  without  '  mayors.' 

When  a  Rana  of  Udaijiur  leaves  the  capital,  the  Salumbar 
chief  is  invested  with  the  government  of  the  city  and  charge  of 
the  palace  during  his  absence.  By  his  hands  the  sovereign  is 
girt  with  the  sword,  and  from  him  he  receives  the  mark  of  inaugu- 
ration on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  He  leads,  by  right,  the 
van  in  battle  ;  and  in  case  of  the  siege  of  the  capital,  his  post  is 
the  surajpol,"  and  the  fortress  which  crowns  it,  in  which  this 
family  had  a  handsome  palace,  which  is  now  going  fast  to  decay. 

It  was  the  predecessor  of  the  present  chief  of  Salumbar  who 
set  up  a  pretender  and  the  standard  of  rebellion  ;  but  when 
foreign  aid  was  brought  in,  he  returned  to  his  allegiance  and  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  Similar  sentiments  have  often  been 
awakened  in  patriotic  breasts,  when  roused  by  the  interference 
of  foreigners  in  their  internal  disputes.  The  evil  entailed  on  the 
State  by  these  hereditary  offices  will  appear  in  its  annals. 

1  So  many  sudden  deaths  had  occurred  in  this  family,  that  the  branch  in 
question  (Ajit  Singh's)  were  strongly  suspected  of  '  heaping  these  mortal 
murders  on  their  crown,'  to  push  their  elders  from  their  seats.  The  father 
of  Padma,  the  present  chief,  is  said  to  have  been  taken  off  by  poison  ;  and 
Pahar  Singh,  one  generation  anterior,  returning  grievously  wounded  from 
the  battle  of  Ujjain,  in  which  the  southrons  first  swept  Mewar,  was  not  per- 
mitted to  recover.  The  mother  of  the  present  young  chief  of  the  Jhala 
tribe  of  the  house  of  Gogunda,  in  the  west,  was  afraid  to  trust  him  from  her 
sight.  She  is  a  woman  of  great  strength  of  mind  and  excellent  character, 
but  too  indulgent  to  an  only  son.  He  is  a  fine  bold  youth,  and,  though 
impatient  of  control,  may  be  managed.  On  horseback  with  his  lance,  in 
chase  of  the  wild  boar,  a  more  resolute  cavaher  could  not  be  seen.  His 
mother,  when  he  left  the  estate  alone  for  court,  which  he  seldom  did  without 
her  accompanying  him,  never  failed  to  send  me  a  long  letter,  beseeching  me 
to  guard  the  welfare  of  her  son.  My  house  was  lu's  great  resort :  he  delighted 
to  pull  over  my  books,  or  go  fishing  or  riding  with  me. 

^  Surya,  '  sun  ' ;    and  pol,  '  gate.'     Poliya,  '  a  porter.' 


218  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

In  Marwar  the  dignity  is  hereditary  in  the  house  of  Awa  ;  but 
the  last  brave  chief  who  held  it  became  the  victim  of  a  revenge- 
ful and  capricious  sovereign/  [188]  who  was  jealous  of  his  ex- 
ploits ;  and  dying,  he  bequeathed  a  curse  to  his  posterity  who 
should  again  accept  the  office.  It  was  accordingly  transferred 
to  the  next  in  dignity,  the  house  of  Asop.  The  present  chief, 
wisely  distrusting  the  prince  whose  reign  has  been  a  series  of 
turmoils,  has  kept  aloof  from  court.  When  the  office  was  jointly 
held  by  the  chiefs  of  Nimaj  and  Pokaran,  the  tragic  end  of  the 
former  afforded  a  fine  specimen  of  the  prowess  and  heroism  of 
the  Rathor  Rajput.  In  truth,  these  pardhans  of  Marwar  have 
always  been  mill-stones  round  the  necks  of  their  princes  ;  an  evil 
interwoven  in  their  system  when  the  partition  of  estates  took 
place  amidst  the  sons  of  Jodha  in  the  infancy  of  this  State.  It 
was,  no  doubt,  then  deemed  politic  to  unite  to  the  interests  of  the 
crown  so  powerful  a  branch,  which  when  combined  could  always 
control  the  rest  ;    but  this  gave  too  much  equality. 

The  Chief  of  Pokaran. — Deo  Singh,  the  great-grandfather  of  the 
Pokaran  chief  alluded  to,  used  to  sleep  in  the  great  hall  of  the 
palace  with  five  hundred  of  his  clan  around  him.  "  The  throne 
of  Marwar  is  in  the  sheath  of  my  dagger,"  was  the  repeated  boast 
of  this  arrogant  chieftain.  It  may  be  anticipated  that  either  he 
or  his  sovereign  would  die  a  violent  death.  The  lord  of  Pokaran 
was  entrapped,  and  instant  death  commanded  ;  yet  with  the 
sword  suspended  over  his  head,  his  undaunted  spirit  was  the 
same  as  when  seated  in  the  hall,  and  surrounded  by  his  vassals. 
"  Where,  traitor,  is  now  the  sheath  that  holds  the  fortiuies  of 
Marwar  ?  "  said  the  prince.  The  taunt  recoiled  with  bitterness 
when  he  loftily  replied,  "  With  my  son  at  Pokaran  I  have  left  it." 
No  tinae  was  given  for  further  insult  ;  his  head  rolled  at  the  steps 
of  the  palace  ;  but  the  dagger  of  Pokaran  still  haunts  the  imagina- 
tions of  these  princes,  and  many  attempts  have  been  made  to  get 
possessed  of  their  stronghold  on  the  edge  of  the  desert.^  The 
narrow  escape  of  the  present  chief  will  be  related  hereafter,  with 
the  sacrifice  of  his  friend  and  coadjutor,  the  chief  of  Nimaj. 

^  "  The  cur  can  bite,"  the  reply  of  this  chief,  either  personally,  or  to  the 
jjerson  who  reported  that  his  sovereign  so  designated  him,  was  never 
forgiven. 

^  His  son,  Sabal  Singh,  followed  in  his  footsteps,  till  an  accidental  cannon- 
shot  reheved  the  terrors  of  the  prince. 


PREMIERS  219 

Premiers  in  Kotah  and  Jaisalmer. — In  Kotah  and  Jaisalmer 
the  power  of  the  ministers  is  supreme.  We  might  describe  their 
situation  in  the  words  of  Montesquieu.  "  The  Pepins  kept  their 
princes  in  a  state  of  imprisonment  in  the  palace,  showing  them 
once  a  year  to  the  people.  On  this  occasion  they  made  such 
ordinances  as  were  directed  [189]  by  the  mayor  ;  they  also 
answered  ambassadors,  but  the  mayor  framed  the  answer."  ^ 

Like  those  of  the  Merovingian  race,  these  puppets  of  royalty 
in  the  east  are  brought  forth  to  the  Champ  de  Mars  once  a  year, 
at  the  grand  military  festival,  the  Dasahra.  On  this  day,  presents 
provided  by  the  minister  are  distributed  by  the  prince.  Allow- 
ances for  every  branch  of  expenditure  ?  re  fixed,  nor  has  the  prince 
the  power  to  exceed  them.  But  at  Kotah  there  is  nothing  parsi- 
monious, though  nothing  superfluous.  On  the  festival  of  the  birtn 
of  Krishna,  and  other  similar  feasts,  the  prince  likewise  appears 
abroad,  attended  by  all  the  insignia  of  royalty.  Elephants  with 
standards  precede  ;  lines  of  infantry  and  guns  are  drawn  up  ; 
while  a  numerous  cavalcade  surrounds  his  person.  The  son  of  the 
minister  sometimes  condescends  to  accompany  his  prince  on 
horseback  ;  nor  is  there  anything  wanting  to  magnificence,  but 
the  power  to  control  or  alter  any  part  of  it.  This  failing,  how 
humiliating  to  a  proud  mind,  acquainted  with  the  history  of  his 
ancestors  and  unbued  with  a  portion  of  their  spirit,  to  be  thus 
muzzled,  enchained,  and  rendered  a  mere  pageant  of  state  !  This 
chain  would  have  been  snapped,  but  that  each  link  has  become 
adamantine  from  the  ties  this  ruler  has  formed  with  the  British 
Government.  He  has  well  merited  our  protection  ;  though  we 
never  contemplated  to  what  extent  the  maintenance  of  these  ties 
would  involve  our  own  character.  But  this  subject  is  connected 
with  the  history  of  an  individual  who  yields  to  none  of  the  many 
extraordinary  men  whom  India  has  produced,  and  who  required 
but  a  larger  theatre  to  have  drawn  the  attention  of  the  world. 
His  character  will  be  further  elucidated  in  the  Annals  of 
Haravati  [190]. 

^  U Esprit  des  Loix,  chap.  vi.  livre  31. 


220  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 


CHAPTER    5 

Adoption. — The  hereditary  principle,  which  perpetuates  in  these 
States  their  virtues  and  their  vices,  is  also  the  grand  preservative 
of  their  political  existence  and  national  manners  :  it  is  an  imperish- 
able principle,  which  resists  time  and  innovation  :  it  is  this  which 
made  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
Rajputs,  unalterable.  A  chief  of  Mewar,  like  his  sovereign, 
never  dies  :  he  disappears  to  be  regenerated.  '  Le  roi  est  mart, 
mve  le  roi  .' '  is  a  phrase,  the  precise  virtue  of  which  is  there  well 
understood.  Neither  the  crown  nor  the  greater  fiefs  are  ever 
without  heirs.  Adoption  is  the  preservative  of  honours  and  titles  ; 
the  great  fiefs  of  Rajasthan  can  never  become  extinct.^  But, 
however  valuable  this  privilege,  which  the  law  of  custom  has  made 
a  right,  it  is  often  carried  to  the  most  hurtful  and  foolish  extent. 
They  have  allowed  the  limit  which  defined  it  to  be  effaced,  and 
each  family,  of  course,  maintains  a  custom,  so  soothing  to  vanity, 
as  the  prospect  of  having  their  names  revived  in  their  descendants. 
This  has  resulted  from  the  weakness  of  the  prince  and  the  misery 
of  the  times.  Lands  were  bestowed  liberally  which  yielded 
nothing  to  their  master,  who,  in  securing  a  nominal  obedience 
and  servitude,  had  as  much  as  the  times  made  them  worth  when 
given  ;  but  with  returning  prosperity  and  old  customs,  these 
great  errors  have  become  too  visible.  Adoptions  are  often  made 
during  the  life  of  the  incumbent  when  without  prospect  of  issue. 
The  chief  and  his  wife  first  agitate  the  subject  in  private  ;  it  is 
then  confided  to  the  little  council  of  the  fief,  and  when  propin- 
quity and  merit  unite,  they  at  once  petition  the  prince  to  confirm 
their  wishes,  which  are  generally  acceded  to.  So  many  interests 
are  to  be  consulted  on  this  occasion,  that  the  blind  partiality  of 
the  chief  to  any  particular  object  is  always  counterpoised  by  the 
elders  of  the  clan,  who  jnust  have  a  pride  in  seeing  a  proper  Tha- 
kur  ^  at  their  head,  and  who  prefer  the  nearest  of  kin,  to  prevent 
the  disputes  which  would  be  attendant  on  neglect  in  this 
point  [191]. 

^  [The  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  escheat  or  lapse,  and  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  right  of  adoption  were  announced  by  Lord  Canning  in  1869.] 
^  As  in  Deogarh. 


THE  CASE  OF  DEOGARH  221 

On  sudden  lapses,  the  wife  is  allowed  the  privilege,  in  eon- 
junction  with  those  interested  in  the  fief,  of  nomination,  though 
the  case  is  seldom  left  unprovided  for  :  there  is  always  a  pre- 
sumptive heir  to  the  smallest  sub-infeudation  of  these  estates. 
The  wife  of  the  deceased  is  the  guardian  of  the  minority  of  the 
adopted. 

The  Case  of  Deogarh. — The  chief  of  Deogarh,  one  of  the  sixteen 
Omras  ^  of  Mewar,  died  without  issue.  On  his  death-bed  he 
recommended  to  his  wife  and  chiefs  Nahar  Singh  for  their  adop- 
tion. This  was  the  son  of  the  independent  chieftain  of  Sangram- 
garh,  already  mentioned.  There  were  nearer  kin,  some  of  the 
seventh  and  eighth  degrees,  and  young  Nahar  was  the  eleventh. 
It  was  never  contemplated  that  the  three  last  gigantic  ^  chieftains 
of  Deogarh  would  die  without  issue,  or  the  branches,  now  claim- 
ants from  propinquity,  would  have  been  educated  to  suit  the 
dignity  ;  but  being  brought  up  remote  from  court,  they  had  been 
compelled  to  seek  employment  where  obtainable,  or  to  live  on 
the  few  acres  to  which  their  distant  claim  of  birth  restricted 
them.  Two  of  these,  who  had  but  the  latter  resource  to  fly  to, 
had  become  mere  boors  ;  and  of  two  who  had  sought  service 
abroad  by  arms,  one  was  a  cavalier  in  the  retinue  of  the  prince, 
and  the  other  a  hanger-on  about  court  :  both  dissipated  and 
unfitted,  as  the  frerage  asserted,  '  to  be  the  chieftains  of  two 
thousand  Rajputs,  the  sons  of  one  father.'  ^  Much  interest  and 
intrigue  were  carried  on  for  one  of  these,  and  he  was  supported 
by  the  young  prince  and  a  faction.  Some  of  the  senior  Pattawats 
of  Deogarh  are  men  of  the  highest  character,  and  often  lamented 
the  sombre  qualities  of  their  chief,  which  prevented  the  clan 
having  that  interest  in  the  State  to  which  its  extent  and  rank 
entitled  it.  While  these  intrigues  were  in  their  infancy,  they 
adopted  a  decided  measure  ;  they  brought  home  young  Nahar 
from  his  father's  residence,  and  '  bound  round  his  head  the 
turban  of  the  deceased.'  In  his  name  the  death  of  the  late  chief 
was  announced.     It  was  added,  that  he  hoped  to  see  his  friends 

^  [Umara,  plural  of  Anilr,  '  a  chief.'] 

^  Gokuldas,  the  last  chief,  was  one  of  the  finest  men  I  ever  beheld  in 
feature  and  person.  He  was  about  six  feet  six,  perfectly  erect,  and  a 
Hercules  in  bulk.  His  father  at  twenty  was  much  larger,  and  must  have 
been  nearly  seven  feet  high.  It  is  surprising  how  few  of  the  chiefs  of  this 
family  died  a  natural  death.     It  has  produced  some  noble  Rajputs. 

'  Ek  bap  ka  beta. 


222  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

after  the  stated  days  of  maiam  or  mourning  ;  and  he  performed 
all  the  duties  of  the  son  of  Deogarh,  and  lighted  the  funeral  pyre. 

When  these  proceedings  were  reported,  the  Rana  was  highly 
and  justly  incensed.  The  late  chief  had  been  one  of  the  rebels 
of  S.  1848  ;  ^  and  though  pardon  had  been  [192]  granted,  yet  this 
revived  all  the  recollection  of  the  past,  and  he  felt  inclined  to 
extinguish  the  name  of  Sangawat.^ 

In  addition  to  the  common  sequestration,  he  sent  an  especial 
one  with  commands  to  collect  the  produce  of  the  harvest  then 
reaping,  charging  the  sub-vassals  with  the  design  of  overturning 
his  lawful  authority.  They  replied  very  submissively,  and  art- 
fully asserted  that  they  had  only  given  a  son  to  Gokuldas,  not  an 
heir  to  Deogarh  ;  that  the  sovereign  alone  could  do  this,  and  that 
they  trusted  to  his  nominating  one  who  would  be  an  efificient 
leader  of  so  many  Rajputs  in  the  service  of  the  Rana.  They 
urged  the  pretensions  of  young  Nahar,  at  the  same  time  leaving 
the  decision  to  the  sovereign.  Their  judicious  reply  was  well 
supported  by  their  ambassador  at  court,  who  was  the  bard  of 
Deogarh,  and  had  recently  become,  though  ex  officio,  physician 
to  the  prince.^  The  point  was  finallj'  adjusted,  and  Nahar  was 
brought  to  court,  and  invested  with  the  sword  by  the  hand  of 
the  sovereign,  and  he  is  now  lord  of  Deogarh  Madri,  one  of  the 
richest  and  most  powerful  fiefs  *  of  Mewar  Madri  was  the 
ancient  name  of  the  estate  ;  and  Sangramgarh,  of  which  Nahar 
was  the  heir,  was  severed  from  it,  but  by  some  means  had  reverted 
to  the  crown,  of  which  it  now  holds.  The  adoption  of  Nahar  by 
Gokuldas  leaves  the  paternal  estate  without  an  immediate  heir  ; 
and  his  actual  father  being  mad,  if  more  distant  claims  are  not 
admitted,  it  is  probable  that  Sangramgarh  v*^ill  eventually  revert 
to  the  fisc. 

1  A.D.  1792.  2  That  of  the  clan  of  Deogarh. 

'  ApoUo  [Krishna]  is  the  patron  both  of  physicians  and  poets  ;  and 
though  my  friend  Amra  does  not  disgrace  him  in  either  calling,  it  was  his 
wit,  rather  than  his  medical  degree,  that  maintained  him  at  court.  He  said 
it  was  not  fitting  that  the  sovereign  of  the  world  should  be  served  by  clowns 
or  opium-eaters  ;  and  that  young  Nahar,  when  educated  at  court  under  the 
Rana's  example,  would  do  credit  to  the  country  :  and  what  had  full  as 
much  weight  as  any  of  the  bard's  arguments  was,  that  the  fine  of  relief  on 
the  Talwar  bandhai  (or  girding  on  of  the  sword)  of  a  lac  of  rupees,  should 
be  immediately  forthcoming. 

*  Patta.     [About  30  miles  south  of  Udaipur  city.] 


REFLECTIONS  ON  FUTURE  POLICY  223 

Reflections.-^The  sj^stem  of  feuds  must  have  attained  con- 
siderable maturity  amongst  the  Rajputs,  to  have  left  such  traces, 
notwithstanding  the  desolatioJi  that  has  swe})t  the  land  :  but 
without  circumspection  these  few  remaining  customs  will  become 
a  dead  letter.  Unless  we  abstain  from  all  internal  interference, 
we  must  destroy  the  links  which  connect  the  prince  and  his 
vassals  ;  and,  in  lieu  of  a  system  decidedly  imperfect,  we  should 
leave  them  none  at  all,  or  at  least  not  a  system  of  feuds,  the  only 
one  they  can  comprehend.  Our  friendship  has  rescued  them 
from  exterior  foes,  and  time  will  restore  the  rest.  With  the 
dignity  and  [193]  establishments  of  their  chiefs,  ancient  usages 
will  revive  ;  and  nazarana  (relief),  kharg  bandhai  (investiture), 
dasaundh  (aids  or  benevolence,  literally  '  the  tenth  '),  and  other 
incidents,  will  cease  to  be  mere  ceremonies.  The  desire  of  every 
liberal  mind,  as  well  as  the  professed  wish  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, is  to  aid  in  their  renovation,  and  this  will  be  best  effected 
by  not  meddling  with  what  we  but  imperfectly  understand.^ 

We  have  nothing  to  apprehend  from  the  Rajput  States  if  raised 
to  their  ancient  prosperity.  The  closest  attention  to  their  history 
proves  beyond  contradiction  that  they  were  never  capable  of 
imiting,  even  for  their  own  preservation  :  a  breath,  a  scurrilous 
stanza  of  a  bard,  has  severed  their  closest  confederacies.  No 
national  head  exists  amongst  them  as  amongst  the  Mahrattas  ; 
and  each  chief  being  master  of  his  own  house  and  followers,  they 
are  individually  too  weak  to  cause  us  any  alarm. 

No  feudal  government  can  be  dangerous  as  a  neighbour  ;  for 
defence  it  has  in  all  countries  been  found  defective  ;  and  for 
aggression,  totally  inefficient.  Let  there  exist  between  us  the 
most  perfect  understanding  and  identity  of  mterests  ;  the  foun- 
dation-step to  which  is  to  lessen  or  remit  the  galling,  and  to  us 

^  Such  interference,  when  inconsistent  with  past  usage  and  the  genius  of 
the  people,  will  defeat  the  very  best  intentions.  On  the  grounds  of  poHcy 
and  justice,  it  is  ahke  incumbent  on  the  British  Government  to  secure  the 
maintenance  of  their  present  form  of  government,  and  not  to  repair,  but  to 
advise  the  repairs  of  the  fabric,  and  to  let  their  own  artists  alone  be  con- 
sulted. To  employ  ours  would  be  like  adding  a  Corinthian  capital  to  a 
column  of  EUora,  or  replacing  the  mutilated  statue  of  Baldeva  with  a  limb 
from  the  Hercules  Farnese.  To  have  a  chain  of  prosperous  independent 
States  on  our  ozaly  exposed  frontier,  the  north-west,  attached  to  us  from 
benefits,  and  the  moral  conviction  that  we  do  not  seek  their  overthrow, 
must  be  a  desirable  pohcy. 


224  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

contemptible  tribute,  now  exacted,  enfranchise  "^them  from  our 
espionage  and  agency,  and  either  unlock  them  altogether  from 
our  dangerous  embrace,  or  let  the  ties  between  us  be  such  only 
as  would  ensure  grand  results  :  such  as  general  commercial 
freedom  and  protection,  with  treaties  of  friendly  alliance.  Then, 
if  a  Tatar  or  a  Russian  invasion  threatened  our  eastern  empire, 
fifty  thousand  Rajputs  would  be  no  despicable  allies.^ 

Rajput  Loyalty  and  Patriotism. — Let  us  call  to  mind  what  they 
did  when  they  fought  for  Aurangzeb  :  they  are  still  unchanged, 
if  we  give  them  the  proper  stimulus.  Gratitude,  honour,  and 
fidelity,  are  terms  which  at  one  time  were  the  foundation  of  all 
the  virtues  of  a  Rajput.  Of  the  theory  of  these  sentiments  he 
is  still  enamoured  ;  but,  unfortunately,  for  his  happiness,  the 
times  have  left  him  but  little  scope  for  the  practice  [194]  of  them. 
Ask  a  Rajput  which  is  the  greatest  of  crimes  ?  he  will  reply, 
'  gunchhor,^  '  forgetfulness  of  favours.'.  This  is  his  most  powerful 
term  for  ingratitude.  Gratitude  with  him  embraces  every 
obligation  of  life,  and  is  inseparable  from  swamidharma,  '  fidelity 
to  his  lord.'  He  who  is  wanting  in  these  is  not  deemed  fit  to  live, 
and  is  doomed  to  eternal  pains  in  Pluto's  ^  realm  hereafter.^ 

"It  was  a  powerful  feeling,"  says  an  historian*  who  always 
identifies  his  own  emotions  with  his  subject,  "  which  could  make 
the  bravest  of  men  put  up  with  slights  and  ill-treatment  at  the 
hand  of  their  sovereign,  or  call  forth  all  the  energies  of  discon- 
tented exertion  for  one  whom  they  never  saw,  and  in  whose  char- 
acter there  was  nothing  to  esteem.  Loyalty  has  scarcely  less 
tendency  to  refine  and  elevate  the  heart  than  patriotism  itself." 
That  these  sentiments  were  combined,  the  past  history  of  the 
Rajputs  will  show  ;  ^  and  to  the  strength  of  these  ties  do  they 

^  [The  author's  prediction  has  been  realized  by  recent  events.] 
^   Yamaloka. 

*  The  gunchhor  (ungrateful)  and  satchhor  (violator  of  his  faith)  are  con- 
signed, by  the  authority  of  the  bard,  to  sixty-thousand  years'  residence  in 
hell.  Europeans,  in  all  the  pride  of  mastery,  accuse  the  natives  of  want  of 
gratitude,  and  say  their  language  has  no  word  for  it.  They  can  only  know 
the  namak-haram  ['  he  that  is  false  to  his  salt ']  of  the  Ganges.  Gunchhor 
is  a  compound  of  powerful  import,  as  ingratitude  and  infidehty  are  the 
highest  crimes.  It  means,  literally,  "  abandoner  (from  chhorna,  '  to  quit ') 
of  virtue  (gun)." 

*  Hallam,  vol.  i.  p.  323. 

*  Of  the  effects  of  loyalty  and  patriotism  combined,  we  have  splendid 
examples  in  Hindu  history  and  tradition.     A  more  striking  instance  could 


RAJPUT  LOYALTY  AND  PATRIOTISM  225 

owe  their  political  existence,  which  has  outlived  ages  of  strife. 
But  for  these,  they  would  have  been  converts  and  vassals  to  the 
Tatars,  who  would  still  have  been  enthroned  in  Delhi.  Neglect, 
oppression,  and  religious  interference,  sunk  one  of  the  greatest 
monarchies  of  the  world  ;  ^  made  Sivaji  a  hero,  and  converted  the 
peaceful  husbandmen  of  the  Kistna  and  Godavari  into  a  brave 
but  rapacious  soldier. 

We  have  abundant  examples,  and  I  trust  need  not  exclaim  with 
the  wise  minister  of  Akbar,  "  who  so  happj^  as  to  profit  by  them  ?  "- 

The  Rajput,  with  all  his  turbulence,  possesses  in  an  eminent 
degTee  both  loyalty  and  patriotism  ;  and  though  he  occasionally 
exhibits  his  refractory  spirit  to  his  [195]  father  and  sovereign,^ 
we  shall  see  of  what  he  is  capable  when  his  country  is  threatened 
with  dismemberment,  from  the  history  of  Mewar,  and  the  reign 
of  Ajit  Singh  of  Marwar.  In  this  last  we  have  one  of  the  noblest 
examples  history  can  afford  of  unbounded  devotion.  A  prince, 
whom  not  a  dozen  of  his  subjects  had  ever  seen,  who  had  been 
concealed  from  the  period  of  his  birth  throughout  a  tedious 
minority  to  avoid  the  snares  of  a  tyrant,*  by  the  mere  magic  of 
a  name  kept  the  discordant  materials  of  a  great  feudal  association 

scarcely  be  given  than  in  the  recent  civil  distractions  at  Kotab,  where  a 
mercenary  army  raised  and  maintained  by  the  Regent,  either  openly  or 
covertly  declared  against  him,  as  did  the  whole  feudal  body  to  a  man,  the 
moment  their  yomig  prince  asserted  his  subverted  claims,  and  in  the  cause 
of  their  rightful  lord  abandoned  all  consideration  of  self,  their  families  and 
lands,  and  with  their  followers  offered  their  lives  to  redeem  his  rights  or 
perish  in  the  attempt.  No  empty  boast,  as  the  conclusion  testified.  God 
forbid  that  we  should  have  more  such  examples  of  Rajput  devotion  to  their 
sense  of  fidehty  to  their  lords  ! 

^  See  statement  of  its  revenues  during  the  last  emperor,  who  had  pre- 
served the  empire  of  Delhi  united. 

^  Abu-1  Fazl  uses  this  expression  when  moralizing  on  the  fall  of  Shihabu-d- 
din,  king  of  Ghazni  and  first  estabhshed  monarch  of  India,  slain  by  Prith- 
wiraja,  the  Hindu  sovereign  of  Delhi  [Ain,  ii.  302].  [Muhammad  Ghori, 
Shihabu-d-din,  was  murdered  on  the  road  to  Ghazni  by  a  fanatic  of  the 
Mulahidah  sect,  in  March,  a.d.  1206  (Tabakat-t-Ndsiri,  in  EUiot-Dowson 
ii.  297,  235).  According  to  the  less  probable  account  of  Ferishta  (Briggs, 
i.  185),  he  was  murdered  at  Rohtak  by  a  gang  of  Gakkhars  or  rather  Khok- 
hars  (Rose,  Glossary,  ii.  275).] 

'  The  Rajput,  who  possesses  but  an  acre  of  land,  has  the  proud  feeling 
of  common  origin  with  his  sovereign,  and  in  styling  him  bapji  (sire),  he 
thinks  of  liim  as  the  common  father  or  representative  of  the  race.  What 
a  powerful  incentive  to  action  !  ■*  Aurangzeb. 

VOL.  I  Q 


226  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

in  subjection,  till,  able  to  bear  arms,  he  issued  from  his  conceal- 
ment to  head  these  devoted  adherents,  and  reconquer  what  they 
had  so  long  struggled  to  maintain.  So  glorious  a  contest,  of 
twenty  years'  duration,  requires  but  an  historian  to  immortalize 
it.  Unfortunately  we  have  only  the  relation  of  isolated  en- 
counters, which,  though  exhibiting  a  prodigality  of  blood  and 
acts  of  high  devotion,  are  deficient  in  those  minor  details  which 
give  unity  and  interest  to  the  whole. 

Gallant  Services  to  the  Empire. — Let  us  take  the  Rajput  char- 
acter from  the  royal  historians  themselves,  from  Akbar,  Jahangir, 
Aurangzeb.  The  most  brilliant  conquests  of  these  monarchs 
were  by  their  Rajput  allies  ;  though  the  little  regard  the  latter 
had  for  opinion  alienated  the  sympathies  of  a  race,  who  when 
rightly  managed,  encountered  at  command  the  Afghan  amidst 
the  snows  of  Caucasus,  or  made  the  furthest  Cheronese  tributary 
to  the  empire.  Assam,  where  the  British  arms  were  recently 
engaged,  and  for  the  issue  of  which  such  anxiety  was  manifested 
in  the  metropolis  of  Britain,  was  conquered  by  a  Rajput  prince,! 
whose  descendant  is  now  an  ally  of  the  British  Government. 

But  Englishmen  in  the  east,  as  elsewhere,  imdervalue  every- 
thing not  national.  They  have  been  accustomed  to  conquest, 
not  reverses  :  though  it  is  only  by  studying  the  character  of  those 
around  them  that  the  latter  can  be  avoided  and  this  superiority 
maintained.  Superficial  observers  imagine  that  from  lengthened 
predatory  spoliation  the  energy  of  the  Rajput  has  fled  :  an  idea 
which  is  at  once  erroneous  and  dangerous.  The  vices  now  mani- 
fest from  oppression  will  disappear  [196]  with  the  cause,  and  with 
reviving  prosperity  new  feelings  will  be  generated,  and  each 
national  tie  and  custom  be  strengthened.  The  Rajput  would 
glory  in  putting  on  his  saffron  robes  ^  to  fight  for  such  a  land,  and 
for  those  who  disinterestedly  laboured  to  benefit  it. 

'  Raja  Man  of  Jaipur,  who  took  Arakan,  Orissa,  and  Assam.  Raja 
Jaswant  Singh  of  Marwar  retook  Kabul  for  Aurangzeb,  and  was  rewarded 
by  poison.  Raja  Ram  Singh  Hara,  of  Kotah,  made  several  important 
conquests  ;  and  liis  grandson,  Raja  Isari  Singh,  and  his  five  brothers,  were 
left  on  one  field  of  battle. 

^  When  a  Rajput  is  determined  to  hold  out  to  the  last  in  fighting,  he 
always  puts  on  a  robe  dyed  in  saffron.  [This  was  the  common  practice, 
saffron  being  the  colour  of  the  bridal  robe  (Malcolm,  Memoir  of  Central 
India,  2nd  ed.  i.  358 ;  Grant  Duff,  Hist,  of  the  Mahrattas,  317  ;  Forbes, 
Easmula,  408).] 


RAJPUT  LOYALTY  AND  PATRIOTISM  227 

Let  us,  then,  apply  history  to  its  proper  use.  We  need  not 
turn  to  ancient  Rome  for  illustration  of  the  dangers  inseparable 
from  wide  dominion  and  extensive  alhances.  The  twenty-two 
Satrapies  of  India,  the  greater  part  of  which  are  now  the  appanage 
of  Britain,  exhibited,  even  a  century  ago,  one  of  the  most  splendid 
monarchies  history  has  made  known,  too  extensive  for  the  genius 
of  any  single  individual  effectually  to  control.  Yet  was  it  held 
together,  till  encroachment  on  their  rights,  and  disregard  to  their 
habits  and  religious  opinions,  alienated  the  Rajputs,  and  excited 
the  inhabitants  of  the  south  to  rise  against  their  Mogul  oppressors. 
'  Then  was  the  throne  of  Aurangzeb  at  the  mercy  of  a  Brahman, 
and  the  grandson  ^  of  a  cultivator  in  the  province  of  Khandesh 
held  the  descendants  of  Timur  pensioners  on  his  bounty  '  [197]. 

'  Sindhia 


APPENDIX 

PAPERS  REFERRED  TO  IN  THE  SKETCH  OF  A 
FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

BEING 

Literal    Translations   from     Inscriptions    and    Original 
Documents,  most  of  zvhich  are  in  the  Author's  Possession 

No.  I 

Translation  of  a  Letter  from  the  expatriated  Chiefs  ^  of  Marwar  to 
the  Political  Agent  of  the  British  Government,  Western  Rajput 
States. 

After  compliments. 

We  have  sent  to  you  a  confidential  person,  who  will  relate  what 
regards  us.  The  Sarkar  Company  are  sovereigns  of  Hindustan, 
and  you  know  well  all  that  regards  our  condition.  Although 
there  is  nothing  which  respects  either  ourselves  or  our  country 
hid  from  you,  yet  is  there  matter  immediately  concerning  us 
which  it  is  necessary  to  make  known. 

Sri  Maharaja  and  ourselves  are  of  one  stock,  all  Rathors.  He 
is  our  head,  we  his  servants  :  but  now  anger  has  seized  him,  and 
we  are  dispossessed  of  our  country.  Of  the  estates,  our  patri- 
mony and  our  dwelling,  some  have  been  made  khalisa,^  and  those 
who  endeavour  to  keep  aloof  expect  the  same  fate.  Some  under 
the  most  solemn  pledge  of  security  have  been  inveigled  and 
suffered  death,  and   others   imprisoned.     Mutasadis,^  officers   of 

1  The  names  omitted  to  prevent  any  of  them  faUing  a  sacrifice  to  the 
blind  fury  of  their  prince.  The  brave  chief  of  Nimaj  has  sold  his  life,  but 
dearly.  In  vain  do  we  look  in  the  annals  of  Europe  for  such  devotion  and 
generous  despair  as  marked  his  end,  and  that  of  his  brave  clan.  He  was  a 
perfect  gentleman  in  deportment,  modest  and  mild,  and  head  of  a  powerful 
clan.  *  Fiscal,  that  is,  sequestrated 

^  Clerks,  and  inferior  officers  of  government. 

228 


TRANSLATION  OF  LETTER  229 

state,  men  of  the  soil  and  those  foreign  to  it,  have  been  seized, 
and  the  most  unheard-of  deeds  and  cruelties  inflicted,  which  we 
cannot  even  write.  Such  a  spirit  has  possessed  his  mind  as  never 
was  known  to  any  former  prince  of  Jodhpur.  His  forefathers 
have  reigned  for  generations  ;  our  forefathers  were  their  ministers 
and  advisers,  and  whatever  was  performed  was  by  the  collective 
wisdom  of  the  coimcil  of  our  chiefs.  Before  the  face  of  his  an- 
cestors, our  own  ancestors  have  slain  and  been  slain  ;  and  in  per- 
forming services  to  the  kings, ^  they  made  the  State  of  Jodhpur 
what  it  is.  Wherever  Marwar  was  concerned,  there  our  fathers 
were  to  be  found,  and  v/ith  their  lives  preserved  the  land.  Some- 
times our  head  was  a  minor  ;  even  then  by  the  wisdom  of  our 
fathers  and  their  services,  the  land  was  kept  firm  under  our  feet, 
and  thus  has  it  descended  from  generation  to  generation.  Before 
his  eyes  (Raja  Man's)  we  have  performed  good  service  :  when 
at  that  perilous  time  the  host  of  Jaipur  ^  surrounded  [198]  Jodhpur 
on  the  field  we  attacked  it ;  our  lives  and  fortimes  were  at  stake, 
and  God  granted  us  success  ;  the  witness  is  God  Almighty. 
Now,  men  of  no  consideration  are  in  our  prince's  presence ;  hence 
this  reverse.  When  our  services  are  acceptable,  then  is  he  our  lord  ; 
when  not,  we  are  again  his  brothers  and  kindred,  claimants  and 
laying  claim  to  the  land. 

He  desires  to  dispossess  us  ;  but  can  we  let  ourselves  be  dispos- 
sessed ?     The  English  are  masters  of  all  India.     The  chief  of • 

sent  his  agent  to  Ajmer  ;  he  was  told  to  go  to  Delhi.  Accord- 
ingly Thakur went  there,  but  no  path  was  pointed  out.     If 

the  English  chiefs  will  not  hear  us,  who  will  ?  Th#  English  allow 
no  one's  lands  to  be  usurped,  and  our  birthplace  is  Marwar — from 
Marwar  we  must  have  bread.  A  hundred  thousand  Rathors — 
where  are  they  to  go  to  ?  From  respect  to  the  English  alone 
have  we  been  so  long  patient,  and  without  acquainting  your 
government  of  our  intentions,  you  might  afterwards  find  fault  ; 
therefore  wx  make  it  known,  and  we  thereby  acquit  ourselves  to 
you.  What  we  brought  with  us  from  Marwar  we  have  consumed; 
and  even  what  we  could  get  on  credit ;  and  now,  when  want 
must  make  us  perish,  we  are  ready  and  can  do  anything.^ 

The  English  are  our  rulers,  our  masters.  Sri  Man  Singh  has 
seized  our  lands  ;  by  your  government  interposing  these  troubles 
may  be  settled,  but  without  its  guarantee  and  intervention  we  can 
have  no  confidence  whatever.     Let  us  have  a  reply  to  our  petition. 

^  Alluding  to  the  sovereigns  of  Delhi.  In  the  magnificent  feudal  assem- 
blage at  this  gorgeous  court,  where  seventy-six  princes  stood  in  the  Divan 
(Diwan-i-Khass)  each  by  a  pillar  covered  with  plates  of  silver,  the  Marwar 
prince  had  the  right  hand  of  all.  I  have  an  original  letter  from  the  great- 
grandfather of  Raja  Man  to  the  Rana.  elate  with  this  honour. 

2  In  180G. 

^  The  historian  of  the  Middle  Ages  justly  remarks,  that  "  the  most 
deadly  hatred  is  that  which  men,  exasperated  by  proscription  and  forfeitures, 
bear  their  country." 


230  FEUDAL  SYSTEINI  IN  RAJASTHAN 

We  will  wait  it  in  patience  ;  but  if  we  get  none,  the  fault  will  not 
be  ours,  having  given  everywhere  notice.  Hunger  will  compel 
man  to  find  a  remedy.  For  such  a  length  of  time  we  have  been 
silent  from  respect  to  your  govermiient  alone  :  our  own  Sarkar 
is  deaf  to  complaint.  But  to  what  extreme  shall  we  wait  ?  Let 
our  hopes  be  attended  to.  Sambat  1878,  Sawan  sudi  duj. 
(August  1821.) 

True  Translation  : 

(Signed)  James  Tod. 


No.  II 

Remonstrance  of  the  Sub-Vassals  of  Deogarh  against  their  chief, 
Rawat  Gokul  Das. 

1.  He  respects  not  the  privileges  or  customs  established  of  old. 

2.  To  each  Rajput's  house  a  charas  ^  or  hide  of  land  was 
attached  :    this  he  has  resumed. 

3.  Whoever  bribes  him  is  a  true  man  :  who  does  not,  is  a 
thief. 

4.  Ten  or  twelve  villages  established  by  his  pattayats  ^  he  has 
resumed,  and  left  their  families  to  starve. 

5.  From  time  immemorial  sanctuary  [saran)  has  been  esteemed 
sacred  :    this  he  has  abolished. 

6.  On  emergencies  he  would  pledge  his  oath  to  his  subjects 
(ryots),  and  afterwards  plunder  them. 

7.  In  old  times,  it  was  customary  when  the  presence  of  his 
chiefs  and  kindred  was  required,  to  invite  them  by  letter  :  a  fine 
is  now  the  warrant  of  summons  :   thus  lessening  their  dignity. 

8.  Such  messengers,  in  former  times,  had  a  taka  ^  for  their 
ration  (bhatta)  ;   now  he  imposes  two  rupees  [199]. 

9.  Formerly,  when  robberies  occurred  in  the  mountains  within 
the  limits  of  Deogarh,  the  loss  was  made  good  :  now  all  complaint 
is  useless,  for  his  faujdar  *  receives  a  fourth  of  all  such  plunder. 
The  Mers  ^  range  at  liberty  ;  but  before  they  never  committed 
murder  :  now  they  slay  as  well  as  rob  our  kin  ;  nor  is  there  any 
redress,  and  such  plunder  is  even  sold  within  the  town  of  Deogarh. 

10.  Without  crime,  he  resumes  the  lands  of  his  vassals  for  the 

'  Hide  or  skin,  from  the  vessel  used  in  irrigation  being  made  of  leather. 

^  The  vassals,  or  those  holding  fiefs  (patta)  of  Deogarh. 

'  A  copper  coin,  equal  to  twopence. 

*  Mihtary  commander  ;  a  kind  of  inferior  maire  du  ]mlais,  on  every 
Rajput  chieftain's  estate,  and  who  has  the  miUtary  command  of  the  vassals. 
Ele  is  seldom  of  the  same  family,  but  generally  of  another  tribe. 

^  Mountaineers. 


THE  DEOGARH  PETITION  231 

sake  of  imposition  of  fines  ;  and  after  such  are  paid,  he  cuts  down 
the  green  crops,  with  which  he  feeds  his  horses. 

11.  The  cultivators^  on  the  lands  of  tlie  vassals  he  seizes  by 
force,  extorts  fines,  or  sells  their  cattle  to  pay  them.  Thus  cul- 
tivation is  ruined  and  the  inhabitants  leave  the  country. 

12.  From  oppression  the  town  magistrates  -  of  Deogarh  have 
fled  to  Raepur.  He  lays  in  watch  to  seize  and  extort  money  from 
them. 

13.  When  he  summons  his  vassals  for  purposes  of  extortion 
and  they  escape  his  clutches,  he  seizes  on  their  wives  and  families. 
Females,  from  a  sense  of  honour,  have  on  such  occasions  thrown 
themselves  into  wells. 

14.  He  interferes  to  I'ecover  old  debts,  distraining  the  debtor 
of  all  he  has  in  the  world  :   half  he  receives. 

15.  If  any  one  have  a  good  horse,  by  fair  means  or  foul  he 
contrives  to  get  it. 

16.  When  Deogarh  ivas  established,  at  the  same  time  zvere  our 
allotments  :  as  is  his  2)atrimony,  so  is  our  patrimony.^  Thousands 
have  been  expended  in  establishing  and  improving  them,  yet  our 
rank,  privileges,  and  rights  he  equally  disregards. 

17.  From  these  villages,  founded  by  our  forefathers,  he,  at 
will,  takes  four  or  five  skins  of  land  and  bestows  them  on 
foreigners  ;  and  thus  the  ancient  proprietors  are  reduced  to 
poverty  and  ruin. 

18.  From  of  old,  all  his  Rajput  kin  had  daily  rations,  or  portions 
of  grain  :   for  four  years  these  rights  have  been  abolished. 

19.  From  ancient  times  the  pattayats  formed  his  council  ; 
now  he  consults  only  foreigners.  What  has  been  the  conse- 
quence ?  the  whole  annual  revenue  derived  from  the  mountains 
is  lost. 

20.  From  the  ancient  Bhum  '  of  the  Frerage  ^  the  mountaineers 
carry  off  the  cattle,  and  instead  of  redeeming  them,  this  faujdar 
sets  the  plunderers  up  to  the  trick  of  demanding  rakhwali.* 

21.  Money  is  justice,  and  there  is  none  other  :  whoever  has 
money  may  be  heard.  The  bankers  and  merchants  have  gone 
abroad  for  protection,  but  he  asks  not  where  they  are. 

22.  When  cattle  are  driven  off  to  the  hills,  and  we  do  ourselves 
justice  and  recover  them,  we  are  fined,  and  told  that  the  moun- 
taineers have  his  pledge.     Thus  our  dignity  is  lessened.     Or  if 

^  Of  the  Jat  and  other  labouring  tribes.  ' 

*  Chauthias.  In  everj'^  town  there  is  an  unpaid  magistracy,  of  which 
the  head  is  the  Nagar  Seth,  or  chief  citizen,  and  the  four  Chauthias,  tanta- 
mount to  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  who  hold  their  courts  and  decide 
in  all  ci\nl  cases. 

^  Here  are  the  precise  sentiments  embodied  in  the  remonstrances  of  the 
great  feudal  chiefs  of  Marwar  to  their  prince  ;   see  Appendix,  No.  I. 

*  The  old  allodial  allotments. 

*  Bhayyad. 

*  The  salvainenta  of  our  feudal  writers  ;   the  blackmail  of  the  north. 


232  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

we  seize  one  of  these  marauders,  a  party  is  sent  to  liberate  him, 
for  which  the  faujdar  [200]  receives  a  bribe.  Then  a  feud  ensues 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Hberated  Mer,  and  the  unsupported 
Rajput  is  obhged  to  abandon  his  patrimony.^  There  is  neither 
protection  nor  support.  The  chief  is  supine,  and  so  regardless 
of  honour,  that  he  tells  us  to  take  money  to  the  hills  and  redeem 
our  property.  Since  this  faujdar  had  power,  '  poison  has  been 
our  fate.'  Foreigners  are  all  in  all,  and  the  home-bred  are  set 
aside.  Deccanis  and  plunderers  enjoy  the  lands  of  his  brethren. 
Without  fault,  the  chiefs  are  deprived  of  their  lands,  to  bring 
which  into  order  time  and  money  have  been  lavished.  Justice 
there  is  none. 

Our  rights  and  privileges  in  his  famUy  are  the  same  as  his  in 
the  family  of  the  Presence.^  Since  you  '  entered  Mewar,  lands 
long  lost  have  been  recovered.  What  crimes  have  we  committed 
that  at  this  day  we  should  lose  ours  ? 

We  are  in  great  trouble.* 


No.  Ill 

Maharaja  Sri  Gokuldas  to  the  four  ranks  (char  misl)  of  Pattayats 
of  Deogarh,  commanding.     Peruse. 

Without  crime  no  vassal  shall  have  his  estate  or  charsas  dis- 
seized. Should  any  individual  commit  an  offence,  it  shall  be 
judged  by  the  four  ranks  (char  misl),  my  brethren,  and  then 
pxmished.  Without  consulting  them  on  all  occasions  I  shall 
never  inflict  punishment.^  To  this  I  swear  by  Sri  Nathji.  No 
departure  from  this  agreement  shall  ever  occur.  S.  1874  ;  the 
6th  Pus. 

1   '  Watan.'  2  tj^^  ^g^y^g,,  3  The  Author. 

*  With  the  articles  of  complaint  of  the  vassals  of  Deogarh  and  the  short 
extorted  charter,  to  avoid  future  cause  for  such,  we  may  contrast  the 
following  :  "  Pour  avoir  une  idee  du  brigandage  que  les  nobles  exer^aient 
a  I'epoque  oil  les  premieres  chartes  f  ureut  accordees,  il  sufiit  d'en  lire  quelques- 
unes,  et  Ton  verra  que  le  seigneur  y  disait : — '  Je  promets  de  ne  point 
voler,  extorquer  les  biens  et  les  meubles  des  habitans,  de  les  dehvrer  des 
totes  ou  rapines,  et  autres  mauvaises  coutumes,  et  de  ne  plus  commettre 
envers  eux  d'exactions.' — En  effet,  dans  ces  terns  malheureux,  vivres, 
meubles,  chevaux,  voitures,  dit  le  savant  Abbe  de  Mably,  tout  etait  enleve 
par  I'insatiable  et  aveugle  avidite  des  seigneurs  "  (Art.  '  Chartres,'  Diet, 
de  VAncien  Regime). 

^  This  reply  to  the  remonstrance  of  his  vassals  is  perfectly  similar  in 
point  to  the  43rd  article  of  Magna  Charta. 


I  ^'^<^'■x^^^^^f^it^'.:(^.K^rH  w?!*^ 


^ 


■^^mm&it. 


>3>; 


REPKODUCTION   OF  SANSKRIT   GRANT. 


To  face  page  232. 


GRANTS  233 


No.  IV 


Grant  from  Maharana  Ari  Singh,  Prince  of  Mewar,  to  the  Sindi 
Chief,  Abdu-l  Rahim  Beg. 

Ramji !  ^ 
Ganeshji  !  ^  Ekiingji  !  ^ 

Sri  Maharaja  Dhiraj  Maharana  Ari  Singh  to  Mirza  Abdu-l 
Rahim  Beg  Adilbegot,  commanding. 

Now  some  of  our  chiefs  having  rebelled  and  set  up  the  impostor 
Ratna  Singh,  brought  the  [201]  Deccani  army  and  erected 
batteries  against  Udaipur,  in  which  circumstances  your  services 
have  been  great  and  tended  to  the  preservation  of  our  sovereignty  : 
therefore,  in  favour  towards  you,  I  have  made  this  grant,  which 
your  children  and  children's  children  shall  continue  to  enjoy. 
You  will  continue  to  serve  faithfully  ;  and  whoever  of  my  race 
shall  dispossess  you  or  yours,  on  liim  be  Ekiingji  and  the  sin  of  the 
slaughter  of  Chitor. 

Particulars. 

1st.    In  estates,  200,000  rupees. 

2nd.  In  cash  annually,  25,000. 

3rd.  Lands  outside  the  Debari  gate,  10,000. 

4th.  As  a  residence,  the  dwelling-house  called  Bharat  Singh's. 

5th.  A  hundred  bighas  of  land  outside  the  city  for  a  garden. 

6th.  The  town  of  Mithim  in  the  valley,  to  supply  wood  and 
forage. 

7th.  To  keep  up  the  tomb  of  Ajmeri  Beg,  who  fell  in  action, 
one  hundred  bighas  of  land. 

Privileges  and  Honours. 

8th.  A  seat  in  Darbar  and  rank  in  all  respects  equal  to  the 
chieftain  of  Sadri.^ 

9th.  Your  kettle-drums  (Nakkara)  to  beat  to  the  exterior  gate, 
but  with  one  stick  only. 

10th.  Amar  Balaona,^  and  a  dress  of  honour  on  the  Dasahra  * 
festival. 

1  Invocations  to  Ram,  Ganesh  (god  of  wisdom),  and  Eklinga,  tlie  patron- 
divinity  of  the  Sesodia  Guhilots. 

2  The  first  of  the  foreign  vassals  of  the  Rana's  house.  [Bari  Sadri,  about 
50  miles  E.S.E.  of  Udaipur  city,  held  by  the  senior  noble  of  Mewar,  a  Rajput 
of  the  Jhala  sub-sept,  styled  Raja  of  Sadri  (Erskine  ii.  A.  93).] 

^  A  horse  furnished  by  the  prince,  always  replaced  when  he  dies,  there- 
fore called  Amar,  or  immortal. 

*  The  grand  miUtary  festival,  when  a  muster  is  made  of  all  the  Rajput 
quotas. 


234  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

11th.  Drums  to  beat  to  Aliar.  All  other  privileges  and  rank 
like  the  house  of  Salumbar.^  Like  that  house,  yours  shall  be 
from  generation  to  generation  ;  therefore  according  to  the  valua- 
tion of  your  grant  you  will  serve. 

12th.  Your  brothers  or  servants,  whom  you  may  dismiss,  I 
shall  not  entertain  or  suffer  my  chief  to  entertain. 

13th.  The  Chamars  ^  and  Kirania  *  you  may  use  at  all  times 
when  alone,  but  never  in  the  Presence. 

14th.  Munawwar  Beg,  Anwar  Beg,  Chaman  Beg,  are  permitted 
seats  in  front  of  the  throne  ;  Amar  Balaona,  and  honorary  dresses 
on  Dasahra,  and  seats  for  two  or  three  other  relatives  who  may 
be  found  worthy  the  honour. 

15th.  Your  agent  (Vakil)  shall  remain  at  court  with  the  privi- 
leges due  to  his  rank. 

By  command  : 

Sah  Moti  Ram  Bolia, 
S.  1826  (a.d.  1770)  Bhadon  (August)  sudi  11  Somwar  (Monday). 


No.  V 

Grant  of  Vie  Patta  of  Bhainsror  to  Rawai  Lai  Singh,  one  of  the 
sixteen  great  vassals  of  Mewar. 

Maharaja  Jagat  Singh  to  Rawat  Lai  Singh  Kesarisinghgot,* 
commanding. 

Now  to  you  the  whole  Pargana  of  Bhainsror  ^  is  granted  as 
Giras,  viz.  [202]  : 

Town  of  Bhainsror         .  .  .       3000  1500 

Fifty-two  others  (names  uninterest- 
ing), besides  one  in  the  valley  of 

the  capital.     Total  value  .  .     62,000  31,000  « 

With  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  horse  and  two  hundred 
and  forty-eight  foot,  good  horse  and  good  Rajputs,  you  will 
perform  service.  Of  this,  forty-eight  horse  and  forty-eight  foot 
are  excused  for  the  protection  of  your  fort  ;  therefore  with  two 
hundred  foot  and  two  hundred  horse  you  will  serve  when  and 
wherever  ordered.  The  first  grant  was  given  in  Pus,  S.  1798, 
when  the  income  inserted  was  over-rated.  Understanding  this,  the 
Presence  (huzur)  ordered  sixty  thousand  of  annual  value  to  be 
attached  to  Bhainsror. 

^  The  first  of  the  home-chieftains. 
^  The  tail  of  the  wild  ox,  worn  across  the  saddle-bow. 
^  An  umbrella  or  shade  against  the  sun  ;  from  kiran,  '  a  ray.' 
*  Clan  (got)  of  Kesari  Singh,  one  of  the  great  branches  of  the  Chondawats. 
^  On  the  left  bank  of  the  Chambal. 

'  To  explain  these  double  rekhs,  or  estimates,  one  is  the  full  value^  the 
other  the  deteriorated  rate. 


GRANTS  235 


No.  VI 


Grant  from  Maharana  Sangram  Singh  of  Meivar  to  his  Nephew, 
the  Prince  Madho  Singh,  heir-apparent  to  the  principality  of 
Jaipur. 

Sri  Ramjayati 
{Victory  to  Rama). 
Sri  Ganesh  Prasad  Sri  Ekling  Prasad 

(By  favour  of  Ganesh).  {By  favour  of  Eklinga). 


^  ^ 


(See  notes  1  and  2  below.) 

Maharaja  Dhiraj  Maharana  Sri  Sangram  Singh,  Adisatu,  com- 
manding. To  my  nephew,  Kunwar  Madho  Singhji,  giras  (a  fief) 
has  been  granted,  viz.  : 

The  fief  {patta)  of  Rampura  ;  therefore,  with  one  thousand 
horse  and  two  thousand  foot,  you  will  perform  service  during  six 
months  annually  ;  and  when  foreign  service  is  required,  three 
thousand  foot  and  three  thousand  horse. 

While  the  power  of  the  Presence  is  maintained  in  these  districts 
you  will  not  be  dispossessed. 

By  command  : 

Pancholi  Raechand  amd  Mehta  Mul  Das. 

S,  1785  (a.d.  1729)  ;  Chait  sudi  7th  ;  Mangalwar  (Tuesday). 

Addressed  in  the  Rana's  own  hand. 

To  my  nephew  Madho  Singh  ^  [203].  My  child,  I  have  given 
you  Rampura :  while  mine,  you  shall  not  be  deprived  of  it. 
Done. 

^  The  bhala,  or  lance,  is  the  sign-manual  of  the  Salumbar  chieftain,  as 
hereditary  premier  of  the  state. 

^  Is  a  monogram  forming  the  word  Sahai,  being  the  sign-manual  of  the 
prince. 

'  BJianaij  is  sister's  son  ;  as  Bhatija  is  brother's  son.  It  will  be  seen  in 
the  Annals,  that  to  support  this  prince  to  the  succession  of  the  Jaipur  Gaddi, 
both  Mewar  and  Jaipur  were  ruined,  and  the  power  of  the  Deccanis  estab- 
hshed  in  both  countries. 


236  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

No.  VII 

Grant  of  Bhum  Rakhwali  (Salvamenta)  from  the  village  of  Dongla 
to  Maharaja  Khushhal  Singh. 

S.  1806  (a.d.  1750),  the  first  of  Saxvan  {July). 
1st.  A   field  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  bighas,  of   which 
thirty-six  are  irrigated. 

2nd.  One  hundred  and  two  bighas  of  waste  and  unirrigated, 
viz.  : 

Six  bighas  cultivated  by  Govinda  the  oilman. 

Three,  under  Hira  and  Tara  the  oilmen. 

Seventeen  cultivated  by  the  mason  Hansa,  and  I-al 

the  oilman. 
Four  bighas  of  waste  and  forest  land  {parti,  aryana) 
which  belonged  to   Govinda  and  'Hira,   etc.,   etc.  ; 
and  so  on  enumerating  all  the  fields  composing  the 
above  aggregate. 

Dues  and  Privileges 

Pieces  of  money     .  .12. 

Grain    .  .  .  .24  maunds. 

On   the    festivals    of   Rakhi,    Diwali,    and    Holi,    one 

copper  coin  from  each  house. 
Serana  .  .  .at  harvest. 

Shukri  from  the  Brahmans. 
Transit  duties  for  protection  of  merchandise,  viz.,  a 

pice  on  every  cart-load,  and  half  a  pice  for  each 

bullock. 
Two  platters  on  every  marriage  feast. 


No.  VIII 

Grant  of  Bhum  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Amli  to  Rawat  Fateh 
Singh  of  Amet.     S.  1814  (a.d.  17.58) 

The  Ranawats  Sawant  Singh  and  Subhag  Singh  had  Amli  in 
grant ;  but  they  were  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants,  slew  the 
Patels  .lodha  and  Bhagi,  and  so  ill-treated  the  Brahmans,  that 
Kusal  and  Nathu  sacrificed  themselves  on  the  pyre.  The  in- 
habitants demanded  the  protection  of  the  Rana,  and  the  pattayats 
were  changed  ;  and  now  the  inhabitants  grant  in  rakhwali  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  bighas  as  bhum  to  Fateh  Singh  ^  [204]. 

^  This  is  a  proof  of  the  value  attached  to  bhum,  when  granted  by  the 
inhabitants,  as  the  first  act  of  the  new  proprietor  though  holding  the  whole 
town  from  the  crown,  was  to  obtain  these  few  bighas  as  bhum.  After 
having  been  sixty  years  in  that  family,  Audi  has  been  resumed  by  the 
crown  :  the  bhum  has  remained  with  the  chief. 


GRANTS  237 


No.  IX 


Grant  of  Bhum  by  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Dongla  to 
Maharaja  Zoraivar  Singh,  of  Bhindar. 

To  Sri  Maharaja  Zorawar  Singh,  the  Patels,  traders,  merchants, 
Brahmans,  and  united  inhabitants  of  Dongla,  make  agreement. 

Formerly  the  '  runners  '  in  Dongla  were  numerous  :  to  pre- 
serve us  from  whom  we  granted  bhum  to  the  IMaharaja.    To  wit : 

One  well,  that  of  Hira  the  oilman. 

One  well,  that  of  Dipa  the  oilman. 

One  well,  that  of  Dewa  the  oilman. 

In  all,  three  wells,  being  forty-four  bighas  of  irrigated  (pixval), 
and  one  hundred  and  ninety-one  bighas  of  unirrigated  (mat)  land. 
Also  a  field  for  juar. 

Customs  or  Dignities  (Maryad)  attached  to  the  Bhum. 

1st.    A  dish  (kansa)  on  every  marriage. 

2nd.  Six  hundred  rupees  ready  cash  annually. 

3rd.  All  Bhumias,  Girasias,  the  high  roads,  passes  from  raids 
and  '  runners,'  and  all  distiu-bances  whatsoever,  the  Maharaja 
must  settle. 

When  the  Maharaja  is  pleased  to  let  the  inhabitants  of  Dongla 
reinhabit  their  dwellings,  then  only  can  they  return  to  them.^ 

Written  by  the  accountant  Kacchia,  on  the  full  moon  of  Jeth, 
S.  1858,  and  signed  by  all  the  traders,  Brahmans,  and  towns- 
people. 


No.  X 

Grant  of  Bhum  by  the  Prince  of  Mewar  to  an  inferior  Vassal. 

Maharana  Bhini  Singh  to  Baba  Ram  Singh,  commanding. 

Now  a  field  of  two  htindred  and  twenty-five  bighas  in  the  city 
of  Jahazpur,  with  the  black  orchard  (sham  bagh)  and  a  farm-house 
(nohara)  for  cattle,  has  been  granted  you  in  bhum. 

Your  forefathers  recovered  for  me  Jahazpur  and  served  with 
fidelity  ;  on  which  account  this  bhum  is  renewed.  Rest  assured 
no  molestation  shall  be  offered,  nor  shall  any  pattayat  interfere 
with  you. 

Primleges. 

One  serana.^ 

Two  halmas  [205].' 

^  This  shows  how  bhum  was  extorted  in  these  periods  of  turbulence,  and 
that  this  individual  gift  was  as  much  to  save  them  from  the  effects  of  the 
Maharaja's  violence- as  to  gain  protection  from  that  of  others. 

^  A  seer  on  each  inaund  of  produce. 

'  The  labour  of  two  ploughs  {hal).     Halma  is  the  personal  service  of  the 


238  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

Offerings  of  coco-nuts  on  the  Holi  and  Dasahra  festivals. 

From  every  hundred  bullock-loads  ^   of  merchandise,  twelve 
annas. 

From  every  hundred  and  twenty -five  ass-loads,  six  annas. 

From  each  horse  sold  within  Jahazpur,  two  annas. 

From  each  camel  sold,  one  anna. 

From  each  oil-mill,  one  pula. 

From  each  ix'on  mine  (madri),  a  quarter  rupee. 

From  each  distillation  of  spirits,  a  quarter  rupee. 

From  each  goat  slain,  one  pice. 

On  births  and  marriages,^  five  platters  {kansa). 

The  handful  (inch)  from  every  basket  of  greens. 

With  every  other  privilege  attached  to  blium. 

Irrigated  land  (piwal)  .  .  .51  bighas. 

Unirrigated  land  [mal)  .  .  .110       „ 

Mountain  land  (magra)  .  ,  .     40       ,, 

Meadow  land  {bira)      .  .  .  .     25       „ 

226  bighas. 
Asarh  (June)  S.  1853  (a.d.  1797). 

husbandman  with  his  plough  for  such  time  as  is  specified.  Halma  is  pre- 
cisely the  detested  corvee  of  the  French  regime.  "  Les  corvees  sont  tout 
ouvrage  ou  service,  soit  de  corps  ou  de  charrois  et  betes,  pendant  le  jour, 
qui  est  du  a  un  seigneur.  II  y  avait  deux  sortes  de  corvees  :  les  reelles  et 
/es  personnelles,  etc.  Quelquefois  le  nombre  des  corvees  etait  fixe  :  mais,  le 
plus  souvent,  elles  etaient  a  volonte  du  seigneur,  et  c'est  ce  qu'on  appelait 
corvees  a  ■merci"  (Art.  'Corv6e,'  Diet,  de  Vane.  Regime).  Almost  all  the 
exactions  for  the  last  century  in  Mewar  may  come  under  this  latter  denomina- 
tion. 

^  A  great  variety  of  oppressive  imposts  were  levied  by  the  chiefs  during 
these  times  of  trouble,  to  the  destruction  of  commerce  and  all  facility  of 
travelling.  Everything  was  subject  to  tax,  and  a  long  train  of  vexatious 
dues  exacted  for  "  repairs  of  forts,  boats  at  ferries,  night-guards,  guards  of 
passes,"  and  other  appellations,  all  having  much  in  common  with  the 
'  Droit  de  Peage  '  in  France.  "  II  n'y  avait  pas  de  ponts,  de  gues,  de 
chaussees,  d'ecluses,  de  defiles,  de  portes,  etc.,  oil  les  feodaux  ne  fissent 
payer  un  droit  a  ceux  que  leurs  atlaires  ou  leur  commerce  for9aient  de 
voyager"  {Diet,  de  Vane.  Regime). 

^  The  privileges  of  our  Rajput  chieftains  on  the  marriages  of  their 
vassals  and  cultivating  subjects  are  confined  to  the  best  dishes  of  the  marriage 
feast  or  a  pecuniary  commutation.  This  is,  however,  though  in  a  minor 
degree,  one  of  the  vexatious  claims  of  feudality  of  the  French  system,  known 
under  the  term  norages,  where  the  seigneur  or  his  deputy  presided,  and 
had  the  right  to  be  placed  in  front  of  the  bride,  "  et  de  chanter  a  la  fin  du 
rejaas,  une  chanson  guillerette."  But  they  even  carried  their  insolence 
further,  and  "  pousserent  leur  mepris  pour  les  villains  (the  agricultural 
classes  of  the  Rajput  system)  jusqu'a  exiger  que  leurs  chiens  eussent  leur 
convert  aupres  de  la  mariee,  et  qu'on  les  laissat  manger  sur  la  table  "  (Art. 
'  Nonages,'  Diet,  de  Vane.  Regime). 


GRANTS,  CHARTERS  239 


No.  XI 


Charter  of  Privileges  and  Immunities  granted  to  the  town  of 
Jhalrapatan,  engraved  on  a  Pillar  in  that  City. 

S.  1853  (a.d.  1797),  corresponding  with  the  Saka  1718,  the  sun 
being  in  the  south,  the  season  of  cold,  and  the  happy  month  of 
Kartika,"^  the  enhghtened  half  of  the  month,  being  Monday  the 
full  moon. 

Maharaja  Dhiraj  Sri  Ummed  Singh  Deo,^  the  Faujdar  ^  Raj 
Zalim  Singh  [206]  and  Kunwar  Madho  Singh,  commanding.  To 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Jhalrapatan,  Patels,*  Patwaris,^  Mahajans,* 
and  to  all  the  thirty-six  castes,  it  is  written. 

At  this  period  entertain  entire  confidence,  build  and  dwell. 

Within  this  abode  all  forced  contributions  and  confiscations 
are  for  ever  abolished.  The  taxes  called  Bhalamanusi,'  Anni,* 
and  Rekha  Barar,*  and  likewise  all  Bhetbegar,"  shall  cease. 

To  this  intent  is  this  stone  erected,  to  hold  good  from  year  to 
year,  now  and  evermore.  There  shall  be  no  violence  in  this 
territory.  This  is  sworn  by  the  cow  to  the  Hindu  and  the  hog  to 
the  Musalman  :  in  the  presence  of  Captain  Dilel  Khan,  Chaudhari 
Sarup  Chand,  Patel  Lalo,  the  Mahesri  Patwari  Balkishan,  the 
architect  Kalu  Ram,  and  the  stone-mason  Balkishan. 

Parmo  ^^  is  for  ever  abolished.  Whoever  dwells  and  traffics 
within  the  town  of  Patau,  one  half  of  the  transit  duties  usually 
levied  in  Haravati  are  remitted  ;  and  all  mapa  (meter's)  duties 
are  for  ever  abolished. 


No.  XII 

Abolitions,   Immunities,  Prohibitions,  etc.  etc.      Inscription 
in  the  Temple  of  Lachhmi  Narayan  at  Akola. 

In  former  times  tobacco  was  sold  in  one  market  only.  Rana 
Raj  Singh  commanded  the  monopoly  to  be  abolished.     S.  1645. 

Rana  Jagat  Singh  prohibited  the  seizure  of  the  cots  and  quilts 
by  the  officers  of  his  government  from  the  printers  of  Akola. 

^  December.  ^  The  Eaja  of  Kotah. 

'  Commander  of  the  forces  and  regent  of  Kotah. 

*  Officers  of  the  land  revenue.         ^  Land  accountants. 

*  The  mercantile  class.  '  Literally  '  good  behaviour.' 
^  An  agricultural  tax.  *  Tax  for  registering. 

^^  This  includes  in  one  word  the  forced  labour  exacted  from  the  working 
classes  :   the  corvee,  of  the  French  system. 

^^  Grain  thrown  on  the  inlia,bitants  at  an  arbitrary  rate ;  often  resorted 
to  at  Kotah,  where  the  regent  is  farmer  general. 


240  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 


No.  XIII 

Privileges  and  Immunities  granted  to  the  Printers  of  Calico 
and  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Great  Akola  in  Mewar. 

Maharana  Bhiin  Singh,  commanding,  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Akola. 

Whereas  the  village  has  been  abandoned  from  the  assignments 
levied  by  the  garrison  of  Mandalgarh,  and  it  being  demanded  of 
its  population  how  it  could  again  be  rendered  prosperous,  they 
unanimously  replied  :  "  Not  to  exact  beyond  the  dues  and 
contributions  (dand  dor)  established  of  yore  ;  to  erect  the  piUar 
promising  never  to  exact  above  half  the  produce  of  the  crops,  or 
to  molest  the  persons  of  those  who  thus  paid  their  dues." 

The  Presence  agreed,  and  this  pillar  has  been  erected.  May 
Eklinga  look  to  him  who  breaks  this  command.  The  hog  to  the 
Musalman  and  the  cow  to  the  Hindu. 

Whatever  contributions  (dand)  parmo,^  puli,^  heretofore  levied 
shall  be  paid  [207]. 

All  crimes  committed  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Akola  to  be 
tried  by  its  inhabitants,  who  will  sit  in  justice  on  the  offender 
and  fine  him  according  to  his  faults. 

On  Amavas  *  no  work  shall  be  done  at  the  well  *  or  at  the  oil- 
mill,  nor  printer  put  his  dye-pot  on  the  fire.* 

Whoever  breaks  the  foregoing,  may  the  sin  of  the  slaughter  of 
Chi  tor  be  upon  him. 

This  pillar  was  erected  in  the  presence  of  Mehta  Sardar  Singh, 
Sanwal  Das,  the  Chaudharis  Bhopat  Ram  and  Daulat  Ram,  and 
the  assembled  Panch  of  Akola. 

Written  by  the  Chaudhari  Bhopji,  and  engraved  by  the  stone- 
cutter Rhima. 

S.  1856  (a.d.  1800) 


No.  XIV 

Prohibition  against  Guests  carrying  away  Provisions  from  the 
Public  Feasts 

Sri  Maharana  Sangram  Singh  to  the  inhabitants  of  Marmi. 
On  all  feasts  of  rejoicing,  as  well  as  those  on  the  ceremonies 

^  Grain,  the  property  of  the  government,  thrown  on  the  inhabitants 
for  purchase  at  an  arbitrary  valuation. 

2  The  handful  from  each  sheaf  at  harvest. 

^  A  day  sacred  to  the  Hindu,  being  that  which  divides  the  month. 

*  Meaning,  they  shall  not  irrigate  the  fields. 

*  This  part  of  the  edict  is  evidently  the  instigation  of  the  Jains,  to 
prevent  the  destruction  of  life,  though  only  that  of  insects. 

^  The  cause  of  this  sumptuary  edict  was  a  benevolent  motive,  and  to 


CHARTERS  241 

for  the  dead,  none  shall  carry  away  with  them  the  remains  of 
the  feast.  Whoever  thus  transgresses  shall  pay  a  fine  to  the 
crown  of  one  hundred  and  one  rupees.  S.  1769  (a.d.  1713),  Chait 
Sudi  7th. 


No.  XV 

Maharana  Sangram  Singh  to  the  merchants  and  bankers  of 
Bakrol. 

The  custom  of  furnishing  quilts  (sirak)  ^  of  which  you  complain 
is  of  ancient  date.  Now  when  the  collectors  of  duties,  their 
officers,  or  those  of  the  land  revenue  stop  at  Bakrol,  the  merchants 
will  furnish  them  with  beds  and  quilts.  All  other  servants  will 
be  supplied  by  the  other  inhabitants. 

Should  the  dam  of  the  lake  be  in  any  way  injured,  whoever 
does  not  aid  in  its  repair  shall,  as  a  punishment,  feed  one  hundred 
and  one  Brahmans.     Asarh  1715,  or  June  a.d.  1659  [208]. 


No.  XVI 

Warrant  of  the  Chief  of  Bijolli  to  his   Vassal,  Gopaldas 
Saktawat. 

Maharaja  Mandhata  to  Saktawat  Gopaldas,  be  it  known. 

At  this  time  a  daily  fine  of  four  rupees  is  in  force  against  you. 


prevent  the  expenses  on  these  occasions  falUng  too  heavily  on  the  poorer 
classes.  It  was  customary  for  the  women  to  carry  away  under  their  petti- 
coats (ghaghra)  sufficient  sweetmeats  for  several  days'  consumption.  The 
great  Jai  Singh  of  Amber  had  an  ordinance  restricting  the  number  of  guests 
to  fifty-one  on  these  occasions,  and  prohibited  to  all  but  the  four  wealthy 
classes  the  use  of  sugar-candy  :  the  others  were  confined  to  the  use  of 
molasses  and  brown  sugar.  To  the  lower  vassals  and  the  cultivators  these 
feasts  were  limited  to  the  coarser  fare  ;  to  juar  flour,  greens  and  oil.  A 
dyer  who  on  the  Holi  feasted  his  friends  with  sweetmeats  of  fine  sugar  and 
scattered  about  balls  made  of  brown  sugar,  was  fined  five  thousand  rupees 
for  setting  so  pernicious  an  example.  The  sadh,  or  marriage  present,  from 
the  bridegroom  to  the  bride's  father,  was  limited  to  fifty-one  rupees.  The 
great  sums  previously  paid  on  this  score  were  preventives  of  matrimony. 
Many  other  wholesome  regulations  of  a  much  more  important  kind,  especially 
those  for  the  suppression  of  infanticide,  were  instituted  by  this  prince. 

^  '  Defence  against  the  cold  weather  '  (si).  This  in  the  ancient  French 
regime  came  under  the  denomination  of  "  Albergie  ou  Hebergement,  un 
droit  royal.  Par  exemple,  ce  ne  fut  qu'apres  le  regne  de  Saint  Louis,  et 
moyennant  finances,  que  les  habitans  de  Paris  et  de  Corbeil  s'affranchirent, 
les  premiers  de  fournir  au  roi  et  k  sa  suite  de  bons  oreillers  et  d'excellens 
hts  de  plumes,  tant  qu'il  sejournait  dans  leur  ville,  et  les  seconds  de  le 
regaler  quand  it  passait  par  leur  bourg." 

VOL.  I  R 


242  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

Eighty  are  now  due  ;  Ganga  Ram  having  petitioned  in  your 
favour,  forty  of  this  will  be  remitted.  Give  a  written  declaration 
to  this  effect — that  with  a  specified  quota  you  will  take  the  field  ; 
if  not,  you  will  stand  the  consequences. 

Viz.  :  One  good  horse  and  one  matchlock,  with  appurtenances 
complete,  to  serve  at  home  and  abroad  (des  pardes),  and  to  run 
the  country  ^  with  the  Kher. 

When  the  levy  (kher)  takes  the  field,  Gopaldas  must  attend 
in  person.  Should  he  be  from  home,  his  retainers  must  attend, 
and  they  shall  receive  rations  from  the  presence.  Sawan  sudi 
das  (August  10)  S.  1782. 


No.  XVII 

Maharaja  Udaikaran  to  the  Saktawat  Shambhu  Singh.  Be 
it  known. 

I  had  annexed  Gura  to  the  fisc,  but  now,  from  favour,  restore 
it  to  you.  Make  it  flourish,  and  serve  me  at  home  and  abroad, 
with  one  horse,  and  one  foot  soldier. 

When  abroad  you  shall  receive  rations  (bhatta)  as  follows  : 
Flour     .  .   3  lb. 

Pulse     .  .   4  ounces. 

Butter  ighi)  .   2  pice  weight. 

Horses'  feed  .   4  seers  at  22  takas  each  seer,  of  daily  allow- 
ance. 

^  The  '  Daurayat '  or  runners,  the  term  applied  to  the  bands  who  swept 
the  country  with  their  forays  in  those  periods  of  general  confusion,  are 
analogous  to  the  armed  bands  of  the  Middle  Ages,  who  in  a  similar  manner 
desolated  Europe  under  the  term  routiers,  tantamount  to  our  rabars  (on 
the  road),  the  labars  of  the  Pindaris  in  India.  The  Rajput  Daurayat  has 
as  many  epithets  as  the  French  routier,  who  were  called  escorcheurs,  tard 
veneurs  (of  which  class  Gopaldas  appears  to  have  been),  mille-diables, 
Ouilleries,  eto.  From  the  Crusades  to  the  sixteenth  century,  the  nobles 
of  Europe,  of  whom  these  bands  were  composed  (like  our  Rajputs),  abandoned 
themselves  to  this  sort  of  life  ;  who,  to  use  the  words  of  the  historian, 
"  prefererent  la  vie  vagabonde  a  laquelle  ils  s'etoient  accoutumes  dans  le 
camp,  a  retourner  cultiver  leurs  champs.  C'est  alors  que  se  formerent  ces 
bandes  qu'on  vit  parcourir  le  royaume  et  etendre  sur  toutes  les  provinces 
le  fl^au  de  leurs  incUnations  destructives,  repandre  partout  I'effroi,  la  misere, 
le  deuil  et  le  desespoir ;  mettre  les  villes  a  contribution,  piller  et  incendier 
les  villages,  egorger  les  laboureurs,  et  se  livrer  a  des  acces  de  cruaute  qui 
font  fremir  "  {Diet,  de  Vancien  regime  et  des  abus  feodaux,  art.  '  Routier,' 
p.  422). 

We  have  this  apology  for  the  Rajput  routiers,  that  the  nobles  of  Europe 
had  not ;  they  were  driven  to  it  by  perpetual  aggressions  of  invaders.  I 
invariably  found  that  the  reformed  routier  was  one  of  the  best  subjects  : 
it  secured  him  from  indolence,  the  parent  of  all  Rajput  vices. 


CHARTERS  243 

If  for  defence  of  the  fort  you  are  required,  you  will  attend  with 
all  your  dependents,  and  bring  your  wife,  family,  and  chattels  ; 
for  which,  you  will  be  exempted  from  two  years  of  subsequent 
sei-vice.     Asarh  14,  S.  1834  [209]. 


No.  XVIII 

Bhiim  in  Mundkati,  or  Compensation  for  Blood,  to  Jeth 
Singh  Chondawat. 

The  Patel's  son  went  to  bring  home  his  wife  with  Jeth's  Rajputs 
as  a  guard.  The  party  was  attacked,  the  guard  killed,  and  there 
having  been  no  redress  for  the  murder,  twenty-six  bighas  have 
been  granted  in  mimdkati  ^  (compensation). 


No.  XIX 

Rawat  Megh  Singh  to  his  natural  brother,  Jamna  Das,  a  patta 
(fief)  has  been  granted,  viz.  : 

The  village  of  Rajpura,  value    .  .  .   Rupees  401 

A  garden  of  mogra  flowers^       ...  11 

Rupees         .  .        412 

Serve  at  home  and  abroad  with  fidelity  :  contributions  and 
aids  pav  according  to  custom,  and  as  do  the  rest  of  the  vassals. 
Jeth  14th,  S.  1874 


No.  XX 

Charter  given  by  the  Ttana  of  Mezvar.  accepted  and  signed  by  all  his 

Chiefs  ;   defining  the  duties  of  the  contracting  Parties. 

A.D.   1818. 

Siddh  Sri  Maharana  Dhiraj,  Maharana  Bhim  Singh,  to  all  the 
nobles  my  brothers  and  kin.  Rajas,  Patels,  Jhalas,  Chauhans, 
Chondawats,  Panwars,  Sarangdeots,  Saktawats,  Rathors,  Rana- 
wats,  etc.,  etc. 

Now,  since  S.  1822  (a.d.  1776),  during  the  reign  of  Sri  Ari 
Singh ji,'  when  the  troubles  commenced,  laying  ancient  usages 
aside,  undue  usurpations  of  the  land  have  been  made  :   therefore 

^  Mund,  '  the  head  '  ;    kati,  '  cut.' 

^  [The  double  jasmine,  Jasminum  sambac.'] 

^  The  rebelhon  broke  out  during  the  reign  of  this  prince. 


244  FEUDAL  SYSTEM  IN  RAJASTHAN 

on  this  day,  Baisakh  badi  14th,  S.  1874  (a.d.  1818),  the  Maharana 
assembling  all  his  chiefs,  lays  down  the  path  of  duty  in  new 
ordinances. 

1st.  All  lands  belonging  to  the  crown  obtained  since  the 
troubles,  and  all  lands  seized  by  one  chief  from  another,  shall  be 
restored. 

2nd.  All  Rakhwali,^  Bhum,  Lagat,^  established  since  the 
troubles,  shall  be  renounced. 

3rd.  Dhan,'  Biswa,*  the  right  of  the  crown  alone,  shall  be 
renounced. 

4th.  No  chiefs  shall  commit  thefts  or  violence  within  the 
boundaries  of  their  estates.  They  shall  entertain  no  Thugs,^ 
foreign  thieves  or  thieves  of  the  country,  as  Moghias,*  Baoris,^ 
Thoris  :  ^  but  those  who  shall  adopt  peaceful  habits  may  remain  ; 
but  should  any  return  to  their  old  pursuits,  their  heads  shall 
instantly  be  taken  off.  All  property  stolen  shall  be  made  good 
by  the  proprietor  of  the  estate  within  the  limits  of  which  it  is 
plundered  [210]. 

5th.  Home  or  foreign  merchants,  traders,  Kafilas,^  Banjaras,' 
who  enter  the  country,  shall  be  protected.  In  no  wise  shall  they 
be  inolested  or  injured,  and  whoever  breaks  this  ordinance,  his 
estate  shall  be  confiscated. 

6th.  According  to  command,  at  home  or  abroad  service  must 
be  performed.  Four  divisions  (chaukis)  shall  be  formed  of  the 
chiefs,  and  each  division  shall  remain  three  months  in  attendance 
at  court,  when  they  shall  be  dismissed  to  their  estates.  Once  a 
year,  on  the  festival  of  the  Dasahra,*  all  the  chiefs  shall  assemble 
with  their  quotas  ten  days  previous  thereto,  and  twenty  days 
subsequent  they  shall  be  dismissed  to  their  estates.  On  urgent 
occasions,  and  whenever  their  services  are  required,  they  shall 
repair  to  the  Presence. 

^  Salvamenta.  ^  Dues. 

3  Transit  dtity.  *  Ditto. 

^  Different  descriptions  of  tliieves.  [The  Mogliias  are  settled  principally 
in  E.  Mewar  •  if  not  identical  with,  they  are  closely  allied  to,  the  Baori 
(Luard,  Ethnographic  Survey,  Central  India,  App.  V.  17  ff.).  Gen.  C. 
Hervey  {Some  Records  of  Crime,  i.  386  ff.)  makes  frequent  references  to 
dacoities  committed  by  them  from  their  headquarters,  NImach.  The  Baori 
or  Bawariya  are  a  notorious  criminal  tribe  (Rose,  Glossary,  ii.  70  ff.  ;  M. 
Kennedy,  Notes  on  Criminal  Classes  in  Bombay  Presidency,  173  ff.,  198  ft'.). 
The  Thori  in  Marwar  claim  Rajput  origin,  and  are  connected  with  the  Aheri, 
or  nomad  hunters  {Census  Report,  Mdnvdr,  1891,  ii.  194).  According  to 
Rose  {op.  cit.  iii.  466)  those  in  the  Panjab  are  rather  vagrants  than  actual 
criminals.] 

^  Caravans  of  merchandise,  whether  on  camels,  bullocks,  or  in  carts. 

'  Caravans  of  bullocks,  chiefly  for  the  transport  of  grain  and  salt. 

"  On  this  festival  the  muster  of  all  the  feudal  retainers  is  taken  by  the 
Rana  in  person,  and  honorary  dresses  and  dignities  are  bestowed. 


CHARTERS  245 

7th.  Every  Pattawat  holding  a  separate  patta  from  the 
Presence  shall  perform  separate  service.  They  shall  not  unite 
or  serve  under  the  greater  Pattawats  :  and  the  sub-vassals  of  all 
such  chiefs  shall  remain  with  and  serve  their  immediate  Pattawat.^ 

8th,  The  Maharana  shall  maintain  the  dignities  due  to  each 
chief  according  to  his  degree. 

9th.  The  Ryots  shall  not  be  oppressed  :  thei'e  shall  be  no  new 
exactions  or  arbitrary  fines.     This  is  ordained. 

10th.  What  has  been  executed  by  Thakur  Ajit  Singh  and 
sanctioned  by  the  Rana,  to  this  all  shall  agree.'^ 

11th.  Whosoever  shall  depart  from  the  foregoing,  the  Maharana 
shall  punish.  In  doing  so  the  fault  will  not  be  the  Rana's.  Wiio- 
ever  fails,  on  him  be  the  oath  (an)  of  Eklinga  and  the  Maharana. 

[Here  follow  the  signatures  of  all  the  chieftains  of  rank  in 
Mewar,  which  it  is  needless  to  insert]  [211]. 

^  This  article  had  become  especially  necessary,  as  the  inferior  cliiefs, 
particularly  those  of  the  third  class,  had  amalgamated  themselves  with 
the  head  of  their  clans,  to  whom  they  had  become  more  accountable  than 
to  their  prince. 

-  Thisalludestothetreaty  which  this  chief  had  formed,  as  the  ambassador 
of  the  Rana,  with  the  British  Government. 


BOOK   IV 
ANNALS   OF  MEWAR 

CHAPTER  1 

We  now  proceed  to  the  history  of  the  States  of  Rajputana, 
and  shall  commence  with  the  Annals  of  Mewar,  and  its  princes. 

Titles  of  Mewar  Chiefs  :  descent  from  the  Sun. — These  are 
styled  Ranas,  and  are  the  elder  branch  of  the  Suryavansi,  or 
'  children  of  the  sun.'  Another  patronymic  is  Raghuvansi, 
derived  from  a  predecessor  of  Rama,  the  focal  point  of  each  scion 
of  the  solar  race.  To  him,  the  conqueror  of  Lanka,^  the  genea- 
logists endeavour  to  trace  the  solar  lines.  The  titles  of  many  of 
these  claimants  are  disputed  ;  but  the  Hindu  tribes  yield  unani- 
mous suffrage  to  the  prince  of  Mewar  as  the  legitimate  heir  to 
the  throne  of  Rama,  and  style  him  Hindua  Suraj,  or  '  Sun  of  the 
Hindus.'  ^  He  is  universally  allowed  to  be  the  first  of  the  '  thirty- 
six  royal  tribes  '  ;  nor  has  a  doubt  ever  been  raised  respecting 
his  purity  of  descent.  Many  of  these  tribes '  have  been  swept 
away  by  time  ;  and  the  genealogist,  who  abhors  a  vacuum  in  his 
mystic  page,  fills  up  their  place  with  others,  mere  scions  of  some 
ancient  but  forgotten  stem. 

Stability  of  Mewar  State. — With  the  exception  of  Jaisalmer, 
Mewar  is  the  only  dynasty  of  these  races  '  which  has  outlived 
eight  centuries  of  foreign  domination,  in  the  same  lands  where 

^  Said  to  be  Cfeylon  ;  an  idea  scouted  by  the  Hindus,  who  transfer  Lanka 
to  a  very  distant  regfon.     [The  latter  is  certainly  not  the  common  belief.] 

2  This  descendant  of  one  hundred  kings  shows  himself  in  cloudy  weather 
from  the  surya-gaukhra,  or  '  balcony  of  the  sun.' 

3  See  History  of  the  Tribes. 

247 


248  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

[212]  conquest  placed  them.  The  Rana  still  possesses  nearly  the 
same  extent  of  territory  which  his  ancestors  held  when  the  con- 
queror from  Ghazni  first  crossed  the  '  blue  waters  '  ^  of  the  Indus 
to  invade  India  ;  while  the  other  families  now  ruling  in  the  north- 
west of  Rajasthan  are  the  relics  of  ancient  dynasties  driven  from 
their  pristine  seats  of  power,  or  their  junior  branches,  who  have 
erected  their  own  fortunes.  This  circumstance  adds  to  the 
dignity  of  the  Ranas,  and  is  the  cause  of  the  general  homage 
which  they  receive,  notwithstanding  the  diminution  of  their 
power.  Though  we  cannot  give  the  princes  of  Mewar  an  ancestor 
in  the  Persian  Nushirwan,  nor  assert  so  confidently  as  Sir  Thomas 
Roe  his  claims  to  descent  from  the  celebrated  Porus,^  the  opponent 
of  Alexander,  we  can  carry  him  into  the  regions  of  antiquity 
more  remote  than  the  Persian,  and  which  would  satisfy  the  most 
fastidious  in  respect  to  ancestry. 

Origin  of  the  Rajputs. — In  every  age  and  clime  we  observe  the 
same  eager  desire  after  distinguished  pedigree,  proceeding  from 
a  feeling  which,  though  often  derided,  is  extremely  natural.  The 
Rajaputras  are,  however,  scarcely  satisfied  with  discriminating 
their  ancestors  from  the  herd  of  mankind.  Some  plume  them- 
selves on  a  celestial  origin,  whilst  others  are  content  to  be  demi- 
celestial  ;  and  those  who  cannot  advance  such  lofty  claims, 
rather  than  acknowledge  the  race  to  have  originated  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  nature,  make  their  primeval  parent  of  demoniac 
extraction  ;  accordingly,  several  of  the  dynasties  who  cannot 
obtain  a  niche  amongst  the  children  of  the  sim  or  moon,  or  trace 
their  descent  from  some  royal  saint,  are  satisfied  to  be  considered 
the  offspring  of  some  Titan  {Daily a).  These  puerilities  are  of 
modern  fabrication,  in  cases  where  family  documents  have  been 
lost,  or  emigration  has  severed  branches  from  the  parent  stock  ;' 
who,  increasing  in  power,  but  ignorant  of  their  birth,  have  had 
recourse  to  fable  to  supply  the  void.  Various  authors,  borrowing 
from  the  same  source,  have  assigned  the  seat  of  Porus  to  the  Rana's 

^  Nilab  from  nil,  '  blue,'  and  ah,  '  water  '  ;  hence  the  name  of  the  Nile  in 
Egypt  and  in  India  [?].  Sind,  or  Sindhu,  appears  to  be  a  Scythian  word  : 
8in  in  the  Tatar,  t  sin  in  Chinese, '  river.'  [It  is  Sanskrit,  meaning '  divider.'] 
Hence  the  inhabitants  of  its  higher  course  termed  it  aba  sin, '  parent  stream  ' ; 
and  thus,  very  probably,  Abyssinia  was  formed  by"" the  Arabians ;  '  the 
country  on  the  Nile,'  or  aba  sin.  [Abyssinia  is  '  land  of  the  Habashi,  or 
negroes.'] 

"  See  p.  47  above. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  RAJPUTS  249 

family  ;  and  coincidence  of  name  has  been  the  cause  of  the 
family  being  alternately  elevated  and  depressed.  Thus  the 
incidental  circumstance  of  the  word  Rhamnae  being  found  in 
Ptolemy's  geography,  in  countries  bordering  on  Mewar,  furnishes 
our  ablest  geographers  ^  with  a  reason  [213]  for  planting  the 
family  there  in  the  second  century  ;  while  the  commentators  ^ 
on  the  geography  of  the  Arabian  travellers  of  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries  '  discover  sufficient  evidence  in  "  the  kingdom  of  Rahmi, 
always  at  war  with  the  Balhara  sovereign,"  to  consider  him  (not- 
withstanding Rahmi  is  expressly  stated  "  not  to  be  much  con- 
sidered for  his  birth  or  the  antiquity  of  his  kingdom  ")  as  the 
prince  of  Chitor,  celebrated  in  both  these  points. 

The  translator  of  the  Periplus  of  the  Erythrean  Sea,  following 
D'Anville,*  makes  Ozene  (Ujjain)  the  capital  of  a  Porus,^  who  sent 
an  embassy  to  Augustus  to  regulate  their  commercial  intercourse, 
and  whom  he  asserts  to  be  the  ancestor  of  the  Rana.  But  to 
show  how  guarded  we  should  be  in  admitting  verbal  resemblance 
to  decide  such  points,  the  title  of  Rana  is  of  modern  adoption, 
even  so  late  as  the  twelfth  century  ;  and  was  assumed  in  conse- 
quence of  the  victorious  issue  of  a  contest  with  the  Parihara 
prince  of  Mandor,  who  bore  the  title  of  Rana,  and  who  surrendered 
it  with  his  life  and  capital  to  the  prince  of  Mewar.  The  latter 
substituted  it  for  the  more  ancient  appellation  of  Rawal ;  ^  but 
it  was  not  till  the  thirteenth  century  that  the  novel  distinction 
was  generally  recognized  by  neighbouring  powers.     Although  we 

^  D'Anville  and  Rennell.  [The  Rhamnae  have  been  identified  with  the 
Brahui  of  Baluchistan  (McCrindle,  Ptolemy,  159).  Lassen  places  them  on 
the  Nerbudda.] 

2  Maurice  and  others. 

*  Relations  anciennes  des  voyageurs,  par  Renaudot. 

*  D'Anville  {Antiquites  de  I'Inde)  quotes  Nicolas  of  Damascus  as  his 
authority,  who  says  the  letter  written  by  Porus,  prince  of  Ozene,  was  in  the 
Greek  character. 

^  This  Porus  is  a  corruption  of  Puar,  once  the  most  powerful  and  con- 
spicuous tribe  in  India  ;  classically  written  Pramara,  the  dynasty  which 
ruled  at  Ujjain  for  ages.     [This  is  not  certain  (Smith,  EHI,  60,  note).] 

*  Rawed,  or  Raul,  is  yet  borne  as  a  princely  title  by  the  Aharya  prince  of 
Dungarpur,  and  the  Yadu  prince  of  Jaisalmer,  whose  ancestors  long  ruled 
in  the  heart  of  Scjrthia.  Raoul  seems  to  have  been  titular  to  the  Scandi- 
navian chiefs  of  Scythic"  origin.  The  invader  of  Normandy  was  Raoul, 
corrupted  to  Rollon  or  Rollo.  [The  words,  of  course,  have  no  connexion  : 
Rawal,  Skt.  rajakula,  '  royal  family.'] 


250  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

cannot  for  a  moment  admit  the  Rahmi,  or  even  the  Rhamnae  of 
Ozene,  to  be  connected  with  this  family,  yet  Ptolemy  appears 
to  have  given  the  real  ancestor  in  his  Baleokouroi,  the  Balhara 
monarchs  of  the  Arabian  travellers,  the  Valabhiraes  of  Saurashtra, 
who  were  the  ancestors  of  the  princes  of  Mewar.^ 

Before  we  proceed,  it  is  necessary  to  specify  the  sources  whence 
materials  were  obtained  for  the  Annals  of  Mewar,  and  to  give  some 
idea  of  the  character  they  merit  as  historical  data  [214]. 

Sources  of  the  History. — For  many  years  previous  to  sojourn- 
ing at  the  court  of  Udaipur,  sketches  were  obtained  of  the  genea- 
logy of  the  family  from  the  rolls  of  the  bards.  To  these  was  added 
a  chronological  sketch,  drawn  up  under  the  eye  of  Raja  Jai  Singh 
of  Amber,  with  comments  of  some  value  by  him,  and  which  served 
as  a  ground-work.  Free  access  was  also  granted  to  the  Rana's 
library,  and  permission  obtained  to  make  copies  of  such  MSS.  as 
related  to  his  history.  The  most  important  of  these  was  the 
Khuman  Raesa,^  which  is  evidently  a  modern  work  founded  upon 
ancient  materials,  tracing  the  genealogy  to  Rama,  and  halting  at 
conspicuous  beacons  in  this  long  line  of  crowned  heads,  particu- 
larly about  the  period  of  the  Muhammadan  irruption  in  the  tenth 
century,  the  sack  of  Chitor  by  Alau-d-din  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  the  wars  of  Rana  Partap  with  Akbar,  during  whose 
reign  the  work  appears  to  have  been  recast. 

The  next  in  importance  were  the  Rajvilas,  in  the  Vraj  Bhakha, 
by  Man  Kabeswara  ;  *  and  the  Rajratnakar,*  by  Sudasheo  Bhat  : 
both  written  in  the  reign  of  Rana  Raj  Singh,  the  oj^ponent  of 
Aurangzeb  :  also  the  Jaivilas,  written  in  the  reign  of  Jai  Singh, 
son  of  Raj  Singh.     They  all  commence  with  the  genealogies  of  the 

^  The  Balhara  kings,  and  their  capital  Nahrwala,  or  Anhilwara  Patan, 
have  given  rise  to  much  conjecture  amongst  the  learned.  We  shall,  before 
this  work  is  closed,  endeavour  to  condense  what  has  been  said  by  ancient 
and  modern  authorities  on  the  subject ;  and  from  manuscripts,  ancient 
inscriptions,  and  the  result  of  a  personal  visit  to  this  ancient  domain,  to  set 
the  matter  completely  at  rest.  [See  p.  122  above.]  ["  Hippokoura,  the  royal 
seat  of  Baleo  Kouros  "  {Periplus,  vlii.  83).  Baleo  Kouros  has  been  identified 
with  Vilivayakura,  a  name  found  on  coins  of  the  Andhra  dynasty  (BO,  i. 
Part  ii.  158  ;   McCrindle,  Ptolemy,  179).] 

^  Khuman  is  an  ancient  title  of  the  earlier  princes,  and  still  used.  It  was 
borne  by  the  son  of  Bappa,  the  founder,  who  retired  to  Transoxiana,  and 
there  ruled  and  died  :   the  very  country  of  the  ancient  Scythic  Khomani. 

'^  Lord  of  rhyme.  *  Sea  of  gems. 


SOURCES  OF  THE  HISTORY:  KANAKSEN         251 

family,  introductory  to  the  military  exploits  of  the  princes  whose 
names  they  bear. 

The  Mamadevi  Prasistha  is  a  copy  of  the  inscriptions  ^  in  the 
temple  of  '  the  Mother  of  the  Gods  '  at  Kumbhalmer.  Genea- 
logical rolls  of  some  antiquity  were  obtained  from  the  widow  of  an 
ancient  family  bard,  who  had  left  neither  children  nor  kindred  to 
follow  his  profession.  Another  roll  was  procured  from  a  priest 
of  the  Jains  residing  in  Sandrai,  in  Marwar,  whose  ancestry  had 
enjoyed  from  time  immemorial  the  title  of  Guru,  which  they  held 
at  the  period  of  the  sack  of  Valabhipura  in  the  fifth  century, 
whence  they  emigrated  simultaneously  with  the  Rana's  ancestors. 
Others  were  obtained  from  Jain  priests  at  Jawad  in  Malwa. 
Historical  documents  possessed  by  several  chiefs  were  readily 
furnished,  and  extracts  were  made  from  works,  both  Sanskrit 
and  Persian,  which  incidentally  mention  the  family.  To  these 
were  added  traditions  or  biographical  anecdotes  furnished  in  con- 
versation by  the  Rana,  or  men  of  intellect  amongst  his  chiefs  [215], 
ministers,  or  bards,  and  inscriptions  calculated  to  reconcile  dates  ; 
in  short,  every  corroborating  circumstance  was  treasured  up 
which  could  be  obtained  by  incessant  research  during  sixteen 
years.  The  Commentaries  of  Babur  and  Jahangir,  the  Institutes 
of  Akbar,  original  grants,  public  and  autograph  letters  of  the 
emperors  of  Delhi  and  their  ministers,  were  made  to  contribute 
more  or  less  ;  yet,  numerous  as  are  the  authorities  cited,  the 
result  may  afford  but  little  gratification  to  the  general  reader, 
partly  owing  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  subject,  partly  to  the 
inartificial  mode  of  treating  it. 

Kanaksen. — At  least  ten  genealogical  hsts,  derived  from  the 
most  opposite  sources,  agree  in  making  Kanaksen  the  founder  of 
this  dynasty  ;  and  assign  his  emigxation  from  the  most  northern 
of  the  provinces  of  India  to  the  peninsula  of  Saurashtra  in  S.  201, 
or  A.D.  145.  We  shall,  therefore,  make  this  the  point  of  outset  ; 
though  it  may  be  premised  that  Jai  Singh,  the  royal  historian 
and  astronomer  of  Amber,  connects  the  line  with  Sumitra  (the 
fifty-sixth  descendant  from  the  deified  Rama),  who  appears  to 
have  been  the  contemporary  of  Vikramaditya,  a.c.  56. 

The  country  of  which  Ayodhya  (now  Oudh)  was  the  capital, 
and  Rama  monarch,  is  termed,  in  the  geographical  writings  of  the 
Hindus,  Kosala  ;  doubtless  from  the  mother  of  Rama,  whose 
^  Tiiese  inscriptions  will  be  described  in  the  Personal  Narrative. 


252  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

name  was  Kausalya.^  The  first  royal  emigrant  from  tlie  north 
is  styled,  in  the  Rana's  archives,  Kosala-putra,  '  son  of  Kosala.' 

Titles  of  the  Chiefs. — Rama  had  two  sons,  Lava  and  Kusa  : 
from  the  former  the  Rana's  family  claim  descent.  He  is  stated 
to  have  built  Lahore,  the  ancient  Lohkot  ;  ^  and  the  branch  from 
which  the  princes  of  Mewar  are  descended  resided  there  until 
Kanaksen  emigrated  to  Dwarka.  The  difficulty  of  tracing  these 
races  through  a  long  period  of  years  is  greatly  increased  by  the 
custom  of  changing  the  appellation  of  the  tribe,  from  conquest, 
locality,  or  personal  celebrity.  Sen  *  seems  to  have  been  the 
martial  termination  for  many  generations  :  this  was  followed  by 
Dit,  or  Aditya,  a  term  for  the  '  sun.'  The  first  change  in  the 
name  of  the  tribe  was  on  their  expulsion  from  Saurashtra,  when 
for  the  generic  term  of  Suryavansi  was  substituted  the  particular 
appellation  of  Guhilot.  This  name  was  maintained  till  another 
event  dispersed  the  family,  and  when  they  settled  in  [216]  Ahar,* 
Aharya  became  the  appellative  of  the  branch.  This  continued 
till  loss  of  territory  and  new  acquisitions  once  more  transferred 
the  dynasty  to  Sesoda,*  a  temporary  capital  in  the  western  moun- 
tains. The  title  of  Ranawat,  borne  by  all  descendants  of  the 
blood  royal  since  the  eventful  change  which  removed  the  seat  of 
government  from  Chitor  to  Udaipur,  might  in  time  have  super- 
seded that  of  Sesodia,  if  continued  warfare  had  not  checked  the 
increase  of  population  ;  but  the  Guhilot  branch  of  the  Suryavansi 
still  retain  the  name  of  Sesodia. 

Having  premised  thus  much,  we  must  retrograde  to  the  darker 
ages,  through  which  we  shall  endeavour  to  conduct  this  celebrated 
dynasty,  though  the  clue  sometimes  nearly  escapes  from  our 
hands  in  these  labyrinths  of  antiquity.®     When  it  is  recollected 

^  [It  is  the  other  way  :   Kausalya  took  her  name  from  Kosala.] 

^  [See  p.  116  above.] 

'  Sen,  'army';  kanak,  'gold.'  [Kanaksen  is  entirely  mythical.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  the  name  is  a  reminiscence  of  the  connexion  of 
the  great  Kushan  Emperor,  Kanishka,  with  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  {BG,  i. 
Part  i.  101).] 

*  Ahar,  or  Ar,  is  in  the  valley  of  the  present  capital,  Udaipur. 

*  The  origin  of  this  name  is  from  the  trivial  occurrence  of  the  expelled 
prince  of  Chitor  having  erected  a  town  to  commemorate  the  spot,  where 
after  an  extraordinarily  hard  chase  he  killed  a  hare  {sasu). 

*  The  wila  fable  which  envelops  or  adorns  the  cradle  of  every  illustrious 
family  is  not  easily  disentangled.  The  bards  weave  the  web  with  skiU,  and 
it  cUngs  like  ivy  round  each  modern  branch,  obscuring  the  aged  stem,  in 


LEGEND  OF  KANAKSEN  253 

to  what  violence  this  family  has  been  subjected  during  the  last 
eight  centuries,  often  dispossessed  of  all  but  their  native  hills  and 
compelled  to  live  on  their  spontaneous  produce,  we  could  scarcely 
expect  that  historical  records  should  be  preserved.  Chitor  was 
thrice  sacked  and  destroyed,  and  the  existing  records  are  formed 
from  fragments,  registers  of  births  and  marriages,  or  from  the 
oral  relations  of  the  bards. 

Legend  of  Kanaksen. — By  what  route  Kanaksen,  the  first 
emigrant  of  the  solar  race,  found  his  way  into  Saurashtra  from 
Lohkot,  is  uncertam  :  he,  however,  wrested  dominion  from  a 
prince  of  the  Pramara  race,  and  founded  Birnagara  in  the  second 
century  (a.d.  144).  Four  generations  afterwards,  Vijayasen. 
whom  the  prince  of  Amber  calls  Nushirwan,  founded  Vijayapur, 
supposed  to  be  where  Dholka  now  stands,  at  the  head  of  the 
Saurashtra  peninsula.^  Vidarba  was  also  founded  by  him,  the 
name  of  which  was  afterwards  changed  to  Sihor.  But  the  most 
celebrated  was  the  capital,  Valabhipura,  which  for  years  baffled 
all  search,  till  it  was  revealed  in  its  now  humbled  condition  as 
Walai,  ten  miles  west  [217]  of  Bhaunagar.  The  existence  of  this 
city  was  confirmed  by  a  celebrated  Jain  work,  the  Satrunjaya 
Mahatma.^  The  want  of  satisfactory  proof  of  the  Rana's  emigra- 
tion from  thence  was  obviated  by  the  most  unexpected  discovery 
of  an  inscription  of  the  twelfth  century,  in  a  ruined  temple  on  the 
tableland  forming  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Rana'?  present 
territory,  which  appeals  to  the  '  walls  of  Valabhi '  for  the  truth 
of  the  action  it  records.  And  a  work  written  to  commemorate 
the  reign  of  Rana  Raj  Singh  opens  with  these  words  :  "In  the 
west  is  Sorathdes,^  a  country  well  known  :  the  barbarians  invaded 
it,  and  conquered  Bal-ka-nath  ;  *  all  fell  in  the  sack  of  Valab- 
hipura, except  the  daughter  of  the  Pramara."     And  the  Sandrai 

the  time-worn  branches  of  which  monsters  and  demi-gods  are  perched, 
whose  claims  of  affinity  are  held  in  high  estimation  by  thesfe  '  children  of 
the  sun,'  who  would  deem  it  criminal  to  doubt  that  the  loin-robe  (dhoti)  of 
their  great  founder,  Bapa  Rawal,  was  less  than  five  hundred  cubits  in  circum- 
ference, that  his  two-edged  sword  (khanda),  the  gift  of  the  Hindu  Proserpine, 
weighed  an  ounce  less  than  sixty-four  pounds,  or  that  he  was  an  inch  under 
twenty  feet  in  height. 

^  [Vijayapur  has  been  doubtfully  identified  with  Bijapur  in  the  Alima- 
dabad  district  (BG,  i.  Part  i.  110).] 

^  Presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  London. 

*  Sorath  or  Saurashtra.  *  The  '  lord  of  Bal.' 


254  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

roll  thus  commences  :  "  When  the  city  of  Valabhi  was  sacked, 
the  inhabitants  fled  and  founded  Bali,  Sandrai,  and  Nadol  in 
Mordar  des."  ^  These  are  towns  yet  of  consequence,  and  in  all 
the  Jain  religion  is  still  naaintained,  which  was  the  chief  worship 
of  Valabhipura  when  sacked  by  the  '  barbarian.'  The  records 
preserved  by  the  Jains  give  s.b.  205  (a.d.  524)  as  the  date  of  this 
event.^ 

The  tract  about  Valabhipura  and  northward  is  termed  Bal, 
probably  from  the  tribe  of  Bala,  which  might  have  been  the 
designation  of  the  Rana's  tribe  prior  to  that  of  Grahilot  ;  and 
most  probably  Multan,  and  all  these  regions  of  the  Kathi,  Bala, 
etc.,  were  dependent  on  Lohkot,  whence  emigrated  Kanaksen  ; 
thus  strengthening  the  surmise  of  the  Scythic  descent  of  the 
Ranas,  though  now  installed  in  the  seat  of  Rama.  The  sun  was 
the  deity  of  this  northern  tribe,  as  of  the  Rana's  ancestry,  and 
the  remains  of  numerous  temples  to  this  grand  object  of  Scj'thic 
homage  are  still  to  be  found  scattered  over  the  peninsula  ;  whence 
its  name,  Saurashtra,  the  coimtry  of  the  Sauras,  or  Sun-worship- 
pers ;  the  Surastrene  or  Syrastrene  of  ancient  geographers  ;  its 
inhabitants,  the  Suros  (2t'/pwv)  of  Strabo.' 

Besides  these  cities,  the  MSS.  give  Gayni  *  as  the  last  refuge 

^  Marwar. 

^  [The  date  of  the  fall  of  Valabhi  is  very  uncertain  (Smith,  EH  I,  315, 
note).  It  is  said  to*  have  been  destroyed  in  the  reign  of  Siladitya  VI., 
the  last  of  the  dynasty,  about  a.d.  776  (Duff,  Chronology  of  India,  31, 
G7,  308).] 

*  [There  is  possibly  a  confusion  with  the  Soras  of  Aehan  (xv.  8)  which 
has  been  identified  by  Caldwell  {Dravidian  Grammar,  17)  with  the  ^Qpat 
of  Ptolemy,  and  with  the  Chola  kingdom  of  Southern  India.  Surashtra  or 
Saurashtra,  '  land  of  the  Sus,'  was  afterwards  Sanskritized  into  '  goodly 
country  '  (Monier  Williams,  Skt.  Diet.  s.v. ;  BG,  i.  Part  i.  6).] 

*  Gaini,  or  Gajni,  is  one  of  the  ancient  names  of  Cambay  (the  port  of 
Valabhipura),  the  ruins  of  which  are  about  three  miles  from  the  modern 
city.  Other  sources  indicate  that  these  princes  held  possessions  in  the 
southern  continent  of  India,  as  well  as  in  the  Saurashtra  peninsula.  Tala- 
talpur  Patau,  on  the  Godavari,  is  mentioned,  which  tradition  asserts  to  be 
the  city  of  Deogir  ;  but  which,  after  many  years'  research,  I  discovered  in 
Saurashtra,  it  being  one  of  the  ancient  names  of  Kandala.  In  after  times, 
when  succeeding  dynasties  held  the  title  of  Balakarae,  though  the  capital 
was  removed  inland  to  Anhilwara  Patau,  they  still  held  possession  of  the 
western  shore,  and  Cambay  continued  the  chief  port.  [For  the  identifica- 
tion of  Gajni  with  Cambay  see  I  A,  iv.  147 ;  BG,  vi.  213  note.  The  site  of 
Devagiri  has  been  identified  with  Daulatabad  (BG,  i.  Part  ii.  136  ;  Beal, 
Buddhist  Records  of  the  Western  World,  ii.  255,  note).] 


INVADERS  OF  SAURASHTRA  255 

of  the  famUy  [218]  when  expelled  Saurashtra.  One  of  the  poetic 
chronicles  thus  commences  :  "  The  barbarians  had  captured 
Gajni.  The  house  of  Siladitya  was  left  desolate.  In  its  defence 
his  heroes  fell  ;  of  his  seed  but  the  name  remained." 

Invaders  of  Saurashtra. — These  invaders  were  Scythic,  and 
in  all  probability  a  colony  from  the  Parthian  kingdom,  which 
was  established  in  sovereignty  on  the  Indus  in  the  second  century, 
having  their  capital  at  Saminagara,  where  the  ancient  Yadu  ruled 
for  ages  :  the  Minnagara  ^  of  Arrian,  and  the  Mankir  of  the 
Arabian  geographers.  It  was  by  this  route,  through  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  valley  of  the  Indus,  that  the  various  hordes  of  Getae 
or  Jats,  Huns,  Kamari,  Kathi,  Makwahana,  Bala  and  Aswaria, 
had  peopled  this  peninsula,  leaving  traces  still  visible.  The 
period  is  also  remarkable  when  these  and  other  Scythic  hordes 
were  simultaneously  abandoning  higher  Asia  for  the  cold  regions 

^  The  position  of  Minnagara  has  occupied  the  attention  of  geographers 
from  D'Anville  to  Pottinger.  Sind  being  conquered  by  Omar,  general  of 
the  caUph  Al-Mansur  (Abbasi),  the  name  of  Minagara  was  changed  to 
Mansura,  "  une  ville  celcbre  sur  le  rivage  droit  du  Sind  ou  Mehran."  "  Ptole- 
mee  fait  aussi  mention  de  cette  ville  ;  mais  en  la  depla9ant,"  etc.  D'Anville 
places  it  about  26°,  but  not  so  high  as  Ulug  Beg,  whose  tables  make  it  26° 
40'.  I  have  said  elsewhere  that  I  had  little  doubt  that  Minnagara,  handed 
down  to  us  by  the  author  of  the  Periplus  as  the  ^uerpoTroXis  t^s  ^Kvdias,  was 
the  Saminagara  of  the  Yadu  Jarejas,  whose  chronicles  claim  Seistan  as  their 
ancient  possession,  and  in  all  probability  was  the  stronghold  {nagara)  of 
Sambos,  the  opponent  of  Alexander.  On  every  consideration,  I  am  inchned 
to  place  it  on  the  site  of  Sehwan.  The  learned  Vincent,  in  his  translation 
of  the  Peripbis,  enters  fully  and  with  great  judgment  upon  this  point,  citing 
every  authority,  Arrian,  Ptolemy,  Al-Biruni,  Edrisi,  D'Anville,  and  De  la 
Rochette.  He  has  a  note  (26,  p.  386,  vol.  i.)  which  is  conclusive,  could  he 
have  applied  it :  "  Al-Birun  [equi-distant]  between  Debeil  and  Mansura." 
D'Anville  also  says  :  "  de  Mansora  a  la  ville  nommee  Birun,  la  distance  est 
indiquee  de  quinze  parasanges  dans  Abulfeda,"  who  fixes  it,  on  the  authority 
of  Abu-Rehan  (.surnamed  Al-Biruni  from  his  birthplace),  at  26°  40'.  The 
ancient  name  of  Haidarabad,  the  present  capital  of  Sind,  was  Nerun  (^  j  »*i  ; ) 
or  Nirun,  and  is  almost  equi-distant,  as  Abulfeda  says,  between  Debal  (Dewal 
or  Tatta)  and  Mansura,  Sehwan,  or  Minnagara,  the  latitude  of  which,  accord- 
ing to  my  construction,  is  26°  11'.  Those  who  wish  to  pursue  this  may 
examine  the  Eclaircisfiemens  sur  la  Carle  de  Vlnde,  p.  37  et  seq.,  and  Dr. 
Vincent's  estimable  translation,  p.  386.  [The  site  of  Minnagara,  like  those 
of  all  the  cities  in  the  delta  of  the  Indus,  owing  to  changes  in  the  course  of 
the  river,  is  very  uncertain.  Jhajhpur  or  Mungrapur  has  been  suggested 
(McCrindle,  Ptolemy,  72,  Periplus,  1086  f.).  Nirun  has  been  identified  with 
Helai,  a  little  below  Jarak,  on  the  high  road  from  Tatta  to  Haidarabad 
(EHiot-Dowson  i.  400).] 


256  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  Europe  and  the  warm  plains  of  Hindustan.  From  the  first  to 
the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  various  records  exist  of 
tliese  irruptions  from  the  north.  Gibbon,  quoting  De  Guignes, 
mentions  one  in  the  second  century,  which  fixed  permanently  in 
the  Saurashtra  peninsula  ;  and  the  latter,  from  original  authorities, 
describes  another  of  the  Getae  or  Jats,  styled  by  the  Chinese 
Yueh-chi,  in  the  north  of  India.^  But  the  authority  directly  in 
point  is  that  of  Cosmas,  surnamed  Indikopleustes,  who  was  in 
India  during  the  reign  of  Justinian,  and  that  of  the  first  monarch 
of  the  Chinese  dynasty  of  Leam.^  Cosmas  [219]  had  visited 
Kalyan,  included  in  the  Balhara  kingdom  ;  and  he  mentions  the 
Ephthalites,  or  White  Huns,  under  their  king  Golas,  as  being 
established  on  the  Indus  at  the  very  period  of  the  invasion  of 
Valabhipura.' 

Arrian,  who  resided  in  the  second  century  at  Barugaza 
(Broach),  describes  a  Parthian  sovereignty  as  extending  from 
the  Indus  to  the  Nerbudda.*  Their  capital  has  already  been 
mentioned,  Minnagara.  Whether  these,  the  Abtelites  *  of  Cosmas, 
were  the  Parthian  dynasty  of  Arrian,  or  whether  the  Parthians 
were  supplanted  by  the  Huns,  we  must  remain  in  ignorance,  but 
to  one  or  the  other  we  must  attribute  the  sack  of  Valabhipura. 

^  See  History  of  the  Tribes,  p.  107,  and  translation  of  Inscription  No.  I. 
Vide  Appendix. 

^  Considerable  intercourse  was  carried  on  between  the  princes  of  India 
and  China  from  the  earliest  periods  ;  but  particularly  during  the  dynasties 
of  Sum,  Leam  and  Tarn,  from  the  fourth  to  the^eventh  centuries,  when  the 
princes  from  Bengal  and  Malabar  to  the  Panjab  sent  embassies  to  the  Chinese 
monarchs.  The  dominions  of  these  Hindu  princes  may  yet  be  identified. 
[Cosmas  flourished  in  the  sixth  century  a.d.,  and  never  reached  India  proper 
{EB,  vii.  214).] 

3  [GoUas  was  Mihiragula  (Smith,  EHI,  317).] 

*  [Ibid.  230  f.] 

^  D'Herbelot  (vol.  i.  p.  179)  calls  them  the  Haiathelah  or  Indoscythae,  and 
says  that  they  were  apparently  from  Thibet,  between  India  and  China. 
De  Guignes  (tome  i.  p.  325)  is  offended  with  this  explanation,  and  says  : 
"  Cette  conjecture  ne  pent  avoir  lieu,  les  Euthehtes  n'ayant  jamais  demeure 
dans  le  Thibet."  A  branch  of  the  Huns,  however,  did  most  assuredly  dwell 
in  that  quarter,  though  we  wiU  not  positively  assert  that  they  were  the 
AbteUtes.  The  Haihaya  was  a  great  branch  of  the  Lunar  race  of  Yayati, 
and  appears  early  to  have  left  India  for  the  northern  regions,  and  would 
afford  a  more  plausible  etymology  for  the  Haiathelah  than  the  Te-le,  who 
dwelt  on  the  waters  {ab)  of  the  Oxiis.  This  branch  of  the  Hunnish  race  has 
also  been  termed  Nephthalite,  and  fancied  one  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel  [?]. 


THE  FOUNTAIN  OF  THE  SUN  257 

The  legend  of  this  event  affords  scope  for  speculation,  both  as 
regards  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered,  and  gives  at  least  a 
colour  of  truth  to  the  reputed  Persian  ancestry  of  the  Rana  :  a 
subject  which  will  be  distinctly  considered.  The  solar  orb,  and 
its  type,  fire,  were  the  chief  objects  of  adoration  of  Siladitya  of 
Valabhipura.  Whether  to  these  was  added  that  of  the  lingam, 
the  symbol  of  Balnath  (the  sun),  the  primary  object  of  worship 
with  his  descendants,  may  be  doubted.  It  was  certainly  con- 
lined  to  these,  and  the  adoption  of  '  strange  gods  '  by  the  Sur- 
yavansi  Guhilot  is  comparatively  of  modern  invention.^ 

The  Fountain  oJ  the  Sun. — There  was  a  fountain  [Surya- 
kunda)  '  sacred  to  the  sun  '  at  Valabhipura,  from  which  arose? 
at  the  summons  of  Siladitya  (according  to  the  legend)  the  seven- 
headed  horse  Saptasva,  which  draws  the  car  of  Surya,  to  bear 
him  to  battle.  With  such  an  auxiliary  no  foe  could  prevail  ; 
but  a  wicked  minister  revealed  to  the  enemy  the  secret  of  annulling 
this  aid,  by  polluting  the  sacred  foimtain  with  blood.  This 
accomplished,  in  vain  did  the  prince  call  on  Saptasva  to  save 
him  from  the  strange  and  barbarous  foe  :  the  charm  was  broken, 
and  with  it  sunk  the  dynasty  of  Valabhi.  Who  the  '  barbarian  ' 
was  that  defiled  with  blood  of  kine  [220]  the  fountain  of  the  sun,^ 
whether  Getae,  Parthian,  or  Hun,  we  are  left  to  conjecture.  The 
Persian,  though  he  venerated  the  bull,  yet  sacrificed  him  on  the 

^  Ferishta,  in  the  early  part  of  his  history  [i.  Introd.  Ixviii  f.],  observes 
that,  some  centuries  prior  to  Vikramaditya,  the  Hindus  abandoned  the 
simple  religion  of  their  ancestors,  made  idols,  and  worshipped  the  host  of 
heaven,  which  faith  they  had  from  Kashmir,  the  foundry  of  magic  super- 
stition. 

*  Divested  of  allegory,  it  means  simply  that  the  supply  of  water  was 
rendered  impure,  and  consequently  useless  to  the  Hindus,  which  compelled 
them  to  abandon  their  defences  and  meet  death  in  the  open  field.  Alau-d- 
din  practised  the  same  ruse  against  the  celebrated  Achal,  the  Khichi  prince 
of  Gagraun,  which  caused  the  surrender  of  this  impregnable  fortress.  "  It 
matters  not,"  observes  an  historian  whose  name  I  do  not  recollect,  "  whether 
such  things  are  true,  it  is  sufficient  that  they  were  behoved.  We  may  smile 
at  the  mention  of  the  ghost,  tlie  evil  genius  of  Brutus,  appearing  to  him 
before  the  battle  of  PharsaUa  ;  yet  it  never  would  have  been  stated,  had  it 
not  assimilated  with  the  opinions  and  prejudices  of  the  age."  And  we  may 
deduce  a  simple  moral  from  "  the  parent  orb  refusing  the  aid  of  his  steed  to 
his  terrestrial  offspring,"  viz.  that  he  was  deserted  by  the  deity.  Fountains 
sacred  to  the  sun  and  other  deities  were  common  to  the  Persians,  Scythians, 
and  Hindus,  and  both  the  last  offered  steeds  to  him  in  sacrifice.  Vide 
History  of  the  Tribes,  article  '  Aswamedha,'  p.  91. 

VOL.  I  S 


258  ANNATES  OF  MEWAR 

altar  of  Mithras  ;  ^  and  though  the  ancient  Guebre  purifies  with 
the  urine  ^  of  the  cow,  he  will  not  refuse  to  eat  beef  ;  and  the 
iniquity  of  Cambyses,  who  thrust  his  lance  into  the  flank  of  the 
Egyptian  Apis,  is  a  proof  that  the  bull  was  abstractedly  no  object 
of  worship.  It  would  be  indulging  a  legitimate  curiosity,  could 
we  bj^  any  means  discover  how  these  '  strange  '  tribes  obtained 
a  footing  amongst  the  Hindu  races  ;  for  so  late  as  seven  centuries 
ago  we  find  Getae,  Huns,  Kathi,  Ariaspas,  Dahae,  definitively 
settled,  and  enumerated  amongst  the  Chhattis  rajkula.  How 
much  earlier  the  admission,  no  authority  states  ;  but  mention 
is  made  of  several  of  them  aiding  in  the  defence  of  Chitor,  on  the 
first  appearance  of  the  faith  of  Islam  upwards  of  eleven  hundred 
years  ago. 

CHAPTER   2 

The  Refugee  Queen. — Of  the  prince's  family,  the  queen  Push- 
pavati  alone  escaped  the  sack  of  Valabhi,  as  well  as  the  funeral 
pyre,  upon  which,  on  the  death  of  Siladitya,  his  other  wives  were 
sacrificed.  She  was  a  daughter  of  the  Pramara  prince  of  Chan- 
dravati  [221],  and  had  visited  the  shrine  of  the  universal  mother, 
Amba-Bhavani,  in  her  native  land,  to  deposit  upon  the  altar  of 
the  goddess  a  votive  offering  consequent  to  her  expectation  of 
offspring.  She  was  on  her  return,  when  the  intelligence  arrived 
which  blasted  all  her  future  hopes,  by  depriving  her  of  her  lord, 
and  robbing  him,  whom  the  goddess  had  just  granted  to  her 
prayers,  of  a  crown.  Excessive  grief  closed  her  pilgrimage. 
Taking  refuge  in  a  cave  in  the  mountains  of  Malia,  she  was  de- 
livered of  a  son.  Having  confided  the  infant  to  a  Brahmani  of 
Birnagar  named  Kamlavati,  enjoining  her  to  educate  the  young 
prince  as  a  Brahman,  but  to  marry  him  to  a  Rajputni,^  she 

^  The  Baldan,  or  sacrifice  of  the  bull  to  Balnath,  is  on  record,  though  now 
discontinued  amongst  the  Hindus.  [Baldan  =  balidana,  '  a  general  offering 
to  the  gods.'] 

*  Pinkerton,  who  is  most  happy  to  strengthen  his  aversion  for  the  Celt, 
seizes  on  a  passage  in  Strabo,  who  describes  him  as  having  recourse  to  the 
same  mode  of  purification  as  the  Guebre.  Unconscious  that  it  may  have 
had  a  religious  origin,  he  adduces  it  as  a  strong  proof  of  the  uncleanliness  of 
their  habits. 

^  [This  corroborates  Bhandarkar's  theory  that  the  Guhilots  sprang  from 
Nagar  Brahmans.] 


GOHA  AND  THE  BHiLS  259 

mounted  the  funeral  pile  to  join  her  lord.  Kamlavati,  the 
daughter  of  the  priest  of  the  temple,  was  herself  a  mother,  and 
she  performed  the  tender  offices  of  one  to  the  orphan  prince,  whom 
she  designated  Goha,  or  '  cave-born.'  ^  The  child  was  a  source 
of  perpetual  uneasiness  to  its  protectors  :  he  associated  with 
Rajput  children,  killing  birds,  hunting  wild  animals,  and  at  the 
age  of  eleven  was  totally  unmanageable  :  to  use  the  words  of  the 
legend,  "  How  should  they  hide  the  ray  of  the  sun  ?  " 

The  Legend  O?  Goha.— At  this  period  Idar  was  governed  by  a 
chief  of  the  savage  race  of  Bhil  ;  his  name,  Mandalika.^  The 
young  Goha  frequented  the  forests  in  company  with  the  Bhils, 
whose  habits  better  assimilated  with  his  daring  nature  than  those 
of  the  Brahmans.  He  became  a  favourite  with  the  Vanaputras, 
or  '  children  of  the  forest,'  who  resigned  to  him  Idar  with  its 
woods  and  mountains.  The  fact  is  mentioned  by  Abu-1  Fazl,' 
and  is  still  repeated  by  the  bards,  with  a  characteristic  version  of 
the  incident,  of  which  doubtless  there  were  many.  The  Bhils 
having  determined  in  sport  to  elect  a  king,  the  choice  fell  on 
Goha  ;  and  one  of  the  young  savages,  cutting  his  finger,  applied 
the  blood  as  the  tika  of  sovereignty  to  his  forehead.  What  was 
done  in  sport  was  confirmed  by  the  old  forest  chief.  The  sequel 
fixes  on  Goha  the  stain  of  ingratitude,  for  he  slew  his  benefactor, 
and  no  motive  is  assigned  in  the  legend  for  the  deed.  Goha's 
name  became  the  patronymic  of  his  descendants,  who  were 
styled  Guhilot,  classically  Grahilot,  in  time  softened  to  Gehlot. 

We  know  very  little  concerning  these  early  princes  but  that 
they  dwelt  in  this  mountainous  region  for  eight  generations  ; 
when  the  Bhils,  tired  of  a  foreign  rule,  assailed  Nagaditya,  the 
eighth  prince,  while  hunting,  and  deprived  him  of  life  and  Idar. 
The  descendants  of  Kamlavati  (the  Birnagar  Brahmani),  who 
retained  the  office  of  priest  in  the  family,  Avere  again  the  pre- 
servers of  the  line  of  Valabhi.  The  infant  Bappa,  son  of  Naga- 
ditya [222],  then  only  three  years  old,  was  conveyed  to  the  fortress 
of  Bhander,*  where  he  was  protected  by  a  Bhil  of  Yadu  descent. 

^  [This  is  a  folk-etymology  to  explain  the  name  Guhilot,  probably  derived 
from  Guha  or  Guhasena  (a.d.  559-67),  the  fourth  and  apparently  the  first 
great  Valabhi  monarch  {BG.  i.  Part  i.  85).] 

2  [Mandalika  seems  to  mean  '  ruler  of  a  district '  (mandal),  (Bayley, 
Dynasties  of  Gujarat,  183).]  ^  [Ain,  ii.  268.] 

*  Fifteen  miles  south-west  of  Jharol,  in  the  wildest  region  in  India.  [In 
Gwahor  State,  IQI,  viii.  72.] 


260  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Thence  he  was  removed  for  greater  security  to  the  wilds  of  Parasar. 
Within  its  impervious  recesses  rose  the  three-peaked  (trikuta) 
mountain,  at  whose  base  was  the  town  of  Nagindra,^  the  abode 
of  Brahmans,  who  performed  the  rites  of  the  '  great  god.'  In  this 
retreat  passed  the  early  years  of  Bappa,  wandering  through  these 
Alpine  valleys,  amidst  the  groves  of  Bal  and  the  shrines  of  the 
brazen  calf. 

The  most  antique  temples  are  to  be  seen  in  these  spots — ^within 
the  dark  gorge  of  the  mountain,  or  on  its  rugged  summit — in  the 
depths  of  the  forest,  and  at  the  sources  of  streams,  where  sites  of 
seclusion,  beauty,  and  sublimity  alternately  exalt  the  mind's 
devotion.  In  these  regions  the  creative  power  appears  to  have 
been  the  earliest,  and  at  one  time  the  sole,  object  of  adoration, 
whose  symbols,  the  serpent-wreathed  phallus  (lingam),  and  its 
companion,  the  bull,  were  held  sacred  even  by  the  '  children  of 
the  forest.'  In  these  silent  retreats  Mahadeva  continued  to  rule 
triumphant,  and  the  most  brilliant  festivities  of  Udaipur  were 
those  where  his  rites  are  celebrated  in  the  nine  days  sacred  to 
him,  when  the  Jains  and  Vaishnavas  mix  with  the  most  zealous 
of  his  votaries  ;  but  the  strange  gods  from  the  plains  of  the 
Yamvma  and  Ganges  have  withdrawn  a  portion  of  the  zeal  of  the 
Guhilots  from  their  patron  divinity  Eklinga,  whose  diwan,"  or 
viceregent,  is  the  Rana.  The  temple  of  Eklinga,  situated  in  one 
of  the  narrow  defiles  leading  to  the  capital,  is  an  immense  struc- 
ture, though  more  sumptuous  than  elegant.  It  is  built  entirely 
of  white  marble,  most  elaborately  carved  and  embellished  ;  but 
lying  in  the  route  of  a  bigoted  foe,  it  has  undergone  many  dilapi- 
dations. The  brazen  bull,  placed  under  his  own  dome,  facing  the 
sanctuary  of  the  phallus,  is  nearly  of  the  natural  size,  in  a  recum- 
bent posture.  It  is  cast  (hollow)^of  good  shape,  highly  polished 
and  without  flaw,  except  where  the  hammer  of  the  Tatar  had 
opened  a  passage  in  the  hollow  flank  in  search  of  treasure^  [223]. 

The  Marriage  of  Eappa. — Tradition  has  preserved  numerous 

^  Or  Nagda,  still  a  place  of  religious  r.esort,  about  ten  miles  north  of 
Udaipur.  Here  I  found  several  very  old  inscriptions  relative  to  the  family, 
which  preserve  the  ancient  denomination  Gohil  instead  of  Gehlot.  One  of 
these  is  about  nine  centuries  old.  [The  ancient  name  was  Nagahrida  (Erskine 
ii.  A.  106).]  ^  Ekling-ka-Diwan  is  the  common  title  of  the  Rana. 

*  Amongst  the  many  temples  where  the  brazen  calf  forms  part  of  the 
establishment  of  BaUcesar,  there  is  one  sacred  to  Nandi  alone,  at  Nain  in 
the  valley.     This  lordly  bull  has  his  shrine  attended  as  devoutly  as  was  that 


THE  MARRIAGE  OF  BAPPA  261 

details  of  Bappa's  ^  infancy,  which  resembles  the  adventures  of 
everj'  hero  or  founder  of  a  race.  The  young  prince  attended  the 
sacred  kine,  an  occupation  which  was  honourable  even  to  the 
'  children  of  the  sun,'  and  which  they  still  pursue  :  possibly  a 
remnant  of  their  primitive  Scythic  habits.  The  pranks  of  the 
royal  shepherd  are  the  theme  of  many  a  tale.  On  the  Jhal 
Jhulni,  when  swinging  is  the  amusement  of  the  youth  of  both 
sexes,  the  daughter  of  the  Solanki  chief  of  Nagda  and  the  village 
maidens  had  gone  to  the  groves  to  enjoy  this  festivity,  but  they 
were  unprovided  with  ropes.  Bappa  happened  to  be  at  hand, 
and  was  called  by  the  Rajput  damsels  to  forward  their  sport. 
He  promised  to  procure  a  rope  if  they  would  first  have  a  game  at 
marriage.  One  frolic  was  as  good  as  another,  and  the  scarf  of 
the  Solankini  was  miited  to  the  garment  of  Bappa,  the  whole  of 
the  village  lasses  joining  hands  with  his  as  the  connecting  link  ; 
and  thus  they  performed  the  mystical  number  of  revolutions 
round  an  aged  tree.  This  frolic  caused  his  flight  from  Nagda, 
and  originated  his  greatness,  but  at  the  same  time  burthened  him 
with  all  these  damsels ;  and  hence  a  heterogeneous  issue,  whose 
descendants  still  ascribe  their  origin  to  the  prank  of  Bappa  round 
the  old  mango-tree  of  Nagda.  A  suitable  offer  being  shortly 
after  made  for  the  young  Solankini's  hand,  the  family  priests  of 
the  bridegroom,  whose  duty  it  was,  by  his  knowledge  of  palmistry, 
to  investigate  the  fortunes  of  the  bride,  discovered  that  she  was 
already  married  :  intelligence  which  threw  the  family  into  the 
greatest  consternation.^  Though  Bappa's  power  over  his  brother 
shepherds  was  too  strong  to  create  any  dread  of  disclosure  as  to 
his  being  the  principal  in  this  affair,  yet  was  it  too  much  to  expect 
that  a  secret,  in  which  no  less  than  six  hundred  of  the  daughters 
of  Eve  were  concerned,  could  long  remain  such  ?  Bappa's  mode 
of  swearing  his  companions  to  secrecy  is  preserved.  Digging  a 
small  pit,  and  taking  a  pebble  in  his  hand,  "  Swear,"  cried  he, 

of  Apis  at  Memphis  ;  nor  will  Eklinga  yield  to  his  brother  Serapis.  The 
changes  of  position  of  the  Apis  at  Nain  are  received  as  indications  of  the 
fruitfuhiess  of  the  seasons,  though  it  is  not  apparent  how  such  are  contrived. 

^  Bappa  is  not  a  proper  name,  it  signifies  merely  a  '  child.'  [This  is  wrong  : 
it  is  the  old  Prakrit  form  of  bap,  '  father  '  {I A,  xv.  275  f. ;  BQ,  i.  Part  i. 
84).]  He  is  frequently  styled  Saila,  and  in  inscriptions  Sailadlsa,  '  the 
mountain  lord.' 

2  [The  legend  imphes  that  Bapa,  from  association  with  Bhils,  was  regarded 
to  be  of  doubtful  origin.] 


262  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

"  secrecy  and  obedience  to  me  in  good  and  in  evil ;  that  you  will 
reveal  to  me  all  that  you  hear,  and  failing,  desire  that  the  good 
deeds  of  your  forefathers  may,  like  this  pebble  (dropping  it  into 
the  pit)  fall  mto  the  Washerman's  well."  ^  They  took  the  oath. 
The  Solanki  chief,  however,  heard  that  [224]  Bappa  was  the 
offender,  who,  receiving  from  his  faithful  scouts  intimation  of  his 
danger,  sought  refuge  in  one  of  the  retreats  which  abound  in  these 
mountains,  and  which  in  after-times  proved  the  preservation  of 
his  race.  The  companions  of  Iiis  flight  were  tv/o  Bhils :  one  of 
Undri,  in  the  valley  of  the  present  capital ;  the  other  of  Solanki 
descent,  from  Oghna  Panarwa,  in  the  western  wilds.  Their 
names,  Baleo  and  Dewa,  have  been  handed  down  with  Bappa's  ; 
and  the  former  had  the  honour  of  drawing  the  tika  of  sovereignty 
with  his  own  blood  on  the  forehead  of  the  prince,  on  the  occasion 
of  his  taking  the  crown  from  the  Mori.^  It  is  pleasing  to  trace, 
through  a  series  of  ages,  the  knowledge  of  a  custom  still '  honoured 
in  the  observance.'  The  descendants  of  Baleo  of  Oghna  and  the 
Undri  Bhil  still  claim  the  privilege  of  performing  the  tika  on  the 
inauguration  of  the  descendants  of  Bappa. 

Oghna  Panarwa. — Oghna  Panarwa  is  the  sole  spot  in  India  which 
enjoys  a  state  of  natural  freedom.  Attached  to  no  State,  having 
no  foreign  communications,  living  under  its  own  patriarchal  head, 
its  chief,  with  the  title  of  Rana,  whom  one  thousand  hamlets 
scattered  over  the  forest-crowned  valleys  obey,  can,  if  requisite, 
appear  at '  the  head  of  five  thousand  bows.'  He  is  a  Bhumia  Bhil 
of  mixed  blood,  from  the  Solanki  Rajput,  on  the  old  stock  of  pure 
{ujla)  Bhils,  the  autochthones  (if  such  there  be  of  any  country) 
of  Mewar.  Besides  making  the  tika  of  blood  from  an  incision 
in  the  thmnb,  the  Oglma  chief  takes  the  prince  by  the  arm  and 
seats  hun  on  the  throne,  while  the  Undri  Bhil  holds  the  salver 
of  spices  and  sacred  grains  of  rice  ^  used  in  making  the  tika. 

^  Deemed  in  the  East  the  most  impure  of  all  receptacles.  These  wells 
are  dug  at  the  sides  of  streams,  and  give  a  supply  of  pure  water  filtering 
through  the  sand. 

^  [The  right  is  said  to  have  been  enjoyed  by  the  Bhils  tiU  the  time  of 
Rana  Hamir  Singh,  who  died  a.d.  1364,  and  it  was  recognised  in  Dungarpur 
till  fairly  recent  times  (Erskine  ii.  A.  228).  The  Jats  have  the  same  right 
in  Biltaner  (Kose,  Glossary,  ii.  301) :  Mers  in  Porbandar  (Wilberforce-Bell, 
Hist,  of  Kathiawad,  53  :  Kandhs  in  Kalahandi  (Russell,  Tribes  and  Castes 
Central  Provinces,  iii.  405,  and  c/.  ii.  280).] 

*  ilencc,  perhaps,  the  name  khushka  for  tika.     [Khuskka,  khushk,  '  dry,' 


THE  FLIGHT  OF  BAPPA  263 

But  the  solemnity  of  being  seated  on  the  throne  of  Mewar  is 
so  expensive,  that  many  of  these  rites  have  fallen  into  disuse. 
Jagat  Singh  was  tlie  last  prince  whose  coronation  was  conducted 
with  tlie  ancient  magnificence  of  this  princely  house.  It  cost 
the  sum  of  ninety  lakhs  of  rupees  (£1,125,000),  nearly  one  entire 
year's  revenue  of  the  State  in  the  days  of  its  prosperity,  and  which, 
taking  into  consideration  the  comparative  value  of  money,  would 
amount  to  upwards  of  four  millions  sterling  ^  [225]. 

To  resume  the  narrative  :  though  the  flight  of  Bappa  and  its 
cause  are  perfectly  natural,  we  have  another  episode  ;  when  the 
bard  assuming  a  higher  strain  has  recourse  to  celestial  machinery 
for  the  denouement  of  this  simple  incident  :  but  "  an  illustrious 
race  must  always  be  crowned  with  its  projDer  mythology."  Bappa 
who  was  the  founder  of  a  line  of  a  '  hundred  kings,'  feared  as  a 
monarch,  adored  as  more  than  mortal,  and,  according  to  the 
legend,  '  still  living '  (charanjiva),  deserves  to  have  the  source  of 
his  pre-eminent  fortune  disclosed,  which,  in  Mewar,  it  were  sacri- 
lege to  doubt.  Wliile  he  pastured  the  sacred  kine  in  the  valleys 
of  Nagindra,  the  princely  shepherd  was  suspected  of  appropriat- 
ing the  milk  of  a  favourite  cow  to  his  own  use.  He  was  distrusted 
and  watched,  and  although  indignant,  the  youth  admitted  that 
they  had  reason  to  suspect  him,  from  the  habitual  dryness  of  the 
brown  cow  when  she  entered  the  pens  at  even.^  He  watched, 
and  traced  her  to  a  narrow  dell,  when  he  beheld  the  udder  spon- 
taneously pouring  its  stores  amidst  the  shrubs.     Under  a  thicket 

is  plain  boiled  rice  without  seasoning.]  Grains  of  ground  rice  in  curds  is 
the  material  of  the  primitive  tika,  which  the  author  has  had  applied  to  him 
by  a  lady  in  Gujargarh,  one  of  the  most  savage  spots  in  India,  amidst  the 
levee  en  masne,  assembled  hostilely  against  him,  but  separated  amicably. 

^  Such  the  pride  of  these  small  kingdoms  in  days  of  yore,  and  such  their 
resources,  till  reduced  by  constant  oppression  !  But  their  public  works 
sjieak  what  they  could  do,  and  have  done  ;  witness  the  stupendous  work  of 
marble,  and  its  adjacent  causeway,  which  dams  the  lake  of  Rajsamand  at 
Kankrauli,  and  which  cost  upwards  of  a  juillion.  When  the  spectator 
views  this  expanse  of  water,  this  '  royal  sea  '  {rajsamand)  on  the  borders 
of  the  plain  ;  the  pillar  of  victory  towering  over  the  plains  of  Malwa,  erected 
on  the  summit  of  Chitor  by  Rana  Mokal ;  their  palaces  and  temples  in  this 
ancient  abode  ;  the  regal  residence  erected  by  the  princes  when  ejected, 
must  fill  the  observer  with  astonishment  at  the  resources  of  tlie  State.  They 
are  such  as  to  explain  the  metaphor  of  my  ancient  friend  Zahm  Singh,  who 
knew  better  than  we  the  value  of  this  country  :  "  Every  pinch  of  the  soil 
of  Mewar  contains  gold." 

^  Godhuli,  the  dust  raised  at  the  time  when  the  cows  come  home. 


264  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  cane  a  hermit  was  reposing  in  a  state  of  abstraction,  from  which 
the  impetuosity  of  the  shepherd  soon  roused  him.  The  mystery 
was  revealed  in  the  phalUc  symbol  of  the  '  great  God,'  which  daily 
received  the  lacteal  shower,  and  raised  such  doubts  of  the  veracity 
of  Bappa. 

No  eye  had  hitherto  penetrated  into  this  natural  sanctuary  of 
the  rites  of  the  Hindu  Creator,  except  the  sages  and  hermits  of 
ancient  days  (of  whom  this  was  the  celebrated  Harita),'^  whom 
this  bounteous  cow  also  fed. 

Bappa  related  to  the  sage  all  he  knew  of  himself,  received  his 
blessing,  and  retired  ;  but  he  went  daily  to  visit  him,  to  wash  his 
feet,  carry  milk  to  him,  and  gather  such  wild  flowers  as  were 
acceptable  offerings  to  the  deity.  In  return  he  received  lessons 
of  morality,  and  was  initiated  into  the  mysterious  rites  of  Siva  : 
and  at  length  he  was  invested  with  the  triple  cordon  of  faith 
{tin  parwa  zunnar)  ^  by  the  hands  of  the  sage,  who  became  his 
spiritual  guide,  and  bestowed  on  his  pupil  the  title  of  [226] 
'  Regent  (Diwan)  of  Eklinga.'  Bappa  had  proofs  that  his  atten- 
tions to  the  saint  and  his  devotions  to  Eklinga  were  acceptable, 
by  a  visit  from  his  consort,  '  the  lion-born  goddess.'  From  her 
hand  he  received  the  panoply  of  celestial  fabrication,  the  work  of 
Viswakarma  (the  Vulcan  of  Eastern  mythology),  which  outvies 
all  the  arms  ever  forged  for  Greek  or  Trojan.  The  lance,  bow, 
quiver,  and  arrows  ;  a  shield  and  sword  (more  famed  than 
Balisarda)  *  which  the  goddess  girded  on  him  with  her  own  hand  : 
the  oath  of  fidelity  and  devotion  was  the  '  relief  '  of  this  celestial 
investiture.  Thus  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  '  the  first ' 
{adi),  admitted  under  the  banners  of  Bhavani,  Harita  resolved 
to  leave  his  pupil  to  his  fortunes,  and  to  quit  the  worship  of  the 
symbol  for  the  presence  of  the  deity  in  the  mansions  above.  He 
informed  Bappa  of  his  design,  and  commanded  him  to  be  at  the 
sacred  spot  early  on  the  following  morn  ;  but  Bappa  showed  his 
materiality  by  oversleeping  himself,  and  on  reaching  the  spot  the 
sage  had  already  made  some  progress  in  his  car,  borne  by  the 

^  On  this  spot  the  celebrated  temple  of  Eklinga  was  erected,  and  the 
present  high  priest  traces  sixty-six  descents  from  Harita  to  himself.  To 
him  (through  the  Rana)  I  was  indebted  for  the  copy  of  the  Sheo  (Siva) 
Purana  presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

*  [Zunnar  is  an  Arabic  word,  the  Hindi  janeo.] 

'  [The  sword  stolen  from  Orlando  by  Brunello,  given  to  Rogero  (Ariosto, 
Orlando  Fvrioso).] 


THE  WARS  OF  BAPPA  265 

Apsaras,  or  celestial  messengers.  He  cheeked  his  aerial  ascent 
to  give  a  last  token  of  affection  to  his  pupil  ;  and  desiring  him  to 
reach  up  to  receive  his  blessing,  Bappa's  stature  was  extended  to 
twenty  cubits  ;  but  as  he  did  not  reach  the  car,  he  was  com- 
manded to  open  his  mouth,  when  the  sage  did  what  was  recorded 
as  performed,  about  the  same  period,  by  Muhammad,  who  spat 
into  the  mouth  of  his  favourite  nephew,  Husain,  the  son  of  Ali. 
Bappa  showed  his  disgust  and  aversion  by  blinking,  and  the  pro- 
jected blessing  fell  on  his  foot,  by  which  squeamishness  he  ob- 
tained only  invulnerability  by  weapons  instead  of  immortality. 
The  saint  was  soon  lost  in  the  cerulean  space.  Thus  marked  as 
the  favourite  of  heaven,  and  having  learned  from  his  mother  that 
he  was  nephew  to  the  Mori  prince  of  Chitor,  he  '  disdained  a 
shepherd's  slothful  life,'  and  with  some  companions  from  these 
wilds  quitted  his  retreat,  and  for  the  first  time  emerged  into  the 
plains.  But,  as  if  the  brand  of  Bhavani  was  insufficient,  he  met 
with  another  hermit  in  the  forest  of  the  Tiger  Mount,"^  the  famed 
Gorakiinath,  who  presented  to  him  the  double-edged  sword, ^ 
which,  with  the  proper  incantation,  could  '  sever  rocks.'  With 
this  he  opened  the  road  to  fortune  leading  to  the  throne  of 
Chitor  [227]. 

Chitor  was  at  this  period  held  by  the  Mori  prince  of  the  Pramar 
race,  the  ancient  lords  of  IMalwa,  then  paramount  sovereigns  of 
Hindustan  :  but  whether  this  city  was  then  the  chief  seat  of 
power  is  not  known.  Various  public  works,  reservoirs,  and 
bastions,  yet  retain  the  name  of  this  race. 

Bappa's  connexion  with  the  Mori  ^  obtained  hiin  a  good  recep- 

^  The  Nahra  Magra,  seven  miles  from  the  eastern  pass  leading  to  the 
capital,  where  the  prince  has  a  hunting  seat  surrounded  bj'  several  others 
belonging  to  the  nobles,  but  all  going  to  decay.  The  tiger  and  wild  boar 
now  prowl  unmolested,  as  none  of  the  '  uuMcensed  '  dare  shoot  in  these  royal 
preserves. 

^  They  surmise  that  this  is  the  individual  blade  which  is  yet  annually 
worshipped  by  the  sovereign  and  chiefs  on  its  appropriate  day,  one  of  the 
nine  sacred  to  the  god  of  war  ;  a  rite  completely  Scythic.  I  had  this  relation 
from  the  chief  genealogists  of  the  family,  who  gravely  rejDeated  the  incanta- 
tion :  "  By  the  preceptor,  Gorakhnath  and  the  great  god,  EkUnga ;  by 
Takshka  the  serpent,  and  the  sage  Harita  ;   by  Bhavani  (Pallas)  etrike  !  " 

*  Bappa's  mother  v/as  a  Pramar,  probably  from  Abu  or  Chandra vati,  near 
to  Idar  J  and  consequently  Bappa  was  nephew  to  every  Pramar  in  existence. 
[The  Morya  or  Maurya  sub-clan  of  the  Pramars  still  exists  (Ce7isus  Beport, 
Rajputana,  1911,  i.  255.  For  traces  of  the  Mauryas  in  W.  India  see  BG,  i. 
Part  ii.  284,  note.] 


266  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR  " 

tion  ;  he  was  enrolled  amongst  the  sawants  or  leaders,  and  a 
suitable  estate  conferred  upon  him.  The  inscription  of  the  Mori 
prince's  reign,  so  often  alluded  to,  affords  a  good  idea  of  his  power, 
and  of  the  feudal  manners  of  his  court.  He  was  surrounded  by  a 
numerous  nobility,  holding  estates  on  the  tenure  of  military 
service,  but  whom  he  had  disgusted  by  his  neglect,  and  whose 
jealousy  he  had  provoked  by  the  superior  regard  shown  to  Bappa. 
A  foreign  foe  appearing  at  this  time,  instead  of  obeying  the 
summons  to  attend,  they  threw  up  their  grants,  and  tauntingly 
desired  him  to  call  on  his  favourite.^ 

Bappa  undertook  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  the  chiefs,  though 
dispossessed  of  their  estates,  accompanied  him  from  a  feeling  of 
shame.  The  foe  was  defeated  and  driven  out  of  the  coimtry  ;  but 
instead  of  returning  to  Chitor,  Bappa  continued  his  course  to  the 
ancient  seat  of  his  family,  Gajni,  expelled  the  '  barbarian  '  called 
Salim,  placed  on  the  throne  a  chief  of  the  Chaura  tribe,^  and 
returned  with  the  discontented  nobles.  Bappa,  on  this  occasion, 
is  said  to  have  married  the  daughter  of  his  enemy.  The  nobles 
quitted  Chitor,  leaving  their  defiance  with  their  prince.  In  vain 
were  the  spiritual  preceptor  (Guru)  and  foster-brother  (Dhabhai) 
sent  as  ambassadors  :  their  only  reply  v^^as,  that  as  they  had 
'  eaten  his  salt,'  they  would  forbear  their  vengeance  for  twelve 
months.  The  noble  deportment  of  Bappa  won  their  esteem,  and 
they  transferred  to  him  their  service  and  homage.  With  the 
temptation  of  a  crown,  the  gratitude  of  the  Grahilot  was  given 
to  the  winds.  On  return  they  assaulted  and  carried  Chitor,  and, 
in  the  words  of  J-he  chronicle,  "  Bappa  took  Chitor  from  the  Mori 
and  became  himself  tJie  mor  (crown)  of  the  land  "  :  he  obtained 
by  vmiversal  consent  the  title  of  '  sun  of  the  Hindus  {Hindiia 
suraj),  preceptor  of  princes  (Raj  Guru),  and  universal  lord 
{Chakravartin) '  [228]. 

He  had  a  numerous  progeny,  some  of  whom  returned  to  their 
ancient  seats  in  Saurashtra,  whose  descendants  were  powerful 
chieftains  in  that  tract  so  late  as  Akbar's  reign.*  Five  sons  went 
to  Marwar,  and  the  ancient  Gohils  '  of  the  land  of  Kher,'  expelled 

^  Wo  are  furnished  with  a  catalogue  of  the  tribes  which  served  the  Mori 
prince,  which  is  extremely  valuable,  froni  its  acquainting  us  with  the  names 
of  tribes  no  longer  existing. 

'  [iSee  p.  121,  above.] 

*  See  Aln,  ii.  247,  which  speaks  of  fifty  thousand  [8000]  Guhilots  in  Sorath. 


THE  DEATH  OF  BAPPA  267 

and  driven  to  Gohilwal/  have  lost  sight  of  their  ancestry,  and 
by  a  singular  fatality  are  in  possession  of  the  wreck  of  Valabhi- 
pura,  ignorant  of  its  history  and  their  connexion  with  it,  mixing 
with  Arabs  and  following  maruie  and  mercantile  pursuits  ;  and 
the  office  of  the  bard  having  fallen  into  disrepute,  they  cannot 
trace  their  forefathers  beyond  Kherdhar.- 

The  close  of  Bappa's  career  is  the  strangest  part  of  the  legend, 
and  which  it  might  be  expected  they  would  be  solicitous  to  sup- 
press. Advanced  in  years,  he  abandoned  his  children  and  his 
comitry,  carried  his  arms  west  to  Khorasan,  and  there  established 
himself,  and  married  new  wives  from  among  the  '  barbarians,'  by 
whom  he  had  a  numerous  offspring.' 

Bappa  had  reached  the  patriarchal  age  of  one  hundred  when 
he  died.  An  old  volume  of  historical  anecdotes,  belonging  to  the 
chief  of  Delwara,  states  that  he  became  an  ascetic  at  the  foot  of 
Meru,  where  he  was  buried  alive  after  having  overcome  all  the 
kings  of  the  west,  as  in  Ispahan,  Kandahar,  Kashmir,  Irak,  Iran, 
Turan,  and  Kafiristan  ;  all  of  whose  daughters  he  married,  and 
by  whom  he  had  one  hundred  and  thirty  sons,  called  the  Naus- 
shahra  Pathans.  Each  of  these  founded  a  tribe,  bearing  the 
name  of  the  mother.  His  Hindu  children  were  ninety-eight  in 
number,  and  were  called  Agni-upasi  Surj'avansi,  or  '  simborn 
fire-worsiiippers.'  The  chronicles  also  record  that  (in  like  manner 
as  did  the  subjects  of  the  Bactrian  king  Menander,  though  from 
a  different  motive)  the  subjects  of  Bajipa  quarrelled  for  the  dis- 
posal of  his  remains.  The  Hindu  wished  the  fire  to  consume 
them  ;  the  '  barbarian  '  to  commit  them  to  eartl;  ;  but  on  raising 
the  pall  while  the  dispute  was  raging,  uinumerable  flowers  of 
the  lotus  were  found  in  the  place  of  the  remains  of  mortality  : 
these  were  conveyed  and  planted  in  the  lake.  This  is  precisely 
what  is  related  of  the  end  of  the  Persian  Nushirwan  *  [229]. 

^  Pepara  Guhilots. 

■■^  The  '  land  of  Kher,'  on  the  south-west  frontier  of  Marw  ar,  near  the 
Luni  river. 

*  The.  reigning  prince  told  the  author  that  there  was  no  doubt  of  Bappa 
having  ended  his  days  among  '  the  Turks  '  :  a  term  now  apjjlied  to  all 
Muhammadans  by  the  Hmdu,  but  at  that  time  confined  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Turkistan,  the  Turushka  of  the  Puranas,  and  the  Takshak  of  early  in- 
scriptions. 

^  [Recent  inquiries  identify  Bappa,  whose  name  is  merely  a  title,  with 
either  Mahendraji  ii.  or  Kalbhoja,  early  chiefs  of  Mewar  (Erskine  ii.  B.  8).      It 


268  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

The  Question  of  Dates. — Having  thus  briefly  sketched  the 
history  of  the  founder  of  the  Guhilot  dynasty  in  Mewar,  we  must 
now  endeavour  to  estabUsh  the  epoch  of  this  important  event  in 
its  annals.  Although  Bappa  Rawal  was  nine  generations  after 
the  sack  of  Valabhipura,  the  domestic  annals  give  S.  191  (a.d. 
135)  for  his  birth  ;  which  the  bards  implicitly  following,  have 
vitiated  the  whole  chronology.  An  important  inscription  ^  in  a 
character  little  known,  establishes  the  fact  of  the  Mori  dynasty 
being  in  possession  of  Chitor  in  S.  770  (a.d.  714).  Now  the  annals 
of  the  Rana's  house  expressly  state  Bappa  Rawal  to  be  the  nejDhew 
of  the  Mori  prince  of  Chitor  ;  that  at  the  age  of  fifteen  he  was 
enrolled  amongst  the  chieftains  of  his  uncle,  and  that  the  vassals 
(before  alluded  to),  in  revenge  for  the  resumption  of  their  grants 
by  the  Mori,  dethroned  him  and  elevated  as  their  sovereign  the 
youthful  Bappa.  Notwithstanding  this  apparently  irreconcilable 
anachronism,  the  family  traditions  accord  with  the  inscription, 
except  in  date.  Amidst  such  contradictions  the  development  of 
the  truth  seemed  impossible.  Another  valuable  inscription  of 
S.  1024  (a.d.  968),  though  giving  the  genealogy  from  Bappa  to 
Sakti  Kumar  and  corroborating  that,  from  Chitor,  and  which 
furnished  convincing  evidence,  was  not  sanctioned  by  the  prince 
or  his  chroniclers,  who  would  admit  nothing  as  valid  that  militated 
against  their  established  era  191  for  the  birth  of  their  founder. 
After  six  years'  residence  and  unremitting  search  amid  ruins, 
archives,  inscriptions,  traditions,  and  whatever  could  throw 
light  upon  this  point,  the  author  quitted  Udaipur  with  all  these 
doubts  in  his  mind,  for  Saurashtra,  to  prosecute  his  inquiries  in 
the  pristine  abodes  of  the  race.  Then  it  was  that  he  was  rewarded, 
beyond  his  most  sanguine  expectations,  by  the  discovery  of  an 
inscription  which  reconciled  these  conflicting  authorities  and 
removed  every  difficulty.  This  marble,  found  in  the  celebrated 
temple  of  Somnath,^  made  mention  of  a  distinct  era,  viz.  the 

has  been  suggested  that  his  legend  is  mixed  up  with  that  of  Bappa  or  Saila 
of  Valabhi,  the  story  of  his  retreat  to  Iran  representing  the  latter  being 
carried  as  a  captive  to  Mansura  on  the  fall  of  Valabhi  or  Gandhar  {BG,  i. 
Part  i.  94,  note  2).  In  any  case,  the  Avhole  story  is  mere  legend,  a  tale  like 
that  of  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  Romulus  and  other  kings  (Sir  J. 
Frazcr,  Lectures  on  the  Early  History  of  the  Kingship,  269  ff.)-  A  similar  tale 
is  told  of  Rana  Uda  in  later  Mewar  history.] 

^   Vide  Appendix,  Translation,  No.  II.  ^  See  Translation,  No.  III. 


EARLY  CHRONOLOGY  OF  MEWAR  269 

Valabhi  Samvat,  as  being  used  in  Saurashtra  ;  which  era  was  three 
hundred  and  seventy-five  years  subsequent  to  Vikramaditya.^ 

On  the  sack  of  Valabhi  thirty  thousand  famihes  abandoned 
this  '  city  of  a  hundred  temples,'  and  led  by  their  priests  found  a 
retreat  for  themselves  and  their  faith  [230]  in  Mordardes  (Marwar), 
where  they  erected  the  towns  of  Sandrai  and  Bali,  in  which  latter 
we  recognise  the  name  of  the  city  whence  they  were  expelled.  The 
religion  of  Valabhi,  and  consequently  of  the  colonists,  was  the 
Jain  ;  and  it  was  by  a  priest  descended  from  the  survivors  of 
this  catastrophe,  and  still  with  their  descendants  inhabiting 
those  towns,  that  these  most  important  documents  were  fur- 
nished to  the  author.  The  Sandrai  roll  assigns  the  year  305 
(Valabhi  era)  for  the  destruction  of  Valabhi :  another,  also  from 
Jain  authority,  gives  205  ;  and  as  there  were  but  nine  princes 
from  Vijayasen,  the  founder,  to  its  fall,  we  can  readily  believe 
the  first  a  numerical  error.  Therefore  205  +  375  =  580  S.  Vikrama 
(a.d.  524),  for  the  invasion  of  Saurashtra  by  '  the  barbarians  from 
the  north,'  and  sack  of  Valabhipura. 

Now  if  from  770,  the  date  of  the  Mori  tablet,  we  deduct  580, 
there  remains  190  ;  justifying  the  pertinacity  with  which  the 
chroniclers  of  Mewar  adhered  to  the  date  given  in  their  annals 
for  the  birth  of  Bappa,  viz.  191  :  though  they  were  ignorant  that 
this  period  was  dated  from  the  fiight  from  Valabhipura. 

Bappa,  when  he  succeeded  to  the  Mori  prince,  is  said  to  have 
been  fifteen  years  old  ;  and  his  birth  being  one  year  anterior  to 
the  Mori  inscription  of  770-{-14  =  S.V.  784  (a.d.  728),^  is  the  period 
for  the  foundation  of  the  Guhilot  dynasty  in  Mewar  :  since  which, 
during  a  space  of  eleven  hundred  years,  fifty-nine  princes  lineally 
descended  from  Bappa  have  sat  on  the  throne  of  Chitor. 

Though  the  bards  and  chroniclers  will  never  forgive  the  temer- 
ity which  thus  curtails  the  antiquity  of  their  founder,  he  is  yet 
placed  in  the  dawn  of  chivalry,  when  the  Carlovingian  dynasty 

1  [The  Valabhi  era  begins  in  a.d.  318-19.] 

^  This  will  make  Bappa's  attainment  of  Chitor  fifteen  years  posterior  to 
Muhammad  bin  Kasim's  invasion.  I  have  observed  generally  a  discrepancy 
of  ten  years  between  the  Samvat  and  Hegira  ;  the  Hegira  reckoned  from  the 
sixteenth  year  of  Muhammad's  mission,  and  would  if  employed  reconcile 
this  difficulty.  [The  traditional  dates  are  untrustworthy,  being  based  on  a 
confused  reminiscence  of  Valabhi  history  (lA,  xv.  275).  A  hst  of  the  chiefs 
of  Mewar,  with  the  dates  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  is  given  by  Erskine 
(ii.  B.  8  ff.).] 


270  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

was  established  in  the  west,  and  when  Walid,  whose  bands 
planted  '  the  green  standard  '  on  the  Ebro,  was  '  commander  of 
the"  faithful.' 

From  the  deserted  and  now  forgotten  '  city  of  the  sun,'  Aitpur, 
the  abode  of  wild  beasts  and  savage  Bhils.  another  memorial  ^  of 
the  princes  of  Me  war  was  obtained.  It  relates  to  the  prince 
Sakti  Kumar.  Its  date  is  S.  1024  (a.d.  968),  and  it  contains  the 
names  of  fourteen  of  his  ancestors  in  regular  succession.  Amongst 
these  is  Bappa,  or  Saila.  When  compared  with  the  chronicles 
and  [231]  family  archives,  it  was  highly  gratifying  to  find  that, 
with  the  exception  of  one  superfluous  name  and  the  transposition 
of  others,  they  v/ere  in  perfect  accordance. 

Hume  says,  "  Poets,  though  they  disfigure  the  most  certain 
history  by  their  fictions,  and  use  strange  liberties  \dth  truth, 
when  they  are  the  sole  historians,  as  among  the  Britons,  have 
commonly  some  foundation  for  their  wildest  exaggerations." 
The  remark  is  applicable  here  ;  for  the  names  which  had  been 
mouldering  for  nine  centuries,  far  from  the  abode  of  man,  are  the 
same  they  had  worked  into  their  poetical  legends.  It  was  at  this 
exact  epoch  that  the  arms  of  Islam,  for  the  first  time,  crossed 
the  Indus.  In  the  ninety-fifth  year  of  the  Hegira,^  Muhammad 
bin  Kasim,  the  general  of  the  Caliph  Walid,  conquered  Sind,  and 
penetrated  (according  to  early  Arabian  authors)  to  the  Ganges  ; 
and  although  Elmacin  mentions  only  Sind,  yet  other  Hindu 
States  were  at  this  period  convulsed  from  the  same  cause  :  witness 
the  overthrow  of  Manikrae  of  Ajmer,  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century,  by  a  foe  '  coming  in  ships,'  Anjar  specified  as  the  point 
where  they  landed.  If  any  doubt  existed  that  it  was  Kasim  who 
advanced  to  Chitor  *  and  was  defeated  by  Bappa,  it  was  set  at  rest 
by  finding  at  this  time  in  Chitor  '  Dahir,*  the  prince  of  Debil.' 

^  See  Translation  of  Inscription,  No.  IV. 

2  A.D.  713,  or  S.  769  :  the  Inscription  770  of  Man  Mori,  against  whom 
came  the  '  barbarian.' 

^  I  was  informed  by  a  friend,  who  had  seen  the  papers  of  Captain  Mac- 
murdo,  that  he  had  a  notice  of  Kasim's  having  penetrated  to  Dungarpur. 
Had  this  gentleman  Uved,  he  would  have  thrown  much  light  on  these 
Western  antiquities.  [Muhammad  bin  Kasim  does  not  seem  to  have 
attacked  Ajmer  :  the  place  was  not  founded  till  a.d.  1000  (Watson,  Gazetteer, 
i.  A.  9).] 

*  By  an  orthographical  error,  the  modern  Hindu,  ignorant  of  Debal,  has 
written  Delhi.  But  there  was  no  lord  of  Delhi  at  this  time  :  he  is  styled 
Dahir,  Despat  (lord)  of  Debal,  from  dea,  '  a  country,'  and  pat,  '  the  head.' 


PERSIAN  DESCENT  OF  THE  RANAS  OF  MEWAR     271 

Abii-1  Fazl  ^  records,  from  Arabian  authorities,  that  Dahir  was  lord 
of  Sind,  and  resided  at  his  capital,  Debal,  the  first  place  captured 
by  Kasim  in  95.  His  miserable  end,  and  the  destruction  of  his 
house,  are  mentioned  by  the  historian,  and  account  for  the  son 
being  found  with  the  Mori  prince  of  Chitor. 

Nine  princes  intervened  between  Bappa  and  Sakti  Kumar,  in 
two  centuries  (twenty-two  years  to  each  reign)  :  just  the  time 
which  should  elapse  from  the  founder,  who  '  abandoned  his 
country  for  Iran,'  in  S.  820,  or  a.d.  764.  Having  thus  established 
four  epochs  in  the  earlier  history  of  the  family,  viz. — 1  Kanaksen, 
A.D.  144  ;  2,  Siladitya,  and  sack  of  Valabhi,  a.d.  52  4  ;  3,  Estab- 
lishment in  Chitor  and  Mewar,  a.d.  720  ;  4,  Sakti  Kumar,  a.d. 
1068  ;  ^  we  may  endeavour  to  relieve  this  narrative  by  the  notices 
which  regard  their  Persian  descent  [232]. 


CHAPTER   3 

Connexion  of  the  Ranas  with  Persia. — Historic  truth  has,  in  all 
countries,  been  sacrificed  to  national  vanity  :  to  its  gratification 
every  obstacle  is  made  to  give  way  ;  fictions  become  facts,  and 
even  rehgious  prejudices  vanish  in  this  mirage  of  the  imagination. 
\Vliat  but  this  spurious  zeal  could  for  a  moment  induce  any 
genuine  Hindu  to  believe  that,  only  twelve  centuries  ago,  '  an 
eater  of  beef  '  occupied  the  chair  of  Rama,  and  enjoyed  by  univer- 
sal acclaim  the  title  of  '  Sun  of  the  Hindus  '  ;  or  that  the  most 
ancient  dynasty  in  the  world  could  owe  its  existence  to  the  last 
of  the  Sassanian  kings  :  *  that  a  slip  from  such  a  tree  could  be  sur- 
reptitiously grafted  on  that  majestic  stem,  which  has  flourished 
from  the  golden  to  the  iron  age,  covering  the  land  with  its 
branches  ?  That  there  existed  a  marked  affinity  in  religious 
rites  between  the  Rana's  family  and  the  Guebres,  or  ancient 
Persians,  is  evident.  With  both,  the  chief  object  of  adoration 
was  the  sun ;  each  bore  the  image  of  the  orb  on  their  banners. 
The  chief  day  in  the  seven  *  was  dedicated  to  the  sun  ;    to  it  is 

1  Ain,  ii.  344  f. 

^  [The  dates  are  open  to  much  question.  It  is  known  fro:n  inscriptions 
that  Sakti  Kumar  was  alive  in  a.d.  977.] 

*  Yezdegird  died  a.d.  651. 

*  Surajwar,  or  Aditi/aivar,  Sun-day  ;  and  the  other  days  of  the  week, 
from  the  other  planets,  which  Western  nations  have  taken  froiH  the  East. 


272  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

sacred  the  chief  gate  of  the  city,  the  principal  bastion  of  every 
fortress.  But  though  the  faith  of  Islam  has  driven  away  the  fairy 
inhabitants  from  the  fountains  of  Mithras,  that  of  Surya  has  still 
its  devotees  on  the  summit  of  Chitor,  as  at  Valabhi :  and  could 
we  trace  with  accuracy  their  creeds  to  a  distant  age,  we  might 
discover  them  to  be  of  one  family,  worshipping  the  sun  at  the 
fountains  of  the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes. 

The  darkest  period  of  Indian  history  is  during  the  six  centuries 
following  Vikramaditya,  which  are  scarcely  enlightened  by  a  ray 
of  knowledge  :  but  India  v/as  imdergoing  great  changes,  and 
foreign  tribes  were  pouring  in  from  the  north.  To  this  period, 
the  sixth  century,  the  genealogies  of  the  Puranas  are  brought 
down,  which  expressly  declare  (adopting  the  prophetic  spirit  to 
conceal  [233]  the  alterations  and  additions  they  then  underwent) 
that  at  this  time  the  genuine  line  of  princes  would  be  extinct,  and 
that  a  mixed  race  would  rule  conjointly  with  foreign  barbarians  ; 
as   the   Turushka,   the    Mauna,^   the    Yavan,^   the    Gorind,   and 

^  See  History  of  the  Tribes,  pp.  123,  135,  articles  '  Takshak,'  and  '  Jhala,' 
or  Makwahana,  in  all  probability  the  Mauna  of  the  Puranas  [?]. 

^  The  Yavan,  or  Greek  princes,  who  apparently  continued  to  rule  within 
the  Indus  after  the  Christian  era,  were  either  the  remains  of  the  Bactrian 
dynasty  or  the  independent  kingdom  of  Demetrius  or  Apollodotus,  who 
ruled  in  the  Panjab,  having  as  their  capital  Sagala,  changed  by  Demetrius 
to  Euthymedia.  Bayer  says,  in  his  Hist.  Reg.  Bad.,  p.  84  :  "I  find  from 
Claudius  Ptolemy,  that  there  was  a  city  within  the  Hydaspes  yet  nearer  the 
Indus,  called  Sagala,  also  Euthymedia  ;  but  I  scarcely  doubt  that  Demetrius 
called  it  Euthydemia,  from  his  father,  after  his  death  and  that  of  Menander. 
Demetrius  was  deprived  of  his  patrimony  A.U.C.  562."  [The  site  of  Sagala 
is  uncertain — Chiniot,  Shahkot,  Sialkot  {IGI,  ii.  80  f. ;  McCrindle,  Ptolemy, 
122  ff.).] 

On  this  ancient  city,  Sagala,  I  have  already  said  much ;  conjecturing 
it  to  be  the  Salbhanpura  of  the  Yadus  when  driven  from  Zabulistan,  and 
that  of  the  Yuoh-chi  or  Yuti,  who  were  fixed  there  from  Central  Asia  in  the 
fifth  century,  and  if  so  early  as  the  second  century,  when  Ptolemy  wrote, 
may  have  originated  the  change  of  Yuti-media,  the  '  Central  Yuti.'  The 
numerous  medals  which  I  possess,  chiefly  found  within  the  probable  hmits  of 
the  Greek  kingdom  of  Sagala,  either  belong  to  these  princes  or  the  Parthian 
kings  of  Minnagara  on  the  Indus.  The  legends  are  in  Greek  on  one  side, 
and  in  the  Sassanian  character  on  the  reverse.  Hitherto  I  have  not  de- 
ciphered the  names  of  any  but  those  of  Apollodotus  and  Menander  ;  but 
the  titles  of  '  Great  King,'  '  Saviour,'  and  other  epithets  adopted  by  the 
Arsacidae,  are  perfectly  legible.  The  devices,  however,  all  incline  me  to 
pronounce  them  Parthian.  It  would  be  curious  to  ascertain  how  these 
Greeks  and  Parthians  gradually  merged  into  the  Hindu  population  [see 
IQI,  ii.  1.37]. 


PERSIAN  DESCENT  OF  THE  RANAS  OF  MEWAR     273 

Garddhabin.^  Tliere  is  much  of  truth  in  this  ;  nor  is  it  to  be 
doubted  that  many  of  the  Rajput  tribes  entered  India  from  the 
north-west  regions  about  this  period.  Gor  and  Gardhaba  have 
the  same  signification  ;  the  first  is  Persian  ;  the  second  its  version 
in  Hindi,  meaning  the  '  wild  ass,'  an  appellation  of  the  Persian 
monarch  Bahram,  surnamed  Gor  from  his  partiality  to  hunting 
that  animal.  Various  authorities  state  Bahramgor  being  in  India 
in  the  fifth  century,  and  his  having  there  left  progeny  by  a  princess 
of  Kanauj.  A  passage  extracted  by  the  author  from  an  ancient 
Jain  MS.  indicates  that  "  in  S.  523  Raja  Gardhabela,  of  Kakustha, 
or  vSuryavansa,  ruled  in  Valabhipura."  It  has  been  surmised 
that  Gardhabela  was  the  son  of  Bahramgor,  a  son  of  whom  is 
stated  to  have  obtained  dominion  at  Patau  ;  which  may  be  borne 
in  mind  when  the  authorities  for  the  Persian  extraction  of  the 
Rana's  family  are  given.^ 

The  Hindus,  when  conquered  by  the  Muhammadans,  naturally 
wished  to  gild  the  chains  they  could  not  break.  To  trace  a 
common,  though  distant,  origin  with  the  conquerors  was  to 
remove  some  portion  of  the  taint  of  dishonour  which  arose  from 
giving  their  daughters  in  marriage  to  the  Tatar  emperors  of  Delhi  ; 
and  a  degree  of  satisfaction  was  derived  from  assuming  that  the 
blood  thus  corrupted  once  flowed  from  a  common  fountain  *  [234]. 

^  [The  list  in  the  Vishnu  Purana  (474  f.)  gives  7  Abhiras,  10  Garddhabas, 
16  Sakas,  14  Tusharas,  13  Mundas,  11  Maunas.  On  the  impossibihty  of 
reducing  the  Puranic  accounts  to  order  see  Smith,  EHI,  274.] 

2  [RawUnson  [Seventh  Oriental  Monarchy,  298)  regards  the  eastern 
adventure  of  Bahramgor,  Varahran  V.,  as  mytliical.  Sykes  [Hist,  of  Persia, 
i.  470)  thinks  they  can  hardly  be  authentic,  "  but  I  do  not  reject  it  as  entirely 
devoid  of  historical  basis."] 

'  The  Hindu  genealogist,  in  ignorance  of  the  existence  of  Aghuz  Khan, 
the  Tatar  patriarch,  could  not  connect  the  chain  of  Chagatai  with  Chandra. 
The  Brahman,  better  read,  sixpplied  the  defect,  and  with  his  doctrine  of  the 
metempsychosis  animated  the  material  frame  of  the  beneficent  Akbar  with 
the  '  good  genius  '  of  a  Hindu  ;  and  that  of  their  mortal  foe,  Aurangzeb, 
with  one  of  evil  destiny,  being  that  of  Kalayavana,  the  foe  of  Krishna. 
They  gravely  assert  that  Akbar  visited  his  ancient  hermitage  at  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Ganges  and  Jumna,  and  excavated  the  implements  of  penance 
used  by  him  in  hds  former  shape,  as  one  of  the  sages  of  ancient  times  ;  while 
such  is  their  aversion  to  Aurangzeb,  that  they  declare  the  final  avatar,  Time 
(Kal),  on  his  white  steed,  will  appear  in  his  person.  The  Jaisalmer  annals 
affirm  that  the  whole  Turkish  (Turushha)  race  of  Chagatai  are  of  Yadu  stock  ; 
while  the  Jam  Jareja  of  Cutch  traces  his  descent  from  the  Persian  Jamshid, 
contemporary  with  Solomon.  These  are  curious  claims,  but  the  Rana's 
family  v/ould  consider  such  vanity  criminal. 

VOT,.  I  T 


274  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Further  to  develop  these  claims  of  Persian  descent,  we  shall 
commence  with  an  extract  from  the  Upadesa  Prasad,  a  collection 
of  historic  fragments  in  the  Magadhi  dialect.  "  In  Gujardes 
(Gujarat)  there  are  eighty-foiir  cities.  In  one  of  these,  Kaira, 
resided  the  Brahman  Devaditya,  the  expounder  of  the  Vedas. 
He  had  an  only  child,  Subhaga  (of  good  fortune)  by  name,  at 
once  a  maiden  and  a  widow.  Having  learned  from  her  preceptor 
the  solar  incantation,  incautiously  repeating  it,  the  sun  appeared 
and  embraced  her,  and  she  thence  became  pregnant.^  The 
affliction  of  her  father  was  diminished  when  he  discovered  the 
parent  ;  nevertheless  [as  others  might  be  less  charitable]  he  sent 
her  with  a  female  attendant  to  Valabhipura,  where  she  was  de- 
livered of  twins,  male  and  female.  When  grown  up  the  boy  was 
sent  to  school  ;  but  being  eternally  plagued  about  his  mysterious 
birth,  whence  he  received  the  nickname  of  Ghaibi  ('  concealed '), 
in  a  fit  of  irritation  he  one  day  threatened  to  kill  his  mother  if  she 
refused  to  disclose  the  author  of  his  existence.  At  this  moment 
the  sun  revealed  himself  :  he  gave  the  youth  a  pebble,  with  which 
it  was  sufficient  to  touch  his  companions  in  order  to  overcome 
them.  Being  carried  before  the  Balhara  prince,  who  menaced 
Ghaibi,  the  latter  slew  him  with  the  pebble,  and  became  himself 
sovereign  of  Saurashtra,  taking  the  name  of  Siladitya  ^  (from 
sila,  '  a  stone  or  pebble,'  and  adiiya,  '  the  sun  ')  :  his  sister  was 
married  to  the  Raja  of  Broach."  Such  is  the  literal  translation 
of  a  fragment  totally  unconnected  with  the  history  of  the  Rana's 
family,  though  evidently  bearing  upon  it.  The  father  of  Siladitya, 
according  to  the  Sandrai  roll  and  other  authorities  of  that  period, 
is  Suraj  (the  sun)  Rao,  though  two  others  make  a  Somaditya 
intervene^  [235]. 

^  [For  legends  of  woinen  impregnated  by  the  sun  see  Frazer,  Golden 
Bough,  Part  vii.  vol.  i.  74  ff.] 

^  This  is  probably  the  Siladitya  of  the  Satrunjaya  Mahatma,  who  re- 
paired the  temple  on  Satrunjaya  in  S.  477  (a.d.  421).  [A  mere  folk  etymo- 
logy— Siladitya,  from  sil,  '  to  worship,'  aditya,  '  the  sun.'] 

*  In  perusing  this  fragment  we  are  struck  by  the  similarity  of  production 
of  these  Hindu  Hehadae  and  that  of  the  celebrated  Tatar  dynasty  from  which 
Jenghiz  Khan  was  descended.  The  Niruns,  or  '  children  of  light,'  were  from 
an  amour  of  the  sun  with  Alung  Goa,  from  which  Jenghiz  was  the  ninth  in 
descent.  Authorities  quoted  by  Petis  do  la  Croix,  in  his  Ufe  of  this  con- 
queror, and  Hkewise  by  Marjgny,  in  his  History  of  the  Saracens,  afBrm 
Jenghiz  Khan  to  be  a  descendant  of  Yazdegird,  the  last  Sassanian  prince. 
Jenghiz  was  an  idolater,  and  hated  the  very  name  of  Muhammadan   [see 


PERSIAN  DESCENT  OF  THE  RANAS  OF  IVIEWAR     275 

Let  us  see  what  Abu-1  Fazl  says  of  the  descent  of  the  Ranas 
from  Niishirwan  :  "  The  chief  of  the  State  was  formerly  called 
Rawal,  but  for  a  long  time  past  has  been  known  as  Rana.  He  is 
of  the  Ghelot  clan,  and  pretends  to  descent  from  Noshirwan  the 
Just.  An  ancestor  of  this  family  through  the  vicissitudes  of 
fortune  came  to  Berar  and  was  distinguished  as  the  chief  of  Narna- 
lah.  About  eight  himdred  years  previous  to  the  present  time  ^ 
Narnalah  was  taken  by  the  enemy  and  many  were  slain.  One 
Bapa,  a  child,  was  carried  by  his  mother  from  this  scene  of  desola- 
tion to  Mewar,  and  found  refuge  with  Rajah  Mandalikh,  a  Bhil."  - 

The  work  which  has  furnished  all  the  knowledge  which  exists 
on  the  Persian  ancestry  of  the  Mewar  princes  is  the  Maasiru-l- 
Umara,  or  that  (in  the  author's  possession)  founded  on  it,  entitled 
Bisaiu-l-Ghanim,  or  'Display  of  the  Foe,'  written  in  a.h.  1204^ 
[a.d.  1789].  The  writer  of  this  work  styles  himself  Lachhmi 
Narayan  Shafik  Aurangabadi,  or  '  the  rhymer  of  Aurangabad. 
He  professes  to  give  an  accomit  of  Sivaji,  the  founder  of  the 
INIahratta  empire  ;  for  which  purpose  he  goes  deep  into  the  lineage 
of  the  Ranas  of  Mewar,  from  whom  Sivaji  was  descended,*  quoting 


Howorth,  Hist,  of  the  Mongols,  i.  37  ff.].  A  courtier  telling  Aurangzeb  of  his 
celestial  ancestry,  gravely  quoting  the  affair  of  the  mother  of  the  race  of 
Timur  with  the  sun,  the  bigoted  monarch  coarsely  replied,  "  Mama  qahba 
bud,"  which  we  will  not  translate. 

^  Akbar  commenced  his  reign  a.d.  1556,  and  had  been  forty  years  on  the 
throne  when  the  '  Institutes  '  were  composed  by  the  x4bu-l  Fazl.  [The 
translation  of  Gladwin  in  the  original  text  has  been  replaced  by  that  of 
Jarrett,  Ain,  ii.  268.] 

2  Orme  [Historical  Fragments,  Notes,  p.  xxii]  was  acquainted  with  this 
passage,  and  shows  his  knowledge  of  the  Hindu  character  by  observing 
that  it  was  a  strange  pedigree  to  assign  a  Hindu  prince,  for  Khusru,  of  the 
religion  of  Zoroaster,  though  compelled  to  many  abstinences,  was  not  re- 
strained from  eating  beef  :  and  Anquetil  du  Perron  says  of  the  Parsis,  their 
descendants,  that  they  have  refrained  since  their  emigration  from  slaying 
the  cow  merely  to  please  the  Hindu. 

^  The  cryptographic  da,te  is  contained  in  the  numerical  value  of  the  letters 
which  compose  the  title  : 
B.  S.  A.  T.  a.  1.     G.    N.  A.  E.  M.  ^ ^\^^^  *°*'^^  ^^  ""^^  ^l^J,  either  the 
2.  60.  1.  9.  1.  9.  1000.  50.  1.  10.  40.  1      "^^^^  ''  ^^T^'  "'^  ^  Efficient  value 

I      given  to  the  numerals. 

*  WiLford,  who  by  his  indefatigable  research  and  knowledge  of  Sanskrit 
had  accumulated  extensive  materials,  unhappily  deteriorated  by  a  too 
credulous  imagination,  yet  containing  much  valuable  matter  available  to 
those  sufficiently  familiar  with  the  subject  to  select  with  safety,  has  touched 
on  this,  and  almost  on  every  other  point  in  the  circle  of  Hindu  antiquities. 


276  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

at  length  the  Maasiru-l-Umara,  from  which  the  following  is  a 
literal  translation  :  "  It  is  well  known  that  the  Rajas  of  Udaipur 
are  exalted  over  all  the  princes  of  Hind.  Other  Hindu  princes, 
before  they  can  succeed  to  the  throne  of  their  fathers,  must 
receive  the  khushka,  or  tilak  of  regality  and  investiture,  from 
them.  This  type  of  sovereignty  is  received  with  humility  and 
veneration.  The  khushka  of  these  princes  is  made  with  human 
blood  :  their  title  is  Rana,  and  they  deduce  [236]  their  origin 
from  Noshirwan-i-Adil  (i.e.  the  Just),  who  conquered  the  countries 

of -,^  and  many  parts  of  Hindustan.     During  his  lifetime  his 

son  Noshizad,  whose  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Kaiser  of  Rum,^ 
quitted  the  ancient  worship  and  embraced  the  '  faith  ^  of  the 
Christians,'  and  with  numerous  followers  entered  Hindustan. 
Thence  he  marched  a  great  army  towards  Iran,  against  his  father 
Noshirwan  ;     who    despatched    his    general,    Rambarzin,*    with 

Ali  Ibrahim,  a  learned  native  of  Benares,  was  Wilford's  authority  for  assert- 
ing the  Rana's  Persian  descent,  who  stated  to  him  that  he  had  seen  the 
original  history,  which  was  entitled,  Origin  of  the  Peishwas  from  the  Ranas 
of  Mewar.  (Ibrahim  must  have  meant  the  Satara  princes,  whose  ministers 
were  the  Peshwas.)  From  this  authority  three  distinct  emigrations  of  the 
Guebres,  or  ancient  Persians,  are  recorded,  from  Persia  into  Gujarat.  The 
first  in  the  time  of  Abu  Bakr,  a.d.  631  ;  the  second  on  the  defeat  of  Yazde- 
gird,  A.D.  651  ;  and  the  tliird  when  the  descendants  of  Abbas  began  to  prevail, 
A.D.  749.  Also  that  a  son  of  Noshirwan  landed  near  Surat  with  eighteen 
thousand  of  his  subjects,  from  Laristan,  and  were  well  received  by  the  prince 
of  the  country.  Abu-1  Fazl  confirms  this  account  by  saying,  "  the  followers 
of  Zoroaster,  when  they  fled  from  Persia,  settled  in  Surat,"  the  contracted 
term  for  the  peninsular  of  Saurashtra,  as  well  as  the  city  of  this  name 
[Ai7i,  ii.  243]. 

^  The  names  are  obhterated  in  the  original.  Ferishta  [i.  Introd.  Ixxix] 
informs  us  that  Ramdeo  Rathor,  sovereign  of  Kananj,  was  made  tributary 
by  Firoz  '  Sassan  '  ;  and  that  Partap  Chand,  who  usurped  the  tlvrone  of 
Ramdeo,  neglecting  to  pay  this  tribute,  Noshirwan  marched  into  India  to 
recover  it,  and  in  his  progress  siibdued  Kabul  and  the  Panjab.  From  the 
striking  coincidence  of  these  original  and  decisive  authorities,  we  may  rest 
assured  that  they  had  recourse  to  ancient  records,  both  of  the  Guebres  and 
the  Hindus,  for  the  basis  of  their  histories,  which  research  may  yet  discover. 

2  Maurice,  emperor  of  Byzantium.  [Sykes  {Hist,  of  Persia,  ii.  495)  calls 
the  son  of  Nushirwan  Nushishad,  and  mentions  his  rebellion  against  his 
father.  There  seems  to  be  no  evidence  that  Nushishad  reached  India  :  he 
was  slain  after  he  revolted  (Malcolm,  Hist.  Persia,  2nd  ed.  i.  112  ff.).] 

^  Din-i-Tarsar.  See  Ebn  Haukal,  art.  '  Serir,'  or  Russia  ;  whose  king, 
a  son  of  Bahram  Chassin,  whom  he  styles  a  Tersar  or  Christian,  first  possessed 
it  about  the  end  of  the  sixth  century. 

*  The  Ve.rames  of  Western  historians  [Malcolm,  op.  cit.  i.  113]. 


PERSIAN  DESCENT  OF  THE  RANAS  OF  MEWAR     277 

numerous  forces  to  oppose  him.  An  action  ensued,  in  which 
Noshizad  was  slain  ;  but  his  issue  remained  in  Hindustan,  from 
zvhom  are  descended  the  Ranas  of  Udaipur.  Nushirwan  had  a 
wife  from  the  Khakhan  ^  of  China,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  called 
Hormuz,  declared  heir  to  the  throne  shortly  before  his  death. 
As  according  to  the  faith  of  the  fire-worshippers  -  it  is  not  custom- 
ary either  to  bury  or  to  burn  the  dead,  but  to  leave  the  corpse 
exposed  to  the  rays  of  the  sun,  so  it  is  said  the  body  of  Nushirwan 
has  to  this  day  suffered  no  decay,  but  is  still  fresh." 

I  now  come  to  the  account  of  Yazd,  "  the  son  of  Shahriyar, 
the  son  of  Ivhusru  Parves,  the  son  of  Hormuz,  the  son  of  Nush- 
irwan. 

"  Yazd  was  the  last  king  of  Ajam.  It  is  well  known  he  fought 
many  battles  with  the  IMuhammadans.  In  the  fifteenth  year  of 
the  caliphat,  Rustam,  son  of  P^'erokh,  a  great  chief,  was  slain  in 
battle  by  Saad-bin-wakas,  who  commanded  for  Omar,  which 
was  the  death-blow  to  the  fortunes  of  the  house  of  Sassan  :  so 
that  a  remnant  of  it  did  not  remain  in  a.h.  31,  when  Iran  was 
seized  by  the  Muhammadans.  This  battle  had  lasted  four  days 
when  Rustam  Ferokzad  was  slain  by  the  hand  of  Hilkal,  the  son 
of  Al  Kumna,  at  Saad's  command  [237]  ;  though  Firdausi  asserts 
by  Saad  himself.  Thirty  thousand  Muslims  were  slain,  and  the 
same  number  of  the  men  of  Ajam.  To  count  the  spoils  was  a 
torment.  During  this  year  (the  thirty-first),  the  sixteenth  of  the 
prophet,*  the  era  of  the  Hegira  was  introduced.  In  a.h.  17  Abu 
Musa  of  Ashur  seized  Hormuz,  the  son  of  the  uncle  of  Yazdegird, 
whom  he  sent  with  Yazdegird's  daughter  to  Imam  Husain,  and 
another  daughter  to  Abubakr. 

"  Thus  far  have  I  *  extracted  from  the  history  of  the  fire- 
worshippers.  He  who  has  a  mind  to  examine  these,  let  him  do 
so.     The  people  of  the  religion  of  Zardusht  have  a  full  knowledge 

^  Khakhan  was  the  title  of  the  kings  of  Chinese  Tartary.  It  was  held 
by  the  leader  of  the  Huns,  who  at  tliis  period  held  power  on  the  Caspian  : 
it  was  also  held  by  the  Urus,  Khuzr,  Bulgar,  Serir,  all  terms  for  Russia, 
before  its  Kaisar  was  cut  down  into  Tzar,  for  the  original  of  which,  the  kings 
of  Rome,  as  of  Russia,  were  indebted  to  the  Sanskrit  Kesar,  a"  lion  '  [Lat. 
Caesar]  {vide  Ibn  Haukal,  art.  '  Khozr  '). 

^  Din-i-Majusi ;   literally,  '  faith  of  the  Magi.' 

*  Muhammad,  born  a.d.  578  ;   the  Hegira,  or  flight,  a.d.  622. 

*  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  is  the  author  of  tlie  Maasiru-l-Umara, 
not  the  rhymer  of  Aurungabad,  who  is  speaking. 


278  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  all  these  events,  with  their  dates  ;  for  the  pleasure  of  their 
lives  is  the  obtaining  accounts  of  antiquity  and  astronomical 
knowledge,  and  their  books  contain  information  of  two  and  three 
thousand  years.  It  is  also  told,  that  when  the  fortunes  of  Yazde- 
gird  were  on  the  wane,  his  family  dispersed  to  different  regions. 
The  second  daughter,  Shahr  Banu,  was  married  to  Imam  IIusaLn,^ 
who,  when  he  fell  a  martyr  (shahid),  an  angel  carried  her  to 
heaven.  The  third  daughter,  Banu,  was  seized  by  a  plundering 
Arab  and  carried  into  the  wilds  of  Chichik,  thirty  coss  from 
Yazd.  Praying  to  God  for  deliverance,  she  instantly  disap- 
peared ;  and  the  spot  is  still  held  sacred  by  the  Parsis,  and  named 
'  the  secret  abode  of  perfect  purity.'  Hither,  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  the  month  Bahman,  the  Parsis  yet  repair  to  pass  a  month 
in  pilgrimage,  living  in  huts  under  indigenous  vines  skirting  the 
rock,  out  of  whose  fissures  water  falls  into  a  fountain  below  :  but 
if  the  unclean  approach  the  spring,  it  ceases  to  flow. 

"  Of  the  eldest  daughter  of  Yazdegird,  Maha  Banu,  the  Parsis 
have  no  accounts  ;  but  the  books  of  Hind  give  evidence  to  her 
arrival  in  that  country,  and  that  from  her  issue  is  the  tribe  Sesodia. 
But,  at  all  events,  this  race  is  either  of  the  seed  of  Nushishad, 
the  son  of  Nushirwan,  or  of  that  of  the  daughter  of  Yazdegird."  ^ 

Thus  have  we  adduced,  perhaps,  all  the  points  of  evidence  for 
the  supposed  Persian  origin  of  the  Rana's  family.  The  period 
of  the  invasion  of  Saurashtra  by  Nushishad,  who  mounted  the 
throne  a.d.  531,  corresponds  well  with  the  sack  of  Valabhi,  a.d. 
521  [238].  The  army  he  collected  in  Laristan  to  depose  his  father 
might  have  been  from  the  Parthians,  Getae,  Huns,  and  other 
Scythic  races  then  on  the  Indus,  though  it  is  unlikely,  with  such 
an  object  in  view  as  the  throne  of  Persia,  that  he  would  waste  his 
strength  in  Saurashtra.     Khusru  Parvez,  grandson  of  Nushirwan 

^  [This  is  the  Persian  tradition  (Sykes,  op.  cit.  ii.  44).] 
2  For  the  extract  from  "  The  Annals  of  Princes  (Maasiru-l-Umara)  "  let 
us  laud  the  memory  of  the  rhymer  of  Aurungabad.  An  original  copy,  which 
1  in  vain  attempted  to  procure  in  India,  is  stated  by  Sir  Wilham  Ouseley 
to  be  in  the  British  Museum.  We  owe  that  country  a  large  debt,  for  we  have 
robbed  her  of  all  her  literary  treasures,  leaving  them  to  sleep  on  the  shelves 
of  our  pubhc  institutions.  [There  is  no  real  evidence  of  the  Persian  descent 
of  the  Ranas,  and  it  has/been  suggested  that  the  story  is  based  on  the  fire 
symbols  on  the  coinage  found  in  Kathiawar  and  Mewar,  these,  though  in  the 
main  Indo-Scythic,  betraying  from  about  sixth  century  a  more  direct 
iSassanian  influence  (BG,  i.  Part  i.  102).  At  the  same  time  recent  discoveries 
indicate  Persian  influence  in  N.  India.] 


PERSIAN  DESCENT  OF  THE  RANAS  OF  IVIEWAR  279 

the  great,  and  who  assumed  this  title  according  to  Firdausi, 
married  Marian,  the  daughter  of  Maurice,  the  Greek  emperor  of 
Byzantium.  She  bore  him  Shirauah  (tlie  Siroes  of  the  early 
Christian  writers),  who  slew  his  father.  It  is  dillicult  to  separate 
the  actions  of  the  two  Nushirwans,  and  still  more  to  say  which 
of  them  merited  the  epithet  of  adil,  or  '  just.' 

According  to  the  '  Tables  '  in  Moreri,^  Nusliishad,  son  of  Khusru 
the  Great,  reigned  from  a.d.  531  to  591.  This  is  opposed  to  the 
Maasiru-l-Umara,  which  asserts  that  he  was  slain  during  his 
rebellion.  Siroes,  son  of  lOiusru  (the  second  Nushirwan)  by  liis 
wife  Marian,  alternately  called  the  friend  and  foe  of  the  Christians, 
did  raise  the  standard  of  revolt,  and  met  the  fate  attributed  to 
Nushishad  ;  on  which  Yazdegird,  his  nephew,  was  proclaimed. 
The  crown  was  intended  for  Shirauah's  yoimger  brother,  which 
caused  the  revolt,  during  which  the  elder  sought  refuge  in  India. 
These  revolutions  in  the  Sassanian  house  were  certainly  simul- 
taneous with  those  which  occurred  in  the  Rana's,  and  no  barrier 
existed  to  the  political  mtercourse  at  least  between  the  princely 
worshippers  of  Surya  and  Mithras.  It  is,  therefore,  curious  to 
speculate  even  on  the  possibility  of  such  a  pedigree  to  a  family 
whose  ancestry  is  lost  in  the  mists  of  time  ;  and  it  becomes 
interesting  when,  from  so  many  authentic  sources,  we  can  raise 
testimonies  which  would  furnish,  to  one  even  untinctured  with 
the  love  of  hypothesis,  grounds  for  giving  ancestors  to  the  Ranas 
in  Maurice  of  Byzantium  and  Cyrus  (Khusru)  of  Persia  [239].  We 
have  a  singular  support  to  these  historic  relics  in  a  geographical 
fact,  that  places  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Valabhi  a  city  called 
Byzantium,  which  almost  affords  conclusive  proof  that  it  must 
have  been  the  son  of  Nushirwan  who  captured  Valabhi  and  Gajni, 
and  destroyed  the  family  of  Siladitya  ;  for  it  would  be  a  legitimate 
occasion  to  name  such  conquest  after  the  city  where  his  Christian 
mother  had  had  birth.-  Whichever  of  the  propositions  we  adopt 
at  the  command  of  the  author  of  The  Annals  of  Princes,  namely, 
"  that  the  Sesodia  race  is  of  the  seed  of  Nushishad,  son  of  Nushir- 
wan, or  of  that  of  Mahabanu,  daughter  of  Yazdegird,"  we  arrive 
at  a  singular  and  startling  conclusion,   viz.  that  the  '  Hindua 

^  Vide  Grand  Dictionnaire  Historique. 

'^  [Byzantium  cannot  have  been  a  Greek  colony,  the  name  apparently 
representing  Vijayanta,  now  Vijayadurga,  the  southern  entrance  of  the 
Vaghotan  River  in  Katnagiri  (McCrindle,  I'lolcmy,  47  ;  BG,  i.  Part  ii.  174  f.).] 


280  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Suraj,  descendant  of  a  hundred  kings,'  the  luidisputed  possessor 
of  the  honours  of  Rama,  the  patriarch  of  the  Solar  race,  is  the 
issue  of  a  Christian  princess  :  that  the  chief  prince  amongst  the 
nations  of  Hind  can  claim  affinity  with  the  emperors  of  '  the 
mistress  of  the  world,'  though  at  a  tunc  when  her. glory  had 
waned,  and  her  crown  had  been  transferred  from  the  Tiber  to  the 
Bosphorus. 

But  though  I  deem  it  morally  impossible  that  the  Ranas  should 
have  their  lineage  from  any  male  branch  of  the  Persian  house,  I 
would  not  equally  assert  that  Mahabanu,  the  fugitive  daughter 
of  Yazdegird,  may  not  have  foimd  a  husband,  as  well  as  sanctuary, 
with  the  prince  of  Saurashtra  ;  and  she  may  be  the  Subhagna 
(mother  of  Siladitya),  whose  mysterious  amour  with  the  '  sun  '  ^ 
compelled  her  to  abandon  her  native  city  of  Kaira.  The  son  of 
Marian  had  been  in  Saurashtra,  and  it  is  therefore  not  unlikely 
that  her  grandchild  should  there  seek  protection  in  the  reverses 
of  her  family. 

The  Salic  law  is  here  in  full  force,  and  honours,  though  never 
acquired  by  the  female,  may  be  stained  by  her  ;  yet  a  daughter 
of  the  noble  house  of  Sassan  might  be  permitted  to  perpetuate 
the  line  of  Rama  without  the  reproach  of  taint.^ 

We  shall  now^  abandon  this  point  to  the  reader,  and  take  leave 

^  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  various  authorities  given  state  Raja 
Suraj  (su7i),  of  Kakustha  race,  to  be  the  father  of  Siladitya.  Kakustha  is  a 
term  used  synonymously  with  Suryavansa,  according  to  the  Solar  genea- 
logists. Those  who  may  be  inchned  to  the  Persian  descent  may  trace  it  from 
Kaikaus,  a  well-known  epithet  in  the  Persian  dynasties.  I  am  unacquainted 
with  the  etymology  of  Kakustha  ;  but  it  may  possibly  be  from  ka,  '  of  or 
belonging  to,'  Kusa  (Cush),  the  second  son  of  Rama  [?].  I  have  already 
hinted  that  the  Assyrian  Medes  might  be  descendants  of  Hyaspa,  a  branch 
of  the  Indu-Mede  of  the  family  of  Yayati  which  bore  the  name  of  Kausika. 
[The  reference  in  the  text  may  be  to  Kakutstha,  grandson  of  Ikshwaku, 
who  is  said  to  have  taken  his  name  because  he  stood  on  the  hump  (Kukuda) 
of  Indra  when  he  was  turned  into  a  bull  (Wilson,  Vishna  Purana,  361).] 

^  "  The  moral  consequence  of  a  pedigree,"  says  Hume,  "  is  differently 
marked  by  the  influence  of  law  and  custom.  The  male  sex  is  deemed  more 
noble  than  the  female.  The  association  of  our  ideas  pursues  the  regular 
descent  of  honour  and  estates  from  father  to  son,  and  their  wives,  however 
essential,  are  considered  only  in  the  light  of  foreign  auxiharies  "  {Essays, 
vol.  ii.  p.  192).  Not  unlike  the  Rajput  axiom,  though  more  coarsely  ex- 
pressed ;  "  It  is,  who  planted  the  tree,  not  where  did  it  grow,"  that  marks 
his  idea  of  the  comparative  value  of  the  side  whence  honours  originate  ; 
though  purity  of  blood  in  both  hnes  is  essential. 


SAMARSI,  SAMAR  SINGH  281 

of  Yazdegird/  the  last  of  the  house  of  Sassan,  in  the  words  of  the 
historian  of  Rome  :  "  Avec  lui,  on  voit  perir  pour  jamais  la  gloire 
et  I'empire  des  Perses.  Les  rochers  du  Mazendaran  et  les  sables 
du  Kerman,  furent  les  seuls  -  asiles  que  les  vainqueurs  laisserent 
aux  sectateurs  de  Zoroastre "'  '  [240]. 


CHAPTER  4 

Samarsi,  Samar  Singh.— Having  established  Bappa  on  the  throne 
of  Chitor  S.  784  (a.d.  728),  we  will  proceed  to  glean  from  the  annals, 
from  the  period  of  his  departure  for  Iran,  S.  820  (a.d.  764)  to 
another  halting  point— the  reign  of  Samarsi,  S.  1249  (a.d.  1193)  ;  * 
an  important  epoch,  not  only  in  the  history  of  Mewar,  but  to  the 
whole  Hindu  race  ;  when  the  diadem  of  sovereignty  was  torn 
from  the  brow  of  the  Hindu  to  adorn  that  of  the  Tatar.  We 
shall  not,  however,  overleap  the  four  intervening  centuries,  though 
we  may  not  be  able  to  fill  up  the  reigns  of  the  eighteen  princes  * 
whose  "  banner  at  this  time  was  a  golden  sun  on  a  crimson  field,"  * 
and  several  of  whose  names  yet  live  recorded  "  with  an  iron  pen 
on  the  rock  "  of  their  native  abodes. 

An  intermediate  period,  from  Bappa  to  Samarsi,  that  of  Sakti 
Kumar,  is  fixed  by  the  Aitpur  inscription  in  S.  1024  (a.d.  968)  ; 

^  A  new  era  had  commenced,  not  of  Yazdegird's  accession,  as  is  sup- 
posed, wliich  would  have  been  vain  indeed,  when  the  throne  was  tottering 
under  him,  but  consequent  to  the  completion  of  the  grand  cycle  of  1440 
years.  He  was  slain  at  Merv  in  a.d.  651,  the  31st  of  the  Hegira;  on  the 
eleventh  year  of  which,  or  a.d.  632  (according  to  Moreri),  he  commenced  his 
reign. 

^  Gibbon  was  wrong.  India  afforded  them  an  asylum,  and  their  issue 
constitutes  the  most  wealthy,  the  most  respected,  and  the  most  enhghtened 
part  of  the  native  community  of  Bombay  and  the  chief  towns  of  that  presid- 
ency. 

^  Gibbon,  Miscellaneous  Works,  '  Sur  la  Monarchic  des  Medes,'  vol.  iii. 

*  ["  We  now  know  that  Samar  Singh  was  alive  up  to  1299,  only  four 
years  before  Alau-d-dln's  siege  of  Chitor,  and  that  in  several  inscriptions 
his  dates  are  given  as  1273,  1274,  1285,  etc.  .  .  .  Instead  of  being  the  father 
of  Karan  Singh  I.,  as  stated  by  Tod,  Samar  Singh  came  eight  genei-ations 
after  him,  and  was  the  father  of  Ratan  Singh  I.,  who,  according  to  Muham- 
madan  historians,  was  the  ruler  of  Chitor  during  the  reign  of  Alau-d-dln, 
and  the  husband  of  Padmini  "  (Erskine  ii.  A.  14  f.)] 

^  See  Genealogical  Table. 

^  This,  according  to  the  roll,  was  the  standard  of  Bappa. 


282  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  from  the  more  perishable  yet  excellent  authority  of  an  ancient 
Jain  MS.  the  era  of  Allat,  the  ancestor  of  Sakti  Kumar,  was  S.  922 
(a.d.  866),  four  generations  anterior.  From  Bappa's  departure 
for  Iran,  in  a.d.  764,  to  the  subversion  of  Hindu  dominion  in  the 
reign  of  Samarsi,  in  a.d.  1193,  we  find  recorded  an  intermediate 
Islamite  invasion.  This  was  during  the  reign  of  Khuman, 
between  a.d.  812  and  836,  which  event  forms  the  chief  subject 
of  the  Khuman-Raesa,  the  most  ancient  of  the  poetic  chronicles 
of  Mewar  [241]. 

As  the  history  of  India  at  this  period  is  totally  dark,  we  gladly 
take  advantage  of  the  lights  thus  afforded.  By  combining  these 
facts  with  what  is  received  as  authentic,  though  scarcely  less 
obscure  or  more  exact  than  these  native  legends,  we  may  furnish 
materials  for  the  future  historian.  With  this  view,  let  us  take 
a  rapid  sketch  of  the  irruptions  of  the  Arabians  into  India,  from 
the  rise  of  Islamism  to  the  foundation  of  the  Ghaznivid  empire, 
which  sealed  the  fate  of  the  Hindus.  The  materials  are  but 
scanty.  El-Makin,  in  his  history  of  the  Cahphs,  passes  over 
such  intercourse  almost  without  notice.  Abu-1-Fazl,  though  not 
diffuse,  is  minute  in  what  he  does  say,  and  we  can  confide  in  his 
veracity.  Ferishta  has  a  chapter  devoted  to  this  subject,  which 
merits  a  better  translation  than  yet  exists.^  We  shall,  however, 
in  the  first  place,  touch  on  Bappa's  descendants,  till  we  arrive  at 
the  point  proper  for  the  introduction  of  the  intended  sketch. 

Of  the  twenty-four  tribes  of  Guhilot,  several  issued  from  the 
founder,  Bappa.  Shortly  after  the  conquest  of  Chitor,  Bappa  pro- 
ceeded to  Saurashtra  and  married  the  daughter  of  Yusufgol, 
prince  of  the  island  of  Bandardiva.^     With  his  bride  he  conveyed 

^  Amongst  the  passages  which  Dow  [i.  37]  has  slurred  over  in  his  trans- 
lation is  the  interesting  account  of  the  origin  of  the  Afghans  ;  who,  when 
they  first  came  in  contact  with  those  of  the  new  faith,  in  a.h.  62,  dwelt 
around  the  Koh-i-Sulaiman.  Ferishta,  quoting  authority,  says  :  "  The 
Afghans  were  Copts,  ruled  by  Pharaun,  many  of  whom  were  converted  to 
the  laws  and  rehgion  of  Moses ;  but  others,  who  were  stubborn  in  their 
worship  to  their  gods,  fled  towards  Hindustan,  and  took  possession  of  the 
country  adjoining  the  Koh-i-Sulaiman.  They  were  visited  by  Kasim  from 
Sind,  and  in  the  143rd  year  of  the  Hegira  had  possessed  themselves  of  the 
provinces  of  Kirman,  Peshawar,  and  all  within  their  bounds  {si?ioran)," 
which  Dow  has  converted  into  a  province.  The  whole  geographical  descrip- 
tion of  the  Kohistan,  the  etymology  of  the  term  Rohilla,  and  other  important 
matter,  is  omitted  by  him  [see  Briggs,  trans,  i.  6  f.]. 

*  [The  island  Diu.]     Yusufgol  is  stated  to  have  held  Chaul  on  the  main- 


KHUMAN  I.  283 

to  Chitor  the  statue  of  Vyanmata,  the  tutelary  goddess  of  her 
race,  who  still  divides  with  Eklinga  the  devotion  of  the  Guhilot 
princes.  The  temple  in  which  he  enshrined  this  islandic  goddess 
yet  stands  on  the  summit  of  Chitor,  with  many  other  monuments 
assigned  by  tradition  to  Bappa.  This  princess  bore  him  Aparajit, 
who  from  bemg  born  in  Chitor  was  nominated  successor  to  the 
throne,  to  the  exclusion  of  his  less  fortunate  elder  brother,  Asil 
(born  of  the  daughter  of  the  Kaba  (Pramara)  prince  of  Kalibao  near 
Dwaraka),  who,  however,  obtained  possessions  in  Saurashtra,  and 
founded  a  race  called  the  Asila  Guhilots,^  whose  descendants  were 
so  numerous,  even  in  Akbar's  reign,  as  to  [242]  be  supposed  able  to 
bring  into  the  field  fifty  thousand  men  at  arms.  We  have  nothing 
important  to  record  of  the  actions  of  Aparajit,  who  had  two  sons 
Kalbhoj  -  and  Nandkumar.  Kalbhoj  succeeded  Aparajit,  and 
his  warlike  qualities  are  extolled  in  an  inscription  discovered 
by  the  author  in  the  valley  of  Nagda.  Nandkumar  slew  Bhimsen 
Dor  (Doda),  and  possessed  himself  of  Deogarh  in  the  Deccan. 

Khuman  I. — Ivhuman  succeeded  Kalbhoj .  His  name  is  remark- 
able in  the  history  of  Mewar.     He  came  to  the  throne  at  the 

land.  He  was  most  probably  the  father  of  Vanaraja  Chawara,  the  founder 
of  Patan  Anhilwara,  whose  ancestors,  on  the  authority  of  the  Kumarpal 
Charitra,  were  princes  of  Bandardiva,  held  by  the  Portuguese  since  the 
time  of  Albuquerque,  who  changed  its  name  to  Deo.  [But  Yusufgol,  if  he 
existed,  must  have  been  a  Musahnan.  Vanaraja  Chawara  was  son  of 
Jayasekhara,  said  to  have  been  slain  in  battle,  a.d.  696,  leaving  his  wife 
pregnant  (BG,  i.  Part  i.  150  f.).  Yusufgol  does  not  appear  in  the  local 
history.] 

^  The  ancient  roll  from  which  this  is  taken  mentions  Asil  giving  his  name 
to  a  fortress,  called  Asilgarh.  His  son,  Bijai  Pal,  was  slain  in  attempting  to 
wrest  Khambayat  (Cambay)  from  Sangram  Dabhi.  One  of  his  wives,  from 
a  violent  death,  was  prematurely  deUvered  of  a  boy,  called  Setu  ;  and  as, 
in  such  cases,  the  Hindu  supposes  the  deceased  to  become  a  discontented 
spirit  {churail),  Churaila  became  the  name  of  the  tribe.  Bija,  the  twelfth 
from  Asil,  obtained  Sonal  from  liis  maternal  uncle,  Khengar  Dabhi,  prince 
of  Girnar,  but  was  slain  by  Jai  Singh  Deo,  prince  of  Surat.  From  these 
names  compounded,  Dabi  and  Churaila,  we  may  have  the  Dabisalima  of 
Mahmud.  [The  Asil  Guhilots  are  now  included  in  the  Mers  of  the  Kathiawar 
coast ;  their  numbers  are  exaggerated  in  the  text  (Ain,  ii.  247  ;  BG,  ix. 
Parti.  126).]     [See  p.  266  above.] 

^  Also  called  Kama.  He  it  was  who  excavated  the  Boraila  lake,  and 
erected  the  grand  temple  of  EkUnga  on  the  site  of  the  hermitage  of 
Harita,  v/hose  descendant,  the  present  officiating  priest,  reckons  sixty- 
six  descents,  while  the  princes  of  Mewar  amount  to  seventy-two  in  the  same 
period. 


284  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  when  Chitor  was  assailed  by 
another  formidable  invasion  of  Muhammadans.  The  chief  object 
of  the  Khuman  Raesa  is  to  celebrate  the  defence  made  on  this 
occasion,  and  the  value  of  this  Raesa  consists  in  the  catalogue  of 
the  princes  who  aided  in  defending  this  bulwark  of  the  Hindu 
faith.  The  bard,  in  an  animated  strain,  makes  his  sovereign  on 
this  occasion  successfully  defend  the  '  crimson  standard '  of 
Mewar,  treat  with  contempt  the  demand  for  tribute,  and  after 
a  violent  assault,  in  which  the  '  barbarian  '  is  driven  back,  follow 
and  discomfit  him  in  the  plan,  carrying  back  the  hostile  leader, 
Mahmud,  captive.  With  this  event,  which  introduces  the  name 
of  Mahmud  two  centuries  before  the  conqueror  of  Ghazni,  we  will 
pause,  and  resume  the  promised  sketch  of  the  intercourse  of  Arabia 
and  Hindustan  at  this  period. 

The  MuhammadaA  Invasion,  a.d.  644-55. — The  first  intimation 
of  the  Moslems  attempting  the  invasion  of  India  is  during  the 
caliphat  of  Omar,  who  built  the  port  of  Bassorah  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Tigris,  chiefly  to  secure  the  trade  of  Gujarat  and  Sind  ;  into 
which  latter  coimtry  a  powerful  army  penetrated  under  Abul 
Aas,^  who  was  killed  in  battle  at  Aror.  The  Caliph  Osman, 
who  succeeded  Omar,  sent  to  explore  the  state  of  India,  while 
he  prepared  an  army  to  invade  it  in  person  :  a  design  which  he 
never  fulfilled.  The  generals  of  the  Caliph  Ali  made  conquests 
in  Sind,  which  they  abandoned  at  All's  death.  While  Yazid  was 
governor  of  Khorasan  several  attempts  were  made  on  India,  as 
also  during  the  caliphat  of  Abdu-1  Malik,  but  without  any  last- 
ing [243]  results.  It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Walid  '^  that  any 
successful  invasion  took  place.  He  not  only  finally  conquered 
Sind  and  the  adjoining  continent  of  India,  but  rendered  tributary 
all  that  part  of  India  on  this  side  the  Ganges.^  What  an  exalted 
idea  must  we  not  form  of  the  energy  and  rapidity  of  such  con- 
quests, when  we  find  the  arms  of  Islam  at  once  on  the  Ganges 
and  the  Ebro,  and  two  regal  dynasties  simultaneously  cut  off, 
that  of  Roderic,  the  last  of  the  Goths  of  Andaloos,  and  Dahir 
Despati  in  the  valley  of  the  Indus.  It  was  in  a.h.  99  (a.d.  712, 
S.  774)  that  Muhammad  bin  Kasim  vanquished  and  slew  Dahir, 

^  [Ferishta  (i.  2)  calls  him  Sayyid  bin  Abiu-1-Aas.] 
"  See  Table  next  page. 

'  Marigny  (quoting  EI-Makin),  Hist,  of  the  Arabians,  vol.  ii.  p.  283  ; 
Mod.  Univ.  Hint.  vol.  ii.  p.  47. 


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286  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

prince  of  Sind,  after  numerous  conflicts.  Amongst  the  spoils 
of  victory  sent  to  the  c^|j^h  on  this  occasion  were  the  daughters 
of  the  subjugated  monarch,  who  were  the  cause  of  Kasim's  de- 
struction,^ when  he  was  on  the  eve  of  earrjdng  the  war  against 
Raja  [244]  Harchand  of  Kanauj.  Some  authorities  state  that 
he  actually  prosecuted  it  ;  and  as  Sind  remained  a  dependency 
of  the  caliphat  during  several  successive  reigns,  the  successor  of 
Kasim  may  have  executed  his  plans.  Little  is  said  of  India  from 
this  period  to  the  reign  of  Al-Mansur,  except  in  regard  to  the 
rebellion  of  Yazid  in  Khorasan,  and  the  flight  of  his  son  to  Sind. 
The  eight  sovereigns,  who  rapidly  followed,  were  too  much  engaged 
with  the  Christians  of  the  west  and  the  Huns  on  the  Caspian  to 
think  of  India.  Their  armies  were  then  in  the  heart  of  France, 
which  was  only  saved  from  the  Koran  by  their  overthrow  at 
Tours  by  Charles  Martel. 

Al-Mansur,  when  only  the  lieutenant  of  the  Caliph  Abbas,  held 
the  government  of  Sind  and  of  India,  and  made  the  island  of 
Bakhar  on  the  Indus,  and  the  adjacent  Aror,^  the  ancient  capital, 
his  residence,  naming  it  Mansura ;  and  it  was  during  his  govern- 
ment that  Bappa  Rawal  abandoned  Chitor  for  Iran. 

The  celebrated  Harunu-r-rashid,  contemporary  of  Charle- 
magne, in  apportioning  his  immense  empire  amongst  his  sons, 
gave  to  the  second,  Al-Mamun,  Khorasan,  Zabulistan,  Kabulistan, 
Sind,  and  Hindustan.^  Al-Mamun,  on  the  death  of  Ilarun,  de- 
posed his  brother,  and  became  caliph  in  A.ii.  198  or  a.d.  813,  and 
ruled  to  833,  the  exact  period  of  the  reign  of  Khuman,  prince  of 
Chitor.  The  domestic  history  brings  the  enemy  assailant  of 
Chitor  from  Zabulistan  ;  and  as  the  leader's  name  is  given 
Mahmud  Khorasan  Pat,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  is  an 
error  arising  from  ignorance  of  the  copyist,  and  should  be 
Mamun. 

^  "  The  two  young  princesses,  in  order  to  revenge  the  death  of  their 
father,  represented  falsely  to  the  Khahf  that  Muhammad  bin  Kasim  had 
been  connected  with  them.  The  Khalif ,  in  a  rage,  gave  order  for  Muhammad 
bin  Kasim  to  be  sewed  up  in  a  raw  hide,  and  sent  in  that  condition  to  court. 
When  the  mandate  arrived  at  Tatta,  Kasim  was  prepared  to  carry  an  ex- 
pedition against  Harchand,  monarch  of  Kanauj.  When  he  arrived  at  court, 
the  Khalif  showed  him  to  the  daughters  of  Dahir,  who  expressed  their  joy 
upon  beholding  their  father's  murderer  in'such  a  condition  "  [Ain/ii.  345  ; 
Elliot-Dowson  i.  209  f.]. 

^  Aror  is  seven  miles  east  of  Bakhar. 

^  Marigny,  vol.  iii.  p.  83  ;    Univ.  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  162. 


MATIMCD'S  invasion,  attack  on  CIIITOR        287 

Mahmud's  Invasion. — Witliin  twenty  years  after  this  event, 
the  sword  of  conquest  and  conversion  was  withdrawn  from  India, 
and  Sind  was  the  only  province  left  to  Mutawakkil  (a.d.  850  [847- 
861]),  the  grandson  of  Harun,  for  a  century  after  whom  the  throne 
of  Baghdad,  like  that  of  ancient  Rome,  was  sold  by  her  jiraetorians 
to  the  highest  bidder.  From  this  time  we  find  no  mention  what- 
ever of  Hindustan,  or  even  of  Sind,  imtil  Sabuktigin,^  governor 
of  Khorasan,  hoisted  the  standard  of  independent  sovereignty 
at  Ghazni.  In  A.n.  365  (a.d.  974)  he  carried  his  arms  [245]  across 
the  Indus,  forcing  the  inhabitants  to  abandon  the  religion  of  their 
ancestors,  and  to  read  the  Koran  from  the  altars  of  Bal  and 
Krishna.  Towards  the  close  of  this  century  he  made  his  last 
invasion,  accompanied  by  his  son,  the  celebrated  Mahmud, 
destined  to  be  the  scourge  of  the  Hindu  race,  who  early  imbibed 
the  paternal  lesson  inculcating  the  extirpation  of  infidels.  Twelve 
several  visitations  did  Mahmud  make  with  his  Tatar  hordes, 
sweeping  India  of  her  riches,  destroying  her  temples  and  archi- 
tectural remains,  and  leaving  the  coimtrj^  phmged  in  poverty 
and  ignorance.  From  the  effect  of  these  incursions  she  never 
recovered  ;  for  though  she  had  a  respite  of  a  century  between 
Mahmud  and  the  final  conquest,  it  was  too  short  to  repair  what 
it  had  cost  ages  to  rear  :  the  temples  of  Somnath,  of  Chitor,  and 
Girnar  are  but  types  of  the  magnificence  of  past  times.  The 
memorial  of  Sakti  Kumar  proves  him  to  have  been  the  contem- 
porary of  Sabuktigin,  and  to  one  of  his  son's  visitations  is  attri- 
buted the  destruction  of  the  '  city  of  the  sun  '  (Aitpur),^  his 
capital. 

Attack  on  Chitor. — Having  thus  condensed  the  little  informa- 
tion afforded  by  Muhammadan  historians  of  the  connexion 
between  the  caliphs  of  Baghdad  and  princes  of  Hind,  from  the 
first  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  of  the  Hegira,  we  shall  revert 
to  the  first  recorded  attack  on  the  Mori  prince  of  Chitor,  which 
brought  Bappa  into  notice.  This  was  either  by  Yazid  or  Muham- 
mad bin  Kasim  from  Sind.'  Though  in  the  histories  of  the 
caliphs  we  can  only  expect  to  find  recorded  those  expeditions 

^  His  father's  name  was  Aliptigin,  termed  a  slave  by  Ferishta  and  his 
authorities ;  though  EI-Makin  gives  him  an  ancestor  in  Yazdegird.  [He 
was  a  slave  (Elliot-Dowson  iv.  159).] 

*  Ait,  contracted  from  Aditya  :   hence  Itwar,  '  Sunday.' 

'  [This  is  not  corroborated  by  Musulraan  authorities.] 


288  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

which  were  successful,  or  had  some  lasting  results,  there  are 
inroads  of  their  revolted  lieutenants  or  their  frontier  deputies, 
which  frequently,  though  indistinctly,  alluded  to  in  Hindu  annals, 
have  no  place  in  Muhammadan  records.  Throughout  the  period 
mentioned  there  was  a  stir  amongst  the  Hindu  nations,  in  which 
we  find  confusion  and  dethronement  from  an  unknown  invader, 
who  is  described  as  coming  sometimes  by  Sind,  sometimes  by  sea, 
and  not  unfrequently  as  a  demon  and  magician  ;  but  invariably 
as  mlechchha,  or  '  barbarian.'  ^  From  S.  750  to  S.  780  (a.d.  694 
to  [246]  724),  the  annals  of  the  Yadus,  the  Chauhans,  the  Chawaras , 
and  the  Guhilots,  bear  evidence  to  simultaneous  convulsions  in 
their  respective  houses  at  this  period.  In  S.  750  (a.h.  75)  the 
Yadu  Bhatti  was  driven  from  his  capital  Salpura  in  the  Panjab, 
across  the  Sutlej  into  the  Indian  desert ;  the  invader  named 
Farid.  At  the  same  period  Manika  Rae,  the  Chauhan  prince  of 
Ajmer,  was  assailed  and  slain.^ 

^  Even  from  the  puerilities  of  Hindu  legends  something  may  be  extracted. 
A  mendicant  dervesh,  called  Roshan  All  {i.e.  the  '  light  of  All '),  had  found 
his  way  to  Garh  Bitli  (the  ancient  name  of  the  Ajmer  fortress),  and  having 
thrust  his  hand  into  a  vessel  of  curds  destined  for  the  Raja,  had  his  finger 
cut  off.  The  disjointed  member  flew  to  Mecca,  and  was  recognized  as 
belonging  to  the  saint.  An  army  was  equipped  in  the  disguise  of  horse- 
merchants,  which  invaded  Ajmer,  whose  prince  was  slain.  May  we  not 
gather  from  this  incident  that  an  insult  to  the  first  Islamite  missionary, 
in  the  person  of  Roshan  Ah,  brought  upon  the  prince  the  arms  of  the  Cahph  ? 
The  same  Chauhan  legends  state  that  Ajaipal  was  prince  of  Ajmer  at  this 
time  ;  that  in  this  invasion  by  sea  he  hastened  to  Anjar  (on  the  coast  of 
Cutch),  where  he  held  the  '  guard  of  the  ocean  '  {Samudra  lei  Chaulci),  where 
he  fell  in  opposing  the  landing.  An  altar  was  erected  on  the  spot,  on 
wliich  was  sculptured  the  figure  of  the  prince  on  horseback,  with  his  lance 
at  rest,  and  which  still  annually  attracts  multitudes  at  the  '  fair  (Mela)  of 
Ajaipal.'  The  subsequent  invasion  alluded  to  in  the  text,  of  S.  750  (a.d. 
694),  is  marked  by  a  curious  anecdote.  When  the  '  Asurs  '  had  blockaded 
Ajmer,  Lot,  the  infant  son  of  Manika  Rae,  was  playing  on  the  battlements, 
when  an  arrow  from  the  foe  killed  the  heir  of  Ajmer,  who  has  ever  since 
been  worshipped  amongst  the  lares  and  penates  of  the  Chauhans  ;  and  as 
he  had  on  a  silver  chain  anklet  at  the  time,  this  ornament  is  forbid  to  the 
children  of  the  race.  In  all  these  Rajput  families  there  is  a  putra  {adolesceyis) 
amongst  the  penates,  always  one  who  has  come  to  an  untimely  end,  and 
chiefly  worshipped  by  females  ;  having  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  rites 
in  honour  of  Adonis.  We  have  traced  several  Roman  and  Grecian  terms 
to  Sanskrit  origin  ;  may  we  add  that  of  lares,  from  larla,  '  dear  '  or 
'  beloved  '?[?]. 

-  [The  story  is  "  puerile  and  fictitious  :  independent  of  which  the  Arabs 
liad  quite  enough  to  do  nearer  home  "  (Elliot-Dowson  i.  426).] 


GATHERING  OF  THE  CLANS  TO  DEFEND  CHITOR  289 

The  Muster  of  the  Clans. — ^The  first  of  the  Khichi  princes  who 
occupied  the  Duab  of  Sindsagar  in  the  Panjab,  as  well  as  the 
ancestor  of  the  Haras  estabhshed  in  Golkonda,  was  expelled  at  the 
same  time.  The  invader  is  treated  in  the  genuine  Hindu  style  as  a 
Danava,  or  demon,  and  is  named  Ghairaram  ^  (i.e.  restless),  from 
Kujliban,^  a  term  geographically  given  to  a  portion  of  the 
Himalaya  mountains  about  the  glaciers  of  the  Ganges.  The 
ancestor  of  the  founder  of  Patan  was  expelled  from  his  petty 
islandic  dominion  on  the  coast  of  Saurashtra  at  the  same  time. 
This  is  the  period  when  Yazid  was  the  caliph's  lieutenant  in 
Khorasan,  and  when  the  arms  of  Walid  conquered  to  the  Ganges  ; 
nor  is  there  a  doubt  that  Yazid  or  Kasim  was  the  author  of  all 
these  revolutions  in  the  Hindu  dynasties.  We  are  supported  in 
this  by  the  names  of  the  princes  contained  in  the  catalogue  who 
aided  to  defend  Chitor  and  the  Mori  prince  on  this  occasion.  It 
is  evident  that  Chitor  was,  alternately  with  Ujjain,  the  seat  of 
sovereignty  of  the  Pramara  at  this  period,  and,  as  it  became  the 
rallying  point  of  the  Hindus,  that  this  race  was  the  first  in  con- 
sequence.^    We   find   the   prince   of  Ajmer,   and  the   quotas   of 

^  [Persian  :   not  a  likely  name.] 

^  Signifying  '  Elephant  forests,'  and  described  in  a  Hindu  map  (stamped 
on  cloth  and  painted)  of  India  from  Kujiiban  to  Lanka,  and  the  provinces 
west  of  the  Indus  to  Calcutta  ;  presented  by  me  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

*  The  list  of  the  vassal  princes  at  the  court  of  the  Mori  confirms  the 
statement  of  the  bard  Ohand,  of  the  supremacy  of  Ram  Pramara,  and  the 
partition  of  his  dominion,  as  described  (see  p.  63,  note)  amongst  the  princes 
who  founded  separate  dynasties  at  this  period  ;  hitherto  in  vassalage  or 
subordinate  to  the  Pramara.  We  can  scarcely  suppose  the  fauiily  to  have 
suffered  any  decay  since  their  ancestor,  Chandragupta,  connected  by 
marriage  with  as  well  as  the  ally  of  the  Grecian  Seleucus,  and  who  held 
Greeks  in  his  pay.  From  such  connexion,  the  arts  of  sculpture  and  archi- 
tecture may  have  derived  a  character  hitherto  unnoticed.  Amidst  the  ruins 
of  Barolli  are  seen  sculptured  the  Grecian  helmet ;  and  the  elegant  ornament, 
the  Kumbha,  or  '  vessel  of  desire,'  on  the  temple  of  Annapurna  (i.e.  '  giver 
of  food  '),  the  Hindu  Ceres,  has  much  affinity  to  the  Grecian  device.  From 
the  inscription  (see  No.  2)  it  is  evident  that  Chitor  was  an  appanage  of  Ujjain, 
the  seat  of  Pramar  empire.  Its  monarch,  Chandragupta  (Mori  [Maurya]), 
degraded  into  the  barber  (Maurya)  tribe,  was  the  descendant  of  Srenika, 
prince  of  Rajagriha,  v/ho,  according  to  the  Jain  work,  Kalpadruma  Kalka, 
flourished  in  the  year  477  before  Vikramaditya,  and  from  whom  Chandra- 
gupta was  the  thirteenth  in  descent.  The  names  as  follows  :  Kanika, 
Udsen,  and  nine  in  succession  of  the  name  of  Nanda,  thence  called  the 
Nau-nanda.  These,  at  twenty-two  years  to  a  reign  (see  p.  64),  would  give 
286  years,  which— 477  =  191  s.v.  +  56  =  247  a.c.  Now  it  was  in  a.c.  260, 
VOL.  I  U 


290  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Saurashtra  and  Gujarat  [247] ;  Angatsi,  lord  of  the  Huns  ;  Busa, 
the  lord  of  the  North  ;  Sheo,  the  prince  of  the  Jarejas  ;  the  Johya, 
lord  of  Jangaldes  ;  the  Aswaria,  the  Sepat,  the  Kulhar,  the  Malan, 
the  Ohir,  the  Hul,  and  many  others,  having  nothing  of  the  Hindu 
in  name,  now  extinct.  But  the  most  conspicuous  is  '  Dahir 
Despati  from  Debal.'  This  is  erroneously  written  Delhi,  the  seat 
of  the  Tuars  ;  whereas  we  recognize  the  name  of  the  prince  of 
Sind,  slain  by  Kasim,  whose  expatriated  son  doubtless  found 
refuge  in  Chit  or.  ^ 

The  Defeat  of  the  Enemy, — This  attack  on  the  Mori  prince  was 
defeated  chiefly  through  the  bravery  of  the  youthful  Guhilot. 
The  foe  from  Kujliban,  though  stated  to  have  advanced  by 
Mathura,  retreated  by  Saurashtra  and  Sind,  pursued  by  Bappa. 
He  found  the  ancient  seat  of  his  ancestors,  Gajni,^  still  in  the 
possession  of  the  '  Asur '  :  a  term  as  well  as  mlechchha,  or  '  bar- 
barian,' always  given  to  the  Islamite  at  this  period.  Salim,  who 
held  Gajni,  was  attacked  and  forced  to  surrender,  and  Bappa  in- 
according  to  Bayer,  that  the  treaty  was  formed  between  Seleucus  and 
Chandragupta ;  so  that  this  scrap  of  Jain  history  may  be  regarded  as 
authentic  and  valuable.  Asoka  (a  name  of  weight  in  Jain  annals)  succeeded 
Chandragupta.  He  by  Kunala,  whose  son  was  Samprati,  with  whose 
name  ends  the  hne  of  Srenika,  according  to  the  authority  from  which  I 
made  the  extract.  The  name  of  Samprati  is  well  known  from  Ajnier  to 
Saurashtra,  and  his  era  is  given  in  a  valuable  chronogrammatic  catalogue 
in  an  ancient  Jain  manuscript  from  the  temple  of  Nadol,  at  202  of  the  Virat 
Samvat.  He  is  mentioned  both  traditionally  and  by  books  as  the  great 
supporter  of  the  Jain  faith,  and  the  remains  of  temples  dedicated  to  Mahavira, 
erected  by  this  prince,  yet  exist  at  Ajrr.er,  on  Abu,  Kumbhalmer,  and  Girnar. 
[Much  of  this  needs  correction,  which  cannot  be  done  in  the  hmits  of  a  note. 
For  the  Nanda  dynasty  see  Smith,  EHI,  40,  and  for  Chandragupta  Maurya 
and  Asoka,  115  ff.] 

^  [This  and  the  second  catalogue  are  fictions.  They  conflict  with  the 
conditions  then  existing  in  Gujarat,  and  such  motley  arrays  are  a  favourite 
bardic  theme  (Forbes,  Easmala,  31,  note  ;  A8R,  ii.  379).] 

^  It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  ancient  name  of  Cambay  was  Gaini 
or  Gajni,  whose  ruins  are  three  miles  from  the  present  city  [see  p.  254 
above].  There  is  also  a  Gajni  on  the  estuary  of  the  Mahi,  and  Abu-1  Fazl 
incidentally  mentions  a  Gajnagar  as  one  of  the  most  important  fortresses 
of  Gujarat,  belonging  to  Ahmad  Shah;  in  attempting  to  obtain  which  by 
stratagem,  his  antagonist,  Hoshang,  king  of  Malwa,  was  made  prisoner. 
I  am  unaware  of  the  site  of  tliis  place,  though  there  are  remains  of  an  exten- 
sive fortress  near  the  capital,  founded  by  Ahmad,  and  which  preserves  no 
name.  It  may  be  the  ancient  Gajnagar.  [The  Author  confuses  the  place 
in  Gujarat  with  Jajnagar  or  Jajpur  in  Orissa,  captured  through  a  stratagem 
by  Hoshang  {Ain,  ii.  219  ;   Ferishta  iv.  178  ;   BG,  i.  Part  i.  359).] 


GATHERING  OF  THE  CLANS  TO  DEFEND  CHITOR  291 

ducted  into  this  stronghold  of  his  ancestors  a  nephew  of  his  own. 
It  is  no  less  singular  than  honourable  to  their  veracity  that  the 
annals  should  record  the  fact,  so  contrary  to  their  religion,  of 
Bappa  having  married  the  daughter  of  the  conquered  Salim  ;  and 
we  have  a  right  to  infer  that  it  was  from  the  influence  acquired 
by  this  union  tliat  he  ultimately  abandoned  the  sovereignty  of 
Mewar  and  the  title  of  '  Hindua  Suraj  '  to  become  the  founder  of 
the  '  one  hundred  and  thirty  tribes  of  Naushahra  [248]  Pathans ' 
of  the  west.  It  is  fair  to  conclude  from  all  these  notices  regarding 
the  founder  of  the  Guhilot  race  in  Chitor  that  he  must  have 
abjured  his  faith  for  that  of  Islam  ;  and  it  is  probable  (though 
the  surmise  must  ever  remain  unproved)  that,  under  some  new 
title  applicable  to  such  change,  we  may  have,  in  one  of  the  early 
distinguished  leaders  of  '  the  Faith,'  the  ancestor  of  the  Guhilots. 

Khuman  II. — Let  us  now  proceed  to  the  next  irruption  of  the 
Islamite  invaders  in  the  reign  of  Khuman,  from  a.d.  812  to  836. 
Though  the  leader  of  this  attack  is  styled  '  Mahmud  Khorasan 
Pat,'  it  is  evident  from  the  catalogue  of  Hindu  princes  who  came 
to  defend  Chitor  that  this  '  lord  of  Khorasan  '  was  at  least  two 
centuries  before  the  son  of  Sabuktigin ;  and  as  the  period  is  in 
perfect  accordance  with  the  partition  of  the  caliphat  by  Harun 
amongst  his  sons,  we  can  have  no  hesitation  in  assigning  such 
invasion  to  Mamun,  to  whose  share  was  allotted  Khorasan, 
Sind,  and  the  Indian  dependencies.  The  records  of  this  period 
are  too  scanty  to  admit  of  our  passing  over  in  silence  even  a 
barren  catalogue  of  names,  which,  as  texts,  with  the  aid  of  col- 
lateral information,  may  prove  of  some  benefit  to  the  future 
antiquarian  and  historian. 

"  From  Gajni  came  the  Guhilot  ;  the  Tak  from  Asir  ;  from 
Narlai  the  Chauhan  ;  the  Chalukj- a  from  Rahargarh  ;  from  Setu- 
bandlia  the  Jarkhera  ;  from  ftlandor  the  Khairavi ;  from  Mangrol 
the  Makwahana  ;  from  Jethgarh  the  Joria  ;  from  Taragarh  the 
Rewar ;  the  Kachhwaha  from  Narwar ;  from  Sanchor  the 
Kalam  ;  from  Junagarh  the  Dasanoh  ;  from  Ajmer  the  Gaur  ; 
from  Lohadargarh  the  Chandano  ;  from  Dasaundi  the  Dor ;  from 
Delhi  the  Tuar ;  from  Patau  the  Chawara,  preserver  of  royalty 
(Rajdhar)  ;  from  Jalor  the  Sonigira  ;  from  Sirohi  the  Deora  ; 
from  Gagraun  the  Khichi  ;  the  Jadon  from  Junagarh  ;  the  Jhala 
from  Patri  ;  from  Kanauj  the  Rathor  ;  from  Chotiala  the  Bala  ; 
from  Piramgarh  the   Gohil  ;    from  Jaisalgarh  the  Bhatti  ;    the 


292  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Busa  from  Lahore  ;  the  Sankhla  from  Roneja  ;  the  Sehat  from 
Kherligarh  ;  from  Mandalgarh  the  Nikumbha  ;  the  BargUjar 
from  Raj  or  ;  from  Karangarh  the  Chandel  ;  from  Sikar  the 
Sikarwal  ;  from  Umargarh  the  Jethwa  ;  from  Pali  the  Bargota  ; 
from  Khantargarh  the  Jareja  ;  from  Jirga  the  Kherwar  ;  from 
Kashmir  the  Parihara." 

Of  the  Guhilot  from  Gajni  we  have  said  enough  ;  nor  shall  we 
comment  on  the  Tak,  or  his  capital,  Asir,  which  now  belongs  to 
the  British  Government.  The  Chauhan,  who  came  from  Narlai, 
was  a  celebrated  branch  of  the  Ajmer  [249]  house,  and  claims  the 
honour  of  being  the  parent  of  the  Sonigiras  of  Jalor  and  the 
Deoras  of  Sirohi.  Nadol  is  mentioned  by  Ferishta  as  falling  a 
prey  to  one  of  Mahmud's  invasions,  who  destroyed  its  ancient 
temples  ;  but  from  erroneous  punctuation  it  is  lost  in  the  trans- 
lation as  Bazule.^  Of  Rahargarh  and  the  Jarkhera  from  Setu- 
bandha  (on  the  Malabar  coast)  nothing  is  known."  Of  the  Khairavi 
from  Mandor  we  can  only  say  that  it  appears  to  be  a  branch  of  the 
Pramaras  (who  reckoned  Mandor  one  of  the  nine  strongholds, 
'  Nau-kot,^  under  its  dominion),  established  anterior  to  the  Pari- 
haras,  who  at  this  period  had  sovereignty  in  Kashmir.  Both  the 
Dor  and  his  capital,  Dasaundi,  are  described  in  ancient  books  as 
situated  on  the  Ganges  below  Kanauj. 

It  is  a  subject  of  regret  that  the  annals  do  not  mention  the 
name  of  the  Tuar  prince  of  Delhi,  which  city  could  not  have  been 
refounded  above  a  century  when  this  call  was  made  upon  its  aid . 
Abu-1  Fazl,  Ferishta,  their  translators,  and  those  who  have  fol- 
lowed them  have  been  corrected  by  the  Edinburgh  Review,  whose 
critical  judgment  on  this  portion  of  ancient  history  is  eminently 
good.  I  possess  the  original  Hindu  record  used  by  Abu-1  Fazl, 
which  gives  S.  829  for  the  first  Anangpal  instead  of  S.  429  ;   and 

^  I  presented  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  two  inscriptions  from  Nadol, 
one  dated  S.  1024,  the  other  1039.  They  are  of  Prince  Lakha,  and  state 
as  instances  of  his  power  that  he  collected  the  transit  duties  at  the  further 
barrier  of  Patau,  and  levied  tribute  from  the  prince  of  Chitor.  He  was 
the  contemporary  of  Mahmud,  who  devastated  Nadol.  I  also  discovered 
inscriptions  of  the  tweKth  century  relative  to  this  celebrated  Chauhan  family, 
in  passing  from  Udaipur  to  Jodhpur.  [Dow  (i.  170)  writes  "  Tilli  and 
Buzule  "  ;  Briggs  (i.  196)  has  "  Baly  and  Nadole  "  ;  Elliot-Dowson  (ii.  229) 
writes  "  Pali  and  Nandul,"  the  differences  being  due  to  misreading  of  the 
Arabic  script.] 

^  [Setubandha  is  the  causeway  made  by  Rama  to  Lanka  or  Ceylon 
{10 1,  V.  81).] 


GATHERING  OF  THE  CLANS  TO  DEFEND  CHITOR  293 

as  there  were  but  nineteen  princes  who  intervened  untU  his  dynasty 
was  set  aside  by  the  Chauhan,  it  requires  no  argument  to  support 
the  foiir  instead  of  eight  centuries.  The  former  will  give  the  just 
average  of  twenty-one  years  to  a  reign.  The  name  of  Anangpal 
was  titular  in  the  family,  and  the  epithet  was  applied  to  the  last 
as  to  the  first  of  the  race. 

The  name  of  the  Chawara  prince  of  Patan  (Anhilwara)  being 
recorded  amongst  the  auxiliaries  of  Khuman,  is  another  satis- 
factory proof  of  the  antiquity  of  this  invasion  ;  for  this  dynasty 
was  extinct,  and  succeeded  by  the  Solankis,  in  S.  998  (a.d.  942), 
fifty  years  prior  to  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  who  captured  Patan 
during  the  reign  of  Chawand,  the  second  Solanki  prince.^ 

The  Sonigira,  who  came  from  Jalor,  is  a  celebrated  branch  of 
the  Chauhan  race,  but  we  are  ignorant  of  the  extent  of  tune  that 
it  held  this  fortress  :  and  as  nothing  can  invalidate  the  testimonies 
afforded  by  the  names. of  the  Chawara  of  [250]  Patan,  the  Kaclih- 
waha  of  Narwar,  the  Tuar  of  Delhi,  and  the  Rathor  from  Kanauj, 
there  can  be  no  hesitation  at  pointing  out  the  anachronisms  of 
the  chronicle,  which  states  the  Deora  from  Sirohi,  the  Khichi 
from  Gagraun,  or  the  Bhatti  from  Jaisalgarh,  amongst  the  levies 
on  this  occasion  ;  and  which  we  must  affirm  to  be  decided  inter- 
polations, the  two  first  being  at  that  period  in  possession  of  the 
Pramara,  and  the  latter  not  erected  for  three  centuries  later. 
That  the  Deoras,  the  Khichis,  and  the  Bhattis  came  to  the  aid 
of  KJiuman,  we  cannot  doubt  ;  but  the  copyist,  ignorant  even  of 
the  nanaes  of  the  ancient  capitals  of  these  tribes,  Chhotan,  Sind- 
sagar,  and  Tanot,  substituted  those  which  they  subsequently 
founded. 

The  Jadon  (Yadu)  from  Junagarh  (Girnar)  was  of  the  race  of 
Krishna,  and  appeared  long  to  have  held  possession  of  this  terri- 
tory ;  and  the  names  of  the  Khcngars,  of  this  tribe,  will  remain 
as  long  as  the  stupendous  monuments  they  reared  on  this  sacred 
hill.  Besides  the  Jadon,  we  find  Saurashtra  sending  forth  the 
Jhalas,  the  Balas,  and  the  Gohils  to  the  aid  of  the  descendant  of 
the  lord  of  Valabhipura,  whose  paramount  authority  they  once 
all  acknowledged,  and  who  appeared  to  have  long  maintained 
influence  in  that  distant  region. 

Of  the  tribe  of  Busa,  who  left  their  capital,  Lahore,  to  succour 

^  [Chamunda  reigned  a.d.  997-1010 ;  Anhilwara  was  captured  under 
Bhima  I.  (1022-64).] 


294  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Chitor,  we  have  no  mention,  further  than  the  name  being  enumer- 
ated amongst  the  unassigned  tribes  of  Rajputs.^  Ferishta  fre- 
quently notices  the  princes  of  Lahore  in  the  early  progress  of 
Islamism,  though  he  does  not  tell  us  the  name  of  the  tribe.  In  the 
reign  of  the  caliph  Al-Mansur,  a.h.  143  (a.d.  761),  the  Afghans  of 
Kirman  and  Peshawar,  who,  according  to  this  authority,  were  a 
Coptic  colony  expelled  from  Egypt, ^  had  increased  in  such  numbers 
as  to  abandon  their  residence  about  the  '  hill  of  Sulaiman,'  and 
crossing  the  Indus,  wrested  possessions  from  the  Hindu  princes 
of  Lahore.  This  frontier  warfare  with  a  tribe  which,  though  it 
had  certainly  not  then  embraced  the  faith  of  Islam,  brought  to 
their  succour  the  forces  of  the  caliph  in  Zabulistan,  so  that  in  five 
months  seventy  battles  were  fought  with  varied  success  ;  but 
the  last,  in  which  the  Lahore  prince  carried  his  arms  to  Peshawar,^ 
produced  a  peace.  Hence  arose  a  union  of  interests  between 
them  and  the  hill  tribe  of  Gakkhar,  and  all  the  Kohistan  west  of 
the  Indus  was  ceded  to  them  [251]  on  the  condition  of  guarding 
this  barrier  into  Hindustan  against  invasion.  For  this  purpose 
the  fortress  of  Khaibar  was  erected  in  the  chief  pass  of  the  Koh-i- 
Daman.  For  two  centuries  after  this  event  Ferishta  is  silent 
on  this  frontier  warfare,  stating  that  henceforth  Hindustan  was 
only  accessible  through  Sind.  When  Aliptigin  first  crossed  the 
Indus,  the  prince  of  Lahore  and  the  Afghans  still  maintained  this 
alliance  and  united  to  oppose  him.  Jaipal  was  then  prince  of 
Lahore  ;  and  it  is  on  this  event  that  Ferishta,  for  the  first  time, 
mentions  the  tribe  of  Bhatti,*  "  at  the  advice  of  whose  prince 
he  conferred  the  command  of  the  united  forces  on  an  Afghan 
chief,"  to  whom  he  assigned  the  provinces  of  Multan  and  Lam- 
ghan.  From  this  junction  of  interests  the  princes  of  Lahore 
enjoyed  comparative  security,  until  Sabuktigin  and  Mahmud 
compelled  the  Afghans  to  serve  them  :  then  Lahore  was  captured. 
The  territory  dependent  upon  Lahore,  at  this  period,  extended 
from  Sirhind  to  Lamghan,  and  from  Kashmir  to  Multan. 
Bhatinda  divided  with  Lahore  the  residence  of  its  princes.  Their 
first  encounter  was  at  Lingham,  on  which  occasion  young  Mahmud 
first  distinguished  himself,  and  as  the  historian  says,  "  the  eyes 

1  See  p.  144.  ^  [Ferishta  i.  6.] 

*  The  scene  of  action  was  between  Peshawar  and  Kirman,  the  latter 
lying  ninety  miles  south-west  of  tlie  former. 

*  Dow  omits  this  in  his  translation  [see  Briggs  i.  Introd.  9,  i.  16]. 


GATHERING  OF  THE  CLANS  TO  DEFEND  CHITOR  295 

of  the  heavens  were  obscured  at  seeing  his  deeds."  ^  A  tributary- 
engagement  was  the  result,  which  Jaipal  soon  broke  ;  and  being 
aided  by  levies  from  all  the  princes  of  Hindustan,  marched  an 
army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  against  Sabuktigin,  and 
was  again  defeated  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus.  He  was  at  length 
invested  and  taken  in  Bhatinda  by  Mahmud,  when  he  put  him- 
self to  dcath.^  The  successors  of  Jaipal  are  mentioned  merely 
as  fugitives,  and  always  distinct  from  the  princes  of  Delhi.  It  is 
most  probable  that  they  were  of  the  tribe  termed  Busa  in  the 
annals  of  Mewar,  i)ossibly  a  subdivision  of  another  ;  though 
Ferishta  calls  the  j^rince  of  Lahore  a  Brahman. 

The  Sankhla  from  Roneja.  Both  tribe  and  abode  are  well 
known:  it  is  a  subdivision  of  the  Pramara.  Harbuji  Sankhla 
was  the  Paladin  pf  Marwar,  in  which  Roneja  was  situated. 

The  Sehat  from  Kherligarh  was  a  northern  tribe,  dwelling 
about  the  Indus,  and  though  entirely  unknown  to  the  modern 
genealogists  of  India,  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  early  history 
of  the  Bhattis,  when  their  possessions  extended  on  both  sides  of 
the  Hyphasis.  As  intermarriages  between  the  Bhattis  and  Sehats 
are  [252]  often  spoken  of,  it  must  have  been  Rajput.  It  most 
probably  occupied  the  province  of  Swat,  the  Suvat  of  D'Anville, 
a  division  of  the  province  of  Ashthanagar,  where  dwelt  the  Assa- 
kenoi  of  Alexander  ;  concerning  which  this  celebrated  geographer 
says,  "  II  est  mention  de  Suvat  comme  d'un  canton  du  pays 
d'Ash-nagar  dans  la  meme  geographic  turque "  {Eel.  p.  25). 
The  whole  of  this  ground  was  sacred  to  the  Jadon  tribe  from  the 
most  remote  antiquity,  from  Multan,  the  hills  of  Jud,  to  Aswinikot 
(the  Tshehin-kote  of  D'Anville),  which,  built  on  the  point  of  con- 
fluence of  the  Choaspes  of  the  Greeks  with  the  Indus,  marks  the 
spot  where  dwelt  the  Assakenoi,  corroborated  by  the  Puranas, 
which  mention  the  partition  of  all  these  territories  amongst  the 
sons  of  Bajaswa,  the  lord  of  Kampilnagara,  the  grand  sub- 
division of  the  Yadu  race.  In  all  likelihood  the  Sehat,  who  came 
to  the  aid  of  Khuman  of  Chitor,  was  a  branch  of  these  Assakenoi, 
the    opponents    of    Alexander.^     The    modern    town    of   Dinkot 

^  The  sense  of  this  passage  has  been  quite  perverted  by  Dow  [see 
Briggs  i.  16]. 

2  [See  Smith,  EHI,  .382.] 

^  [The  capital  of  the  Assakenoi  was  Massaga,  near  the  Malakand  Pass 
(Smith,  EHI,  54  ;  McCrindle.  Alexander,  .334  £.).] 


296  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

appears  to  occupy  the  site  of  Aswinikot,  though  D'Anville  feels 
inchned  to  carry  it  into  the  heart  of  Bajaur  and  place  it  on  the 
rock  (silla)  Aornos.^  Such  the  Sehat  ;  not  improbably  the  Soha, 
one  of  the  eight  subdivisions  of  the  Yadu.^  When,  in  S.  785, 
the  Bhatti  chief  Rao  Tanu  was  driven  across  the  Sutlej,  the 
Sehats  are  mentioned  with  other  tribes  as  forming  the  army  of 
Husain  Shah,  with  the  Barahas,  the  Judis,  and  Johyas  (the 
Juds  and  Jinjohyas  of  Babur),  the  Butas,  and  the  '  men  of 
Dud.' 

The  Chandel,  from  Karangarh,  occupied  the  tracts  now  termed 
Bundelkhand. 

We  shall  pass  over  the  other  auxiliary  tribes  and  conclude  with 
the  Parihar,  who  -came  from  Kashmir  on  this  occasion  ;  a  cir- 
cxmistance  entirely  overlooked  in  the  dissertation  on  this  tribe  ;  ^ 
nor  does  this  isolated  fact  afford  room  for  further  discussion  on  a 
race  which  expelled  the  Pramaras  from  Mandor. 

Such  aids,  who  preserved  Khuman  when  assailed  by  the 
'  Khorasan  Pat,'  fully  demonstrate  the  antiquity  of  the  annals, 
which  is  further  attested  by  inscriptions.  Khuman  fought  twenty- 
four  great  battles,  and  his  name,  like  that  of  Caesar,  became  a 
family  distinction.  At  Udaipur,  if  you  make  a  false  step,  or 
even  sneeze,  you  hear  the  ejaculation  of  '  Khuman  aid  you  !  ' 
Khuman,  by  the  advice  of  the  Brahmans,  resigned  the  gaddi  to 
his  younger  son,  Jograj  ;  but  again  resumed  [253]  it,  slaying  his 
advisers  and  execrating  the  name  of  Brahman,  which  he  almost 
exterminated  in  his  own  dominions.  Khuman  was  at  length 
slain  by  his  own  son,  Mangal  ;  but  the  chiefs  expelled  the  parri- 
cide, who  seized  upon  Lodorwa  in  the  northern  desert,  and  there 
established  the  Mangalia  Guhilots. 

Bhartribhat  III. — Bhartribhat  (familiarly  Bhato)  succeeded. 
In  his  reign,  and  in  that  of  his  successor,  the  territory  dependent 
on  Chitor  was  greatly  increased.  All  the  forest  tribes,  from  the 
banks  of  the  Mahi  to  Abu,  were  subjugated,  and  strongholds 
erected,  of  which  Dharangarh  and  Ujargarh  still  remain  to  main- 
tain them.     He  established  no  less  than  thirteen  *  of  his  sons  in 

1  [For  the  site  see  Smith,  EHI,  56,  note  2.] 

2  See  p.  104.  3  See  p.  119  f. 

*  By  name,  Kulanagar,  Champaner,  Choreta,  Bhojpur,  Lunara,  Nimthor, 
Sodara,  Jodhgarh,  Sandpur,  Aitpur,  and  Gangabheva.  The  remaining 
two  are  not  mentioned. 


THE  TUARS  OF  DELHI  297 

independent  possessions  in  Malwa  and  Gujarat,  and  these  were 
distinguished  as  the  Bhatera  Guhilots. 

We  shall  now  leap  over  fifteen  generations  ;  which,  though 
affording  a  few  interesting  facts  to  the  antiquary,  would  not 
amuse  the  general  reader.  We  will  rest  satisfied  with  stating 
that  the  Chauhans  of  Ajiner  and  the  Guhilots  of  Chitor  were 
alternately  friends  and  foes  ;  that  Durlabh  Chauhan  was  slain  by 
Bersi  Rawal  in  a  grand  battle  fought  at  Kawaria,  of  which  the 
Chauhan  annals  state  '  that  their  princes  were  now  so  powerful 
as  to  oppose  the  chief  of  Chitor.'  Again,  in  the  next  reign,  we 
find  the  renowned  Bisaldeo,  son  of  Durlabh,  combining  with 
Rawal  Tejsi  of  Chitor  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Islamite  invasion  : 
facts  recorded  by  inscriptions  as  well  as  by  the  annals.  We  may 
close  these  remarks  on  the  fifteen  princes,  from  Khuman  to 
Samarsi,  with  the  words  of  Gibbon  on  the  dark  period  of  Guelphic 
annals  :  "  It  may  be  presumed  that  they  were  illiterate  and 
valiant  ;  that  they  plundered  in  their  youth,  and  reared  churches 
in  their  old  age  ;  that  they  were  fond  of  arms,  horses,  and  hunt- 
ing "  ;  and,  we  may  add,  continued  bickering  with  their  vassals 
within  when  left  unemployed  by  the  enemy  from  without  [254], 


CHAPTER  5 

Although  the  whole  of  this  chain  of  ancestry,  from  Kanaksen 
in  the  second,  Vijaya  the  founder  of  Valabhi  in  the  fourth,  to 
Samarsi  in  the  thirteenth  century,  cannot  be  discriminated  with 
perfect  accuracy,  we  may  affirm,  to  borrow  a  metaphor,  that  "  the 
two  extremities  of  it  are  riveted  in  truth  "  :  and  some  links  have 
at  intervals  been  recognized  as  equally  valid.  We  will  now 
extend  the  chain  to  the  nineteenth  century. 

Samar  Singh,  Samarsi :  The  Tuars  of  Delhi. — Samarsi  was 
born  in  S.  1206.^  Though  the  domestic  annals  are  not  silent  on 
his  acts,  we  shall  recur  chiefly  to  the  bard  of  Delhi  -  for  his  char- 

^  [For  the  error  in  his  date  see  p.  281  above.] 

"  The  work  of  Chand  is  a  universal  history  of  the  period  in  which  he 
wrote.  In  the  sixty-nine  books,  comprising  one  hundred  thousand  stanzas, 
relating  to  the  exploits  of  Prithiraj,  every  noble  family  of  Rajasthan  will 
find  some  record  of  their  ancestors.  It  is  accordingly  treasured  amongst 
the  archives  of  each  race  having  any  pretensions  to  the  name  of  Rajput. 


298  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

acter  and  actions,  and  the  history  of  the  period.  Before  we  pro- 
ceed, however,  a  sketch  of  the  pohtical  condition  of  Hindustan 
during  the  last  of  the  Tuar  sovereigns  of  Delhi,  derived  from  this 
authority  and  in  the  bard's  own  words,  may  not  be  unacceptable. 
"  In  Patan  is  Bhola  Bhim  the  Chalukya,  of  iron  frame.^  On  the 
mountain  Abu,  Jeth  Pramara,  in  battle  immovable  as  the  star 
of  the  north.  In  Mewar  is  Samar  Singh,  who  takes  tribute  from 
the  mighty,  a  wave  of  iron  in  the  path  of  Delhi's  foe.  In  the 
midst  of  all,  strong  in  his  own  strength,  Mandor's  prince,  the 
arrogant  Nahar  Rao,  the  might  of  Maru,  fearing  none.  In  Delhi 
the  chief  of  all  [255]  Ananga,  at  whose  summons  attended  the 
princes  of  Mandor,  Nagor,  Sind,  Jalwat,^  and  others  on  its  confines, 
Peshawar,  Lahore,  Kangra,  and  its  mountain  chiefs,  with  Kasi,* 
Prayag,*  and  Garh  Deogir.  The  lords  of  Simar  *  were  in  constant 
danger  of  his  power."  The  Bhatti,  since  their  expulsion  from 
Zabulistan,  had  successively  occupied  as  capitals,  Salivahanapur 
in  the  Panjab,  Tanot,  Derawar,  which  last  they  founded,  and  the 
ancient  Lodorwa,  which  they  conquered  in  the  desert  ;  and  at  the 
period  in  question  were  constructing  their  present  residence, 
Jaisalmer.     In  this  nook  they  had  been  fighting  for  centuries 

From  this  he  can  trace  his  martial  forefathers  who  '  drank  of  the  wave  of 
battle  '  in  the  passes  of  Kirman  when  the  '  cloud  of  war  rolled  from  Himachal 
to  the  plains  of  Hindustan.  The  wars  of  Prithiraj,  his  alliances,  his 
numerous  and  powerful  tributaries,  their  abodes  and  pedigrees,  make  the 
works  of  Chand  invaluable  as  historic  and  geographical  memoranda,  besides 
being  treasures  in  mythology,  manners,  and  the  annals  of  the  mind.  To 
read  this  poet  well  is  a  sure  road  to  honour,  and  my  own  Guru  was  allowed, 
even  by  the  professional  bards,  to  excel  therein.  As  he  read  I  rapidly 
translated  about  thirty  thousand  stanzas.  Familiar  with  the  dialects  in 
which  it  is  written,  I  have  fancied  that  I  seized  occasionally  the  poet's 
spirit ;  but  it  were  presumption  to  suppose  that  I  embodied  all  his  brilliancy, 
or  fully  comprehended  the  depth  of  his  allusions.  But  I  knew  for  whom 
he  wrote.  The  most  familiar  of  his  images  and  sentiments  I  heard  daily 
from  the  mouths  of  those  around  me,  the  descendants  of  the  men  whoso 
deeds  he  rehearses.  I  was  enabled  thus  to  seize  his  meaning,  where  one 
more  skilled  in  poetic  lore  might  have  failed,  and  to  make  my  prosaic  version 
of  some  value.  [For  Chand  Bardai  see  Grierson,  Modern  Literary  History 
of  Hiildustan,  3  f.] 

^  [Bhima  II.,  Chaulukya,  known  as  Bhola,  'the  simpleton,'  a.d.  1179- 
1242.] 

^  Unknown,  unless  the  country  on  the  '  waters  '  {jal)  of  Sind. 

'  Benares.  *  Allahabad. 

*  The  cold  regions  {ai,  '  cold  '). 


THE  TUARS  OF  DELHI  299 

with  the  heutenants  of  the  Cahph  at  Aror,  occasionally  redeeming 
their  ancient  possessions  as  far  as  the  city  of  the  Tak  on  the  Indus. 
Their  situation  gave  them  little  political  interest  in  the  affairs  of 
Hindustan  until  the  period  of  Prithiraj,  one  of  whose  principal 
leaders,  Achales,  was  the  brother  of  the  Bhatti  prince.  Anangpal, 
from  this  description,  was  justly  entitled  to  be  termed  the  para- 
mount sovereign  of  Hindustan  ;  but  he  was  the  last  of  a  dynasty 
of  nineteen  princes,  who  had  occupied  Delhi  nearly  four  hvmdred 
years,  from  the  time  of  the  founder  Bilan  Deo,  who,  according  to 
a  manuscript  in  th.e  author's  possession,  was  only  an  opulent 
Thakur  when  he  assumed  the  ensigns  of  royalty  in  the  then 
deserted  Indraprastha,  taking  the  name  of  Anangpal,^  ever  after 
titular  in  the  family.  The  Cliaulians  of  Ajmer  owed  at  least 
homage  to  Delhi  at  this  time,  although  Bisaldeo  had  rendered  it 
almost  nominal  ;  and  to  Someswar,  the  fourth  in  descent,  Anang- 
pal was  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  this  supremacy  against 
the  attempts  of  Kanauj,  for  which  service  he  obtained  the  Tuar's 
daughter  in  marriage,  the  issue  of  which  was  Prithiraj,  who  when 
only  eight  yeai's  of  age  was  proclaimed  successor  to  the  Delhi 
throne. 

Prithiraj. — Jaichand  of  Kanauj  and  Prithiraj  bore  the  same 
relative  situation  to  Anangpal  ;  Bijaipal,  the  father  of  the  former, 
as  well  as  Someswar,  having  had  a  daughter  of  the  Tuar  to  wife. 
This  originated  the  rivalry  between  the  Chauhans  and  Rathors 
which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  both.  When  Prithiraj  mounted 
the  throne  of  Delhi,  Jaichand  not  only  refused  to  acknowledge 
his  supremacy,  but  set  forth  his  own  claims  to  this  distinction. 
In  these  he  was  supported  by  the  prince  of  Patau  [256]  Aiihil- 
wara  (the  eternal  foe  of  the  Chauhans),  and  likewise  by  the  Pari- 
hars  of  ISIandor.  But  the  affront  given  by  the  latter,  in  refusing 
to  fulfil  the  contract  of  bestowing  his  daughter  on  the  young 
Chauhan,  brought  on  a  warfare,  in  which  this  first  essay  was  but 
the  presage  of  his  future  fame.  Kanauj  and  Patan  had  recourse 
to  the  dangerous  expedient  of  entertaining  bands  of  Tatars, 
through  whom  the  sovereign  of  Ghazni  was  enabled  to  take 
advantage  of  their  internal  broils. 

^  Ananga  is  a  poetical  epithet  of  the  Hindu  Cupid,  literally  '  incorporeal '  ; 
but,  according  to  good  authority,  apphcable  to  the  founder  of  the  desolate 
abode,  palna  being  '  to  support,'  and  anga,  with  the  primitive  an,  '  without 
body.' 


300  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Samarsi,  prince  of  Chitor,  had  married  the  sister  of  Prithiraj, 
and  their  personal  characters,  as  well  as  this  tie,  bound  them  to 
each  other  throughout  all  these  commotions,  until  the  last  fatal 
battle  on  the  Ghaggar.  From  these  feuds  Hindustan  never  was 
free.  But  unrelenting  enmity  was  not  a  part  of  their  character  : 
having  displayed  the  valour  of  the  tribe,  the  bard  or  Nestor  of 
the  day  Vv'ould  step  in,  and  a  marriage  would  conciliate  and  main- 
tain in  friendship  such  foes  for  two  generations.  From  time 
immemorial  such  has  been  the  political  state  of  India,  as  repre- 
sented by  their  own  epics,  or  in  Arabian  or  Persian  histories  : 
thus  always  the  prey  of  foreigners,  and  destined  to  remain  so. 
Samarsi  had  to  contend  both  with  the  princes  of  Patau  and 
Kanauj  ;  and  although  the  bard  says  "  he  washed  his  blade  in 
the  Jumna,"  the  domestic  annals  slur  over  the  circumstance  of 
Siddharaja-Jayasingha  having  actually  made  a  conquest  of 
Chitor  ;  for  it  is  not  only  included  in  the  eighteen  capitals  enumer- 
ated as  appertaining  to  this  prince,  but  the  author  discovered  a 
tablet  ^  in  Chitor,  placed  there  by  his  successor,  Kumarpal,  bear- 
ing the  date  S.  1206,  the  period  of  Samarsi's  birth.  The  first 
occasion  of  Samarsi's  aid  being  called  in  by  the  Chauhan  emperor 
was  on  the  discovery  of  treasure  at  Nagor,  amounting  to  seven 
millions  of  gold,  the  deposit  of  ancient  days.  The  princes  of 
Kanauj  and  Patan,  dreading  the  influence  which  such  sinews  of 
war  would  afford  their  antagonist,  invited  Shihabu-d-din  to  aid 
their  designs  of  humiliating  the  Chauhan,  who  in  this  emergency 
sent  an  embassy  to  Samarsi.  The  envoy  was  Chand  Pundir,  the 
vassal  chief  of  Lahore,  and  guardian  of  that  frontier.  He  is  con- 
spicuous from  this  time  to  the  hour  "  when  he  planted  his  lance  at 
the  ford  of  the  Ravi,"  and  fell  in  opposing  the  passage  of  Shihabu- 
d-din.  The  presents  he  carries,  the  speech  with  which  he  greets 
the  Chitor  prince,  his  reception,  reply,  and  dismissal  are  all  pre- 
served by  [257]  Chand.  The  style  of  address  and  the  apparel 
of  Samarsi  betoken  that  he  had  not  laid  aside  the  office  and 
ensigns  of  a  '  Regent  of  Mahadeva.'  A  simple  necklace  of  the 
seeds  of  the  lotus  adorned  his  neck  ;  his  hair  was  braided,  and  he 
is  addressed  as  Jogindra,  or  chief  of  ascetics.  Samarsi  proceeded 
to  Delhi  ;  and  it  was  arranged,  as  he  was  connected  by  marriage 
with  the  prince  of  Patan,  that  Prithiraj  should  march  against 
this  prince,  while  he  should  oppose  the  army  from  Ghazni.  He 
^  See  luscriptiou  No.  5. 


DEATH  OF  SAMAR  SINGH  301 

(Samarsi)  accordingly  fought  several  indecisive  battles,  which  gave 
time  to  the  Chauhan  to  terminate  the  war  in  Gujarat  and  rejoin 
him.  United,  they  completely  discomfited  the  invaders,  making 
their  leader  prisoner.  Samarsi  declined  any  share  of  the  dis- 
covered treasure,  but  permitted  his  chiefs  to  accept  the  gifts 
offered  by  Chauhan.  Many  years  elapsed  in  such  subordinate 
warfare,  when  the  prince  of  Chitor  was  again  constrained  to  use 
his  buckler  in  defence  of  Delhi  and  its  prince,  whose  arrogance 
and  successful  ambition,  followed  by  disgraceful  inactivity,  in- 
vited invasion  with  every  presage  of  success.  Jealousy  and 
revenge  rendered  the  princes  of  Patan,  Kanauj,  Dhar,  and  the 
minor  courts  indifferent  spectators  of  a  contest  destined  to  over- 
throw them  all. 

The  Death  of  Samar  Singh. — The  bard  gives  a  good  description 
of  the  preparations  for  his  departure  from  Chitor,  which  he  was 
destined  never  to  see  again.  The  charge  of  the  city  was  entrusted 
to  a  favourite  and  younger  son,  Kama  :  which  disgusted  the 
elder  brother,  who  went  to  the  Deccan  to  Bidar,  where  he  was 
well  received  by  an  Abyssinian  chief,^  who  had  there  established 
himself  in  sovereignty.  Another  son,  either  on  this  occasion  or 
on  the  subsequent  fall  of  Chitor,  fled  to  the  mountains  of  Nepal, 
and  there  spread  the  Guhilot  line.^  It  is  in  this,  the  last  of  the 
books  of  Chand,  termed  The  Great  Fight,  that  we  have  the  char- 
acter of  Samarsi  fully  delineated.  His  arrival  at  Delhi  is  hailed 
with  songs  of  joy  as  a  day  of  deliverance.  Prithiraj  and  his  court 
advance  seven  miles  to  meet  him,  and  the  description  of  the 
greeting  of  the  king  of  Delhi  and  his  sister,  and  the  chiefs  on  either 
side  who  recognize  ancient  friendships,  is  most  animated.  Sam- 
arsi reads  his  brother-in-law  an  indignant  lecture  on  his  unprincely 
inactivity,  and  throughout  the  book  divides  attention  with  him. 

In  the  planning  of  the  campaign,  and  march  towards  the 
Ghaggar  to  meet  the  foe  [258],  Samarsi  is  consulted,  and  his 
opinions  are  recorded.  The  bard  represents  him  as  the  Ulysses 
of  the  host  :  brave,  cool,  and  skilful  in  the  fight  ;  prudent,  wise, 
and  eloquent  in  council  ;  pious  and  decorous  on  all  occasions  ; 
beloved  by  his  own  chiefs,  and  reverenced  by  the  vassals  of  the 
Chauhan.     In  the  line  of  march  no  augur  or  bard  could  better 

1  Styled  Habshi  Padshah. 

*  [The  Gorkhas  or  Gurkhas  are  said  to  have  reached  Nepal  through 
Kumaun  after  the  fall  of  Chitor  {IGI,  xix.  32).] 


302  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

explain  the  omens,  none  in  the  field  better  dress  the  squadrons 
for  battle,  none  guide  his  steed  or  use  his  lance  with  more  address. 
His  tent  is  the  principal  resort  of  the  leaders  after  the  march 
or  in  the  intervals  of  battle,  who  were  delighted  by  his  eloquence 
or  instructed  by  his  knowledge.  The  bard  confesses  that  his 
precepts  of  government  are  chiefly  from  the  lips  of  Khuman  ;  ^ 
and  of  his  best  episodes  and  allegories,  whether  on  morals,  rules 
for  the  guidance  of  ambassadors,  choice  of  ministers,  religious  or 
social  duties  (but  especially  those  of  the  Rajput  to  the  sovereign), 
the  wise  prince  of  Chitor  is  the  general  organ. 

On  the  last  of  three  days'  desperate  fighting  Samarsi  was  slain, 
together  with  his  son  Kalyan,  and  thirteen  thousand  of  his  house- 
hold troops  and  most  renowned  chieftains.^  His  beloved  Pirtha, 
on  hearing  the  fatal  issue,  her  husband  slain,  her  brother  captive, 
the  heroes  of  Delhi  and  Chitor  "  asleep  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghaggar, 
in  the  wave  of  the  steel,"  joined  her  lord  through  the  flame,  nor 
waited  the  advance  of  the  Tatar  king,  when  Delhi  was  carried 
by  storm,  and  the  last  stay  of  the  Chauhans,  Prince  Rainsi,  met 
death  in  the  assault.  The  capture  of  Delhi  and  its  monarch,  the 
death  of  his  ally  of  Chitor,  with  the  bravest  and  best  of  their 
troops,  speedily  ensured  the  further  and  final  success  of  the  Tatar 
arms  ;  and  when  Kanauj  fell,  and  the  traitor  to  his  nation  met 
his  fate  in  the  waves  of  the  Ganges,  none  were  left  to  contend  with 
Shihabu-d-din  the  possession  of  the  regal  seat  of  the  Chauhan. 
Scenes  of  devastation,  plunder,  and  massacre  commenced,  which 
lasted  through  ages  ;  during  which  nearly  all  that  was  sacred  in 
religion  or  celebrated  in  art  was  destroyed  by  these  ruthless  and 
barbarous  invaders.  The  noble  Rajput,  with  a  spirit  of  constancy 
and  enduring  courage,  seized  every  opportunity  to  turn  upon  his 
oppressor.  By  his  perseverance  and  valour  he  wore  out  entire 
dynasties  of  foes,  alternately  yielding  '  to  his  fate,'  or  restricting 
the  circle  of  conquest.  Every  road  in  Rajasthan  was  moistened 
with  torrents  of  blood  of  the  [259]  spoiled  and  the  spoiler.  But 
all  was  of  no  avail  ;  fresh  supplies  were  ever  pouring  in,  and 
dynasty  succeeded  dynasty,  heir  to  the  same  remorseless  feeling 
which  sanctified  murder,  legalized  spoliation,  and  deified  destruc- 

^  I  have  already  mentioned  that  Khuman  became  a  patronymic  and 
title  amongst  the  princes  of  Chitor. 

^  [The  battle  was  fought  at  Tarain  or  Talawari  in  the  Ambala  District, 
Panjab,  in  1192.] 


GALLANT  RESISTANCE  OF  THE  RAJPUTS        303 

tion.  In  these  desperate  conflicts  entire  tribes  were  swept  away 
whose  names  are  the  only  memento  of  their  former  existence  and 
celebrity. 

Gallant  Resistance  of  the  Rajputs. — What  nation  on  earth 
would  have  maintained  the  semblance  of  civilization,  the  spirit 
or  the  customs  of  their  forefathers,  during  so  many  centuries 
of  overwhelming  depression  but  one  of  such  singular  character 
as  the  Rajput  ?  Though  ardent  and  reckless,  he  can,  when 
required,  subside  into  forbearance  and  apparent  apathy,  and 
reserve  himself  for  the  opportunity  of  revenge.  Rajasthan 
exliibits  the  sole  example  in  the  history  of  mankind  of  a  people 
withstanding  every  outrage  barbarity  can  inflict,  or  human 
nature  sustain,  from  a  foe  whose  religion  commands  annihilation, 
and  bent  to  the  earth,  yet  rising  buoyant  from  the  pressure,  and 
making  calamity  a  whetstone  to  courage.  How  did  the  Britons 
at  once  sink  under  the  Romans,  and  in  vain  strive  to  save  their 
groves,  their  druids,  or  the  altars  of  Bal  from  destruction  !  To 
the  Saxons  they  alike  succumbed  ;  they,  again,  to  the  Danes  ; 
and  this  heterogeneous  breed  to  the  Normans.  Empire  was  lost 
and  gained  by  a  single  battle^  and  the  laws  and  religion  of  the 
conquered  merged  in  those  of  the  conquerors.  Contrast  with 
these  the  Rajputs  ;  not  an  iota  of  their  religion  or  customs  have 
they  lost,  though  many  a  foot  of  land.  Some  of  their  States  have 
been  expunged  from  the  map  of  dominion  ;  and,  as  a  punishment 
of  national  infidelity,  the  pride  of  the  Rathor,  and  the  glory  of 
the  Chalukya,  the  overgrown  Kanauj  and  gorgeous  Anhilwara, 
are  forgotten  names  !  Mewar  alone,  the  sacred  bulwark  of 
religion,  never  compromised  her  honour  for  her  safety,  and  still 
survives  her  ancient  limits  ;  and  since  the  brave  Samarsi  gave 
up  his  life,  the  blood  of  her  princes  has  flowed  in  copious  streams 
for  the  maintenance  of  this  honour,  religion,  and  independence. 

Karan  Singh  I.  :  Ratan  Singh. — Samarsi  had  several  sons  ;  ^ 
but  Kama  was  his  heir,  and  during  his  minority  his  mother,  Kuram- 
devi,  a  princess  of  Patau,  nobly  maintained  what  his  father  left. 
She  headed  her  Rajputs  and  gave  battle  ^  in  person  to  Kutbu-d-din, 

^  Kalyanrae,  slain  with  his  father;  Kumbhkaran,  who  went  to  Bidar; 
a  third,  the  founder  of  the  Gorkhas.  [This  assertion,  based  on  the  authority 
of  Chand,  is  incorrect,  Samar  Singh  being  misplaced,  and  succeeded  by 
Ratan  Singh  (Erskine  ii.  A.  146).] 

"  Tliis  must  be  the  battle  mentioned  by  Ferishta  (see  Dow,  p.  169,  vol.  ii.). 


304  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

near  [260]  Amber,  when  the  viceroy  was  defeated  and  wounded . 
Nine  Rajas,  and  eleven  chiefs  of  inferior  dignity  with  the  title  of 
Rawat,  followed  the  mother  of  their  prince. 

Kama  (the  radiant)  succeeded  in  S.  1249  (a.d.  1193)  ;  but  he 
was  not  destined  to  be  the  founder  of  a  line  in  Mewar.^  The 
annals  are  at  variance  with  each  other  on  an  event  which  gave  the 
sovereignty  of  Chitor  to  a  younger  branch,  and  sent  the  elder  into 
the  inhospitable  wilds  of  the  west,  to  found  a  city  -  and  per- 
petuate a  line.*  It  is  stated  generally  that  Kama  had  two  sons, 
Mahup  and  Rahup  ;  but  this  is  an  error  :  Samarsi  and  Surajmall 
were  brothers  :  Kama  was  the  son  of  the  former  and  Mahup  was 
his  son,  whose  mother  was  a  Chauhan  of  Bagar.  Surajmall  had  a 
son  named  Bharat,  who  was  driven  from  Chitor  by  a  conspiracy. 
He  proceeded  to  Sind,  obtained  Aror  from  its  prince,  a  Musalman, 
and  married  the  daughter  of  the  Bhatti  chief  of  Pugal,  by  whom 
he  had  a  son  named  Rahup.  Kama  died  of  grief  for  the  loss  of 
Bharat  and  the  unworthiness  of  Mahup,  who  abandoned  him  to 
live  entirely  with  his  maternal  relations,  the  Chauhans. 

The  Sonigira  chief  of  Jalor  had  married  the  daughter  of  Kama, 


^  He  had  a  son,  Sarwan,  who  took  to  commerce.  Hence  the  mercantile 
Sesodia  caste,  Sarwania. 

*  Dungarpur,  so  named  from  dungar,  '  a  mountain.' 

*  [The  facts  are  tliat  after  "  Karan  Singh  the  Mewar  family  divided  into 
two  branches — one  with  the  title  of  Rawal,  the  other  Rana.  In  the  first, 
or  Rawal,  branch  were  Khem  or  Kshem  Singh,  the  eldest  son  of  Karan  Singh, 
Samant  Singh,  Kumar  Singh,  Mathan  Singh,  Padam  Singh,  Jeth  Singh,  Tej 
Singh,  Samar  Singh,  and  Ratan  Singh,  all  of  whom  reigned  at  Chitor ;  while 
in  the  Rana  branch  were  Rahup,  a  younger  son  of  Karan  Singh,  Narpat, 
Dinkaran,  Jaskaran,Nagpal,  Puranpal,  PrithiPal,  Bhuvan Singh,  Bhim  Singh, 
Jai  Singh,  and  Lakshman  Singh,  who  ruled  at  Sesoda,  and  called  themselves 
Sesodias.  Thus,  instead  of  having  to  fit  in  something  like  ten  generations 
between  Samar  Singh,  who,  as  we  know,  was  ahve  in  1299,  and  the  siege  of 
Chitor,  which  certainly  took  place  in  1303,  we  fijid  that  those  ten  princes 
were  not  descendants  of  Samar  Singh  at  all,  but  the  contemporaries  of  his 
seven  immediate  predecessors  on  the  gaddi  of  Chitor  and  of  himself,  and 
that  both  Ratan  Singh,  the  son  of  Samar  Singh,  and  Lakshman  Singh,  the 
contemporary  of  Ratan  Singh,  were  descended  from  a  common  ancestor, 
Karan  Singh  I.,  nine  and  eleven  generations  back  respectively.  It  is  also 
possible  to  reconcile  the  statement  of  the  Musalman  historians  that  Ratan 
Singh  (called  Rai  Ratan)  was  ruler  of  Chitor  during  the  siege — a  statement 
corroborated  by  an  inscription  at  Rajnagar — ^with  the  generally  accepted 
story  that  it  was  Rana  Lakshman  Singh  who  fell  in  defence  of  the  fort " 
(Erskine  ii.  A.  15).] 


RAHUP  assumes  title  RANA  805 

by  whom  he  had  a  child  named  Randhol,^  whom  by  treachery  he 
placed  on  the  throne  of  Chitor,  slaying  the  chief  Guhilots.  Mahup 
being  unable  to  recover  his  rights,  and  unwilling  to  make  any 
exertion,  the  chair  of  Bappa  Rawal  would  have  passed  to  the 
Chauhans  but  for  an  ancient  bard  of  the  house.  He  pursued  his 
way  to  Aror,  held  by  old  Bharat  as  a  fief  of  Kabul.  With  the 
levies  of  Sind  he  marched  to  claim  the  right  abandoned  by  Mahup 
and  at  Pali  encountered  and  defeated  the  Sonigiras.  The  re- 
tainers of  Mewar  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  by  their  aid  he 
enthroned  himself  in  Chitor.  He  sent  for  his  father  and  mother, 
Ranangdevi,  whose  dwelling  on  the  Indus  was  made  over  to  a 
younger  brother,  who  bartered  his  faith  for  Aror,  and  held  it  as 
a  vassal  of  Kabul. 

Rahup. — Rahup  obtained  Chitor  in  S.  1257  (a.d.  1201),  and 
shortly  after  sustained  the  attack  of  Shamsu-d-din,  whom  he  met 
and  overcame  in  a  battle  at  Nagor.  Two  [261]  great  changes 
were  introduced  by  this  prince  ;  the  first  in  the  title  of  the  tribe, 
to  Sesodia ;  the  other  in  that  of  its  prince,  from  Rawal  to  Rana. 
The  puerile  reason  for  the  former  has  already  been  noticed  ;  ^  the 
cause  of  the  latter  is  deserving  of  more  attention.  Amongst  the 
foes  of  Rahup  was  the  Parihar  prince  of  Mandor  :  his  name  Mokal, 
with  the  title  of  Rana.  Rahup  seized  him  in  his  capital  and 
brought  him  to  Sesoda,  making  him  renounce  the  rich  district 
of  Godwar  and  his  title  of  Rana,  which  he  assumed  himself,  to 
denote  the  completion  of  his  feud.  He  ruled  thirty-eight  years 
in  a  period  of  great  distraction,  and  appears  to  have  been  well 
calculated,  not  only  to  uphold  the  fallen  fortunes  of  the  State, 
but  to  rescue  them  from  utter  ruin.  His  reign  is  the  more  re- 
markable by  contrast  with  his  successors,  nine  of  whom  are 
'  pushed  from  their  stools  '  in  the  same  or  even  a  shorter  period 
than  that  during  which  he  upheld  the  dignity. 

From  Rahup  to  Lakhamsi  [Lakshman  Singh],  in  the  short 
space  of  half  a  century,  nine  princes  of  Chitor  were  crowned,  and 
at  nearly  equal  intervals  of  time  followed  each  other  to  '  the 
mansions  of  the  sun.'  Of  these  nine,  six  fell  in  battle.  Nor  did 
they  meet  their  fate  at  home,  but  in  a  chivalrous  enterprise  to 
redeem  the  sacred  Gaya  from  the  pollution  of  the  barbarian. 

^  So  pronounced,  but  properly  written  Randhaval,  '  the  standard  of  the 
field.' 

^  See  note,  p.  252. 
VOL.  I  X 


306  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

For  this  object  these  princes  successively  fell,  but  such  devotion 
inspired  fear,  if  not  pity  or  conviction,  and  the  bigot  renounced 
the  impiety  which  Prithunall  purchased  with  his  blood,  and  until 
Alau-d-din's  reign,  this  outrage  to  their  prejudices  was  renounced. 
But  in  this  interval  they  had  lost  their  capital,  for  it  is  stated  as 
the  only  occurrence  in  Bhonsi's  ^  reign  that  he  [262]  "  recovered 
Chitor  "  and  made  the  name  of  Rana  be  acknowledged  by  all. 
Two  memorials  are  preserved  of  the  nine  princes  from  Rahup  to 
Lakhamsi,  and  of  the  same  character  :  confusion  and  strife 
within  and  without.  We  will,  therefore,  pass  over  these  to 
another  grand  event  in  the  vicissitudes  of  this  house,  which 
possesses  more  of  romance  than  of  history,  though  the  facts  are 
undoubted. 

^  His  second  son,  Chandra,  obtained  an  appanage  on  the  Charabal,  and 
his  issue,  well  known  as  Chandarawats,  constituted  one  of  the  most  powerful 
vassal  clans  of  Mewar.  Rampura  (Bhanpura)  was  their  residence,  yielding  a 
revenue  of  nine  lakhs  (£110,000),  held  on  the  tenure  of  service  which,  from 
an  original  grant  in  my  possession  from  Rana  Jagat  Singh  to  his  nephew 
Madho  Singh,  afterwards  prince  of  Amber,  was  three  thousand  horse  and  foot 
(see  p.  235),  and  the  fine  of  investiture  was  seventy-five  thousand  rui^ees. 
Madho  Singh,  when  prince  of  Amber,  did  what  was  invahd  as  well  as  un- 
grateful ;  he  made  over  this  domain,  granted  during  his  misfortunes,  to 
Holkar,  the  first  limb  lopped  off  Mewar.  The  Chandarawat  proprietor  con- 
tinued, however,  to  possess  a  portion  of  the  original  estate  with  the  fortress 
of  Amad,  which  it  maintained  throughout  all  the  troubles  of  Rajwara  till 
A.D.  1821.  It  shows  the  attachment  to  custom  that  the  young  Rao  apphed 
and  received  '  the  sword  '  of  investiture  from  his  old  lord  paramount,  the 
Rana,  though  dependent  on  Holkar's  forbearance.  But  a  minority  is  pro- 
verbially dangerous  in  India.  Disorder  from  party  plots  made  Amad 
troublesome  to  Holkar's  government,  which  as  his  ally  and  preserver  of 
tranquillity  we  suppressed  by  blowing  up  the  walls  of  the  fortress.  This  is 
one  of  many  instances  of  the  harsh,  uncompromising  nature  of  our  power, 
and  the  anomalous  description  of  our  alhances  with  the  Rajputs.  However 
necessary  to  repress  the  disorder  arising  from  the  claims  of  ancient  pro- 
prietors and  the  recent  rights  of  Holkar,  or  the  new  proprietor,  Ghafur 
Khan,  yet  surrounding  princes,  and  the  general  population,  Mdio  know  the 
history  of  past  times,  lament  to  see  a  name  of  five  hundred  years'  duration 
thus  summarily  extinguished,  which  chiefly  benefits  an  upstart  Pathan. 
Such  the  vortex  of  the  ambiguous,  irregular,  and  unsystematic  policy,  which 
marks  many  of  our  alhances,  wliich  protect  too  often  but  to  injure,  and  gives 
to  our  office  of  general  arbitrator  and  high  constable  of  Rajasthan  a  harsh 
and  unfeeHng  character.  Much  of  this  arises  from  ignorance  of  the  past 
history  ;  much  from  disregard  of  the  peculiar  usages  of  the  people  ;  or  from 
that  expediency  which  too  often  comes  in  contact  with  moral  fitness,  which 
will  go  on  until  tlic  day  predicted  by  the  Nestor  of  India,  when  "  one  sikha 
(seal)  alone  will  be  used  in  Hindustan." 


RANA  LACHHM an  SINGH  :    PADMINI  307 


CHAPTER  6 

Lakhamsi :  Lachhman  Singh. — Lakhamsi  ^  succeeded  his  father 
in  S.  1331  (a.d.  1275),  a  memorable  era  in  the  annals,  when  Chitor, 
the  repository  of  all  that  was  precious  yet  untouched  of  the  arts 
of  India,  was  stormed,  sacked,  and  treated  with  remorseless 
barbarity  by  the  Pathan  [Khilji]  emperor,  Alau-d-din.  Twice 
it  was  attacked  by  this  subjugator  of  India.  In  the  first  siege 
it  escaped  spoliation,  though  at  the  price  of  its  best  defenders  : 
that  which  followed  is  the  first  successful  assault  and  capture  of 
which  we  have  any  detailed  account. 

Bhim  Singh :  Padmini. — Bhimsi  was  the  uncle  of  the  young 
prince,  and  protector  during  his  minority.  He  had  espoused  the 
daughter  of  Hamir  Sank  (Chauhan)  of  Ceylon,  the  cause  of  woes 
unnumbered  to  the  Sesodias.  Her  name  was  Padmini,^  a  title 
bestowed  only  on  the  superlatively  fair,  and  transmitted  with 
renown  to  posterity  by  tradition  and  the  song  of  the  bard.  Her 
beauty,  accomplishments,  exaltation,  and  destruction,  with  other 
incidental  circumstances,  constitute  the  subject  of  one  of  the  most 
popular  traditions  of  Rajwara.  The  Hindu  bard  recognizes  the 
fair,  in  preference  to  fame  and  love  of  conquest,  as  the  motive  for 
the  attack  of  Alau-d-din,  who  [263]  limited  his  demand  to  the 
possession  of  Padmini ;  though  this  was  after  a  long  and  fruitless 
siege.  At  length  he  restricted  his  desire  to  a  mere  sight  of  this 
extraordinary  beauty,  and  acceded  to  the  proposal  of  beholding 
her  through  the  medium  of  mirrors.  Relying  on  the  faith  of  the 
Rajput,  he  'entered  Chitor  slightly  guarded,  and  having  gratified 
his  wish,  returned.  The  Rajput,  unwilling  to  be  outdone  in  con- 
fidence, accompanied  the  king  to  the  foot  of  the  fortress,  amidst 
many  complimentary  excuses  from  his  guest  at  the  trouble  he 
thus  occasioned.  It  was  for  this  that  Ala  risked  his  own  safety, 
relying  on  the  superior  faith  of  the  Hindu.      Here  he  had  an 

^  [Rana  Lachhman  Singh  was  not,  strictly  speaking,  ruler  of  Chitor.  He 
belonged  to  the  Rana  branch,  and  succeeded  Jai  Singh.  When  Chitor  was 
invested  he  came  to  lielp  his  relation,  Rawal  Ratan  Singh,  husband  of 
Padmini,  and  ruler  of  Chitor,  and  was  killed,  with  seven  of  his  sons  (Erskine 
ii.  B.  10).] 

2  ['  The  Lotus.'  Ferishta  in  his  account  of  the  siege  aaya  nothing  of 
Padmini  (i.  353  f.).     Her  story  is  told  in  Ain,  ii.  269  f.]{j 


308  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

ambush  ;  Bhimsi  was  made  prisoner,  hurried  away  to  the  Tatar 
camp,  and  his  hberty  made  dependent  on  the  surrender  of 
Padmini. 

The  Siege  of  Chitor. — Despair  reigned  in  Chitor  when  this  fatal 
event  was  known,  and  it  was  debated  whether  Padmini  should  be 
resigned  as  a  ransom  for  their  defender.  Of  tliis  she  was  informed, 
and  expressed  her  acquiescence.  Having  provided  wherewithal 
to  secure  her  from  dishonour,  she  communed  with  two  chiefs  of 
her  own  kin  and  clan  of  Ceylon,  her  uncle  Gora,  and  his  nephew 
Badal,  who  devised  a  scheme  for  the  liberation  of  their  prince 
without  hazarding  her  life  or  fame.  Intimation  was  dispatched 
to  Ala  that  on  the  day  he  withdrew  from  his  trenches  the  fair 
Padmini  would  be  sent,  but  in  a  manner  befitting  her  own  and 
his  high  station,  surrounded  by  her  females  and  handmaids  ;  not 
only  those  who  would  accompany  her  to  DeUii,  but  many  others 
who  desired  to  pay  her  this  last  mark  of  reverence.  Strict  com- 
mands were  to  be  issued  to  prevent  curiosity  from  violating  the 
sanctity  of  female  decorum  and  privacy.  No  less  than  seven 
hundred  covered  litters  proceeded  to  the  royal  camp.  In  each 
was  placed  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  defenders  of  Chitor,  borne  by 
six  armed  soldiers  disguised  as  litter-porters.  They  reached  the 
camp.  The  royal  tents  were  enclosed  with  kanats  (walls  of  cloth)  ; 
the  litters  were  deposited,  and  half  an  hour  was  granted  for  ji 
parting  interview  between  the  Hindu  prince  and  his  bride.  They 
then  placed  their  prince  in  a  litter  and  returned  with  him,  while 
the  greater  number  (the  supposed  damsels)  remained  to  accom- 
pany the  fair  to  Delhi. ^  But  Ala  had  no  intention  to  permit 
Bhimsi's  return,  and  was  becoming  jealous  of  the  long  interview 
he  enjoyed,  when,  instead  of  the  prince  and  Padmini,  the  devoted 
band  issued  from  their  litters  :  but  Ala  was  too  well  guarded. 
Pursuit  was  ordered,  while  these  covered  the  retreat  till  they 
perished  to  a  man.  A  fleet  horse  was  in  reserve  for  [264]  Bhimsi, 
on  which  he  was  placed,  and  in  safety  ascended  the  fort,  at  whose 
outer  gate  the  host  of  Ala  was  encountered.  The  choicest  of  the 
heroes  of  Chitor  met  the  assault.  With  Gora  and  Badal  at  their 
head,  animated  by  the  noblest  sentiments,  the  deliverance  of 
their  chief  and  the  honour  of  their  queen,  they  devoted  them- 

^  [A  folk-tale  of  the  '  Horse  of  Troy  '  type,  common  in  India  ;  see 
Rhys  Davids,  Buddhist  India,  4  f.  ;  Ferishta  ii.  115;  Grant  Duff,  Hist. 
Mahrattas,  64,  note ;  cf .  Herodotus  v.  20.] 


RAJPUT  GALLANTRY  AT  CHITOR  309 

selves  to  destruction,  and  few  were  the  survivors  of  this  slaughter 
of  the  flower  of  Mewar.  For  a  tinie  Ala  was  defeated  in  his  object, 
and  the  havoc  they  had  made  in  his  ranks,  joined  to  the  dread 
of  their  determined  resistance,  obUged  him  to  desist  from  the 
enterprise. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  adjuration,  "  by  the 
sin  of  the  sack  of  Chitor."  Of  these  sacks  they  enumerate  three 
and  a  half.  This  is  the  '  half '  ;  for  though  the  city  was  not 
stormed,  the  best  and  bravest  were  cut  off  (sakha).  It  is  described 
with  great  animation  in  the  Khuman  Raesa.  Badal  was  but  a 
stripling  of  twelve,  but  the  Rajput  expects  wonders  from  this 
early  age.  He  escaped,  though  wounded,  and  a  dialogue  ensues 
between  him  and  his  uncle's  wife,  who  desires  him  to  relate 
how  her  lord  conducted  himself  ere  she  joins  liim.  The  stripling 
replies :  "  He  was  the  reaper  of  the  harvest  of  battle ;  I  followed 
his  steps  as  the  humble  gleaner  of  his  sword.  On  the  gory 
bed  of  honour  he  spread  a  carpet  of  the  slain  ;  a  barbarian 
prince  his  pillow,  he  laid  him  down,  and  sleeps  surrounded  by 
the  foe."  Again  she  said  :  "  Tell  me,  Badal,  how  did  my  love 
(piyar)  behave  ?  "  "  Oh  !  mother,  how  further  describe  his 
deeds  when  he  left  no  foe  to  dread  or  admire  him  ?  "  She  smiled 
farewell  to  the  boy,  and  adding,  "  My  lord  will  cliide  my  delay," 
sprung  into  the  flame. 

Alau-d-din,  ha\Tiig  recruited  his  strength,  returned  to  his 
object,  Chitor.  The  annals  state  this  to  have  been  in  S.  1346 
(a.d.  1290),  but  Ferishta  gives  a  date  thirteen  years  later.^  They 
had  not  yet  recovered  the  loss  of  so  many  valiant  men  who  had 
sacrificed  themselves  for  their  prince's  safety,  and  Ala  carried  on 
his  attacks  more  closely,  and  at  length  obtained  the  hill  at  the 
southern  point,  where  he  entrenched  himself.  They  still  pretend 
to  point  out  his  trenches  ;  but  so  many  have  been  formed  by 
subsequent  attacks  that  we  cannot  credit  the  assertion.  The 
poet  has  found  in  the  disastrous  issue  of  this  siege  admirable 
materials  for  his  song.  He  represents  the  Rana,  after  an  arduous 
day,  stretched  on  his  paUet,  and  during  a  night  of  watchful 
anxiety,  pondering  on  the  means  by  which  he  might  preserve  from 
the  general  destruction  one  at  least  of  his  twelve  sons  ;  when  a 
voice  [265]   broke   on   his   solitude,   exclaiming,    "  Main  bhukhi 

^  [Chitor  was  captured  in  August  1303  (Ferishta  i.  353  ;  EUiot-Dowson 
iii.  77).] 


310  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

ho'"  ;  ^  and  raising  his  eyes,  he  saw,  by  the  dim  glare  of  the 
chiragh,^  advancing  between  the  granite  columns,  the  majestic 
form  of  the  guardian  goddess  of  Chitor.  "  Not  satiated,"  ex- 
claimed the  Rana,  "  though  eight  thousand  of  my  kin  were  late 
an  offering  to  thee  ?  "  "I  must  have  regal  victims  ;  and  if 
twelve  who  wear  the  diadem  bleed  not  for  Chitor,  the  land  will 
pass  from  the  line."     This  said,  she  vanished. 

On  the  morn  he  convened  a  council  of  his  chiefs,  to  whom  he 
revealed  the  vision  of  the  night,  which  they  treated  as  the  dream 
of  a  disordered  fancy.  He  commanded  their  attendance  at  mid- 
night ;  when  again  the  form  appeared,  and  repeated  the  terms 
on  which  alone  she  would  remain  amongst  them.  "  Though 
thousands  of  barbarians  strew  the  earth,  what  are  they  to  me  ? 
On  each  day  enthrone  a  prince.  Let  the  kirania,^  the  chhatra 
and  the  chamara,^  proclaim  his  sovereignty,  and  for  three  days 
let  his  decrees  be  supreme  :  on  the  fourth  let  him  meet  the  foe 
and  his  fate.     Then  only  may  I  remain." 

Whether  we  have  merely  the  fiction  of  the  poet,  or  whether 
the  scene  was  got  up  to  animate  the  spirit  of  resistance,  matters 
but  little,  it  is  consistent  with  the  belief  of  the  tribe  ;  and  that 
the  goddess  should  openly  manifest  her  wish  to  retain  as  her  tiara 
the  battlements  of  Chitor  on  conditions  so  congenial  to  the  war- 
like and  superstitious  Rajput  was  a  gage  readily  taken  up  and 
fully  answering  the  end.  A  generous  contention  arose  amongst 
the  brave  brothers  who  should  be  the  first  victim  to  avert  the 
denunciation.  Arsi  urged  his  priority  of  birth  :  he  was  pro- 
claimed, the  umbrella  waved  over  his  head,  and  on  the  fourth 
day  he  surrendered  his  short-lived  honours  and  his  life.  Ajaisi, 
the  next  in  birth,  demanded  to  follow  ;  but  he  was  the  favourite 
son  of  his  father,  and  at  his  request  he  consented  to  let  his  brothers 
precede  him.  Eleven  had  fallen  in  turn,  and  but  one  victim 
remained  to  the  salvation  of  the  city,  when  the  Rana,  calling 
his  chiefs  around  him,  said,  "  Now  I  devote  myself  for  Chitor." 

The  Johar. — But  another  awful  sacrifice  was  to  precede  this 
act  of  self-devotion  in  that  horrible  rite,  the  Johar,^  where  the 

^  '  I  am  hungry.'  ^  Lamp. 

^  These  are  the  insignia  of  royalty.  The  kirania  is  a  parasol,  from 
kiran,  '  a  ray  '  :  the  chhatra  is  the  umbrella,  always  red  ;  the  chamara,  the 
flowing  tail  of  the  wild  ox,  set  in  a  gold  handle,  and  used  to  drive  away  the  flies. 

*  [Sir  G.  Grierson  informs  me  that  Johar  or  Jauhar  is  derived  from  Jatu- 


THE  CONQUESTS  OF  ALAU-D-DIN  311 

females  are  immolated  to  preserve  theni  from  pollution  or  cap- 
tivity. The  funeral  pyre  was  lighted  within  the  '  great  sub- 
terranean retreat,'  in  chambers  impervious  to  the  light  [266]  of 
day,  and  the  defenders  of  Chitor  beheld  in  procession  the  queens, 
their  own  wives  and  daughters,  to  the  number  of  several  thou- 
sands. The  fair  Padmini  closed  the  throng,  which  was  augmented 
by  whatever  of  female  beauty  or  youth  could  be  tainted  by  Tatar 
lust.  They  were  conveyed  to  the  cavern,  and  the  opening  closed 
upon  them,  leaving  them  to  find  security  from  dishonour  in  the 
devouring  element. 

A  contest  now  arose  between  the  Rana  and  his  surviving  son  ; 
but  the  father  prevailed,  and  Ajaisi,  in  obedience  to  his  commands, 
with  a  small  band  passed  through  the  enemy's  lines,  and  reached 
Kelwara  in  safety.  The  Rana,  satisfied  that  his  line  was  not 
extinct,  now  prepared  to  follow  his  brave  sons  ;  and  calling 
around  him  his  devoted  clans,  for  whom  life  had  no  longer  any 
charms,  they  threw  open  the  portals  and  descended  to  the  plains, 
and  with  a  reckless  despair  carried  death,  or  met  it,  in  the  crowded 
ranks  of  Ala.  The  Tatar  conqueror  took  possession  of  an  inani- 
mate capital,  strewed  with  brave  defenders,  the  smoke  yet  issuing 
from  the  recesses  where  lay  consumed  the  once  fair  object  of  his 
desire  ;  and  since  this  devoted  day  the  cavern  has  been  sacred  : 
no  eye  has  penetrated  its  gloom,  and  superstition  has  placed  as 
its  guardian  a  huge  serpent,  whose  '  venomous  breath  '  extin- 
guishes the  fight  which  might  guide  intruders  to  '  the  place  of 
sacrifice.' 

The  Conquests  of  Alau-d-dln.— Thus  fell,  in  a.d.  1303,  this 
celebrated  capital,  in  the  round  of  conquest  of  Alau-d-din,  one 
of  the  most  vigorous  and  warlike  sovereigns  who  have  occupied 

griha,  '  a  house  built  of  lac  or  other  combustibles,'  in  allusion  to  the  story 
in  the  Mahabliarata  (i.  chap.  141-151)  of  the  attempted  destruction  of  the 
Pandavas  by  setting  such  a  building  on  fire.  For  other  examples  of  the  rite 
see  Ferishta  i.  59  f. ;  EUiot-Dowson  i.  313,  536  f.,  iii.  426,  433,  iv.  277,  402, 
V.  101  ;  Forbes,  Ras  Mala,  286 ;  Malcolm,  Memoir  Central  India,  2nd  ed. 
1.  483.  For  recent  cases  Irvine,  Army  of  the  Indian  Moghuls,  242  ;  Punjab 
Notes  and  Queries,  iv.  102  ff.] 

^  The  Author  has  been  at  the  entrance  of  this  retreat,  which,  according 
to  the  Khuman  Raesa,  conducts  to  a  subterranean  palace,  but  the  m.ephitic 
vapours  and  venomous  reptiles  did  not  invite  to  adventure,  even  had  official 
situation  permitted  such  shght  to  these  prejudices.  The  Author  is  the  only 
EngUshman  admitted  to  Chitor  since  the  days  of  Herbert.,  who  appears  to 
have  described  what  he  sav.'. 


312  ANNALS  OF  MEWAK 

the  throne  of  India.  In  success,  and  in  one  of  the  means  of 
attainment,  a  bigoted  hypocrisy,  he  bore  a  striking  resemblance 
to  Aurangzeb  ;  and  the  title  of  '  Sikandaru-s-Sani,'  or  the  second 
Alexander,  which  he  assumed  and  impressed  on  his  coins,  was  no 
idle  vaunt.  The  proud  Anhilwara,  the  ancient  Dhar  and  Avanti, 
Mandor  and  Deogir,  the  seats  of  the  Solankis,  the  Pramaras,  the 
Pariharas  and  Taks,  the  entire  Agnikula  race,  were  overturned 
for  ever  by  Ala.  Jaisalmer,  Gagraun,  Bundi,  the  abodes  of  the 
Bhatti,  the  Kliichi,  and  the  Hara,  with  many  of  minor  importance, 
suffered  all  the  horrors  of  assault  from  this  foe  of  the  race,  though 
destined  again  to  raise  their  heads.  The  Rathors  of  Marwar  and 
the  [267]  Kachhwahas  of  Amber  were  yet  in  a  state  of  insigni- 
ficance :  the  former  were  slowly  creeping  into  notice  as  the 
vassals  of  the  Pariharas,  while  the  latter  could  scarcely  withstand 
the  attacks  of  the  original  Mina  population.  Ala  remained  in 
Chitor  some  days,  admiring  the  grandeur  of  his  conquest ;  and 
having  committed  every  act  of  barbarity  and  wanton  dilapida- 
tion which  a  bigoted  zeal  could  suggest,  overthrowing  the  temples 
and  other  monuments  of  art,  he  delivered  the  city  in  charge  to 
Maldeo,  the  chief  of  Jalor,  whom  he  had  conquered  and  enrolled 
amongst  his  vassals.  The  palace  of  Bhim  and  the  fair  Padmini 
alone  appears  to  have  escaped  the  wrath  of  Ala  ;  it  would  be 
pleasing  could  we  suppose  any  kinder  sentiment  suggested  the 
exception,  which  enables  the  author  of  these  annals  to  exhibit 
the  abode  of  the  fair  of  Ceylon. 

The  Flight  of  Rana  Ajai  Singh. — The  survivor  of  Chitor,  Rana 
Ajaisi,  was  now  in  security  at  Kelwara,  a  town  situated  in  the 
heart  of  the  Aravalli  mountains,  the  western  boundary  of  Mewar, 
to  which  its  princes  had  been  indebted  for  twelve  centuries  of 
dominion.  Kelwara  is  at  the  highest  part  of  one  of  its  most  ex- 
tensive valleys,  termed  the  Shero  Nala,  the  richest  district  of  this 
Alpine  region.  Guarded  by  faithful  adherents,  Ajaisi  cherished 
for  future  occasion  the  wrecks  of  Mewar.  It  was  the  last  behest 
of  his  father  that  when  he  attained  '  one  hundred  years '  (a 
figurative  expression  for  dying)  the  son  of  Arsi,  the  elder  brother, 
should  succeed  him.  This  injunction,  from  the  deficiency  of  the 
qualities  requisite  at  such  a  juncture  in  his  own  sons,  met  a  ready 
compliance.  Hamir  was  this  son,  destined  to  redeem  the  promise 
of  the  genius  of  Chitor  and  the  lost  honours  of  his  race,  and  whose 
birth  and  early  history  fill  many  a  page  of  their  annals.     His 


RANA  AJAI  SINGH  IN  EXILE  313 

father,  Arsi,  being  out  on  a  hunting  excursion  in  the  forest  of 
Ondua,  with  some  young  chiefs  of  the  court,  in  pursuit  of  the 
boar  entered  a  field  of  maize,  when  a  female  offered  to  drive  out 
the  game.  Pulling  one  of  the  stalks  of  maize,  which  grows  to  the 
height  of  ten  or  twelve  feet,  she  pointed  it,  and  mounting  the 
platform  made  to  watch  the  corn,  impaled  the  hog,  dragged  him 
before  the  hunters,  and  departed.  Though  accustomed  to  feats  of 
strength  and  heroism  from  the  nervous  arms  of  their  country- 
women, the  act  surprised  them.  They  descended  to  the  stream 
at  hand,  and  prepared  the  repast,  as  is  usual,  on  the  spot.  The 
feast  was  held,  and  comments  were  passing  on  the  fair  arm  which 
had  transfixed  the  boar,  when  a  baU  of  clay  from  a  sling  fractured 
a  limb  of  the  prince's  steed.  Looking  in  the  direction  whence 
it  [268]  came,  they  observed  the  same  damsel,  from  her  elevated 
stand,^  preserving  her  fields  from  aerial  depredators  ;  but  seeing 
the  mischief  she  had  occasioned  she  descended  to  express  her 
regret  and  then  returned  to  her  pursuit.  As  they  were  pro- 
ceeding homewards  after  the  sports  of  the  day,  they  again  encoun- 
tered the  damsel,  with  a  vessel  of  milk  on  her  head,  and  leading 
in  either  hand  a  young  buffalo.  It  was  proposed,  in  frolic,  to 
overturn  her  milk,  and  one  of  the  companions  of  the  prince 
dashed  rudely  by  her  ;  but  without  being  disconcerted,  she 
entangled  one  of  her  charges  with  the  horse's  limbs  and  brought 
the  rider  to  the  ground.  On  inquiry  the  prince  discovered  that 
she  was  the  daughter  of  a  poor  Rajput  of  the  Chandano  tribe.^ 
He  returned  the  next  day  to  the  same  quarter  and  sent  for  her 
father,  v»^ho  came  and  took  his  seat  with  perfect  independence 
close  to  the  prince,  to  the  merriment  of  his  companions,  which 
was  checked  by  Arsi  asking  his  daughter  to  wife.  They  were  yet 
more  surprised  by  the  demand  being  refused.  The  Rajput,  on 
going  home,  told  the  more  prudent  mother,  who  scolded  him 
heartily,  made  him  recall  the  refusal,  and  seek  the  prince.  They 
were  married,  and  Hamir  was  the  son  of  the  Chandano  Rajputni.^ 

^  A  stand  is  fixed  upon  four  poles  in  the  middle  of  a  field,  on  which  a 
guard  is  placed  armed  with  a  shng  and  clay  balls,  to  drive  away  the  ravens, 
peacocks,  and  other  birds  that  destroy  the  corn. 

^  One  of  the  branches  of  the  Ghauhan. 

'  [The  same  tale  is  told  of  Dhadij,  grandson  of  Prithiraj.  the  ancestor  of 
the  Dahiya  Jats  (Rose,  Glossary,  ii.  220  ;  Risley,  People  of  India,  2nd  ed., 
179  f.).] 


314  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

He  remained  little  noticed  at  the  maternal  abode  till  the  cata- 
strophe of  Chitor.  At  this  period  lie  was  twelve  years  of  age,  and  had 
led  a  rustic  Ufe,  from  which  the  necessity  of  the  times  recalled  him. 
Mewar  occupied  by  the  Musalmans :  The  Exploit  of  Hamir. — 
Mewar  was  now  occupied  by  the  garrisons  of  Delhi,  and  Ajaisi 
had  besides  to  contend  with  the  mountain  chiefs,  amongst  whom 
Munja  Balaicha  was  the  most  formidable,  who  had,  on  a  recent 
occasion,  invaded  the  Shero  Nala,  and  personally  encountered 
the  Rana,  whom  he  wounded  on  the  head  with  a  lance.  The 
Rana's  sons,  Sajansi  and  Ajamsi,  though  fourteen  and  fifteen,  an 
age  at  which  a  Rajput  ought  to  indicate  his  future  character, 
proved  of  little  aid  in  the  emergency.  Hamir  was  summoned, 
and  accepted  the  feud  against  Munja,  promising  to  return  success- 
ful or  not  at  all.  In  a  few  days  he  was  seen  entering  the  pass  of 
Kelwara  with  Munja's  head  at  his  saddle-bow.  Modestly  placing 
the  trophy  at  his  uncle's  feet,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Recognize  the 
head  of  your  foe ! "  Ajaisi  '  kissed  his  beard,'  ^  and  observing 
that  fate  had  stamped  empire  on  his  forehead,  impressed  [269]  it 
with  a  tika  of  blood  from  the  head  of  the  Balaicha.  This  decided 
the  fate  of  the  sons  of  Ajaisi ;  one  of  whom  died  at  Kelwara,  and 
the  other,  Sajansi,  who  might  have  excited  a  civil  war,  was  sent 
from  the  country.'-  He  departed  for  the  Deccan,  where  his  issue 
was  destined  to  avenge  some  of  the  wrongs  the  parent  country 
had  sustained,  and  eventually  to  overturn  the  monarchy  of 
Hindustan ;  for  Sajansi  was  the  ancestor  of  Sivaji,  the  founder  of 
the  Satara  throne,  whose  lineage '  is  given  in  the  chronicles  of 
Mewar. 

1  This  is  an  idiomatic  phrase  ;   Hamir  could  have  had  no  beard. 

2  Des  desa. 

*  Ajaisi,  Sajansi,  DaHpji,  Sheoji,  Bhoraji,  Deoraj,  Ugarsen,  Mahulji, 
Kheluji,  Jankoji,  Satuji,  Sambhaji,  Sivaji  (the  founder  of  the  Mahratta 
nation),  Sambhaji,  Ramraja,  usurpation  of  the  Peshwas.  The  Satara 
throne,  but  for  the  jealousies  of  Udaipur,  might  on  the  imbecility  of  Ramraja 
have  been  replenished  from  Mewar.  It  was  offered  to  Nathji,  the  grand- 
father of  the  present  chief  Sheodan  Singh,  presumptive  heir  to  Chitor.  Two 
noble  hues  were  reared  from  princes  of  Chitor  expelled  on  similar  occasions ; 
those  of  Sivaji  and  tlie  Gorkhas  of  Nepal.  [This  pedigree  is  largely  the  work 
of  the  bards.  But  the  Mahrattas,  who  seem  to  be  chiefly  sprung  from  the 
Kunbi  peasantry,  claim  Rajput  origin,  and  several  of  their  clans  bear 
Rajput  names.  It  is  said  that  in  1836  the  Rana  of  Mewar  was  satisfied 
that  the  Bhonslas  and  certain  other  families  had  the  right  to  be  regarded 
as  Rajputs  {Census  Report,  Bombay,  1901,  i.  184  f. ;  Russell,  Tribes  and  Castes 
Central  Provinces,  iv.  199  fif.).] 


RANA  HAAIlR  SINGH  315 

Rana  Hamir  Singh,  a.d.  1301-64. — Hamir  succeeded  in  S.  1357 
(a.d.  1301),  and  had  sixty-four  years  granted  to  him  to  redeem 
his  country  from  tlie  ruins  of  the  past  century,  which  period  had 
elapsed  since  India  ceased  to  own  tlie  paramount  sway  of  her 
native  princes.  The  day  on  which  he  assumed  the  ensigns  of  rule 
he  gave,  in  the  tika  daur,  an  earnest  of  his  future  energy,  which 
he  signalized  by  a  rapid  inroad  into  the  heart  of  the  country  of 
the  predatory  Balaicha,  and  captured  their  stronghold  Pusalia. 
We  may  here  explain  the  nature  of  this  custom  of  a  barbaric 
chivalry. 

The  Inaugural  Foray. — The  tika  daur  signifies  the  foray  of 
inauguration,  which  obtained  from  time  immemorial  on  such 
events,  and  is  yet  maintained  where  any  semblance  of  hostility 
will  allow  its  execution.  On  the  morning  of  installation,  having 
previously  received  the  tika  of  sovereignty,  the  prince  at  the  head 
of  his  retainers  makes  a  foray  into  the  territory  of  any  one  with 
whom  he  may  have  a  feud,  or  with  whom  he  may  be  indifferent 
as  to  exciting  one  ;  he  captures  a  stronghold  or  plunders  a  town, 
and  returns  with  the  trophies.  If  amity  should  prevail  with  all 
around,  which  the  prince  cares  not  to  disturb,  they  have  still  a 
mock  representation  of  the  custom.  For  many  reigns  after  the 
Jaipur  princes  united  their  fortunes  to  the  throne  of  Delhi  their 
frontier  town,  Malpura,  was  the  object  of  the  tika  daur  of  the 
princes  of  Mewar. 

Chitor  under  a  Musahnan  Garrison. — "  \^^len  Ajmall  ^  went 
another  road,"  as  the  bard  figuratively  describes  the  demise  of 
Rana  Ajaisi,  "  the  son  of  Arsi  unsheathed  the  sword,  thence  never 
stranger  to  his  hand."  Maldeo  remained  with  the  royal  garrison 
at  Chitor,"  but  Hamir  [270]  desolated  their  plains,  and  left  to  his 
eneinies  only  the  fortified  towns  which  could  safely  be  inhabited. 
He  commanded  all  who  owned  his  sovereignty  either  to  quit 
their  abodes,  and  retire  with  their  families  to  the  shelter  of  the 
hills  on  the  eastern  and  western  frontiers,  or  share  the  fate  of  the 
pubhc  enemy.  The  roads  were  rendered  impassable  fi'om  his 
parties,  who  issued  from  their  retreats  in  the  Aravalli,  the  security 

^  This  is  a  poetical  version  of  the  name  of  Ajaisi ;  a  Uberty  frequently 
taken  by  the  bards  for  the  sake  of  rhyme. 

"  [From  an  inscription  at  Chitor  it  appears  that  the  fort  remained  in  the 
charge  of  Muhammadans  up  to  the  time  of  Muhammad  Tughlak  (1324-51), 
who  appointed  Maldeo  of  Jalor  governor  (Erskine  ii.  A.  16).  J 


316  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  which  baffled  pursuit.  This  destructive  pohcy  of  laying  waste 
the  resources  of  their  own  country,  and  from  this  asylum  attack- 
ing their  foes  as  opportimity  offered,  has  obtained  from  the  time 
of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  in  the  tenth,  to  Muhammad,  the  last 
who  merited  the  name  of  Emperor  of  Delhi,  in  the  eighteenth 
century. 

Resistance  of  Hamir  Singh. — Hamir  made  Kelwara  ^  his  resi- 
dence, which  soon  became  the  chief  retreat  of  the  emigrants  from 
the  plams.  The  situation  was  admirably  chosen,  being  covered 
by  several  ranges,  guarded  by  intricate  defiles,  and  situated  at  the 
foot  of  a  pass  leading  over  the  mountain  into  a  still  more  inaccess- 
ible retreat  (where  Kumbhalmer  now  stands),"  well  watered  and 
wooded,  with  abundance  of  pastures  and  excellent  indigenous 
fruits  and  roots.  This  tract,  above  fifty  miles  in  breadth,  is 
twelve  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  plains  and  three  thou- 
sand above  the  sea,  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  arable  land, 
and  free  communication  to  obtain  supplies  by  the  passes  of  the 
western  decUvity  from  Marwar,  Gujarat,  or  the  friendly  Bhils, 
of  the  west,  to  whom  this  house  owes  a  large  debt  of  gratitude. 
On  various  occasions  the  communities  of  Oghna  and  Panarwa 
furnished  the  princes  of  Mewar  with  five  thousand  bowmen, 
supplied  them  with  provisions,  or  guarded  the  safety  of  their 
families  when  they  had  to  oppose  the  foe  in  the  field.  The  ele- 
vated plateau  of  the  eastern  frontier  presented  in  its  forests  and 
deUs  many  places  of  security  ;  but  Ala  ^  traversed  these  in  person, 
destroying  as  he  went  :  neither  did  they  possess  the  advantages 
of  climate  and  natural  productions  arising  from  the  elevation  of 
the  other.  Such  was  the  state  of  Mewar  :  its  places  of  strength 
occupied  by  the  foe,  cultivation  and  peacefid  objects  neglected 
from  the  persevering  hostility  of  Hamir,  when  a  proposal  of 
marriage  came  from  the  Hindu  governor  of  Chitor,  wiiich  was 
immediately  accepted,  contrary  to  the  [271]  wishes  of  the  prince's 
advisers. 

The  Recovery  of  Chitor. — Whether  this  was  intended  as  a  snare 

^  The  lake  he  excavated  here,  the  Hamir-talao,  and  the  temple  of  the  pro- 
tecthig  goddess  on  its  bank,  still  bear  witness  of  liis  acts  while  confined  to 
this  retreat. 

^  See  Plate,  view  of  Kumbhalmer. 

^  I  have  an  inscription,  and  in  Sanskrit,  set  up  by  an  apostate  chief  or 
bard  in  his  train,  which  I  found  in  this  tract. 


THE  RESISTANCE  OF  RANA  TIAMIR  SINGH       317 

to  entrap  him,  or  merely  as  an  insult,  every  danger  was  scouted 
by  Hamir  which  gave  a  chance  to  the  recovery  of  Chitor.  He 
desired  that  '  Vie  coco-md  ^  might  he  retained,''  coolly  remarking 
on  the  dangers  pointed  out,  "  My  feet  shall  at  least  tread  in  the 
rocky  steps  in  which  my  ancestors  have  moved.  A  Rajput  should 
always  be  prepared  for  reverses  ;  one  day  to  abandon  his  abode 
covered  with  wounds,  and  the  next  to  reascend  with  the  maur 
(crown)  on  his  head."  It  was  stipulated  that  only  five  hundred 
horse  should  form  his  suite.  As  he  approached  Chitor,  the  five 
sons  of  the  Chauhan  advanced  to  meet  him,  but  on  the  portal  of 
the  city  no  toran,^  or  nuptial  emblem,  was  suspended.  He,  how- 
ever, accepted  the  unsatisfactory  reply  to  his  remark  on  this 
indication  of  treachery,  and  ascended  for  the  first  time  the  ramp 
of  Chitor.  He  was  received  in  the  ancient  halls  of  his  ancestors 
by  Rao  Maldeo,  his  son  Banbir,  and  other  chiefs,  xvith  folded 
hands.  The  bride  was  brought  forth,  and  presented  by  her  father 
without  any  of  the  solemnities  practised  on  such  occasions  ;  '  the 
knot  of  their  gannents  tied  and  their  hands  united,'  and  thus  they 
were  left.     The  family  priest  recommended  jjatience,  and  Hamir 

^  This  is  the  symbol  of  an  offer  of  marriage. 

^  The  toran  is  the  symbol  of  marriage.  It  consists  of  three  wooden  bars, 
forming  an  equilateral  triangle ;  mystic  in  shape  and  number,  and  having 
the  apex  crowned  with  the  effigies  of  a  peacock,  it  is  placed  over  the  portal 
of  the  bride's  abode.  At  Udaipur,  when  the  princes  of  Jaisalmer,  Bikaner, 
and  Kishangarh  sinmltarieously  jnarried  the  two  daughters  and  grand- 
daughter of  i,he  Raiia,  the  torans  were  suspended  from  the  battlements  of 
the  tripolia,  or  three-arched  portal,  leading  to  the  palace.  The  bridegrooni. 
on  horseback,  lance  in  hand,  proceeds  to  break  the  toran  (toran  torna),  which 
is  defended  by  the  damsels  of  the  bride,  who  from  the  parapet  assail  him 
with  missiles  of  various  kinds,  especially  with  a  crimson  powder  made  from 
the  flowers  of  the  palasa,  at  the  same  time  singing  songs  fitted  to  the  occa- 
sion, replete  with  doubie-entendres.  At  length  the  toran  is  broken  amidst 
the  shouts  of  the  retainers  ;  when  the  fair  defenders  retire.  The  simihtude 
of  these  ceremonies  in  the  north  of  Europe  and  in  Asia  increases  the  list  of 
common  affinities,  and  indicates  the  violence  of  rude  times  to  obtain  the 
object  of  affection  ;  and  the  lance,  with  which  the  Rajput  chieftain  breaks 
the  toran,  has  the  same  emblematic  import  as  the  spear,  which,  at  the  marri- 
age of  the  nobles  in  Sweden,  was  a  necessary  implement  in  the  furniture  of 
the  marriage  chamber  (vide  Mallett,  Northern  Antiquities).  [The  custom 
perhaps  represents  a  symbol  of  marriage  by  capture,  but  it  has  also  been 
suggested  that  it  symbolizes  the  luck  of  the  bride's  fam.ily  which  the  bride- 
groom acquires  by  touching  the  arch  with  his  sword  (see  Luard,  Ethnographic 
Survey  Central  India,  22  ;  Enthoven,  Folk-lore  Notes  Gujarat,  69  ;  Russell, 
Tribes  and  Castes  Central  Provinces,  ii.  410).] 


318  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

retired  with  his  bride  to  the  apartments  allotted  for  them.  Her 
kindness  and  vows  of  fidelity  overcame  his  sadness  upon  learning 
that  he  had  married  a  widow.  She  had  been  wedded  to  a  chief 
of  the  Bhatti  tribe,  shortly  afterwards  slain,  and  when  she  was 
so  young  as  not  to  recollect  even  his  appearance.  He  ceased  to 
lament  the  insult  when  she  herself  taught  him  how  it  might  be 
avenged,  and  that  it  might  even  lead  to  the  recovery  of  Chitor. 
It  is  a  privilege  possessed  by  the  bridegroom  to  have  one  specific 
favour  complied  with  as  a  part  of  the  dower  (daeja),  and  Hamir 
was  instructed  by  his  bride  to  ask  for  Jal,  one  of  the  civil  [272] 
officers  of  Chitor,  and  of  the  Mehta  tribe.  With  his  wife  so  ob- 
tained, and  the  scribe  whose  talents  remained  for  trial,  he  returned 
in  a  fortnight  to  Kelwara.  Khetsi  was  the  fruit  of  this  marriage, 
on  which  occasion  Maldeo  made  over  all  the  hill  tracts  to  Hamir. 
Khetsi  was  a  year  old  when  one  of  the  penates  (Khetrpal)  ^  was 
foimd  at  fault,  on  which  she  wrote  to  her  parents  to  invite  her  to 
Chitor,  that  the  infant  might  be  placed  before  the  shrine  of  the 
deity.  Escorted  by  a  party  from  Chitor,  with  her  child  she 
entered  its  walls  ;  and  instructed  by  the  Mehta,  she  gained  over 
the  troops  who  were  left,  for  the  Rao  had  gone  with  his  chief 
adherents  against  the  Mers  of  Madri.  Hamir  was  at  hand. 
Notice  that  all  was  ready  reached  him  at  Bagor.  StiU  he  met 
opposition  that  had  nearly,  defeated  the  scheme  ;  but  having 
forced  admission,  his  sword  overcame  every  obstacle,  and  the 
oath  of  allegiance  (an)  was  proclaimed  from  the  palace  of  his 
fathers. 

The  Sonigira  on  his  return  was  met  with  '  a  salute  of  arabas,'  ^ 
and  Maldeo  himself  carried  the  account  of  his  loss  to  the  Khilji 
king  Mahmud,  who  had  succeeded  Ala.  The  '  standard  of  the 
sun  '  once  more  shone  refulgent  from  the  walls  of  Chitor,  and  was 
the  signal  for  return  to  their  ancient  abodes  from  their  hills  and 
*hiding-places  to  the  adherents  of  Hamir.  The  valleys  of  Kum- 
bhalmer  and  the  western  highlands  poured  forth  their  '  streams  of 
men,'  while  every  chief  of  true  Hindu  blood  rejoiced  at  the  pros- 
pect of  once  more  throwing  off  the  barbarian  yoke.  So  powerful 
was  this  feeling,  and  with  such  activity  and  skill  did  Hamir  follow 
up  this  favour  of  fortune,  that  he  marched  to  meet  Mahmud, 

1  [Khetrpal,  Kshetrapala,  is  guardian  of  the  field  (Kshetra).] 
"  A  kind  of  arquebuss  [properly  the  gun-carriage.     Irvine,  Army  of  the 
Indian  Moghuls,  140  ff.] 


THE  POWER  OF  RANA  HAMIR  SINGH  319 

who  was  advancing  to  recover  his  lost  possessions.  The  king 
unwisely  directed  his  march  by  the  eastern  plateau,  where  numbers 
were  rendered  useless  by  the  intricacies  of  the  country.  Of  the 
three  steppes  which  mark  the  physiognomy  of  this  tract,  from  the 
first  ascent  from  the  plain  of  Mewar  to  the  descent  at  Chambal, 
the  king  had  encamped  on  the  central,  at  Singoli,  where  he  was 
attacked,  defeated,  and  made  prisoner  by  Hamir,  who  slew  Hari 
Singli,  brother  of  Banbir,  in  single  combat.  The  king  suffered  a 
confinement  of  three  months  in  Chitor,  nor  was  liberated  till  he 
had  surrendered  Ajmer,  Ranthambor,  Nagor,  and  Sui  Sopur, 
besides  paying  fifty  lakhs  of  rupees  and  one  hundred  elephants. 
Hamir  would  exact  no  promise  of  cessation  from  further  in- 
roads, but  contented  himself  with  assuring  him  that  from  such  he 
sliould  be  prepared  to  defend  Chitor,  not  witliin,  but  without  the 
walls  [273]. 1 

Banbir,  the  son  of  Maldeo,  offered  to  serve  Hamir,  who  assigned 
the  districts  of  Nimach,  Jiran,  Ratanpur,  and  the  Kerar  to  main- 
tain the  family  of  his  wife  in  becoming  dignity  ;  and  as  he  gave 
the  grant  he  remarked  :  "  Eat,  serve,  and  be  faithful.  You  were 
once  the  servant  of  a  Turk,  but  now  of  a  Hindu  of  your  own  faith  ; 
for  I  have  but  taken  back  my  own,  the  rock  moistened  by  the 
blood  of  my  ancestors,  the  gift  of  the  deity  I  adore,  and  who  will 
maintain  me  in  it  ;  nor  shall  I  endanger  it  by  the  worship  of  a 
fair  face,  as  ditl  my  predecessor."  Banbir  shortly  after  carried 
Bhainsror  by  assault,  and  this  ancient  possession  guarding  the 
Chambal  was  again  added  to  Mewar..  The  chieftains  of  Rajasthan 
rejoiced  once  more  to  see  a  Hindu  take  the  lead,  paid  willing 
homage,  and  aided  him  with  service  when  required. 

The  Power  of  Rana  Hamir  Singh. — Hamir  was  the  sole  Hindu 
prince  of  power  now  left  in  India  :   all  the  ancient  dynasties  were 

^  Ferishta  does  not  mention  this  conquest  over  the  Khilji  emperor  ;  but 
as  Mewar  recovered  her  wonted  splendour  in  this  reign,  we  cannot  doubt  the 
truth  of  the  native  annals.  [There  is  a  mistake  here.  The  successor  of 
Alau-d-dln  was  Kutbu-d-din  Mubarak,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  1316. 
Ferishta  says  that  Rai  Ratan  Singh  of  Cliitor,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner 
in  the  siege,  was  released  by  the  cleverness  of  his  daughter,  and  that  Alau- 
d-din  ordered  liis  son,  Khizr  Khan,  tO  evacuate  the  place,  on  which  the  Rai 
became  tributary  to  Alau-d-dln.  Also  in  1312  the  Rajputs  threw  the 
Muhammadan  officers  over  the  ramparts  and  asserted  their  independence 
(Ferishta,  trans.  Briggs,  i.  363,  381).  Erskine  says  that  the  attack  was 
made  by  Muhammad  Tughlak  (1324-51).] 


320  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

crushed,  and  the  ancestors  of  the  present  princes  of  Marwar  and 
Jaipur  brought  their  levies,  paid  homage,  and  obeyed  the  summons 
of  the  prince  of  Chitor,  as  did  the  chiefs  of  Bundi,  Gwahor,  Chan- 
deri,  Raesin,  Sikri,  Kalpi,  Abu,  etc. 

Extensive  as  was  the  power  of  Mewar  before  the  Tatar  occu- 
pation of  India,  it  could  scarcely  have  surpassed  the  solidity 
of  sway  which  she  enjoyed  during  the  two  centuries  following 
Hamir's  recovery  of  the  capital.  From  this  event  to  the  next 
invasion  from  the  same  Cimmerian  abode,  led  by  Babur,  we  have 
a  succession  of  splendid  names  recorded  in  her  annals,  and  though 
destined  soon  to  be  surrounded  by  new  Muhammadan  dynasties, 
in  Malwa  and  Gujarat  as  well  as  Delhi,  yet  successfully  opposing 
them  all.  The  distracted  state  of  affairs  when  the  races  of  Khilji, 
Lodi,  and  Sur  alternately  struggled  for  and  obtained  the  seat  of 
dominion,  Delhi,  was  favourable  to  Mewar,  whose  power  was 
now  so  consolidated  that  she  not  only  repelled  armies  from  her 
territory,  but  carried  war  abroad,  leaving  tokens  of  victory  at 
Nagor,  in  Saurashtra,  and  to  the  walls  of  Delhi. 

Public  Works. — The  subjects  of  Mewar  must  have  enjoyed  not 
only  a  long  repose,  but  high  prosperity  during  this  period,  judging 
from  their  magnificent  public  works,  when  a  triumphal  [274]  column 
must  have  cost  the  income  of  a  kingdom  to  erect,  and  which  ten 
years'  produce  of  the  crown-lands  of  Mewar  could  not  at  this 
time  defray.  Only  one  of  the  structures  prior  to  the  sack  of 
Chitor  was  left  entire  by  Ala,  and  is  yet  existing,  and  tliis  was 
raised  by  private  and  sectarian  hands.  It  would  be  curious  if  the 
unitarian  profession  of  the  Jain  creed  was  the  means  of  preserving 
this  ancient  relic  from  Ala's  wrath.^  The  princes  of  this  house 
were  great  patrons  of  the  arts,  and  especially  of  architecture  ; 
and  it  is  a  matter  of  surprise  how  their  revenues,  derived  chiefly 
from  the  soil,  could  have  enabled  them  to  expend  so  much  on 
these  objects  and  at  the  same  time  maintain  such  armies  as  are 
enumerated.  Such  could  be  effected  only  by  long  prosperity 
and  a  mild,  paternal  system  of  government  ;  for  the  subject  had 
his  monuments  as  well  as  the  prince,  the  ruins  of  which  may  yet 
be  discovered  in  the  more  inaccessible  or  deserted  portions  of 
Rajasthan.     Hamir    died    fuU    of   years,    leaving    a    name    still 

^  [The  Jain  tower,  kaowu  as  Kirtti  Stamb,  '  pillar  of  fame,'  erected  in  the 
twelfth  or  thirteenth  century  by  Jija,  a  Bagherwal  Mahajan,  and  dedicated 
to  Adinath,  the  first  Jain  TIrthankara  or  saint.] 


KSHETRA  OR  KHET  SINGH:  LAKSH  SINGH      321 

honoured  in  Mewar,  as  one  of  the  wisest  and  most  gallant  of  her 
princes,  and  bequeathing  a  well-established  and  extensive  power 
to  his  son. 

Kshetra  or  Khet  Singh,  a.d.  1364-82. — Khetsi  succeeded  in 
S.  1421  (a.d.  1365)  to  the  power  and  to  the  character  of  his  father. 
He  captured  Ajnier  and  Jahazpur  from  Lila  Pathan,  and  rean- 
nexed  Mandalgarh,  Dasor,  and  the  whole  of  Chappan  (for  the  first 
time)  to  Mewar.  He  obtained  a  victory  over  the  Delhi  monarch 
Humayun  ^  at  Bakrol  ;  but  unhappily  his  life  terminated  in  a. 
family  broil  with  his  vassal,  the  Hara  chief  of  Bumbaoda,  whose 
daughter  he  was  about  to  espouse. 

Laksh  Singh,  a.d.  1382-97. — LakhaRana,  by  this  assassination, 
mounted  the  throne  in  Chitor  in  S.  1439  (a.d.  1373).  His  first  act 
was  the  entire  subjugation  of  the  mountainous  region  of  Merwara, 
and  the  destruction  of  its  chief  stronghold,  Bairatgarh,  where  he 
erected  Badnor.  But  an  event  of  much  greater  importance  than 
settling  his  frontier,  and  which  most  powerfully  tended  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  country,  was  the  discovery  of  the  tin  and  silver 
mines  of  Jawara,  in  the  tract  wrested  by  Khetsi  from  the  Bhils 
of  Chappan. 2  Lakha  Rana  has  the  merit  of  having  first  worked 
them,  though  their  existence  is  superstitiously  alluded  to  so  early 
as  the  period  of  the  founder.  It  is  said  the  '  seven  metals  '  {haft- 
dhat) '  were  formerly  [275]  abundant  ;  but  this  appears  figura- 
tive. We  have  no  evidence  for  the  gold,  though  silver,  tin, 
copper,  lead,  and  antimony  were  yielded  in  abundance  (the  first 
two  from  the  same  matrix),  but  the  tin  that  has  been  extracted 
for  many  years  past  yields  but  a  small  portion  of  silver.*  Lakha 
Rana  defeated  the  Sankhla  Rajputs  of  Nagarchal,^  at  Amber. 
He  encountered  the  emperor  Muhammad  Shah  Lodi,  and  on  one 

^  [The  contemporary  of  Khet  Singh  at  Delhi  was  Firoz  Shah  Tughlak.] 

*  [The  mines  at  Jawar,  sixteen  miles  south  of  Udaipur  city,  produce 
lead,  zinc,  and  some  silver.  The  mention  of  tin  in  the  text  seems  wrong 
(Watt,  Diet.  Econ.  Prod.  vi.  Part  iv.  356  ;    Gomm.  Prod.  1077).] 

*  Haft-dhat,  corresponding  to  the  planets,  each  of  which  ruled  a  metal  : 
hence  Mihr,  '  the  sun,'  for  gold  ;   Chandra,  '  the  moon,'  for  silver. 

*  They  have  long  been  abandoned,  the  miners  are  extinct,  and  the  pro- 
tecting deities  of  mines  are  unable  to  get  even  a  flower  placed  on  their 
shrines,  though  some  have  been  reconsecrated  by  the  Bhils,  who  have  con- 
verted Lakshmi  into  Sitalamata  (Juno  Lucina),  whom  the  Bhil  females 
invoke  to  pass  them  through  danger. 

®  Jhunjhunu,  Singhana,  and  Narbana  formed  the  ancient  Nagarchal 
territory.  . 

VOL.  I  •  Y 


322  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

occasion  defeated  a  royal  army  at  Badnor  ;  but  he  carried  the 
war  to  Gaya,  and  in  driving  the  barbarian  from  this  sacred  place 
was  slain.^  Lakha  is  a  name  of  celebrity,  as  a  patron  of  the  arts 
and  benefactor  of  his  country.  He  excavated  many  reservoirs 
and  lakes,  raised  immense  ramparts  to  dam  their  waters,  besides 
erecting  strongholds.  The  riches  of  the  mines  of  Jawara  were 
expended  to  rebuild  the  temples  and  palaces  levelled  by  Ala.  A 
portion  of  his  own  palace  yet  exists,  in  the  same  style  of  archi- 
tecture as  that,  more  ancient,  of  Ratna  and  the  fair  Padmini  ; 
and  a  minster  (mandir)  dedicated  to  the  creator  (Brahma),  an 
enormous  and  costly  fabric,  is  yet  entire.  Being  to  '  the  One,' 
and  consequently  containing  no  idol,  it  may  thus  have  escaped  the 
ruthless  fury  of  the  invaders. 

Lakha  had  a  numerous  progeny,  who  have  left  their  clans 
called  after  them,  as  the  Lunawats  and  Dulawats,  now  the  sturdy 
allodial  proprietors  of  the  Alpine  regions  bordering  on  Oghna, 
Panarwa,  and  other  tracts  in  the  Aravalli.^  But  a  circumstance 
which  set  aside  the  rights  of  primogeniture,  and  transferred  the 
crown  of  Chitor  from  his  eldest  son,  Chonda,  to  the  younger, 
Mokal,  had  nearly  carried  it  to  another  line.  The  consequences 
of  making  the  elder  branch  a  powerful  vassal  clan  with  claims  to 
the  throne,  and  which  have  been  the  chief  cause  of  its  subsequent 
prostration,  we  will  reserve  for  another  chapter  [276]. 


CHAPTER   7 

If  devotion  to  the  fair  sex  be  admitted  as  a  criterion  of  civiliza- 
tion, the  Rajput  must  rank  high.  His  susceptibility  is  extreme, 
and  fires  at  the  slightest  offence  to  female  delicacy,  which  he 
never  forgives.     A  satirical  impromptu,  involving  the  sacrifice 

^  [There  was  no  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  Lodi,  and  that  dynasty  did 
not  begin  till  1451.  Firoz  Shah  (1351-88)  was  contemporary  of  Laksh 
Singh  at  Delhi.  It  is  not  hkely  that  a  Rajput  in  the  fourteenth  century 
conducted  a  campaign  at  Gaya  in  Bengal ;  but,  according  to  Har  Bilas 
Sarda,  author  of  a  recent  monograph  on  Rana  Kiimbha,  the  fact  is  corro- 
borated by  inscriptions,  Peterson,  Bhaunagar  Inscrijiiions,  90,  117,  119.] 

^  The  Sarangdeot  chief  of  Kanor  (on  the  borders  of  Chappan),  one  of 
the  sixteen  lords  of  Mewar,  is  also  a  descendant  of  Lakha,  as  are  some  of 
the  tribes  of  Sondwara,  about  Pharphara  and  the  ravines  of  the  Kali 
Sind. 


CHONDA  RENOUNCES  HIS  BIRTHRIGHT  323 

of  Rajpxit  prejudices,  dissolved  the  coalition  of  the  Rathors  and 
Kachhwahas,  and  laid  each  prostrate  before  the  Mahrattas,  whom 
when  united  they  had  crushed  :  and  a  jest,  apparently  trivial, 
compromised  the  right  of  primogeniture  to  the  throne  of  Chitor, 
and  proved  more  disastrous  in  its  consequences  than  the  arms 
either  of  Moguls  or  Mahrattas. 

Chonda  renounces  his  Birthright. — ^Lakha  Rana  was  advanced 
in  years,  his  sons  and  grandsons  established  in  suitable  domains, 
when  '  the  coco-nut  came  '  from  Ranmall,  prince  of  Marwar,  to 
affiance  his  daughter  with  Chonda,  the  heir  of  ^lewar.  Wlien 
the  embassy  was  announced,  Chonda  was  absent,  and  the  old 
chief  was  seated  in  his  chair  of  state  surrounded  by  his  court. 
The  messenger  of  Hymen  was  courteously  received  by  Lakha, 
who  observed  that  Chonda  would  soon  return  and  take  the  gage  ; 
"  for,"  added  he,  drawing  his  fingers  over  his  moustaches,  "  I 
don't  suppose  you  send  such  playthings  to  an  old  greybeard  like 
me."  This  little  sally  was  of  course  applauded  and  repeated  ; 
but  Chonda,  offended  at  delicacy  being  sacrificed  to  wit,  declined 
accepting  the  symbol  which  his  father  had  even  in  jest  supposed 
might  be  intended  for  him  :  and  as  it  could  not  be  returned 
without  gross  insult  to  Ranmall,  the  old  Rana,  incensed  at  his 
son's  obstinacy,  agreed  to  accept  it  himself,  pro\nded  Chonda 
would  swear  to  renounce  his  birthright  in  the  event  of  his  ha\nng 
a  son,  and  be  to  the  child  but  the  '  first  of  his  Rajputs.'  He 
swore  by  Eklinga  to  fulfil  his  father's  wishes. 

Rana  Mokal,  a.d.  1397-1433. — ^Mokalji  was  the  issue  of  this 
union,  and  had  attained  the  age  of  five  when  the  Rana  resolved 
to  signalize  his  finale  by  a  raid  against  the  enemies  of  their  faith 
[277],  and  to  expel  the  '  barbarian '  from  the  holy  land  of  Gaya. 
In  ancient  times  this  was  by  no  means  uncommon,  and  we  have 
several  instances  in  the  annals  of  these  States  of  princes  resigning 
'  the  purple  '  on  the  approach  of  old  age,  and  by  a  life  of  austerity 
and  devotion,  pilgrimage  and  charity,  seeking  to  make  their 
peace  with  heaven  'for  the  sins  inevitably  committed  by  all  who 
wield  a  sceptre."  But  when  war  was  made  against  their  religion 
by  the  Tatar  proselytes  to  Islam,  the  Sutlej  and  the  Ghaggar 
were  as  the  banks  of  the  Jordan — Gaya,  their  Jerusalem,  their 
holy  land  ;  and  if  there  destiny  filled  his  cup,  the  Hindu  chieftain 
was  secure  of  beatitude,^  exempted  from  the  troubles  of  '  second 

1  MuMi. 


324  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

birth  '  ;  ^  and  borne  from  the  scene  of  probation  in  celestial  cars 
by  the  Apsaras,^  was  introduced  at  once  into  the  '  realm  of  the 
sun.'  ^  Ere,  however,  the  Rana  of  Chitor  journeyed  to  this 
bourne,  he  was  desirous  to  leave  his  throne  unexposed  to  civil 
strife.  The  subject  of  succession  had  never  been  renewed ;  but 
discussing  with  Chonda  his  warlike  pilgrimage  to  Gaya,  from 
which  he  might  not  return,  he  sounded  him  by  asking  what  estates 
should  be  settled  on  Mokal.  "  The  throne  of  Chitor,"  was  the 
honest  reply  ;  and  to  set  suspicion  at  rest,  he  desired  that  the  cere- 
mony of  installation  should  be  performed  previous  to  Lakha's 
departure.  Chonda  was  the  first  to  pay  homage  and  swear  obedi- 
ence and  fidelity  to  his  future  sovereign  :  reserving,  as  the  recoin- 
pense  of  his  renunciation,  the  first  place  in  the  councils,  and 
stipulating  that  in  all  grants  to  the  vassals  of  the  crown,  his 
symbol  (the  lance)  should  be  superadded  to  the  autograph  of  the 
prince.  In  all  grants  the  lance  of  Salumbar  *  still  precedes  the 
monogram  of  the  Rana.^ 

The  sacrifice  of  Chonda  to  offended  delicacy  and  filial  respect 
was  great,  for  he  had  all  the  qualities  requisite  for  command. 
Brave,  frank,  and  skilful,  he  conducted  all  public  affairs  after  his 
father's  departure  and  death,  to  the  benefit  of  the  minor  and  the 
State.  The  queen-mother,  however,  who  is  admitted  as  the 
natural  guardian  of  her  infant's  rights  on  all  such  occasions,  felt 
umbrage  and  discontent  at  her  loss  of  povv^er  ;  forgetting  that, 
but  for  Chonda,  she  would  never  [278]  have  been  mother  to  the 
Rana  of  Mewar.  She  watched  with  a  jealous  eye  all  his  proceed- 
ings ;  but  it  was  only  through  the  medium  of  suspicion  she  could 
accuse  the  integrity  of  Chonda,  and  she  artfully  asserted  that, 
under  colour  of  directing  state  affairs,  he  was  exercising  absolute 
sovereignty,  and  that  if  he  did  not  assume  the  title  of  Rana,  he 
would  reduce  it  to  an  empty  name.  Chonda,  knowing  the  purity 
of  his  own  motives,  made  liberal  allowance  for  maternal  solicitude  ; 
but  upbraiding  the  queen  with  the  injustice  of  her  suspicions, 

^  This  is  a  literal  phrase,  denoting  further  transmigration  of  the  soul, 
which  is  always  deemed  a  punishment.  The  soldier  who  falls  in  battle 
in  the  faithful  performance  of  his  duty  is  alone  exempted,  according  to 
their  martial  mythology,  from  the  pains  of  '  second  birth.' 

^  The  fair  messengers  of  heaven. 

*  Sitraj  3Ianda]. 

*  The  abode  of  the  chief  of  the  various  clans  of  Chondawat. 
6  Vide  p.  235. 


RATHOR  influence  in  MEWAR  :  RAGHUDEVA  325 

and  advising  a  vigilant  care  to  the  rights  of  Sesodias,  he  retired 
to  the  court  of  Mandu,  tlien  rising  into  notice,  where  he  was 
received  with  the  highest  distinctions,  and  the  district  of  Halar  ^ 
was  assigned  to  him  by  the  king. 

Rathor  Influence  in  Mewar.^ — His  departure  was  the  signal  for 
an  influx  of  the  kindred  of  the  queen  from  INIandor.  Her  brother 
Jodha  (who  afterwards  gave  his  name  to  Jodhpur)  was  the  first, 
and  was  soon  followed  by  his  father,  Rao  Ranmall,  and  numerous 
adherents,  who  deemed  the  arid  region  of  Maru-des,  and  its  rabri, 
or  maize  porridge,  well  exchanged  for  the  fertile  plains  and 
wheaten  bread  of  Mewar. 

Raghudeva,  the  Mewar  Hero. — With  his  grandson  on  his  knee, 
the  old  Rao  "  would  sit  on  the  throne  of  Bappa  Rawal,  on  whose 
quitting  him  for  play,  the  regal  ensigns  of  Mewar  waved  over  the 
head  of  Mandor."  This  was  more  than  the  Sesodia  nurse  ^  (an 
important  personage  in  all  Hindu  governments)  could  bear,  and 
bursting  with  indignation,  she  demanded  of  the  queen  if  her  kin 
was  to  defraud  her  own  child  of  his  inheritance.  The  honesty  of 
the  nurse  was  greater  than  her  prudence.  The  creed  of  the  Rajput 
is  to  '  obtain  sovereignty,'  regarding  the  means  as  secondary 
and  this  avowal  of  her  suspicions  only  hastened  their  designs. 
The  queen  soon  found  herself  without  remedy,  and  a  remonstrance 
to  her  father  produced  a  hint  which  threatened  the  existence  of  her 
offspring.  Her  fears  were  soon  after  augmented  by  the  assassina- 
tion of  Raghudeva,  the  second  brother  of  Chonda,  whose  estates 
were  Kelwara  and  Kawaria.  To  the  former  place,  where  he 
resided  aloof  from  the  court,  Rao  Ranmall  sent  a  dress  of  honour, 
which  etiquette  requiring  him  to  put  on  when  presented,  the 
prince  was  assassinated  in  the  act.  Raghudeva  was  so  much 
beloved  for  his  virtues,  courage,  and  manly  beauty,  that  his  [279] 
murder  became  martyrdom,  and  obtained  for  him  divine  honoijrs, 
and  a  place  amongst  the  Di  Patres  {Pitrideva)  of  Mewar.  His 
image  is  on  every  hearth,  and  is  daily  worshipped  with  the 
Penates.  Twice  in  the  year  his  altars  receive  public  homage 
from  every  Sesodia,  from  the  Rana  to  the  serf.* 

1  [Halar  in  W.  Kathiawar  (BG,  viii.  4).] 

^  The  Dhdi.  The  Dhdbhdis,  or  '  foster-brothers,'  often  hold  lands  in 
perpetuity,  and  are  employed  in  the  most  confidential  places  ;  on  embassies, 
marriages,  etc. 

*  On  the  8th  day  of  the  Dasahra,  or  '  military  festival,'  when  the  levies 


326  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

The  Expulsion  o£  the  Rathor  Party. — In  this  extremity  the 
queen-mother  turned  lier  thoughts  to  Chonda,  and  it  was  not 
difficult  to  apprise  him  of  the  danger  which  menaced  the  race, 
every  place  of  trust  being  held  by  her  kinsmen,  and  the  principal 
post  of  Chitor  by  a  Bhatti  Rajput  of  Jaisalmer  Chonda,  though 
at  a  distance,  was  not  inattentive  to  the  proverbially  dangerous 
situation  of  a  minor  amongst  the  Rajputs.  At  his  departure  he 
was  accompanied  by  two  hundred  Aherias  or  huntsmen,  whose 
ancestors  had  served  the  princes  of  Chitor  from  ancient  times. 
These  had  left  their  families  behind,  a  visit  to  whom  was  the 
pretext  for  their  introduction  to  the  fort.  They  were  instructed 
to  get  into  the  service  of  the  keepers  of  the  gates,  and,  being 
considered  more  attached  to  the  place  than  to  the  family,  their 
object  was  effected.  The  queen-mother  was  counselled  to  cause 
the  young  prince  to  descend  daily  with  a  numerous  retinue  to  give 
feasts  to  the  surrounding  villages,  and  gradually  to  increase  the 
distance,  but  not  to  fail  on  the  '  festival  of  lan^js  '  ^  to  hold  the 
feast  (got)  at  Gosunda.- 

These  injmictions  were  carefully  attended  to.  The  day 
arrived,  the  feast  was  held  at  Gosunda  ;  but  the  night  was 
closing  in,  and  no  Chonda  appeared.  With  heavy  hearts  the 
nurse,  the  PuroMt,^  and  those  in  the  secret  moved  homeward, 
and  had  reached  the  emuience  called  Chitori,  when  forty  horsemen 
passed  them  at  the  gallop,  and  at  their  head  Chonda  in  disguise, 
who  by  a  secret  sign  paid  homage  as  he  passed  to  his  younger 


are  mustered  at  the  Chaugan,  or  '  Champ  de  Mars,'  and  on  the  10th  of  Chait 
his  altars  are  purified,  and  his  image  is  washed  and  placed  thereon.  Women 
pray  for  the  safety  of  their  children  ;  husbands,  that  their  wives  may  be 
fruitful.  Previously  to  this,  a  son  of  Bappa  Rawal  was  worshipped ;  but 
after  the  enshrinement  of  Raghudeva,  the  adoration  of  Kuhsputra  was 
gradually  abohshed.  Nor  is  this  custom  confined  to  Mewar :  there  is  a 
deified  Fuira  in  every  Rajput  family — one  who  has  met  a  violent  death. 
Besides  Ekhnga,  the  descendants  of  Bappa  have  adopted  numerous  household 
divinities  :  ttie  destinies  of  life  and  death,  Baenmata  the  goddess  of  the 
Chawaras,  Nagnachian  the  serpent  divinity  of  the  Rathors,  and  Khetrapal, 
or  '  fosterer  of  the  field,'  have  with  many  others  obtained  a  place  on  the 
Sesodia  altars.  This  festival  may  not  unaptly  be  compared  to  that  of 
Adonis  amongst  the  Greeks,  for  the  Putra  is  worshipped  chiefly  by  women. 

^  The  Diwali,  from  diwa, '  a  lamp.'  This  festival  is  in  honour  of  Lakshmi, 
goddess  of  wealth. 

-  iSeven  miles  south  of  Chitor,  on  the  road  to  Malwa. 

^  The  family  priest  and  instructor  of  youth. 


DEATH  OF  RAO  RANMALL  327 

brother  and  sovereign.  Chonda  and  [280]  his]^band  had  reached 
the  Rampol,^  or  upper  gate,  unchecked.  Here,  when  challenged, 
they  said  they  were  neighbourmg  chieftains,  who,  hearing  of  the 
feast  at  Gosunda,  had  the  honour  to  escort  the  prince  home. 
The  story  obtained  credit ;  but  the  main  body,  of  which  this  was 
but  the  advance,  presently  coming  up,  the  treachery  was  apparent. 
Chonda  unsheathed  his  sword,  and  at  his  well-known  shout  the 
hunters  were  speedily  in  action.  The  Bhatti  chief,  taken  by 
surprise,  and  imable  to  reach  Chonda,  launched  his  dagger  at  and 
wounded  him,  but  was  himself  slain  ;  the  guards  at  the  gates 
were  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  Rathors  hunted  out  and  killed  without 
mercy. 

Death  of  Rao  Ranmall. — The  end  of  Rao  Ranmall  was  more 
ludicrous  than  tragical.  Smitten  with  the  charms  of  a  Sesodia 
handmaid  of  the  queen,  who  was  compeUed  to  his  embrace,  the 
old  chief  was  in  her  arms,  intoxicated  with  love,  wine,  and  opium, 
and  heard  no  tiling  of  the  tumult  without.  A  woman's  wit  and 
revenge  combined  to  make  his  end  afford  some  compensation  for 
her  loss  of  honour.  Gently  rising,  she  bound  him  to  his  bed  with 
his  own  Marwari  turban  :  -  nor  did  this  disturb  him,  and  the 
messengers  of  fate  had  entered  ere  the  opiate  allowed  his  eyes  to 
open  to  a  sense  of  his  danger.  Enraged,  he  in  vain  endeavoured 
to  extricate  himself  ;  and  by  some  tortuosity  of  movement  he 
got  upon  his  legs,  his  jiallet  at  his  back  like  a  shell  or  shield  of 
defence.  With  no  arms  but  a  brass  vessel  of  ablution,  he  levelled 
to  the  earth  several  of  his  assailants,  when  a  ball  from  a  matchlock 
extended  him  on  the  floor  of  the  palace.  His  son  Jodha  was  in 
the  lower  town,  and  was  indebted  to  the  fleetness  of  his  steed  for 
escaping  the  fate  of  his  father  and  kindred,  whose  bodies  strewed 
the  terre-pleine  of  Chitor,  the  merited  reward  of  their  usurpation 
and  treachery. 

The  Revenge  o£  Chonda. — But  Chonda's  revenge  was  not  yet 
satisfied.  He  pursued  Rao  Jodha,  who,  unable  to  oppose  him, 
took  refuge  with  Harbuji  Sankhla,  leaving  Mandor  to  its  fate. 
Tins  city  Chonda  entered  by  surprise,  and  holding  it  till  his  sons 
Kantatji  and  Manjaji  arrived  with  reinforcements,  the  Rathor 
treachery  was  repaid  by  their  keeping  possession  of  the«  capital 
during  twelve  years.     We  might  here  leave  the  future  founder 

^  Rampol,  '  the  gate  of  Ram.' 
*  Often  sixty  cubits  in  length. 


328  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  Jodhpur,  had  not  this  feud  led  to  the  junction  of  the  rich  [281] 
province  of  Godwar  to  Mewar,  held  for  three  centuries  and  again 
lost  by  treachery.  It  may  yet  involve  a  struggle  between  the 
Sesodias  and  Rathors.^ 

"  Sweet  are  the  uses  of  adversity."  To  Jodha  it  was  the  first 
step  in  the  ladder  of  his  eventual  elevation.  A  century  and  a 
half  had  scarcely  elapsed  since  a  colony,  the  wreck  of  Kanauj, 
found  an  asylum,  and  at  length  a  kingdom,  taking  possession  of 
one  capital  and  founding  another,  abandoning  Mandor  and 
erecting  Jodhpur.  But  even  Jodha  could  never  have  hoped  that 
his  issue  would  have  extended  their  sway  from  the  valley  of  the 
Indus  to  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the  Jumna,  and  from  the 
desert  bordering  on  the  Sutlej  to  the  Aravalli  mountains  :  that 
one  hundred  thousand  swords  should  at  once  be  in  the  hands  of 
Rathors,  '  the  sons  of  one  father'  {ek  Bap  ke  Betan). 

If  we  slightly  encroach  upon  the  annals  of  Marwar,  it  is  owing 
to  its  history  and  that  of  Mewar  being  here  so  interwoven,  and 
the  incidents  these  events  gave  birth  so  illustrative  of  the  national 
character  of  each,  that  it  is,  perhaps,  more  expedient  to  advert 
to  the  period  when  Jodha  was  shut  out  from  Mandor,  and  the 
means  by  which  he  regained  that  city,  previous  to  relating  the 
events  of  the  reign  of  Mokal. 

Harbuji  Sankhla. — Harbuji  Sankhla,  at  once  a  soldier  and  a 
devotee,  was  one  of  those  Rajput  cavaliers  '  sans  peur  et  sans 
reproche,''  wjiose  life  of  celibacy  and  perilous  adventure  was 
mingled  with  the  austere  devotion  of  an  ascetic  ;  by  turns  aiding 
with  his  lance  the  cause  which  he  deemed  worthy,  or  exercising 
an  unbounded  hospitality  towards  the  stranger.  This  generosity 
had  much  reduced  his  resources  when  Jodha  sought  his  protection. 
It  was  the  eve  of  the  Sada-bart,  one  of  those  hospitable  rites  which, 
in  former  times,  characterized  Rajwara.  This  '  perpetual  charity  ' 
supplies  food  to  the  stranger  and  traveller,  and  is  distributed  not 
only  by  individual  chiefs  and  by  the  government,  but  by  sub- 
scriptions of  communities.  Even  in  Mewar,  in  her  present 
impoverished  condition,  the  offerings  to  the  gods  in  support  of 
their  shrines  and  the  establishment  of  the  Sada-bart  were  simul- 
taneous. Hospitality  is  a  virtue  pronounced  to  belong  more 
peculiarly  to  a  semi-barbarous  condition.     Alas  !    for  refinement 

^  [Godwar,  including  the  Bali  and  Desuri  districts  in  S.E.  Marwar,  is 
now  known  as  the  Desuri  Hukumat :   see  Erskine  iii.  A.  180  f.] 


HARBUJI  SANKHLA  329 

and  ultra-civilization,  strangers  to  the  happiness  enjoyed  by 
Harbuji  Sankhla.  Jodha,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  followers, 
came  to  solicit  the  '  stranger's  fare  '  :  but  unfortunately  it  was 
too  late,  the  Sada-bart  had  been  distributed.  In  this  exigence, 
Harbuji  recollected  that  there  was  a  wood  [282]  called  nrnjd,^ 
used  in  dyeing,  which  among  other  things  in  the  desert  regions 
is  resorted  to  in  scarcity.  A  portion  of  this  was  bruised,  and 
boiled  with  some  flour,  sugar,  and  spices,  making  altogether  a 
palatable  pottage  ;  and  with  a  promise  of  better  fare  on  the 
morrow,  it  was  set  before  the  young  Rao  and  liis  followers,  who, 
after  making  a  good  repast,  soon  forgot  Chitor  in  sleep.  On 
waking,  each  stared  at  his  fellow,  for  their  mustachios  were  dyed 
with  their  evening's  meal  ;  but  the  old  chief,  who  was  not  disposed 
to  reveal  his  expedient,  made  it  minister  to  their  hopes  by  giving 
it  a  miraculous  character,  and  saying  "  that  as  the  grey  of  age 
was  thus  metamorjjhosed  into  the  tint  of  morn^  and  hope,  so 
would  their  fortunes  become  young,  and  Mandor  again  be  theirs." 
Elevated  by  this  prospect,  they  enlisted  Harbuji  on  their  side. 
He  accompanied  them  to  the  chieftain  of  Mewa,  "  whose  stables 
contained  one  hundred  chosen  steeds."  Pabuji,  a  third  inde- 
pendent of  the  same  stamp,  with  his  '  coal-black  steed,'  was 
gained  to  the  cause,  and  Jodha  soon  found  himself  strong  enough 
to  attempt  the  recovery  of  his  capital.  The  sons  of  Chonda  were 
taken  by  surprise  :  but  despising  the  numbers  of  the  foe,  and 
ignorant  who  were  their  auxiliaries,  they  descended  sword  in 
hand  to  meet  the  assailants.     The  elder  ^  son  of  Chonda  with 

^  The  wood  of  Solomon's  temple  is  called  ahnug  ;  the  prefix  al  is  merely 
the  article  [?].  This  is  the  wood  also  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  Gujarat, 
of  which  the  temple  to  Adinatli  was  constructed.  It  is  said  to  be  indestruc- 
tible even  by  fire.  It  has  been  surmised  that  the  fleets  of  Tyre  frequented 
the  Indian  coast :  could  they  thence  have  carried  the  Almujd  for  the  temple 
of  Solomon  ?  [Almug,  according  to  the  Encyclopcedia  Biblica  (i.  1196)  is 
either  Brazil-wood  or  red  sandalwood  (Pterocarpus  santalinus).  Sir  G.  Watt, 
who  has  kindly  examined  the  question,  thinks  it  very  improbable  that  the 
mujd  of  the  text  is  almug  wood,  because  neither  the  true  sandalwood  {Scm- 
tahim  album)  nor  the  red  sandalwood  [Pterocarpus  santalinus)  is  found 
in  Rajputana.  He  identifies  the  inujd  of  the  text  with  Moringa  concanensis, 
a  sinaU  tree  found  wild  in  Sind  and  the  Konkan,  which  yields  a  gum  of 
considerable  value,  and  its  congener  Moriruja  pferygospertna  {Comm.  Prod. 
784),  the  horse-radish  tree  of  India,  is  used  as  a  dye  in  Jamaica,  and  probably 
could  be  so  used  in  India.] 

*  This  wood  has  a  brownish-red  tint. 

^  This  is  related  with  some  variation  in  other  annals  of  the  period. 


330  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

many  adherents  was  slain  ;  and  the  younger,  deserted  by  the 
subjects  of  Mandor,  trusted  to  the  swiftness  of  his  horse  for 
escape  ;  but  being  pursued,  was  overtaken  and  killed  on  the 
boundary  of  Godwar.  Thus  Jodha,  in  his  turn,  was  revenged, 
but  the  '  feud  was  not  balanced.'  Two  sons  of  Chitor  had 
fallen  for  one  chief  of  Mandor.  But  wisely  reflecting  on  the 
original  aggression,  and  the  superior  power  of  Mewar,  as  well  as 
his  being  indebted  for  his  present  success  to  foreign  aid,  Jodha 
sued  for  peace,  and  offered  as  the  mundkati,  or  '  price  of  blood,' 
and  '  to  quench  the  feud,'  that  the  spot  where  Manja  fell  should 
be  the  future  barrier  of  the  two  States.  The  entire  province  of 
Godwar  was  comprehended  in  the  cession,  which  for  three  cen- 
turies withstood  every  contention,  till  the  internal  dissensions 
of  the  last  half  century,  which  grew  out  of  the  cause  by  wliich  [283] 
it  was  obtained,  and  the  change  of  succession  in  Mewar  severed 
this  most  valuable  acquisition.^ 

Who  would  imagine,  after  such  deadly  feuds  between  these 
rival  States,  that  in  the  very  next  succession  these  hostile  frays 
were  not  only  buried  in  oblivion,  but  that  the  prince  of  Marwar 
abjured  '  liis  turban  and  his  bed '  till  he  had  revenged  the 
assassination  of  the  prince  of  Chitor,  and  restored  his  infant  heir 
to  his  rights  ?  The  amials  of  these  States  afford  numerous 
instances  of  the  same  hasty,  overbearing  temperament  governing 
all ;  easily  moved  to  strife,  impatient  of  revenge,  and  steadfast 
in  its  gratification.  But  this  satisfied,  resentment  subsides.  A 
daughter  of  the  offender  given  to  wife  banishes  its  remembrance, 
and  when  the  bard  joins  the  lately  rival  names  in  the  couplet, 
each  will  complacently  curl  his  mustachio  over  his  lip  as  he  hears 
his  '  renown  expand  like  the  lotus,'  and  thus  '  the  feud  is 
extinguished.'  Thus  have  they  gone  on  from  time  immemorial, 
and  will  continue,  till  what  we  may  fear  to  contemplate.  They 
have  now  neither  friend  nor  foe  but  the  British.  The  Tatar 
invader  sleeps  in  his  tomb,  and  the  INIahratta  depredator  is 
muzzled  and  enchained.     To  return. 

1  There  is  little  hope,  while  British  power  acts  as  high  constable  and 
keeper  of  the  peace  in  Rajwara,  of  this  being  recovered  :  nor,  were  it  other- 
wise, would  it  be  desirable  to  see  it  become  an  object  of  contention  between 
these  States.  Marwar  has  attained  much  grandeur  since  the  time  of  Jodha, 
and  her  resources  are  more  unbroken  than  those  of  Mewar,  who,  if  she 
could  redeem,  could  not,  from  its  exposed  position,  maintain  the  province 
against  the  brave  Bathor. 


MOIvAI.:  LAL  BAI  331 

Mokal,  A.D.  1397-1433. — Mokal,  who; obtained  the  throne  by 
Chonda's  surrender  of  his  birthright,  was  not  destined  long  to 
enjoy  the  distinction,  though  he  evinced  quahties  worthy  of 
heading  the  Sesodias".  He  ascended  the  throne  in  S.  1454  (a.d. 
1398),  at  an  miportant  era  in  the  history  of  India  ;  when  Timur, 
who  had  already  established  the  race  of  Chagatai  in  the  kingdoms 
of  Central  Asia,  and  laid  prostrate  the  throne  of  Byzantium, 
turned  his  arms  towards  India.  But  it  was  not  a  field  for  his 
ambition;  and  the  event  is  not  even  noticed  in  the  annals  of 
Mewar  :  a  proof  that  it  did  not  affect  their  repose.  But  they 
record  an  attempted  mvasion  by  the  king  of  Delhi,  which  is 
erroneously  stated  to  have  been  by  Firoz  Shah.  A  grandson  of 
this  prince  had  indeed  been  set  up,  and  compelled  to  flee  from 
the  arms  of  Timur,  and  as  the  direction  of  his  flight  was  Gujarat, 
it  is  not  miiikely  that  the  recorded  attempt  to  penetrate  by  the 
passes  of  Mewar  may  have  been  his  [284].  Be  this  as  it  may, 
the  Rana  Mokal  anticipated  and  met  him  beyond  the  passes 
of  the  Aravalli,  in  the  field  of  Raepur,  and  compelled  him  to 
abandon  his  enterprise.  Pursuing  liis  success,  he  took  posses- 
sion of  Sanibhar  and  its  salt  lakes,  and  otherwise  extended  and 
strengthened  liis  territory,  which  the  distracted  state  of  the 
empire  consequent  to  Timur's  invasion  rendered  a  matter  of 
little  difficulty.  Mokal  fmished  the  palace  conunenced  by 
Laldia,  now  a  mass  of  ruins  ;  and  erected  the  shrine  of  Chatur- 
bhuja,  '  the  four-armed  deity,'  ^  in  the  western  hills. 

Lai  Bai. — Besides  tliree  sons,  Rana  Mokal  had  a  daughter, 
celebrated  for  her  beauty,  called  Lai  Bai,  or  '  the  ruby.'  She 
was  betrothed  to  the  Khiclii  chieftain  of  Gagraun,  who  at  the 
Hathleva  -  demanded  the  pledge  of  succour  on  foreign  invasion . 
Dhiraj,  the  son  of  the  Ivliichi,  had  come  to  solicit  the  stipulated 
aid  agamst  Hoshang  of  Malwa,  who  had  invested  their  capital. 
The  Rana's  headquarters  were  then  at  Madri,  and  he  was  em- 
ployed in  quelling  a  revolt  of  the  mountaineers,  when  Dhiraj 
arrived  and  obtained  the  necessary  aid.  Madri  was  destined  to  be 
the  scene  of  the  termination  of  Mokal's  career  :  he  was  assassmated 
by  liis  uncles,  the  natural  brothers  of  his  father,  from  an  uninten- 
tional offence,  which  tradition  has  handed  down  in  aU  its  details. 

^  [The  four-armed  Vishuu,  the  favourite  deity  of  the  Mertia  Rathors 
{Census  Report,  Bajpuiana,  1891,  ii.  26).] 
'  The  ceremony  of  joining  hands. 


332  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Assassination  of  Rana  Mokal. — Chacha  and  Mera  were  the 
natural  sons  of  Khetsi  Rana  (the  predecessor  of  Lakha)  ;  their 
mother  a  fair  handmaid  of  low  descent,  generally  allowed  to  be  a 
carpenter's  daughter.  '  The  fifth  sons  of  Mewar  '  (as  the  natural 
children  are  figuratively  termed)  possess  no  rank,  and  though 
treated  with  kindness,  and  entrusted  with  confidential  employ- 
ments, the  sons  of  the  chiefs  of  the  second  class  take  precedence 
of  them,  and  '  sit  higher  on  the  carpet.'  These  brothers  had  the 
charge  of  seven  hundred  horse  in  the  train  of  Rana  Mokal  at 
Madri.  Some  chiefs  at  enmity  with  them,  conceiving  that  they 
had  overstepped  their  privileges,  wished  to  see  them  humiliated. 
Chance  procured  them  the  opportunity  :  which,  however,  cost 
their  prince  his  life.  Seated  in  a  grove  with  his  chiefs  around 
him,  he  inquired  the  name  of  a  particular  tree.  The  Chauhan 
chief,  feigning  ignorance,  whispered  him  to  ask  either  of  the 
brothers  ;  and  not  perceiving  their  scope,  he  artlessly  did  so. 
"  Uncle,  what  tree  is  this  ?  "  The  sarcasm  thus  prompted  they 
considered  as  reflecting  on  their  birth  (being  sons  [285]  of  the 
carpenter's  daughter),  and  the  same  day,  while  Mokal  was  at 
his  devotions,  and  in  the  act  of  counting  his  rosary,  one  blow 
severed  his  arm  from  his  body,  while  another  stretched  him 
lifeless.  The  brothers,  quickly  mounting  their  steeds,  had  the 
audacity  to  hope  to  surprise  Chitor,  but  the  gates  were  closed 
upon  them. 

Rana  Kiimbha,  a.d.  1433-68. — Though  the  murder  of  Mokal 
is  related  to  have  no  other  cause  than  tlie  sarcasm  alluded  to, 
the  precautions  taken  by  the  young  prince  Kumbha,^  his  suc- 
cessor, would  induce  a  belief  that  this  was  but  the  opening  of  a 
deep-laid  conspiracy.  The  traitors  returned  to  the  stronghold 
near  Madri,  and  Kumbha  trusted  to  the  friendship  and  good 
feeling  of  the  prince  of  Marwar  in  this  emergency.  His  confidence 
was  well  repaid.  The  prince  put  his  son  at  the  head  of  a  force, 
and  the  retreat  of  the  assassins  being  near  his  own  frontier,  they 
were  encountered  and  dislodged.  From  Madri  they  fled  to  Pai, 
where  they  strengthened  a  fortress  in  the  mountains  named 
Ratakot  ;  a  lofty  peak  of  the  compound  chain  whicli  encircles 
IJdaipur,  visible  from  the" surrounding  country,  as  are  the  remains 
of  this  stronghold  of  the  assassins.     It  would  appear  that  their 

^  [His  mother  was  a  Praraar,  Subhagya  Devi,  daughter  of  Raja  Jaitmall, 
Sankhla.] 


RANA  KUMBHA  333 

lives  were  dissolute,  for  they  had  carried  off  the  virgin  daughter 
of  a  Chauhan,  which  led  to  their  eventual  detection  and  punish- 
ment. Her  father,  Suja,  had  traced  the  route  of  the  ravishers, 
and,  mixing  Avith  the  workmen,  foimd  that  the  approaches  to  the 
place  of  their  concealment  were  capable  of  being  scaled.  He 
was  about  to  lay  his  complaint  before  his  prince,  when  he  met  the 
cavalcade  of  Kumbha  and  the  Rathor.  The  distressed  father, 
'  covering  his  face,'  disclosed  the  story  of  his  own  and  daughter's 
dishonour.  They  encamped  till  night  at  Delwara,  when,  led  by 
the  Chandana,  they  issued  forth  to  surprise  the  authors  of  so 
many  evils. 

Suja  and  the  Tiger. — Arrived  at  the  base  of  the  rock,  where 
the  parapet  was  yet  low,  they  commenced  the  escalade,  aided 
by  the  thick  foliage.  The  path  was  steep  and  rugged,  and  in  the 
darkness  of  the  night  each  had  grasped  his  neighbour's  skirt  for 
security.  Animated  by  a  just  revenge,  the  Chauhan  (Suja)  led 
the  way,  when  on  reaching  a  ledge  of  the  rock  the  glaring  eyeballs 
of  a  tigress  flashed  upon  him.  Undismayed,  he  squeezed  the 
hand  of  the  Rathor  prince  who  followed  him,  and  who  on  per- 
ceiving the  object  of  terror  instantly  buried  his  poignard  in  her 
heart  This  omen  was  superb.  They  soon  reached  the  summit. 
Some  had  ascended  the  parapet  ;  others  were  scrambling  over, 
when  the  minstrel  [286]  slipping,  fell,  and  his  drum,  which  was  to 
have  accompanied  his  voice  in  singing  the  conquest,  awoke  by 
its  crash  the  daughter  of  Chacha.  Her  father  quieted  her  fears 
by  saying  it  was  only  "  the  thunder  and  the  rains  of  Bhadon  "  : 
to  fear  God  only  and  go  to  sleep,  for  their  enemies  were  safe  at 
Kelwa.  At  this  moment  the  Rao  and  his  party  rushed  in. 
Chacha  and  Mera  had  no  time  to  avoid  their  fate.  Chacha  was 
cleft  in  two  by  the  Chandana,  while  the  Rathor  prince  laid  Mera 
at  his  feet,  and  the  spoils  of  Ratakot  were  divided  among  the 
assailants. 

CHAPTER  8 

Bana  Kumbha,  a.d.  1433-68. — Kumbha  succeeded  his  father 
in  S.  1475  (a.d.  1419)  ;  ^  nor  did  any  symptom  of  dissatisfaction 

^  [The  dates  given  in  the  margin  are  based  on  recently  found  inscriptions 
(Har  Bilas  Sarda,  Maharana  Kumbha  :  Sovereign,  Soldier,  Scholar,  Ajmer, 
1917,  p.  2.] 


334  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

appear  to  usher  in  his  reign,  which  was  one  of  great  success 
amidst  no  common  difficulties.  The  bardic  historians  ^  do  as 
much  honour  to  the  Marwar  prince,  who  had  made  common 
cause  with  their  sovereign  in  revenging  the  death  of  his  father, 
as  if  it  had  involved  the  security  of  his  crown  ;  but  this  was  a 
precautionary  measure  of  the  prince,  who  was  induced  thus  to 
act  from  several  motives,  and,  above  all,  in  accordance  with 
usage,  which  stigmatizes  the  refusal  of  aid  when  demanded  : 
besides  '  Kumbha  was  the  nephew  of  Marwar.' 

It  has  rarely  occurred  in  any  country  to  have  possessed  suc- 
cessively so  many  energetic  princes  as  ruled  Mewar  through 
several  centuries.  She  was  now  in  the  middle  path  of  her  glory, 
and  enjoying  the  legitimate  triumph  of  seeing  the  foes  of  her 
religion  captives  on  the  rock  of  her  power.  A  century  had 
elapsed  since  the  bigot  Ala  had  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  the 
different  monuments  of  art.  Chitor  had  recovered  the  sack,  and 
new  defenders  had  sprung  up  in  the  place  [287]  of  those  who  had 
fallen  in  their  '  saffron  robes,'  a  sacrifice  for  her  preservation. 
All  that  was  wanting  to  augment  her  resources  against  the 
storms  which  were  collecting  on  the  brows  of  Caucasus  and  the 
shores  of  the  Oxus,  and  were  destined  to  burst  on  the  head  of  his 
grandson  Sanga,  was  effected  by  Kumbha  ;  who  with  Hamir's 
energy,  Lakha's  taste  for  the  arts,  and  a  genius  comprehensive 
as  either  and  more  fortunate,  succeeded  in  all  his  undertakings, 
and  once  more  raised  the  '  crimson  banner  '  of  Mewar  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Ghaggar,  the  scene  of  Samarsi's  defeat.  I/Ct  us 
contrast  the  patriarchal  Hindu  governments  of  this  period  with 
the  despotism  of  the  Tatar  invader. 

From  the  age  of  Shihabu-d-din,  the  conqueror  of  India,  and 
his  contemporary  Samarsi,  to  the  time  we  have  now  reached, 
two  entire  dynasties,  numbering  twenty-four  emperors  and  one 
empress,  through  assassination,  rebellion,  and  dethronement, 
had  followed  in  rapid  succession,  yielding  a  result  of  only  nine 
years  to  a  reign.  Of  Mewar,  though  several  fell  in  defending 
their  altars  at  home  or  their  religion  abroad,  eleven  princes 
suffice  to  fill  the  same  period. 

It  was  towards  the  close  of  the  Khilji  dynasty  that  the  satraps 

^  The  Raj  Ratana,  by  Ranchhor  Bhat,  says  :  "  The  Mandor  Rao  was 
pardhan,  or  premier  to  Mokal,  and  conquered  Nawa  and  Didwana  for 
Mewar." 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  MAHMHD  OF  MALWA  335 

of  Delhi  shook  off  its  authority  and  estabhshed  subordinate 
kingdoms :  Bijapur  and  Golkonda  in  the  Deccan ;  Malwa, 
Gujarat,  Jaunpur  in  the  east  ;  and  even  Kalpi  had  its  king. 
Malwa  and  Gujarat  had  attained  considerable  power  when 
Kumbha  ascended  the  throne.  In  the  midst  of  his  prosperity 
these  two  States  formed  a  league  against  him,  and  in  S.  1496 
(a.d.  1440)  both  kings,  at  the  head  of  powerful  armies,  invaded 
Mewar.  Kumbha  met  them  on  the  plains  of  Malwa  bordering 
on  his  own  State,  and  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  thousand  horse 
and  foot  and  fourteen  hundred  elephants,  gave  them  an  entire 
defeat,  carrying  captive  to  Chitor  Mahmud  the  Khilji  sovereign 
of  Malwa. 

Abu-1  Fazl  relates  this  victory,  and  dilates  on  Kumbha's 
greatness  of  soul  in  setting  his  enemy  at  libeii;y,  not  only  without 
ransom  but  with  gifts.^  Such  is  the  character  of  the  Hindu  :  a 
mixture  of  arrogance,  political  blindness,  pride,  and  generosity. 
To  spare  a  prostrate  foe  is  the  creed  of  the  Hindu  cavalier,  and 
he  carries  all  such  maxims  to  excess.  The  annals,  however,  state 
that  Mahmud  was  confined  six  months  in  Chitor  ;  and  that  the 
trophies  of  conquest  were  retained  we  have  evidence  from  Babur, 
who  mentions  receiving  from  the  son  of  his  opponent,  Sanga,  the 
crown  of  the  Malwa  king. 

The  Tower  of  Victory. — But  there  is  a  more  durable  [288] 
monument  than  this  written  record  of  victory  :  the  triumphal 
pillar  in  Chitor,  whose  inscriptions  detail  the  event,  "  when, 
shaking  the  earth,  the  lords  of  Gujarkhand  and  P»Ialwa,  with 
armies  overwhelming  as  the  ocean,  invaded  Medpat."  Eleven 
years  after  this  event  Kumbha  laid  the  foundations  of  this 
column,  which  was  completed  in  ten  more  :  a  period  apparently 
too  short  to  place  "  this  ringlet  on  the  brow  of  Chitor,  which 
makes  her  look  down  upon  Meru  with  derision."  We  will  leave 
it,  with  the  aspiration  that  it  may  long  continue  a  monument  of 
the  fortune  of  its  founders.^ 

It  would  appear  that  the  Malwa  king  afterwards  united  his 

^  [It  is  the  generosity  of  Rana  Sanga  to  Muzaffar  Shah  of  which  Abn-1 
Fazl  speaks  (Ain,  ii.  221).] 

^  [The  Musalman  historians  give  a  different  account.  Ferishta  says  that 
Mahmud  stormed  the  lower  part  of  Cliitor,  and  that  the  Rana  fled  (iv.  209). 
At  any  rate,  Mahmiid  erected  a  tower  of  victory  at  Mandu  (IGI,  xvii.  173). 
The  result  was  probably  indecisive.  For  Kumbha's  pillar  see  Fergusson, 
Hist.  Indian  Architecture,  ii.  59  ;   Smith,  HFA.  202  f.] 


336  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

arms  with  Kumbha,  as,  in  a  victory  gained  over  the  imperial 
forces  at  Jhunjhumi,  when  '  he  planted  his  standard  in  Hissar,' 
the  Malwa  troops  were  combined  with  those  of  Mewar.  The 
imperial  power  had  at  this  period  greatly  declined  :  the  KJiutba 
was  read  in  the  mosques  in  the  name  of  Timur,  and  the  Malwa 
king  had  defeated,  single-handed,  the  last  Ghorian  sultan  of 
Delhi. 

The  Fortresses  of  Mewar. — Of  eighty-four  fortresses  for  the 
defence  of  Mewar,  thirty-tv.^o  were  erected  by  Kumbha.  Inferior 
only  to  Chitor  is  that  stupendous  work  called  after  him  Kum- 
bhalmer,^  '  the  hill  of  Kumbha,'  from  its  natural  position,  and 
the  works  he  raised,  impregnable  to  a  native  army.  These  works 
were  on  the  site  of  a  more  ancient  fortress,  of  which  the  moun- 
taineers long  held  possession.  Tradition  ascribes  it  to  Samprati 
Raja,  a  Jain  prince  in  the  second  century,  and  a  descendant  of 
Chandragupta  ;  ^  and  the  ancient  Jain  temples  appear  to  confirm 
the  tradition.  When  Kumbha  captured  Nagor  he  brought  away 
the  gates,  with  the  statue  of  the  god  Hanuman,  who  gives  his 
name  to  the  gate  which  he  still  guards.  He  also  erected  a  citadel 
on  a  peak  of  Abu,  within  the  fortress  of  the  ancient  Pramara, 
where  he  often  resided.  Its  magazine  and  alarm-tower  still 
bear  Kumbha's  name  ;  and  in  a  rude  temple  the  bronze  effigies 
of  Kumbha  and  his  father  still  receive  divine  honours.*  Centuries 
have  passed  since  the  princes  of  Mewar  had  influence  here,  but 
the  incident  marks  the  vivid  remembrance  of  their  condition. 
He  fortified  the  passes  between  the  western  frontier  and  Abu, 
and  erected  the  fort  Vasanti  near  the  present  Sirohi,  and  that  of 
Machin,  to  defend  the  Shero  Nala  and  Deogarh  against  the  Mers 
of  Aravalli.  He  re-established  Ahor  and  other  smaller  [289] 
forts  to  overawe  the  Bhumia  *  Bhil  of  Jharol  and  Panarwa,  and 
defined  the  boundaries  of  Marwar  and  Mewar. 

Temples. — Besides  these  monuments  of  his  genius,  two  conse- 
crated to  religion  have  survived  :  that  of  Kumbha  Sham,  on 
Abu,  which,  though  worthy  to  attract  notice  elsewhere,  is  here 
eclipsed  by  a  crowd  of  more  interesting  objects  ;   the  other,  one 

^  Pronounced  Kumalmer. 
2  [Grandson_of  Asoka  (Smith,  EHI,  192  f.).] 

^  [For  the  Abu  temples  see  Tod,  Western  India,  75  £f. ;  Erskine  iii.  A. 
295.] 

*  A  powerful  phrase,  indicating  '  possessor  of  the  soil.' 


TEMPLES:   MiRA  BAl  337 

of  the  largest  edifices  existing,  cost  upwards  of  a  million  sterling, 
towards  which  Kumbha  contributed  eighty  thousand  pounds. 
It  is  erected  in  the  Sadri  pass  leading  from  the  western  descent 
of  the  highlands  of  Mewar,  and  is  dedicated  to  Rishabhadeva.^ 
Its  secluded  position  has  preserved  it  from  bigoted  fury,  and  its 
only  visitants  now  are  the  wild  beasts  who  take  shelter  in  its 
sanctuary.  Kumbha  Rana  was  also  a  poet  :  but  in  a  far  more 
elevated  strain  than  the  troubadour  princes,  his  neighbours,  who 
contented  themselves  with  rehearsing  their  own  prowess  or 
celebrating  their  lady's  beauty.  He  composed  a  tika,  or  appendix 
to  the  '  Divine  Melodies,'  ^  in  praise  of  Krishna.  We  can  pass 
no  judgment  on  these  inspirations  of  the  royal  bard,  as  we  are 
ignorant  whether  any  are  preserved  in  the  records  of  the  house  : 
a  point  his  descendant,  who  is  deeply  skilled  in  such  lore,  might 
probably  answer. 

Mira  Bai. — Kumbha  married  a  daughter  of  the  Rathor  of 
Merta,  the  first  of  the  clans  of  Marwar.  Mira  Bai  *  was  the  most 
celebrated  princess  of  her  time  for  beauty  and  romantic  piety. 
Her  compositions  were  numerous,  though  better  known  to  the 
worshippers  of  the  Hindu  Apollo  than  to  the  ribald  bards.  Some 
of  her  odes  and  hymns  to  the  deity  are  preserved  and  admired. 
Whether  she   imbibed  her  poetic  piety   from  her  husband,   or 

^  The  Rana's  minister,  of  the  Jain  faith,  and  of  the  tribe  Porwar  (one  of 
the  twelve  and  a  half  divisions),  laid  the  foundation  of  this  temple  in  a.d. 
1438.  It  was  completed  by  subscription.  It  consists  of  three  stories,  and 
is  supported  by  numerous  columns  of  granite,  upwards  of  forty  feet  in  height. 
The  interior  is  inlaid  with  mosaics  of  cornelian  and  agate.  The  statues  of 
the  Jain  saints  are  in  its  subterranean  vaults.  We  could  not  expect  much 
elegance  at  a  period  when  the  arts  had  long  been  declining,  but  it  would 
doubtless  afford  a  fair  specimen  of  them,  and  enable  us  to  trace  their  gradual 
descent  in  the  scale  of  refinement.  This  temple  is  an  additional  proof  of 
the  early  existence  of  the  art  of  inlaying.  That  I  did  not  see  it  is  now  to  me 
one  of  the  many  vain  regrets  which  I  might  have  avoided. 

^  Gita  Govinda. 

^  [She  was  daughter  of  Ratiya  Rana,  and  was  married  to  Kiimbha  in  1413. 
Her  great  work  is  the  Rag  Gobind  (Grierson,  Modern  Literature  of  Hindustan, 
12  ;  Macauhffe,  The  Sikh  Religion,  vi.  342  ff.  ;  I  A,  xxv.  19,  xxxii.  329  £f.  ; 
ASR,  xxiii.  106).  As  an  illustration  of  the  uncertainty  of  early  Mewar 
history,  according  to  Har  Bilas  Sarda,  author  of  the  monograph  on  Rana 
Kumbha,  Mira  Bai  was  not  wife  of  Kiimbha,  but  of  Bhojraj,  son  of  Rana 
Sanga.  She  was  daughter  of  Ratan  Singh  of  Merta,  fourth  son  of  Rao 
Duda  (a.d.  1461-62).  She  was  married  to  Bhojraj  a.d.  1516,  and  died  in 
1546.] 

VOL.   I  7. 


338  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

whether  from  her  lie  caught  the  sympathy  which  produced  the 
'  sequel  to  the  songs  of  Govinda,'  we  caruiot  determine.  Her 
history  is  a  romance,  and  her  excess  of  devotion  at  every  shrine 
of  the  favourite  deity  with  the  fair  of  Hind,  from  the  Yamuna  to 
'  the  world's  end,'  ^  gave  rise  to  many  [290]  tales  of  scandal. 
Kumbha  mixed  gallantry  with  his  warlike  pursuits.  He  carried 
off  the  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Jhalawar,  who  had  been  betrothed 
to  the  prince  of  Mandor  :  this  renewed  the  old  feud,  and  the 
Rathor  made  many  attempts  to  redeem  his  affianced  bride.  His 
humiliation  was  insupportable,  when  through  the  purified  atmo- 
sphere of  the  periodical  rains  "  the  towers  of  Kumbhalmer  became 
visible  from  the  castle  of  Mandor,  and  the  light  radiated  from  the 
chamber  of  the  fair  through  the  gloom  of  a  night  in  Bhadon,^  to 
the  hall  where  he  brooded  o'er  his  sorrows."  It  was  surmised 
that  this  night-lamp  was  an  understood  signal  of  the  Jhalani, 
who  pined  at  the  decree  which  ambition  had  dictated  to  her 
father,  in  consigning  her  to  the  more  powerful  rival  of  her  affianced 
lord.  The  Rathor  exhausted  every  resource  to  gain  access  to  the 
fair,  and  had  once  nearly  succeeded  in  a  surprise  by  escalade, 
having  cut  his  way  in  the  night  through  the  forest  in  the  western 
and  least  guarded  acclivity  :  but,  as  the  bard  equivocally  remarks, 
"  though  he  cut  his  way  through  the  jhal  (brushwood),  he  could 
not  reach  the  Jhalani." 

The  Assassination  of  Bana  Kiimbha,  a.d.  1468. — Kumbha  had 
occupied  the  throne  half  a  century  ;  he  had  triumphed  over  the 
enemies  of  his  race,  fortified  his  country  with  strongholds,  em- 
bellished it  with  temples,  and  with  the  superstructure  of  her  fame 
had  laid  the  foundation  of  his  own — when,  the  year  which  should 
have  been  a  jubilee  was  disgraced  by  the  foulest  blot  in  the  annals  ; 
and  his  life,  which  nature  was  about  to  close,  terminated  by  the 
poignard  of  an  assassin — that  assassin,  his  son  ! 

RanaUda,  a.d.  1468-73.— This  happened  in  S.  1525  (a.d.  1469). 
Uda  was  the  name  of  the  parricide,  whose  unnatural  ambition, 
and  impatience  to  enjoy  a  short  lustre  of  sovereignty,  bereft  of 
life  the  author  of  his  existence.  But  such  is  the  detestation 
which  marks  this  unusual  crime  that,  like  that  of  the  Venetian 
traitor,  his  name  is  left  a  blank  in  the  annals,  nor  is  Uda  known 
but  by  the  epithet  Hatyara,  '  the  murderer.'  Shunned  by  his 
kin,  and  compelled  to  look  abroad  for  succour  to  maintain  him 
^  Jagat  Khunt,  or  Dwarka.  ^  The  darkest  of  the  rainy  months. 


RANA  UDA  :  BANISHMENT  OF  THE  CHARANS      339 

on  the  throne  polkited  by  his  crime,  Mewar  in  five  years  of 
illegitimate  rule  lost  half  the  consequence  which  had  cost  so  many 
to  acquire.  He  made  the  Deora  prince  independent  in  Abu,  and 
bestowed  Sambhar,  Ajmer,  and  adjacent  districts  on  the  prince 
of  Jodhpur  ^  as  the  price  of  his  friendship.  But,  a  prey  to  re- 
morse, he  felt  that  he  [291]  could  neither  claim  regard  from,  nor 
place  any  dependence  upon,  these  princes,  though  he  bribed  them 
Avith  provinces.  He  humbled  himself  before  the  king  of  Delhi, 
offering  him  a  daughter  in  marriage  to  obtain  his  sanction  to  his 
authority  ;  "  but  heaven  manifested  its  vengeance  to  prevent 
this  additional  iniquity,  and  preserve  the  house  of  Bappa  Rawal 
from  dishonour."  He  had  scarcely  quitted  the  divan  {diwan- 
khana),  on  taking  leave  of  the  king,  when  a  flash  of  lightning 
struck  the  Hatyara  to  the  earth,  whence  he  never  arose  .^  The 
bards  pass  over  this  period  cursorily,  as  one  of  their  race  was  the 
instrument  of  Uda's  crime. 

Banishment  of  the  Charans. — There  has  always  been  a  jealousy 
between  the  Mangtas,  as  they  term  all  classes  '  who  extend  the,' 
palm,'  whether  Brahmans,  Yatis,  Charans,  or  Bhats  ;  but  since! 
Hamir,  the  Charan  influence  had  far  eclipsed  the  rest.  A  Brahman 
astrologer  predicted  Kumbha's  death  through  a  Charan,  and  as 
the  class  had  given  other  cause  of  offence,  Kumbha  banished 
the  fraternity  his  dominions,  resuming  all  their  lands :  a  strong 
measure  in  those  days,  and  which  few  would  have  had  nerve  to 
attempt  or  firmness  to  execute.  The  heir-apparent,  Raemall, 
who  was  exiled  to  Idar  for  what  his  father  deemed  an  impertinent 
curiosity,^  had  attached  one  of  these  bards  to  his  suite,  whose 
ingenuity  got  the  edict  set  aside,  and  his  race  restored  to  their 
lands  and  the  prince's  favour.  Had  they  taken  off  the  Brahman's 
head,  they  might  have  falsified  the  prediction  which  unhappily 
was  too  soon  fulfilled.* 

^  Jodha  laid  the  foundation  of  his  new  capital  in  S.  1515  [a.d.  1459],  ten 
years  anterior  to  the  event  we  are  recording. 

2  [See  p.  268  above.] 

^  He  had  observed  that  his  father,  ever  since  the  victory  over  the  king  at 
•Jhunjhunu,  before  he  took  a  seat,  thrice  waved  his  sword  in  circles  over  his 
head,  pronouncing  at  the  same  time  some  incantation.  Inquiry  into  the 
meaning  of  this  was  the  cause  of  his  banishment. 

*  During  the  rains  of  1820,  when  the  author  was  residing  at  Udaipur,  the 
Rana  fell  ill.;  his  complaint  was  an  intermittent  (which  for  several  years 
returned  with  the  monsoon),  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  jaundiced  with 


340  ANNAI-S  OF  MEWAR 

Rana  Raemall,  a.d.  1473-1508. — Raemall  succeeded  in  S.  1530 
(a.d.  1474)  by  his  own  valour  to  the  seat  of  Kumbha.  He  had 
fought  and  defeated  the  usurper,  who  on  this  occasion  fied  to  the 
king  of  Delhi  and  offered  him  a  daughter  of  Mewar.  After  his 
death  in  the  manner  described,  the  Delhi  monarch,  with  Sahasmall 
[292]  and  Surajmall,  sons  of  the  parricide,  invaded  Mewar,  encamp- 
ing at  Siarh,  now  Nathdwara.  The  chiefs  were  faithful  to  their 
legitimate  prince,  Raemall,  and  aided  by  his  allies  of  Abu  and 
Girnar,  at  the  head  of  fifty-eight  thousand  horse  and  eleven 
thousand  foot,  he  gave  battle  to  the  pretender  and  his  imperial 
ally  at  Ghasa.  The  conflict  was  ferocious.  '  The  streams  ran 
blood,'  for  the  sons  of  the  usurper  were  brave  as  lions  ;  but  the 
king  was  so  completely  routed  that  he  never  again  entered  Mewar. 

Raemall  bestowed  one  daughter  on  Surji  (Yadu),  the  chief  of 
Girnar  ;  and  another  on  the  Deora,  Jaimall  of  Sirohi,  confirming 
his  title  to  Abu  as  her  dower.  He  sustained  the  warlike  reputa- 
tion of  his  predecessors,  and  carried  on  interminable  strife  with 
Ghiyasu-d-din  of  Malwa,  whom  he  defeated  in  several  pitched 
battles,  to  the  success  of  which  the  valour  of  his  nephews,  whom 
he  had  pardoned,  mainly  contributed.  In  the  last  of  these 
encounters  the  Khilji  king  sued  for  peace,  renouncing  the  pre- 
tensions he  had  formerly  urged."^  The  dynasty  of  Lodi  next 
enjoyed  the  imperial  bauble,  and  with  it  Mewar  had  to  contest 
her  northern  boundary. 

The  Sons  of  Rana  Raemall. — Raemall  had  three  sons,  celebrated 


bile.  An  intriguing  Brahman,  who  managed  the  estates  of  the  Rana's 
eldest  sister,  held  also  the  twofold  office  of  physician  and  astrologer  to  the 
Rana.  He  had  predicted  that  year  as  one  of  evil  in  his  horoscope,  and  was 
about  to  verify  the  prophecy,  since,  instead  of  the  active  medicines  requisite, 
he  was  admijiistering  the  Haft  dhat,  or  '  seven  metals,'  compounded.  Having 
a  most  sincere  regard  for  the  Rana's  welfare,  the  author  seized  the  opportunity 
of  a  full  court  being  assembled  on  the  distribution  of  swords  and  coco-nuts 
preparatory  to  the  military  festival,  to  ask  a  personal  favour.  The  Rana, 
smiUng,  said  that  it  was  granted,  when  he  was  entreated  to  leave  off  the 
poison  he  was  taking.  He  did  so  ;  the  amendment  was  soon  visible,  and, 
aided  by  the  medicines  of  Dr.  Duncan,  which  he  readily  took,  his  complaint 
was  speedily  cured.  The  '  man  of  fate  and  physic  '  lost  half  his  estates, 
which  he  had  obtained  through  intrigue.  He  was  succeeded  by  Amra  the 
bard,  who  is  not  hkely  to  ransack  the  pharmacopoeia  for  such  poisonous 
ingredients  ;   his  ordinary  prescription  being  the  '  amrit.' 

^  [Ferishta  does  not  mention  these  campaigns  (iv.  236  ff.),  and  Ghiyasu-d- 
dln  (a.d.  1469-99)  is  said  to  have  spent  his  life  in  luxury  and  never  to  have 
left  his  palace  {BG,  i.  Part  i.  362  ff.).] 


THE  SONS  OP  RANA  RAEMALL  341 

in  the  annals  of  Rajasthan :  Sanga,  the  competitor  of  Babiir, 
Prithiraj,  the  Rolando  of  his  age,  and  Jaimall,  Unhappily  for 
the  country  and  their  father's  repose,  fraternal  affection  was 
discarded  for  deadly  hate,  and  their  feuds  and  dissensions  were  a 
source  of  constant  alarm.  Had  discord  not  disunited  them,  the 
reign  of  Raemall  would  have  equalled  any  of  his  predecessors. 
As  it  was,  it  presented  a  striking  contrast  to  them  :  his  two  elder 
sons  banished  ;  the  first,  Sanga,  self-exiled  from  perpetual  fear 
of  his  life,  and  Prithiraj,  the  second,  from  his  turbulence  ;  while 
the  youngest,  Jaimall,  was  slain  through  his  intemperance.  A 
sketch  of  these  feuds  will  present  a  good  picture  of  the  Rajput 
character,  and  their  mode  of  life  when  their  arms  were  not  required 
against  their  country's  foes. 

Sanga  ^  and  Prithiraj  were  the  offspring  of  the  .Jhali  queen  ; 
Jaimall  was  by  another  mother.  What  moral  influence  the  name 
he  bore  had  on  Prithiraj  we  can  surmise  only  from  his  actions, 
which  would  stand  comparison  with  those  of  his  prototype  [293] 
the  Chauhan  of  Delhi,  and  are  yet  the  delight  of  the  Sesodia. 
When  they  assemble  at  the  feast  after  a  day's  sport,  or  in  a  sultry 
evening  spread  the  carpet  on  the  terrace  to  inhale  the  leaf  or  take 
a  cup  of  kusumbha,^  a  tale  of  Prithiraj  recited  by  the  bard  is  the 
highest  treat  they  can  enjoy.  Sanga,  the  heir-apparent,  was  a 
contrast  to  his  brother.  Equally  brave,  his  courage  was  tempered 
by  reflection  ;  while  Prithiraj  burned  with  a  perpetual  thirst  for 
action,  and  often  observed  "  that  fate  must  have  intended  him 
to  rule  Mewar."  The  three  brothers,  with  their  uncle,  Surajmall, 
were  one  day  discussing  these  topics,  when  Sanga  observed  that, 
though  heir  to  '  the  ten  thousand  towns  '  of  Mewar,  he  would 
waive  his  claims,  and  trust  them,  as  did  the  Roman  brothers,  to 
the  omen  which  should  be  given  by  the  priestess  of  Charani  Devi 
at  Nahra  Magra,^  the  '  Tiger's  Mount.'  They  repaired  to  her 
abode.  Prithiraj  and  Jaimall  entered  first,  and  seated  themselves 
on  a  pallet  :  Sanga  followed  and  took  possession  of  the  panther 
hide  of  the  prophetess  ;  his  uncle,  Surajmall,  with  one  knee 
resting  thereon.  Scarcely  had  Prithiraj  disclosed  their  errand, 
when  the  sibyl  pointed  to  the  panther-hide  *  as  the  decisive  omen 

^  His  name  classically  is  Sangram  Singh,  '  the  Hon  of  war.' 
^  [Infusion  of  opium.] 

*  About  ten  miles  east  of  Udaipur. 

*  Singhasan  is  the  ancient  term  for  the  Hindu  throne,  signifying  '  the 


342  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  sovereignty  to  Sanga,  with  a  portion  to  his  uncle.  They  re- 
ceived the  decree  as  did  the  twins  of  Rome.  Prithiraj  drew  his 
sword  and  would  have  falsified  the  omen,  had  not  Surajmall 
stepped  in  and  received  the  blow  destined  for  Sanga,  while  the 
prophetess  fled  from  their  fury.  Surajmall  and  Prithiraj  were 
exliausted  with  wounds,  and  Sanga  fled  with  five  sword-cuts  and 
an  arrow  in  Ms  eye,  which  destroyed  the  sight  for  ever.  He  made 
for  the  sanctuary  of  Chaturbhuja,  and  passing  Sivanti,  took 
refuge  with  Bida  (Udawat),  who  was  accoutred  for  a  journey,  his 
steed  standing  by  him.  Scarcely  had  he  assisted  the  wounded  heir 
of  Mewar  to  alight  when  JaimaU  gaUoped  up  in  pursuit.  The 
Rathor  guarded  the  sanctuary,  and  gave  up  his  life  in  defence  of 
his  guest,  who  meanwhile  escaped. 

Retirement  of  Sanga. — Prithiraj  recovered  from  his  wounds  ; 
and  Sanga,  aware  of  his  implacable  enmity,  had  recourse  to  many 
expedients  to  avoid  discovery.  He,  who  at  a  future  period  leagued 
a  hundred  thousand  men  against  the  descendant  of  Timur,  was 
compelled  to  associate  with  goat-herds,  expelled  the  peasant's 
abode  as  too  stupid  [294]  to  tend  his  cattle,  and,  precisely  like  our 
Alfred  the  Great,  having  in  charge  some  cakes  of  flour,  was  re- 
proached with  being  more  desirous  of  eating  than  tending  them. 
A  few  faithful  Rajputs  found  him  in  this  state,  and,  providing  him 
with  arms  and  a  horse,  they  took  service  with  Rao  Karamchand, 
Pramar,  chief  of  Srinagar,"^  and  with  him  '  ran  the  country.' 
After  one  of  these  raids,  Sanga  one  day  alighted  under  a  banian 
tree,  and  placing  his  dagger  under  his  head,  reposed,  while  two 
of  his  faithful  Rajputs,  whose  names  are  preserved,"  prepared  his 
rcfjast,  their  steeds  grazing  by  them.  A  ray  of  the  sun  penetrating 
the  foliage,  fell  on  Sanga's  face,  and  discovered  a  snake,  which, 
feeling  the  warmth,  had  uncoiled  itself  and  was  rearing  its  crest 
over  the  head  of  the  exile  :  *  a  bird  of  omen  *  had  perched  itself 

lion-seat.'  Charans,  bards,  who  are  all  Maharajas,  '  great  princes,'  by 
courtesy,  have  their  seats  of  the  hide  of  the  lion,  tiger,  panther,  or  black 
antelope. 

^  IS  early  ten  miles  south-east  of  Ajmer. 

^  Jai  Singh  Baleo  and  Jaimu  Sindhal. 

*  [A  common  folk-tale,  told  of  Malhar  Rao  Holkar  and  many  other 
princes  (Crooke,  Popular  Religion  Northern  India,  ii.  142  ;  Malcolm,  Memoir 
of  Central  India,  2nd  ed.  i.  143  f. ;  E.  S.  Hartland,  Ritual  and  Belief,  323  f.).] 

*  Called  the  devi,  about  the  size  of  the  wagtail,  and  like  it,  black  and 
white. 


THE  ADVENTURES  OF  PRITHIRAJ  343 

on  the  crested  serpent,  and  was  chattering  aloud.  A  goat-herd 
named  Maru,  '  versed  in  the  language  of  birds,'  passed  at  the 
moment  Sanga  awoke.  The  prince  repelled  the  proffered  homage 
of  the  goat-herd,  who,  however,  had  intimated  to  the  Pramara 
chief  that  he  was  served  by  '  royalty.'  ^  The  Pramara  kept  the 
secret,  and  gave  Sanga  a  daughter  to  wife,  and  protection  till  the 
tragical  end  of  his  brother  called  him  to  the  throne. 

'  The  Adventures  of  Prithiraj. — When  the  Rana  heard  of  the 
quarrel  which  had  nearly  deprived  him  of  his  heir,  he  banished 
Prithiraj,  telling  him  that  he  might  live  on  his  bravery  and  main- 
tain himself  with  strife.  With  but  five  horse  ^  Prithiraj  quitted 
the  paternal  abode,  and  made  for  Bali  in  Godwar.  These  dis- 
sensions following  the  disastrous  conclusion  of  the  last  reign, 
paralysed  the  country,  and  the  wild  tribes  of  the  west  and  the 
mountaineers  of  the  Aravalli  so  little  respected  the  garrison  of 
Nadol  (the  chief  to^vn  of  Godwar),  that  they  carried  their  depreda- 
tions to  the  plains.  Prithiraj  halted  at  Nadol,  and  having  to 
procure  some  necessaries  pledged  a  ring  to  the  merchant  who  had 
sold  it  to  him ;  the  merchant  recognized  the  prince,  and  learning 
the  cause  of  his  disguise,  proffered  his  services  in  the  scheme 
which  the  prince  had  in  view  for  the  restoration  of  order  in  God- 
war, being  determined  to  evince  to  his  father  that  he  had  resources 
independent  of  birth.  The  Minas  were  the  aboriginal  proprietors 
of  all  these  regions  ;  the  Rajputs  were  interlopers  and  conquerors. 
A  Rawat  of  this  tribe  had  regained  their  ancient  haunts,  and  held 
his  petty  court  at  the  [295]  town  of  Narlai  in  the  plains,  and  was 
even  served  by  Rajputs.  By  the  advice  of  Ojha,  the  merchant, 
Prithiraj  enlisted  himself  and  his  band  among  the  adherents  of 
the  Mina.  On  the  Aheria,  or  '  hunter's  festival,'  the  vassals  have 
leave  to  rejoin  their  famUies.  Prithiraj,  who  had  also  obtained 
leave,  rapidly  retraced  his  steps,  and  despatching  his  Rajputs 
to  dislodge  the  Mina,  awaited  the  result  in  ambush  at  the  gate  of 
the  town.  In  a  short  time  the  Mina  appeared  on  horseback,  and 
in  full  flight  to  the  mountains  for  security.  Prithiraj  pm-sued, 
overtook,  and  transfixed  him  with  his  lance  to  a  kesula  tree,  and 
setting  fire  to  the  village,  he  slew  the  Minas  as  they  sought  to 
escape  the  flames.     Other  towns  shared  the  same  fate,  and  all  the 

^  Chhatrdhari. 

*  The  names  of  his  followers  were,  Jasa  Sindhal,  Sangam  (Dahhi),  Abha, 
Jaiia,  and  a  Badel  Rathor. 


344  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

province  of  Godwar,  with  the  exception  of  Desuri,  a  stronghold 
of  the  Madrecha  Chauhans,  fell  into  his  power.  At  this  time 
Sada  Solanki,  whose  ancestor  had  escaped  the  destruction  of 
Patan  and  found  refuge  in  these  mountainous  tracts,  held  Sodh- 
garh.  He  had  espoused  a  daughter  of  the  Madrecha,  but  the  grant 
of  Desuri  and  its  lands  ^  in  perpetuity  easUy  gained  him  to  the 
cause  of  Prithiraj . 

Prithiraj  having  thus  restored  order  in  Godwar,  and  appointed 
Ojha  and  the  Solanki  to  the  government  thereof,  regained  the 
confidence  of  his  father  ;  and  his  brother  Jaimall  being  slain  at 
this  time,  accelerated  his  forgiveness  and  recall.  Ere  he  rejoins 
Raemall  we  will  relate  the  manner  of  this  event.  Jaimall  was 
desirous  to  obtain  the  hand  of  Tara  Bai,  daughter  of  Rao  Surthan,^ 
who  had  been  expelled  Toda  by  the  Pathans.  The  price  of  her 
hand  was  the  recovery  of  this  domain :  but  Jaimall,  willing  to 
anticipate  the  reward,  and  rudely  attempting  access  to  the  fair, 
was  slain  by  the  indignant  father.  The  quibbling  remark  of  the 
bard  upon  this  event  is  that  "  Tara  was  not  the  star  (tara)  of  his 
destiny."  At  the  period  of  this  occurrence  Sanga  was  in  conceal- 
ment, Prithiraj  banished,  and  Jaimall  consequently  looked  to 
as  the  heir  of  Mewar.  The  Rana,  when  incited  to  revenge,  replied 
with  a  magnanimity  which  deserves  to  be  recorded,  "  that  he  who 
had  thus  dared  to  insult  the  honour  of  a  [296]  father,  and  that 
father  in  distress,  richly  merited  his  fate  "  ;  and  in  proof  of  his 
disavowal  of  such  a  son  he  conferred  on  the  Solanki  the  district 
of  Radnor. 

Prithiraj  recalled. — This  event  led  to  the  recall  of  Prithiraj, 
who  eagerly  took  up  the  gage  disgraced  by  his  brother.  The 
adventure  was  akin  to  his  taste.  The  exploit  which  won  the 
hand  of  the  fair  Amazon,  who,  equipped  with  bow  and  quiver, 
subsequently  accompanied  him  in  many  perilous  enterprises, 
wiU  be  elsewhere  related. 

^  The  grant  in  the  preamble  denounces  a  curse  on  any  of  Prithiraj's 
descendants  who  should  resume  it.  I  have  often  conversed  with  this 
descendant,  who  held  Sodhgarh  and  its  lands,  which  were  never  resumed  by 
the  princes  of  Chitor,  though  they  reverted  to  Marwar.  The  chief  still 
honours  the  Rana,  and  many  lives  have  been  sacrificed  to  maintain  his 
claims,  and  with  any  prospect  of  success  he  would  not  hesitate  to  offer 
his  own. 

^  This  is  a  genuine  Hindu  name, '  the  Hero's  refuge,'  from  sur, '  a  warrior,' 
and  thari,  '  an  abode.' 


INTERVIEW  BET\M5EN  PRITHIRAJ  &  StJRAJMALL   345 

Surajmall  (the  uncle),  who  had  fomented  these  quarrels,  re- 
solved not  to  belie  the  prophetess  if  a  crown  lay  in  his  path.  The 
claims  acquired  from  his  parricidal  parent  were  revived  when 
Mewar  had  no  sons  to  look  to,  Prithiraj  on  his  return  renewed 
the  feud  with  Surajmall,  whose  '  vaulting  ambition  '  persuaded 
him  that  the  crown  was  his  destiny,  and  he  plunged  deep  into 
treason  to  obtain  it.  He  joined  as  partner  in  his  schemes  Sarang- 
deo,  another  descendant  of  Lakha  Rana,  and  both  repaired  to 
Muzaffar,  the  sultan  of  Malwa.^  With  his  aid  they  assailed  the 
southern  frontier,  and  rapidly  possessed  themselves  of  Sadri, 
Bataro,  and  a  wide  tract  extending  from  Nai  to  Nimach,  attempt- 
ing even  Chi  tor.  With  the  few  troops  at  hand  Raemall  descended 
to  punisii  the  rebels,  who  met  the  attack  on  the  river  Gambhir.^ 
The  Rana,  fighting  like  a  common  soldier,  had  received  two-and- 
twenty  wounds,  and  was  nearly  falling  through  faintness,  when 
Prithiraj  joined  him  with  one  thousand  fresh  horse,  and  reanimated 
the  battle.  He  selected  his  uncle  Surajmall,  whom  he  soon 
covered  with  wounds.  Many  had  fallen  on  both  sides,  but  neither 
party  would  yield  ;  when  worn  out  they  mutually  retired  from 
the  field,  and  bivouacked  in  sight  of  each  other. 

Interview  between  Prithiraj  and  Surajmall. — It  will  show  the 
manners  and  feelings  so  peculiar  to  the  Rajput,  to  describe  the 
meeting  between  the  rival  uncle  and  nephew, — unique  in  the 
details  of  strife,  perhaps,  since  the  origin  of  man.  It  is  taken 
from  a  MS.  of  the  Jhala  chief  who  succeeded  Surajmall  in  Sadri. 
Prithiraj  visited  his  uncle,  whom  he  found  in  a  small  tent  reclining 
on  a  pallet,  having  just  had  '  the  barber  '  (nai)  to  sew  up  his 
wounds.  He  rose,  and  met  his  nephew  with  the  customary 
respect,  as  if  nothing  unusual  had  occurred  ;  but  the  exertion 
caused  some  of  the  wounds  to  open  afresh,  when  the  following 
dialogue  ensued  : 

Prithiraj. — "  Well,  tmcle,  how  are  your  wounds  ?  " 

Surajmall. — "  Quite  healed,  my  child,  since  I  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you  "  [297]. 

Prithiraj. — "  But,  uncle  (kaka),  I  have  not  yet  seen  the 
Diwanji.^  I  first  ran  to  see  you,  and  I  am  very  hungry  ;  have 
you  anything  to  eat  ?  " 

^  [There  is  an  error  here  :  there  was  no  contemporary  Sultan  of  Malwa 
of  this  name.]  ^  Near  Chitor. 

*  '  Regent ' ;   the  title  the  Rana  is  most  famiharly  known  by. 


346  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Dinner  was  soon  served,  and  the  extraordinary  pair  sat  down 
and  '  ate  off  the  same  platter ' ;  ^  nor  did  Prithiraj  hesitate  to 
eat  the  pan,"^  presented  on  his  taking  leave. 

Prithiraj. — "  You  and  I  will  end  our  battle  in  the  morning, 
uncle," 

Surajmall. — "  Very  well,  child  ;    come  early  !  " 

They  met ;  but  Sarangdeo  bore  the  brunt  of  the  conflict,  re- 
ceiving thirty -five  wounds.  During  "four  gharis '  swords  and 
lances  were  plied,  and  every  tribe  of  Rajput  lost  numbers  that 
day "  ;  but  the  rebels  were  defeated  and  fled  to  Sadri,  and 
Prithiraj  returned  in  triumph,  though  with  seven  woimds,  to 
Chitor.  The  rebels,  however,  did  not  relinquish  their  designs, 
and  many  personal  encounters  took  place  between  the  uncle  and 
nephew  :  the  latter  saying  he  would  not  let  him  retain  "  as  much 
land  of  Mewar  as  would  cover  a  needle's  point "  ;  and  Suja  * 
retorting,  that  he  would  allow  his  nephew  to  redeem  only  as 
much  "  as  would  suffice  to  lie  upon."  But  Prithiraj  gave  them 
no  rest,  piu-suing  them  from  place  to  place.  In  the  wilds  of 
Batara  they  formed  a  stockaded  retreat  of  the  dhao  tree,^  which 
abounds  in  these  forests.  Within  tliis  shelter,  horses  and  men 
were  intermingled  :  Suja  and  his  coadjutor  communing  by  the 
night-fire  in  their  desperate  plight,  when  their  cogitations  were 
checked  by  the  rush  and  neigh  of  horses.  Scarcely  had  the 
pretender  exclaimed  "  This  must  be  my  nephew  !  "  when  Prithiraj 
dashed  his  steed  through  the  barricade  and  entered  with  his  troops. 
All  was  confusion,  and  the  sword  showered  its  blows  indiscrimin- 
ately. The  young  prince  reached  his  uncle,  and  dealt  him  a  blow 
which  would  have  levelled  him,  but  for  the  support  of  Sarangdeo, 
who  upbraided  him,  adding  that  "  a  buffet  now  was  more  than  a 
score  of  wovmds  in  former  days  "  :  to  which  Suja  rejoined,  "  only 
when  dealt  by  my  nephew's  hand."  Suja  demanded  a  parley  ; 
and  calling  on  the  prince  to  stop  the  combat,  he  continued  :  "  If 
I  am  killed,  it  matters  not — my  children  are  Rajputs,  they  will 
run  the  [298]  country  to  find  support ;   but  if  you  are  slain,  what 

^  TJiali,  '  a  brass  platter.'  This  is  the  highest  mark  of  confidence  and 
friendship. 

*  This  compound  of  the  betel  or  areca-nut,  cloves,  mace,  Terra  japonica, 
and  prepared  lime,  is  always  taken  after  meals,  and  has  not  unfrequently 
been  a  medium  for  administering  poison. 

3  Hours  of  twenty-two  minutes  each. 

*  Famihar  contraction  of  Surajmall.  *  [A7iogeissus  laiifolia.] 


THE  ADVENTURES  C?  PRITHIRAJ  347 

will  become  of  Chitor  ?     My  face  wiU  be  blackened,  and  my  name 
everlastingly  reprobated." 

The  sword  was  sheathed,  and  as  the  imcle  and  nephew  em- 
braced, the  latter  asked  the  former,  "  What  were  you  about, 
uncle,  when  I  came  ?  " — "  Only  talking  nonsense,  chUd,  after 
dinner."  "  But  with  me  over  your  head,  imcle,  as  a  foe  how 
could  you  be  so  neghgent  ?  " — "  What  could  I  do  ?  you  had 
left  me  no  resource,  and  I  must  have  some  place  to  rest  my 
head  !  "  There  was  a  smaU  temple  near  the  stockade^  to  which 
in  the  morning  Pritliiraj  requested  his  uncle  to  accompany  him 
to  sacrifice  to  Kali,^  but  the  blow  of  the  preceding  night  prevented 
liim.  Sarangdeo  was  his  proxy.  One  buffalo  had  fallen,  and  a 
goat  was  about  to  foUow,  when  the  prince  turned  his  sword  on 
Sarangdeo.  The  combat  was  desperate  ;  but  Prithiraj  was  the 
victor,  and  the  head  of  the  traitor  was  placed  as  an  offering  on 
the  altar  of  Time.  The  Gaunda  ^  was  plundered,  the  town  of 
Batara  recovered,  and  Surajmall  fled  to  Sadri,  where  he  only 
stopped  to  fulfil  liis  threat,  "  that  if  he  could  not  retain  its  lands 
he  would  make  them  over  to  those  stronger  than  the  king  "  ;  * 
and  having  distributed  them  amongst  Brahmans  and  bards,  he 
finally  abandoned  Mewar.  Passing  through  the  wUds  of  Kan- 
thal,*  he  had  an  omen  which  recalled  the  Charani's  prediction  : 
"a  wolf  endeavouring  in  vain  to  carry  off  a  kid  defended  by 
maternal  affection."  This  was  interpreted  as  '  strong  groimd  for 
a  dwelling.'  He  halted,  subdued  the  aboriginal  tribes,  and  on 
this  spot  erected  the  town  and  stronghold  of  Deolia,  becoming 
lord  of  a  thousand  villages,  which  have  descended  to  his  offspring, 
who  now  enjoy  them  under  British  protection.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  Partabgarh  DeoUa.* 

^  The  Hindu  Proserpine,  or  CaUigenia.  Is  this  Grecian  handmaid  of 
Hecate  also  Hindu,  '  born  of  time '  {Kali-janama)  ?  [Ka\\:7e;'tia, '  bearer  of 
fair  offspring,'  has,  of  course,  no  connexion  with  KaU.] 

^  Gaunda,  or  Gaimra,  is  the  name  of  such  temporary  places  of  refuge ; 
the  origin  of  towns  bearing  this  name. 

*  Such  grants  are  irresumable,  under  the  penalty  of  sixty  thousand 
years  in  hell.  This  fine  district  is  eaten  up  by  these  mendicant  Brahmans. 
One  town  alone,  containing  52,000  bighas  (about  15,000  acres)  of  rich  land, 
is  thus  lost }  and  by  such  follies  Mewar  has  gradually  sunk  to  her  present 
extreme  poverty. 

*  [Kauthal,  in  Partabgarh  State,  is  the  boundary  [Kantha)  between 
Mewar  on  the  north,  Bagar  on  the  west,  and  Malwa  on  the  east  and  south.] 

^  [The  statement  in  the  text  that  Surajmall,  son  of  Uda,  retired  to 


348  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Prithiraj  poisoned  :  Death  of  Rana  Raemall. — Prithiraj  was 
poisoned  by  his  brother-in-law,  of  Abu,  whom  he  had  punished 
for  maltreating  his  sister,  and  afterwards  confided  in.  His  death 
was  soon  followed  by  that  of  Rana  Raemall,  who,  though  not 
equal  to  his  predecessors,  was  greatly  respected,  and  maintained 
the  dignity  of  his  station  amidst  no  ordinary  calamities  [299].^ 


CHAPTER  9 

Rana  Sanga  or  Sangram  Singh ;  a.d.  1508-27. — ^Sangram, 
better  known  in  the  annals  of  Mewar  as  Sanga  (called  Sanka  by  the 
Mogul  historians),^  succeeded  in  S.  1565  (a.d.  1509).  With  this 
prince  Mewar  reached  the  summit  of  her  prosperity.  To  use 
their  own  metaphor,  "he  was  the  kalas^  on  the  pinnacle  of  her 
glory."  From  him  we  shall  witness  this  glory  on  the  wane  ;  and 
though  many  rays  of  splendour  illuminated  her  declining  career, 
they  served  but  to  gild  the  ruin. 

The  imperial  chair,  since  occupied  by  the  Tuar  descendant  of 
the  Pandus,  and  the  first  and  last  of  the  Chauhans,  and  which  had 
been  filled  successively  by  the  dynasties  of  Ghazni  and  Ghor,  the 
Khilji  and  Lodi,  was  now  shivered  to  pieces,  and  numerous  petty 
thrones  were  constructed  of  its  fragments.  Mewar  little  dreaded 
these  imperial  puppets,  "when  Amurath  to  Amurath  succeeded," 
and  when  four  kings  reigned  simultaneously  between  Delhi  and 
Benares.*  The  kings  of  Malwa,  though  leagued  with  those  of 
Gujarat,  conjoined  to  the  rebels,  could  make  no  impression  on 
Mewar  when  Sanga  led  her  heroes.  Eighty  thousand  horse,  seven 
Rajas  of  the  highest  rank,  nine  Raos,  and  one  hundred  and  four 
chieftains  bearing  the  titles  of  Rawal  and  Rawat,  with  five 
hundred  war  elephants,  followed  him  into  the  field.  The  princes 
of  Marwar  and  Amber  *  did  him  homage,  and  the  Raos  of  Gwalior 

Deolia  is  incorrect.  SQrajmall  was  first-cousin,  not  son  of  Uda,  and  it 
was  his  great-grandson,  BiJia,  who  conquered  the  Kanthal  and  founded 
the  town  of  Deolia  at  least  fifty  years  later  (Erskiue  ii.  A.  197).] 

1  The  walls  of  his  palace  are  still  pointed  out. 

-  [Ain,  ii.  270.] 

*  Tlie  ball  or  urn  which  crowns  the  pinnacle  [sikhar). 

*  Delhi,  Bayana,  Kalpi,  and  Jaunpur. 

^  Prithiraj  was  yet  but  Rao  of  Amber,  a  name  now  lost  in  Jaipur.     The 


ADMINISTRATION  AND  WARS  OF  RANA  SANGA     349 

Ajmer,  Sikri,  Raesen/  Kalpi,  Chanderi  [300],  Bundi,  Gagraim, 
Rampura,  and  Abu,  served  him  as  tributaries  or  held  of  him  in 
chief. 

Sanga  did  not  forget  those  who  sheltered  him  in  his  reverses. 
Karamchand  of  Srinagar  had  a  gTant  of  Ajmer  and  the  title  of 
Rao  for  his  son  Jagmall,  the  reward  of  his  services  in  the  reduction 
of  Chanderi. 

The  Administration  and  Wars  oS  Rana  Sanga.— In  a  short  space 
of  time,  Sanga  entirely  allayed  the  disorders  occasioned  by  the 
intestine  feuds  of  his  family  ;  and  were  it  permitted  to  speculate 
on  the  cause  which  prompted  a  temporary  cession  of  his  rights 
and  liis  dignities  to  his  more  impetuous  brother,  it  might  be 
discerned  in  a  spirit  of  forecast,  and  of  fraternal  and  patriotic 
forbearance,  a  deviation  from  which  would  have  endangered  the 
country  as  well  as  the  safety  of  his  family.  We  may  assume  this, 
in  order  to  account  for  an  otherwise  pusillanimous  surrender  of 
his  birthright,  and  being  in  contrast  to  all  the  subsequent  heroism 
of  his  life,  which,  when  he  resigned,  was  contained  within  the 
wreck  of  a  form.  Sanga  organized  his  forces,  with  which  he 
always  kept  the  field,  and  ere  called  to  contend  with  the  de- 
scendant of  Timur,  he  had  gained  eighteen  pitched  battles  against 
the  kings  of  Delhi  and  Malwa.  In  two  of  these  he  was  opposed 
by  Ibrahim  Lodi  in  person,  at  Bakrol  and  Ghatoli,  in  which  last 
battle  the  imperial  forces  were  defeated  with  great  slaughter, 
leaving  a  prisoner  of  the  blood  royal  to  grace  the  triumph  of 
Chitor.  The  Pilakhal  (yellow  rivulet)  near  Bayana  became  the 
northern  boundary  of  Mewar,  with  the  Sind  River  to  the  east, — 
touching  Malwa  to  the  south,  while  his  native  hills  were  an 
impenetrable  barrier  to  the  west.  Thus  swaying,  directly  or  by 
control,  the  greater  part  of  Rajasthan,  and  adored  by  the  Rajputs 
for  the  possession  of  those  qualities  they  hold  in  estimation, 
Sanga  was  ascending  to  the  pinnacle  of  distinction  ;  and  had 
not  fresh  hordes  of  Usbeks  and  Tatars  from  the  prolific  shores  of 
the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes  again  poured  down  on  the  devoted  plains 


twelve  sons  of  this  prince  formed  the  existing  subdivisions  or  clans  of  the 
Kachhwahas,  whose  pohtical  consequence  dates  from  Humayun,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Babur. 

^  [Sikri,  afterwards  Fatehpur  Sikri,  the  site  of  Akbar's  palace  ;    Raesen 
in  Bhopal  State  (/(?/,  xxi.  62  f.).] 


350  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  Hindustan,  the  crown  of  the  Chakravartin  ^  might  again  have 
encircled  the  brow  of  a  Hindu,  and  the  banner  of  supremacy 
been  transferred  from  Indraprastha  to  the  battlements  of  Chitor. 
But  Babur  arrived  at  a  critical  time  to  rally  the  dejected  followers 
of  the  Koran,  and  to  collect  them  around  his  own  victorious 
standard. 

Invasions  from  Central  Asia. — From  the  earliest  recorded 
periods  of  her  history,  India  has  been  the  prey  of  [301]  the  more 
hardy  population  from  the  central  regions  of  Asia,  From  this 
fact  we  may  infer  another,  namely,  that  its  internal  form  of 
government  was  the  same  as  at  the  present  day,  partitioned  into 
numerous  petty  kingdoms,  of  tribes  and  clans,  of  a  feudal  federa- 
tion, a  prey  to  all  the  jealousies  inseparable  from  such  a  condition. 
The  historians  of  Alexander  bear  ample  testimony  to  such  form 
of  government,  when  the  Panjab  alone  possessed  many  sovereigns, 
besides  the  democracies  of  cities.  The  Persians  overran  it,  and 
Darius  the  Mede  accounted  India  the  richest  of  his  satrapies. 
The  Greeks,  the  Parthians  have  left  in  their  medals  the  best 
proofs  of  their  power  ;  the  Getae  or  Yuti  followed  ;  and  from  the 
Ghori  Shihabu-d-din  to  the  Chagatai  Babur,  in  less  than  three 
centuries,  five  invasions  are  recorded,  each  originating  a  dynasty. 
Sanga's  opponent  was  the  last,  and  will  continue  so  until  the  rays 
of  knowledge  renovate  the  ancient  nursery  of  the  human  race, — 
then  may  end  the  anomaly  in  the  history  of  power,  of  a  handful 
of  Britons  holding  the  succession  to  the  Mede,  the  Parthian,  and 
the  Tatar.  But,  however  surprise  may  be  excited  at  witnessing 
such  rapidity  of  change,  from  the  physical  superiority  of  man 
over  man,  it  is  immeasurably  heightened  at  the  little  moral 
consequence  which  in  every  other  region  of  the  world  has  always 
attended  such  concussions.  Creeds  have  changed,  races  have  ■ 
mingled,  and  names  have  been  effaced  from  the  page  of  history  ; 
but  in  this  corner  of  civilization  we  have  no  such  result,  and  the 
Rajput  remains  the  same  singular  being,  concentrated  in  his 
prejudices,  political  and  moral,  as  in  the  days  of  Alexander, 
desiring  no  change  himself,  and  still  less  to  cause  any  in  others. 
Whatever  be  the  conservative  principle,  it  merits  a  philosophic 
analysis  ;  but  more,  a  proper  application  and  direction,  by  those 
to  whom  the  destinies  of  this  portion  of  the  globe  are  confided  ; 

^  Universal  potentate  :     ["  he   whose   chariot   wheels   run  everywhere 
without  obstruction  "];  the  Hiindua  reckon  only  six  of  these  in  their  history. 


BABUR'S  invasion  351 

for  in  this  remote  spot  there  is  a  nucleus  of  energy,  on  which  may 
accumulate  a  mass  for  our  support  or  our  destruction. 

To  return  :  a  descendant  of  the  Turushka  of  the  Jaxartes,  the 
ancient  foe  of  the  children  of  Surya  and  Chandra,  was  destined 
to  fulfil  the  projihetic  Purana  which  foretold  dominion  "  to  the 
Turushka,  the  Yavan,"  and  other  foreign  races  in  Hind  ;  and 
the  conquered  made  a  right  application  of  the  term  Turk,  both 
as  regards  its  ancient  and  modern  signification,  when  applied  to 
the  conquerors  from  Turkistan.  Babur,  the  opponent  of  Sanga, 
was  king  of  Ferghana,  and  of  Turki  race.  His  dominions  were  on 
both  sides  the  Jaxartes,  a  portion  of  ancient  [302]  Sakatai,  or 
Sakadwipa  (Scjrthia),  where  dwelt  Tomyris  the  Getic  queen 
immortalized  by  Herodotus,  and  where  her  opponent  erected 
Cyropolis,  as  did  in  after-times  the  Macedonian  his  most  remote 
Alexandria.  From  this  region  did  the  same  Getae,  Jat,  or  Yuti, 
issue,  to  the  destruction  of  Bactria,  two  centuries  before  the 
Christian  era,  and  also  five  subsequent  thereto  to  found  a  king-' 
dom  in  Northern  India.  Again,  one  thousand  years  later,  Babur 
issued  with  his  bands  to  the  final  subjugation  of  India.  As 
affecting  India  alone,  this  portion  of  the  globe  merits  deep  atten- 
tion ;  but  as  the  officina  gentium,  whence  issued  those  hordes  of 
Asii,  Jats,  or  Yeuts  (of  whom  the  Angles  were  a  branch),  who 
peopled  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  and  the  precursors  of  those 
Goths  who,  under  Attila  and  Alaric,  altered  the  condition  of 
Europe,  its  importance  is  vastly  enhanced.^  But  on  this  occasion 
it  was  not  redundant  population  which  made  the  descendant  of 
Timur  and  Jenghiz  abandon  the  Jaxartes  for  the  Ganges,  but  un- 
successful ambition  :  for  Babur  quitted  the  delights  of  Samarkand 
as  a  fugitive,  and  commenced  his  enterprise,  which  gave  him  the 
throne  of  the  Pandus,  with  less  than  two  thousand  adherents. 

Character  of  Babur.  —  The  Rajput  prince  had  a  worthy 
antagonist  in  the  king  of  Ferghana.  Like  Sanga,  he  was  trained 
in  the  school  of  adversity,  and  like  him,  though  his  acts  of  personal 
heroism  were  even  romantic,  he  tempered  it  with  that  discretion 
which  looks  to  its  results.  In  a.d.  1494,  at  the  tender  age  of 
twelve,  he  succeeded  to  a  kingdom  ;  ere  he  was  sixteen  he 
defeated  several  confederacies  and  conquered  Samarkand,  and  in 
two  short  years  again  lost  and  regained  it.     His  life  was  a  tissue 

^  [As  usual,  the  Indian  Jats  are  identified  with  the  Getae,  lutae  or  luti , 
Jutes  of  Bede.] 


352  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  successes  and  reverses ;  at  one  moment  hailed  lord  of  the  chief 
kingdoms  of  Transoxiana  ;  at  another  flying,  unattended,  or 
putting  all  to  hazard  in  desperate  single  combats,  in  one  of  which 
he  slew  five  champions  of  his  enemies.  Driven  at  length  from 
Ferghana,  in  despair  he  crossed  the  Hindu-Kush,  and  in  1519 
the  Indus.  Between  the  Pan  jab  and  Kabul  he  lingered  seven 
years,  ere  he  advanced  to  measure  his  sword  with  Ibrahim  of 
Delhi.  Fortune  returned  to  his  standard  ;  Ibrahim  was  slain, 
his  army  routed  and  dispersed,  and  Delhi  and  Agra  opened  their 
gates  to  the  fugitive  king  of  Ferghana.  His  reflections  on  success 
evince  it  was  his  due :  "  Not  to  me,  O  God !  but  to  thee,  be  the 
victory  !  "  says  the  chivalrous  Babur.  A  year  had  elapsed  in 
possession  of  Delhi,  ere  he  ventured  against  the  most  powerful  of 
his  antagonists,  Rana  Sanga  of  Chitor. 

With  all  Babur's  qualities  as  a  soldier,  supported  by  the  hardy 
clans  of  the  '  cloud  mountains  '  ( Belut  Tagh)  [303]  of  Karateghin,^ 

^  [The  author  borrows  from  Elphinstone,  Caubul,  i.  118.]  The  literary 
world  is  much  indebted  to  Mr.  Erskino  for  his  Memoirs  of  Baber,  a  work 
of  a  most  original  stamp  and  rare  value  for  its  extensive  historical  and 
geographical  details  of  a  very  interesting  portion  of  the  globe.  The  king  of 
Ferghana,  hke  Caesar,  was  the  historian  of  his  own  conquests,  and  unites 
all  the  quahties  of  the  romantic  troubadour  to  those  of  the  warrior  and 
statesman.  It  is  not  saying  too  much  when  it  is  asserted,  that  Mr.  Erskine 
is  the  only  person  existing  who  could  have  made  such  a  translation,  or 
preserved  the  great  charm  of  the  original — its  elevated  simphcity  ;  and 
though  his  modesty  malces  him  share  the  merit  with  Dr.  Leyden,  it  is  to 
him  the  public  tlianks  are  due.  Mr.  Erslcine's  introduction  is  such  as 
might  have  been  expected  from  his  well-known  erudition  and  research, 
and  with  the  notes  interspersed  adds  immensely  to  the  value  of  the  original. 
[A  new  translation  by  Mrs.  Beveridge  is  in  course  of  pubhcation.]  With 
his  geographical  materials,  those  of  Mr.  Elphinstone,  and  the  journal  of 
the  Voyage  d'Orejibourg  a  Bokhara,  full  of  merit  and  modesty,  we  now 
possess  sufficient  materials  for  the  geography  of  the  nursery  of  mankind. 
I  would  presume  to  amend  one  valuable  geographical  notice  (Introd.  p.  27), 
and  which  only  requires  the  permutation  of  a  vowel,  Kas-??2er  for  J£as-mir  ; 
when  we  have,  not  '  the  country  of  the  Kas,'  but  the  Kasia  3Iontes  (mer)  of 
Ptolemy  :  the  Kho  {mer)  Kas,  or  Caucasus.  Mir  has  no  signification,  Mer 
is  '  mountain  '  in  Sanskrit,  as  is  Kho  in  Persian.  [The  origin  of  the  name 
Kashmir  is  very  doubtful :  but  the  view  in  the  text  cannot  be  accepted 
(see  Stein,  Rajatarangini,  ii.  353,  386  ;  Smith,  EHI,  38,  note ;  I  A,  xhii. 
143  ff.).]  Kas  was  the  race  inhabiting  these  :  and  Kasgar,  the  Kasia 
Regio  of  Ptolemy  [Chap.  15].  Gar  [or  garh.'\  is  a  Sanskrit  word  stiU  in  use 
for  a  '  region,'  as  Kachhwahagar,  Oujargar.  [See  Elliot,  Supplementary 
Glossary,  237.]  A  new  edition  of  Erskine's  translation,  edited  by  Pro- 
fessor Wliitc  King,  is  in  course  of  publication. 


BABUR  and  TFTE  battle  of  KHANUA         353 

the  chances  were  many  that  he  and  they  terminated  their  career 
on  the  '  yellow  rivxilet '  of  Bayana.  Neither  bravery  nor  skill 
saved  him  from  this  fate,  which  he  appears  to  have  expected. 
What  better  proof  can  be  desired  than  Babur's  own  testimony  to 
the  fact,  that  a  horde  of  invaders  from  the  Jaxartes,  without 
support  or  retreat,  were  obliged  to  entrench  themselves  to  the 
teeth  in  the  face  of  their  Rajput  foe,  alike  brave  and  overpower- 
ing in  numbers  ?  To  ancient  jealousies  he  was  indebted  for 
not  losing  his  life  instead  of  gaining  a  crown,  and  for  being 
extricated  from  a  condition  so  desperate  that  even  the  frenzy 
of  religion,  which  made  death  martyrdom  in  "  this  holy 
war,"  scarcely  availed  to  expel  the  despair  which  so  infected 
his  followers,  that  in  the  bitterness  of  his  heart  he  says  "  there 
was  not  a  single  person  who  uttered  a  manly  word,  nor  an 
individual  who  delivered  a  courageous  opinion." 

The  Battl8  of  Khanua,  March  16,  1527. — Babur  advanced  from 
Agra  and  Sikri  to  oppose  Rana  Sanga,  in  full  march  to  attack 
him  at  the  head  of  almost  all  the  princes  of  Rajasthan.  Although 
the  annals  state  some  points  which  the  imperial  historian  has 
not  recorded,  yet  both  accounts  of  the  conflict  correspond  in  all 
the  essential  details.  On  the  5th  of  Kartik,  S.  1584  ^  (a.d.  1528), 
according  to  the  annals,  the  Rana  raised  the  siege  of  Bayana, 
and  at  Khanua  encountered  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Tatars, 
amounting  to  fifteen  hundred  men,  which  was  entirely  destroyed  ; 
the  fugitives  carrying  to  the  main  body  the  accounts  of  the 
disaster,  which  paralysed  their  energies,  and  made  them  entrench 
for  security,  instead  of  advancing  with  the  confidence  of  victory. 
Reinforcements  met  the  same  fate,  and  were  pursued  to  the 
camp.  Accustomed  to  reverses,  Babur  met  the  check  without 
dismay,  and  adopted  every  precaution  [304]  that  a  mind  fertile 
in  expedients  could  suggest  to  reassure  the  drooping  spirits  of  his 
troops.  He  threw  up  entrenchments,  in  which  he  placed  his 
artillery,  connecting  his  guns  by  chains,  and  in  the  more  exposed 
parts  chevaux  de  frise,  united  by  leather  ropes  :    a  precaution 

1  According  to  the  Memoirs  of  Baber,  February  11,  1527.  [The  battle 
was  fought  at  Khanua  or  Kanwaha,  now  in  the  Bharatpur  State,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Agra  (Abu-1  Fazl,  Akbarnama,  i.  259  f. ;  Ferishta  ii.  55), 
on  March  16,  1527.  Ferishta  says  that  the  provocation  came  from  Rana 
Sanga,  who  attacked  Nazim  Khan,  Governor  of  Bayana,  on  which  the  latter 
appealed  to  Babur  (ii.  51).  Babur  says  that  Sanga  broke  his  engagement 
(ElUot-Dowson  iv.  264  ;  Badaoni,  Muntakhabu-t-taivarikli,  i.  444,  470).] 
VOL.  I  2  .\ 


354  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

continued  in  every  subsequent  change  of  position.  Everything 
seemed  to  aid  the  Hindu  cause  :  even  the  Tatar  astrologer 
asserted  that  as  Mars  was  in  the  west,  whoever  should  engage 
coming  froni  the  opposite  quarter  should  be  defeated.  In  this 
state  of  total  inactivity,  blockaded  in  his  encampment,  Babur 
remained  near  a  fortnight,  when  he  determined  to  renounce  his 
besetting  sin,  and  merit  superior  aid  to  extricate  himself  from  his 
peril  :    the  na'iveU  of  his  vow  must  be  given  in  his  own  words.'^ 

^  "  On  Monday,  the  23rd  of  the  first  Jemadi,  I  had  mounted  to  survey 
my  posts,  and  in  the  course  of  my  ride  was  seriously  struck  with  the  reflec- 
tion, that  I  had  always  resolved,  one  time  or  another,  to  make  an  effectual 
repentance,  and  that  some  traces  of  a  hankering  after  the  renunciation  of 
forbidden  works  had  ever  remained  in  my  heart :  I  said  to  myself,  '  0,  my 
soul.' 

[Persian  Verse.) 
"  '  How  long  wilt  thou  continue  to  take  pleasure  in  sin  ? 
Repentance  is  not  unpalatable — taste  it. 

(TurJci  Verse.) 
"  '  How  great  has  been  thy  defilement  from  sin  ! 
How  much  pleasure  thou  didst  take  in  despair  ! 
How  long  hast  thou  been  the  slave  of  thy  passions  ! 
How  much  of  thy  life  hast  thou  thrown,  away  ! 
Since  thou  hast  set  out  on  a  holy  war. 
Thou  hast  seen  death  before  thine  eyes  for  thy  salvation. 
He  who  resolves  to  sacrifice  his  hfe  to  save  himself 
Shall  attain  that  exalted  state  which  thou  knowest. 
Keep  thyself  far  away  from  all  forbidden  enjoyments  ; 
Cleanse  thyself  from  all  thy  sins.' 

"  Having  withdrawn  myseK  from  such  temptation,  I  vowed  never  more 
to  drink  wine.  Having  sent  for  the  gold  and  silver  goblets  and  cups,  with 
all  the  other  utensils  used  for  drinking  parties,  I  directed  them  to  be  broken, 
and  renounced  the  use  of  wine,  purifying  my  mind.  The  fragments  of  the 
goblets  and  other  utensils  of  gold  and  silver  I  directed  to  be  divided  among 
derwishes  and  the  poor.  The  first  person  who  followed  me  in  my  repentance 
was  Asas,  who  also  accompanied  me  in  my  resolution  of  ceasing  to  cut  the 
beard,  and  of  allowing  it  to  grow.  That  night  and  the  following,  numbers 
of  Amirs  and  courtiers,  soldiers,  and  persons  not  in  the  service,  to  the  number 
of  nearly  three  hundred  men,  made  vows  of  reformation.  The  wine  which 
we  had  with  us  we  poured  on  the  ground.  I  ordered  that  the  wine  brought 
by  Baba  Dost  should  have  salt  thrown  into  it,  that  it  might  be  made  into 
vinegar.  On  the  spot  where  the  wine  had  been  poured  out  I  directed  a 
wain  to  be  sunk  and  built  of  stone,  and  close  by  the  wain  an  almshouse  to 
be  erected.  In  the  month  of  Moharrem  in  the  year  935,  when  I  went  to 
visit  Gualiar,  in  my  way  from  Dholpur  to  Sikri,  I  found  this  wain  completed. 
I  had  previously  made  a  vow,  that  if  I  gained  the  victory  over  Rana  Sanka 
the  Pagan,  I  would  remit  the  Temgha  (or  stamp-tax)  levied  from  Musulmans. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  KHANUA  355 

But  the  destruction  of  the  wine  flasks  would  appear  only  to  have 
added  to  the  existing  consternation,  and  made  him,  as  a  last 
resort,  appeal  to  their  faith.  Having  addressed  them  in  a  speech 
of  [305]  manly  courage,  though  bordering  on  despair,  he  seized 
the  happy  moment  that  his  exhortation  elicited,  to  swear  them 
on  the  Koran  to  conquer  or  perish.^  Profiting  by  this  excite- 
ment, he  broke  up  his  camp,  to  which  he  had  been  confined 
nearly  a  month,  and  marched  in  order  of  battle  to  a  position  two 
miles  in  advance,  the  Rajputs  skirmishing  up  to  his  guns.     With- 

At  the  time  when  I  made  my  vow  of  penitence,  Derwish  Muhammed  Sarban 
and  Sheikh  Zin  put  me  in  mind  of  my  promise.  I  said,  '  You  did  right  to 
remind  me  of  this  :  I  renounce  the  temgha  in  all  my  dominions,  so  far  as 
concerns  Musulmans  '  ;  and  I  sent  for  my  secretaries,  and  desired  them 
to  write  and  send  to  all  ray  dominions  firmans  conveying  intelligence  of 
the  two  important  incide:its  that  had  occurred  "  {Memoirs  of  Baber,  p.  354). 
[Elliot-Dowson  iv.  269.] 

^  "  At  this  time,  as  I  have  already  observed,  in  consequence  of  preceding 
events,  a  general  consternation  and  alarm  prevailed  among  great  and  smaU. 
There  was  not  a  single  person  who  uttered  a  manly  word,  nor  an  individual 
who  delivered  a  courageous  opinion.  The  Vazirs,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
give  good  counsel,  and  the  Amirs,  who  enjoyed  the  wealth  of  kingdoms, 
neither  spoke  bravely,  nor  was  their  counsel  or  deportment  such  as  became 
men  of  firmness.  During  the  whole  course  of  this  expedition,  Khalifeh 
conducted  himself  admirably,  and  was  unremitting  and  indefatigable  in 
his  endeavours  to  put  everything  in  the  best  order.  At  length,  observing 
the  universal  discouragement  of  my  troops,  and  their  total  wa.nt  of  spirit, 
I  formed  my  plan.  I  called  an  assembly  of  all  the  Amirs  and  officers,  and 
addi-essed  them  :  '  Noblemen  and  soldiers  !  Every  man  that  comes  into 
the  world  is  subject  to  dissolution.  When  we  are  passed  away  and  gone, 
God  only  survives,  unchangeable.  Whoever  comes  to  the  feast  of  life 
must,  before  it  is  over,  drink  from  the  cup  of  death.  He  who  arrives  at  the 
inn  of  mortality  must  one  day  inevitably  take  his  departure  from  that 
house  of  sorrow,  the  world.  How  much  better  it  is  to  die  with  honour 
than  to  hve  with  infamy  ! 

"  '  With  fame,  even  if  I  die,  I  am  contented ; 
Let  fame  be  mine,  since  my  body  is  death's. 

"  '  The  most  high  God  has  been  propitious  to  us,  and  has  now  placed  us 
in  such  a  crisis,  that  if  we  fall  in  the  field  we  die  the  death  of  martyrs ;  if 
we  survive,  we  rise  victorious,  the  avengers  of  the  cause  of  God.  Let  us, 
then,  with  one  accord,  swear  on  God's  holy  word,  that  none  of  us  will  even 
think  of  turning  his  face  from  this  warfare,  nor  desert  from  the  battle  and 
slaughter  that  ensues,  till  his  soul  is  separated  from  his  body.' 

"  Master  and  servant,  small  and  great,  all  with  emulation,  seizing  the 
blessed  Koran  in  their  hands,  swore  in  the  form  that  I  had  given.  My  plan 
succeeded  to  admiration,  and  its  effects  were  instantly  visible  far  and  near, 
on  friend  and  foe  "  {Memoirs  of  Baber,  p.  357). 


356  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

out  a  regular  circumvallation,  his  movable  pallisadoes  and  guns 
chained,  he  felt  no  security.  The  inactivity  of  Sanga  can  scarcely 
escape  censure,  however  we  may  incline  to  palliate  it  by  supposing 
that  he  deemed  his  enemy  in  the  toils,  and  that  every  day's  delay 
brought  with  it  increased  danger  to  him.  Such  reasoning  would 
be  valid,  if  the  heterogeneous  mass  by  which  the  prince  of  Mewar 
was  surrounded  had  owned  the  same  patriotic  sentiments  as 
himself :  but  he  ought  to  have  known  his  countrymen,  nor 
overlooked  the  regulating  maxim  of  their  ambition,  get  land. 
Delay  was  fatal  to  this  last  coalition  against  the  foes  of  his  race. 
Babur  is  silent  on  the  point  to  which  the  annals  ascribe  their 
discomfiture,  a  negotiation  pending  his  blockade  at  Khanua  ;  but 
these  have  preserved  it,  with  the  name  of  the  traitor  who  sold 
the  cause  of  his  country.  The  negotiation  ^  had  reached  this 
point,  that  on  condition  of  Babur  being  left  Delhi  and  its  depend- 
encies, the  Pilakhal  at  Bayana  should  be  the  boundary  of  their 
respective  dominions,  and  even  an  annual  tribute  was  offered  to 
the  Rana  [306].  We  can  believe  that  in  the  position  Babur  then 
was,  he  would  not  scruple  to  promise  anything.  The  chief  of 
Raesen,  by  name  Salehdi,  of  the  Tuar  tribe,  was  the  medium  of 
communication,  and  though  the  arrangement  was  negatived, 
treason  had  effected  the  salvation  of  Babur. 

On  March  16  the  attack  commenced  by  a  furious  onset  on  the 
centre  and  right  wing  of  the  Tatars,  and  for  several  hours  the 
conflict  was  tremendous.  Devotion  was  never  more  manifest  on 
the  side  of  the  Rajput,  attested  by  the  long  list  of  noble  names 
amongst  the  slain  as  well  as  the  bulletin  of  their  foe,  whose 
artillery  made  dreadful  havoc  in  the  close  ranks  of  the  Rajput 
cavalry,  which  could  not  force  the  entrenchments,  nor  reach 
the  infantry  which  defended  them.  While  the  battle  was  still 
doubtful,  the  Tuar  traitor  who  led  the  van  (harawal)  went  over 
to  Babur,  and  Sanga  was  obliged  to  retreat  from  the  field,  which 
in  the  onset  promised  a  glorious  victory,  himself  severely  wounded 
and  the  choicest  of  his  chieftains  slain  :    Rawal  Udai  ^  Singh  of 

^  Babur  says,  "  Although  Rana  Sanka  (Sanga)  the  Pagan,  when  I  was  at 
Cabul,  sent  me  ambassadors,  and  had  arranged  with  me  that  if  I  would 
march  upon  Delhi  he  would  on  Agra  ;  but  when  I  took  Delhi  and  Agra, 
the  Pagan  did  not  move  "  {Memoirs  of  Baber,  p.  339). 

2  In  the  translation  of  Babur's  Memoirs,  Udai  Singh  is  styled  '  Wall 
of  the  country,'  confounding  him  with  Udai  Singh,  successor  of  Sanga. 


THE  DEATH  OF  RANA  SANGA        357 

Dungarpur.  with  two  hundred  of  his  clan  ;  Ratna  of  Salumbar, 
with  three  hundred  of  his  Chondawat  kin  ;  Raemall  Ratlior, 
son  of  the  prince  of  Marwar,  with  the  brave  Mertia  leaders  Khetsi 
and  Ratna  ;  Ramdas  the  Sonigira  Rao  ;  Uja  the  Jhala  ;  Gokul- 
das  Pramara;  Manikchand  and  Chandrbhan,  Chauhan  chiefs  of 
the  first  rank  in  Mewar  ;  besides  a  host  of  inferior  names.'  Hasan 
Idian  of  Mewat,  and  a  son  of  the  last  Lodi  king  of  Delhi,  who 
coalesced  with  Sanga,  were  amongst  the  kUled.^  Triumphal 
pyramids  were  raised  of  the  heads  of  the  slain,  and  on  a  hillock 
which  overlooked  the  field  of  battle  a  tower  of  skulls  was  erected  ; 
and  the  conqueror  assumed  the  title  of  Ghazi,  wliich  has  ever 
since  been  retained  by  his  descendants. 

The  Death  of  Rana  Sanga. — Sanga  retreated  towards  the  hills 
of  Mewat,  having  announced  his  fixed  determination  never  to 
re-enter  Chitor  but  with  victor}^  Had  his  life  been  spared  to 
his  country,  he  might  have  redeemed  the  pledge  ;  but  the  year 
of  his  defeat  was  the  last  of  his  existence,  and  he  died  at  Baswa,^ 
on  the  frontier  of  Mewat,  not  without  suspicion  of  poison.  It  is 
painful  to  record  the  surmise  that  his  ministers  prompted  the 
deed,  and  the  cause  is  one  which  would  fix  a  deep  stain  on  the 
country  ;  namely,  the  purchase  b}^  regicide  of  inglorious  ease 
and  stipulated  safety,  in  [307]  preference  to  privations  and 
dangers,  and  to  emulating  the  manly  constancy  of  their  prince, 
who  resolved  to  make  the  heavens  his  canopy  tUl  his  foe  was 
crushed  —  a  determination  which  was  pursued  with  the  most 
resolute  perseverance  by  some  of  his  gallant  successors. 

Evils  resulting  from  Polygamy.  —  Polygamy  is  the  fertile 
source  of  evil,  moral  as  well  as  physical,  in  the  East.  It  is  a 
relic  of  barbarism  and  primeval  necessity,  affording  a  proof  that 

He  was  Wall  (sovereign)  of  Dungarpur,  not  '  Oodipoor,'  wliich  was  not 
then  in  existence.  [Ersidne,  in  his  later  work  {Hist.  India,  i.  473,  note), 
admits  his  error.] 

^  [A  hst  of  the  slain,  nearly  identical,  is  given  by  Abu-1  Fazl,  Akbarnarna, 
i.  265.] 

-  [The  author  confuses  Hasan  Khan,  Mewati,  an  imjjortant  officer 
(Ferishta  ii.  65  ;  Bayley,  Muhammad  Dynasties  of  Gujarat,  278),  whom 
Badaoni  {Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh,  i.  447)  calls  a  Jogi  in  form  and  appear- 
ance, with  Hasan  Khan,  Lodi  {Aln,  i.  503).] 

*  [About  eighty-five  miles  north-north-west  of  Jaipur  city.  Babur  says 
that  he  intended  to  pursue  Sanga  to  Chitor,  but  was  prevented  by  the  defeat 
of  his  forces  advancing  on  Lucknow  (Klhot-Dowson  iv.  277).] 


358  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

ancient  Asia  is  still  young  in  knowledge.  The  desire  of  each 
wife,^  that  her  offspring  should  wear  a  crown,  is  natural ;  but 
they  do  not  always  wait  the  course  of  nature  for  the  attainment 
of  their  wishes,  and  the  love  of  power  too  often  furnishes  instru- 
ments for  any  deed,  however  base.  When  we  see,  shortly  after 
the  death  of  Sanga,  the  mother  of  liis  second  son  intriguuig  with 
Babur,  and  bribing  him  with  the  surrender  of  Ranthambhor  and 
the  trophy  of  victory,  the  crown  of  the  Malwa  king,  to  supplant 
the  lawful  heir,  we  can  easily  suppose  she  would  not  have  scrupled 
to  remove  any  other  bar.  On  this  occasion,  however,  the  sus- 
picion rests  on  the  ministers  alone.  That  Babur  respected  and 
dreaded  his  foe  we  have  the  best  proof  in  his  not  risking  another 
battle  with  him  ;  and  the  blame  which  he  bestows  on  liimself 
for  the  slackness  of  his  pursuit  after  victory  is  honourable  to 
Sanga,  who  is  always  mentioned  with  respect  in  the  commentaries 
of  the  conqueror  :  and  although  he  generally  styles  him  the 
Pagan,  and  dignifies  the  contest  with  the  title  of  "  the  holy  war," 
yet  he  freely  acknowledges  his  merit  when  he  says,  "  Rana  Sanga 
attained  his  present  liigh  eminence  by  his  own  valour  and  his 
sword." 

Appearance  of  Rana  Sanga. — Sanga  Rana  was  of  the  middle 
stature,  but  of  great  muscular  strength  ;  fair  in  complexion, 
with  unusually  large  eyes,  which  appear  to  be  peculiar  to  his 
descendants.^  He  exhibited  at  his  death  but  the  fragments  of 
a  warrior  :  one  eye  was  lost  in  the  broil  with  his  brother  ;  an 
arm  in  an  action  with  the  Lodi  king  of  Delhi,  and  he  was  a  cripple 
owing  to  a  limb  being  broken  by  a  cannon-baU  m  another  [308] ; 
while  he  counted  eighty  womids  from  the  sword  or  the  lance 
on  various  parts  of  his  body.     He  was  celebrated  for  energetic 

^  The  number  of  queens  is  determined  only  by  state  necessity  and  the 
fancy  of  the  prince.  To  have  them  equal  in  number  to  the  days  of  the 
week  is  not  unusual,  while  the  number  of  Imndmaids  is  unhmited.  It  will 
be  conceded  that  the  prince  who  can  govern  such  a  household,  and  maintain 
equal  rights  when  clamis  to  pre-emmence  must  be  perpetually  asserted, 
possesses  no  httle  tact.  The  government  of  the  kingdom  is  but  an  amuse- 
ment compared  with  such  a  task,  for  it  is  within  the  Eawala  that  intrigue 
is  enthroned. 

^  1  possess  his  portrait,  given  to  me  by  the  present  Hana,  who  has  a 
collection  of  full-lengths  of  ah  his  royal  ancestors,  from  iSamarsi  to  himself, 
of  their  exact  heights  and  with  every  bodily  pecuharity,  whether  of  com- 
plexion or  form.  They  are  valuable  for  the  costume.  He  has  often  shown 
them  to  mc  while  illustrating  their  actions. 


RATAN  SINGH  II  3S9 

enterprise,  of  which  his  capture  of  Muzaffar,  king  of  Malwa,  in 
his  own  capital,  is  a  celebrated  mstance  ;  and  his  successful 
storm  of  the  almost  impregnable  Ranthambhor,  though  ably 
defended  by  the  imperial  general  Ah,  gained  him  great  renown. 
He  erected  a  small  palace  at  lOianua,  on  the  line  wliich  he  deter- 
mined should  be  tiie  northern  limit  of  Mewar  ;  and  had  he  been 
succeeded  by  a  prince  possessed  of  his  foresight  and  judgment, 
Babur's  descendants  might  not  have  retained  the  sovereignty  of 
India.  A  cenotaph  long  marked  the  spot  where  the  fire  con- 
smned  the  remains  of  this  celebrated  prince.  Sanga  had  seven 
sons,  of  whom  the  two  elder  died  in  non-age.  He  was  succeeded 
by  the  third  son, 

Rana  Ratan  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1527-31.— Ratna  (S.  1586,  a.d. 
1530)  possessed  all  the  arrogance  and  martial  virtue  of  his  race. 
Like  his  father,  he  determined  to  make  the  field  his  capital,  and 
commanded  that  the  gates  of  Chitor  never  should  be  closed, 
boasting  that  "  its  portals  were  Dellii  and  Mandu."  Had  he  been 
spared  to  temper  by  experience  the  exuberance  of  youthful 
impetuosity,  he  would  have  well  seconded  the  resolution  of  his 
father,  and  the  league  against  the  enemies  of  his  coimtry  and 
faith.  But  he  was  not  destined  to  pass  the  age  always  dangerous 
to  the  turbulent  and  impatient  Rajput,  ever  courting  strife  if  it 
woiild  not  find  him.  He  had  married  by  stealth  the  daughter 
of  Prithiraj  of  Amber,  probably  before  the  death  of  liis  elder 
brothers  made  hun  heir  to  Chitor.  His  double-edged  sword,  the 
proxy  of  the  Rajput  cavalier,  represented  Ratna  on  this  occasion.^ 
Unfortunately  it  was  kept  but  too  secret  ;  for  the  Hara  prince  of 
Bundi,^  in  ignorance  of  the  fact,  demanded  and  obtained  her  to 
wife,  and  carried  her  to  his  capital.  The  consequences  are 
attributable  to  the  Rana  alone,  for  he  ought,  on  coming  to  the 
throne,  to  have  espoused  her  ;  but  his  vanity  was  flattered  at 
the  mysterious  transaction,  which  he  deemed  would  prevent  all 
apphcation  for  the  hand  of  his  '  affianced '  (manga).  The 
bards  of  Bundi  are  rather  pleased  to  record  the  power  of  their 

^  [The  practice  of  sending  his  sword  to  represent  the  bridegroom  probably 
originated  in  the  desire  for  secrecy,  and  has  since  been  observed,  as  among 
the  Raj  Gonds  of  the  Central  Provinces,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  and 
in  order  to  avoid  expense  (Forbes,  Rasmala,  621 ;  BG,  ix.  Part  i.  143, 
145  f . ;   Russell,  Tribes  and  Castes,  Central  Provinces,  iii.  77).] 

-  yurajmali. 


360  ANNALS  OF  MEWAli 

princes,  who  dared  to  solicit  and  obtain  the  hand  of  the  '  bride  ' 
of  Chitor.  The  princes  of  Buiidi  had  long  been  attached  to  the 
Sesodia  house  :  and  from  the  period  when  their  common  ancestors 
fought  together  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghaggar  against  [309]  Sliihabu- 
d-din,  they  had  silently  grown  to  power  under  the  wing  of  Mewar, 
and  often  proved  a  strong  plume  in  her  pinion.  The  Hara  in- 
habited the  hiUy  tract  on  her  eastern  frontier,  and  tiiough  not 
actually  incorporated  with  Mewar,  they  yet  paid  homage  to  her 
princes,  bore  her  ensigns  and  titles,  and  in  return  often  poured 
forth  their  blood.  But  at  the  tribunal  of  Ananga,"^  the  Rajput 
scattered  all  other  homage  and  allegiance  to  the  wmds.  The 
maiden  of  Amber  saw  no  necessity  for  disclosing  her  secret  or 
refusing  the  brave  Hara,  of  whom  fame  spoke  loudly,  when 
Katna  delayed  to  redeem  liis  proxy. 

Death  o£  Eana  Eatan  Singh. — The  unintentional  offence  sank 
deep  into  the  heart  of  the  liana,  and  though  he  was  closely 
connected  with  the  Hara,  havmg  married  liis  sister,  he  brooded 
on  the  means  of  revenge,  in  the  attainment  of  which  he  sacrificed 
his  own  life  as  well  as  that  of  his  rival.  The  festival  of  the  Aheria  - 
(the  spring  hunt),  which  has  thrice  been  fatal  to  the  princes  of 
Mewar,  gave  the  occasion,  when  they  fell  by  each  other's  weapons. 
Though  Ratna  enjoyed  the  dignity  only  five  years,  he  had  the 
satisfaction  to  see  the  ex-king  of  Ferghana,  now  fomider  of  the 
Mogul  dynasty  of  India,  leave  the  scene  before  liim,  and  without 
the  diminution  of  an  acre  of  land  to  Mewar  smce  the  fatal  day  of 
Bayana.     Rana  Ratna  was  succeeded  by  his  brother, 

Eaua  Eikramajitj  a.d.  1631 -S5.  —  Bikramajit,^  in  S.  1591 
(a.d.  1585).  This  prince  had  aU  the  turbulence,  without  the 
redeenung  qualities  of  character,  which  endeared  his  brother  to 
his  subjects  ;  he  was  insolent,  passionate,  and  vmdictive,  and 
utterly  regardless  of  that  respect  which  his  proud  nobles  rigidly 
exacted.  Instead  of  appearing  at  their  head,  he  passed  his  time 
amongst  wrestlers  and  prize-fighters,  on  whom  and  a  multitude 

^  The  Hindu  Cupid,  implying  '  incorporeal,'  from  anga,  '  body,'  with 
the  privative  prehx  '  an.'' 

^  1  have  given  the  relation  of  this  duel  in  the  narrative  of  my  journeys 
on  my  visit  to  the  cenotaph  of  Ratna,  erected  where  he  fell.  It  was  the 
pleasure  of  my  hfe  to  listen  to  the  traditional  anecdotes  illustrative  of  Rajput 
history  on  the  scenes  of  their  transactions. 

'^  The  Rhakha  orthogiajihy  for  Vikramaditya. 


ATTACK  ON  CHITOR  BY  SULTAN  BAHADUR      361 

of  '  paiks,'  or  foot  soldiers,  he  Ia\nslied  those  gifts  and  that  appro- 
bation, to  which  the  aristocratic  Rajput,  the  equestrian  order 
of  Rajasthan,  arrogated  exclusive  right.  In  this  innovation  he 
probably  imitated  his  foes,  who  had  learned  the  superiority  of 
infantry,  despised  by  the  Rajput,  who,  except  in  sieges,  or  when 
'  they  spread  the  carpet  and  hamstrung  their  steeds,'  held  the 
foot-soldier  very  cheap.  The  use  of  artillery  was  now  becoming 
general,  and  the  [310]  Muslims  soon  perceived  the  necessity  of 
foot  for  their  protection  :  but  prejudice  operated  longer  upon 
the  Rajput,  who  still  curses  '  those  vile  guns,'  which  render  of 
comparatively  little  value  the  lance  of  many  a  gallant  soldier  ; 
and  he  still  prefers  falling  with  dignity  from  his  steed  to  descending 
to  an  equality  with  his  mercenary  antagonist. 

An  open  rupture  was  the  consequence  of  such  innovation,  and 
(to  use  the  figurative  expression  for  misrule)  '  Papa  Bai  ka 
Raj  '  ^  was  triumphant  ;  the  police  were  despised  ;  the  cattle 
carried  off  by  the  mountaineers  from  under  the  walls  of  Chitor  ; 
and  when  his  cavaliers  were  ordered  in  pursuit,  the  Rana  was 
tauntingly  told  to  send  his  paiks. 

The  Attack  by  Bahadur,  Sultan  of  Gujarat. — Bahadur,  sultan 
of  Gujarat,  determined  to  take  advantage  of  the  Rajput  divisions, 
to  revenge  the  disgrace  of  the  defeat  and  captivity  of  liis  pre- 
decessor Muzaffar.2  Reinforced  by  the  troops  of  Mandu,  he 
marched  against  the  Rana,  then  encamped  at  Loicha,  in  the 
Bimdi  territory.  Though  the  force  was  overwhelming,  yet  with 
the  high  courage  which  belonged  to  his  house,  Bikramajit  did  not 
hesitate  to  give  battle  ;  but  he  found  weak  defenders  in  his 
mercenary  paiks,  while  his  vassals  and  kin  not  only  kept  aloof, 
but  marched  off  in  a  body  to  defend  Chitor,  and  the  posthumous 
son  of  Sanga  Rana,  still  an  infant. 

^  The  government  of  Papa  Bai,  a  princess  of  ancient  time,  whose  mis- 
managed sovereignty  has  given  a  proverb  to  the  Rajpuf.  [Major  Luard 
informs  me  that  Papa  Bai  is  said  to  have  been  the  daughter  of  a  Rajput 
of  Siddal.  She  and  Shiral  Seth,  a  corn-merchant  who,  in  return  for  his 
penances,  asked  to  be  made  a  king  for  three  ghatikas  (tv.enty-four  minutes 
each)^  and  gave  indiscriminately  alms  to  rich  and  poor,  are  bywords  for 
foohsh  extravagance.  She  is  worshipped  at  a  shrine  in  Ujjain  by  all  who 
desire  good  crops,  especially  sugar.  Another  name  for  such  a  period  of 
misrule  is  Harbong  ka  raj  (Elliot,  Supplemental  Glossary,  466  if.).] 

^  Taken  by  Prithiraj  and  carried  to  Rana  Raemall,  who  took  a  large 
sum  of  money  and  seven  hundred  horses  as  his  ransom. 


362  ANNALS  OF  MEVVAR 

There  is  a  sanctity  in  the  very  name  of  Chitor,  which  from 
the  earhest  times  secured  her  defenders  ;  and  now,  when  threat- 
ened again  by  '  the  barbarian,'  such  the  inexphcable  character 
of  the  Rajput,  we  find  the  heir  of  SurajmaU  abandonmg 
his  new  capital  of  Deoha,  to  pour  out  tlie  few  drops  which 
yet  circulated  in  his  veins  in  defence  of  the  abode  of  his 
fathers. 

'  The  son  of  Bmidi,'  with  a  brave  band  of  five  hundred 
Haras,  also  came  ;  as  did  the  Sonigira  and  Deora  Raos  of  Jalor 
and  Abu,  with  many  auxiliaries  from  aU  parts  of  Rajwara.  This 
was  the  most  powerful  eflort  hitherto  made  by  the  sultans  of 
Central  India,  and  European  artillerists  ^  are  recorded  in  these 
[311]  amials  as  brought  to  the  subjugation  of  Chitor.  The 
engineer  is  styled  '  Labri  Khan  of  Fringan,'  and  to  his  skill 
Bahadur  was  indebted  for  the  successful  storm  which  ensued. 
He  spriuig  a  mine  at  the  '  Bika  rock,'  which  blew  up  forty-five 
cubits  of  the  rampart,  with  the  bastion  where  the  brave  Haras 
were  posted.  The  Bundi  bards  dwell  on  this  incident,  which 
destroyed  their  prince  and  five  hundred  of  his  kin.  Rao  Durga, 
with  the  Chondawat  chieftains  Sata  and  Dudu  and  their  vassals, 
bravely  defended  the  breach  and  repelled  many  assaults  ;  and, 
to  set  an  example  of  courageous  devotion,  the  queen-mother 
Jawahir  Bai,  of  Rathor  race,  clad  in  armour,  headed  a  sally  in 
which  she  was  slain.     Still  the  besiegers  gained  gromid,  and  the 

^  We  have,  iu  the  poems  of  Chand,  frequent  indistinct  notices  of  firearms, 
especially  the  nal-gola  or  iw6e-ball ;  but  whether  discharged  by  percussion 
or  the  expansive  force  of  gunpowder  is  dubious.  The  poet  also  repeatedly 
speaks  of  "  the  volcano  of  the  held,"  giving  to  understand  great  guns  ;  but 
these  may  be  interpolations,  though  I  would  not  check  a  full  investigation  of 
so  curious  a  subject  by  raismg  a  doubt.  Babur  was  the  first  who  intro- 
duced field  guns  in  the  Muhammadan  wars,  and  Bahadur's  mvasion  is  the 
fii'st  notice  of  their  apphcatiou  in  sieges,  for  in  Alau-d-din's  time,  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  he  used  the  catapult  or  battering-ram,  called  manjanik. 
To  these  guns  Babur  was  indebted  for  victory  over  the  united  cavaky  of 
Rajasthan.  They  were  served  by  Rumi  Klian,  probably  a  Boumehot, 
or  fciyrian  Christian.  The  Franks  (Faringis),  with  Bahadur,  must  have  been 
some  of  Vasco  di  Gama's  crew.  [For  the  use  of  artihery  in  Mogul  times  see 
the  full  account  by  Irvine  {Army  of  the  Indian  Moghuls,  113  &.).  Manjanik 
is  the  Greek  /xdyyafof.  Bumi  K.han  was  an  Ottoman  Turk,  called  IChuda- 
wand  Khan,  who  learned  the  science  in  Turkish  service  (Erskine,  Hist,  of 
India,  ii.  49  ;  Ain,  i.  441).  Akbar  is  said  to  have  used  Chinese  artillery, 
and  to  have  employed  Enghsh  gunners  from  fcJurat  (Manucci  i.  139  ;  Irvine, 
op.  oil.  152). J 


CROWNING  OF  A  NEW  RANA  :    THE  JOHAR      363 

last  council  convened  was  to  concert  means  to  save  the  infant 
son  of  Sanga  from  this  imminent  peril. 

Crowning  oi  a  New  Kana. — But  Cliitor  can  only  be  defended  by 
royalty,  and  again  they  had  recourse  to  the  expedient  of  crowning 
a  king,  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  dignity  of  the  protectmg  deity  of  Chitor. 
Baghji,  prince  of  Deoha,  courted  the  msignia  of  destruction  ;  the 
bamier  of  Mewar  floated  over  him,  and  the  golden  sun  from  its 
sable  field  never  shone  more  refulgent  than  when  the  changi  ^ 
was  raised  amidst  the  shouts  of  her  defenders  over  the  head  of  the 
son  of  ISurajmaU. 

The  Johar. — The  infant,  Udai  Smgh,  was  placed  m  safety 
with  Surthan,  prmce  of  Bundi,^  the  garrison  put  on  their  saffron 
robes,  wliile  materials  for  the  johar  were  preparmg.  There  was 
little  tune  for  the  pyre.  The  bravest  had  fallen  in  defendmg  the 
breach,  now  completely  exposed.  Combustibles  were  quickly 
heaped  up  m  reservoirs  and  magazines  excavated  in  the  rock, 
mider  which  gunpowder  was  strewed.  Karnavati,  mother  of 
the  prmce,  and  sister  to  the  gallant  Arjmi  Hara,  led  the  procession 
of  willing  victims  to  their  doom,  and  thirteen  thousand  females 
were  thus  swept  at  once  from  the  record  of  life.  The  gates 
were  tlu'own  open,  and  the  Deoha  chief,  at  the  head  of  the 
survivors,  with  a  blind  and  impotent  despair,  rushed  on  his 
fate  [312J. 

Bahadur  must  have  been  appalled  at  the  horrid  sight  on  viewing 
his  conquest ;  ^  the  mangled  bodies  of  the  slain,  with  hmidreds 
ui  the  last  agonies  from  the  poniard  or  poison,  awaiting  death  as 
less  dreadful  than  dishonour  and  captivity.*     To  use  the  emphatic 

^  The  Changi,  the  chief  insignia  of  regahty  in  Mewar,  is  a  sun  of  gold  in 
the  centre  of  a  disc  of  black  ostrich  feathers  or  felt,  about  three  leet  in 
diameter,  elevated  on  a  pole,  and  carried  close  to  the  prince.  It  has  some- 
thing oi  a  iScytiiic  cast  about  it.  What  changi  imports  I  never  understood, 
[l^robabiy  fers.  chang,  '  anytiiiug  bent.'] 

^  The  name  of  the  faitblul  Kajput  who  preserved  Udai  Singh,  Chakasen 
Dhundei'a,  deserves  to  be  recorded. 

^  The  date,  "  Jeth  sudi  I'Zth,  S.  1589,"  a.d.  1533,  and  according  to 
Ferishta  a.h.  949,  a.d.  1532-33.  [Chitor  was  taken  in  1534.  The  Mirat-i- 
Bikandari  states  that  on  March  24,  1533,  Bahadur  received  the  promised 
tribute,  and  moved  his  camp  from  Ciiitor  (Bayley,  Muhammadan  Dynasties 
of  Gujarat,  372).] 

•*  i^'rom  ancient  times,  leadhig  the  females  captive  appears  to  have  been 
the  sign  of  complete  victory.  Kajput  inscriptions  often  ahude  to  "  a  con- 
queror beloved  by  the  wives  of  iiis  conq^uered  foe,"  and  in  the  early  parts 


364  ANNALS   OF  MEWAR 

words  of  the  annalist,  "the  last  day  of  Chitor  had  arrived." 
Every  clan  lost  its  chief,  and  the  choicest  of  their  retainers  ; 
during  tRe  siege  and  in  the  storm  thirty-two  thousand  Rajputs 
were  slain.     This  is  the  second  sakha  of  Chitor. 

Bahadur  had  remained  but  a  fortnight,  when  the  tardy  advance 
of  Humayun  with  his  succours  warned  him  to  retire.'^  According 
to  the  annals,  he  left  Bengal  at  the  solicitation  of  the  queen 
Karnavati ;  but  instead  of  following  up  the  spoU-encumbered 
foe,  he  commenced  a  pedantic  war  of  words  with  Bahadur, 
punning  on  the  word  '  Chitor.'  Had  Humayun  not  been  so 
distant,  this  catastrophe  would  have  been  averted,  for  he  was 
bound  by  the  laws  of  chivalry,  the  claims  of  which  he  had  acknow- 
ledged, to  defend  the  queen's  cause,  whose  knight  he  had  become. 
The  relation  of  the  peculiarity  of  a  custom  analogous  to  the  taste 
of  the  chivalrous  age  of  Europe  may  amuse.  ^Vlien  her  Ama- 
zonian sister  the  Rathor  queen  was  slain,  the  mother  of  the 
infant  prince  took  a  surer  method  to  shield  him  in  demanding 
the  fulfilment  of  the  pledge  given  by  Humayun  when  she  sent 
the  Rakhi  to  that  monarch. 

The  Rakhi. — '  The  festival  of  the  bracelet '  ( Rakhi)  is  in  spring, 
and  whatever  its  origin,  it  is  one  of  the  few  when  an  intercourse 
of  gallantry  of  the  most  delicate  nature  is  established  between 
the  fair  sex  and  the  cavaliers  of  Rajasthan.  Though  the  bracelet 
may  be  sent  by  maidens,  it  is  only  on  occasions  of  urgent  necessity 
or  danger.  The  Rajput  dame  bestows  with  the  Rakhi  the  title 
of  adopted  brother  ;  and  while  its  acceptance  secures  to  her  all 
the  protection  of  a  cavaliere  servente,  scandal  itself  never  suggests 
any  other  tie  to  his  devotion.  He  may  hazard  his  life  in  her 
cause,  and  yet  never  receive  a  smUe  in  reward,  for  he  cannot 
even  see  the  fair  object  who,  as  brother  of  her  adoption,  has  con- 
stituted him  her  defender.  But  there  is  a  charm  in  the  mystery 
of  such  connexion,  never  endangered  by  close  observation,  and 
the  loyal  to  the  fair  may  well  attach  a  value  [313]  to  the  public 
recognition  of  being  the  Rakhi-band  Bhai,  the  '  bracelet-bound 
brother '  of  a  princess.     The  intrinsic  value  of  such  pledge  is 

of  Scripture  the  same  notion  is  referred  to.  The  mother  of  Sisera  asks* 
"  Have  they  not  divided  the  prey  ;  to  every  man  a  damsel  or  two  ?  ' 
(Judges  v.  30.) 

^  [Ferishta  ii.  75  f.  Badaoni  says  that  Humayun  hesitated  to  interfere 
because  Bahadur  was  attacking  an  infidel  {MuntaJchabu-t-tawarikh,  i.  453  f.).] 


THE  RAKHI  365 

never  looked  to,  nor  is  it  requisite  it  should  be  costly,  though  it 
varies  with  the  means  and  rank  of  the  donor,  and  may  be  of 
flock  silk  and  spangles,  or  gold  chains  and  gems.  The  acceptance 
of  the  pledge  and  its  return  is  by  the  kachhli,  or  corset,  of  simple 
silk  or  satin,  of  gold  brocade  and  pearls.  In  shape  or  application 
there  is  nothing  similar  in  Europe,  and  as  defending  the  most 
delicate  part  of  the  structure  of  the  fair,  it  is  peculiarly  appropriate 
as  an  emblem  of  devotion.  A  whole  province  has  often  accom- 
panied the  Kachhli,  and  the  monarch  of  India  was  so  pleased  with 
this  courteous  delicacy  in  the  customs  of  Rajasthan,  on  receiving 
the  bracelet  of  the  princess  Karnavati,  which  invested  him  with 
the  title  of  her  brother,  and  uncle  and  protector  to  her  infant 
Udai  Singh,  that  he  pledged  himself  to  her  service,  "  even  if  the 
demand  were  the  castle  of  Ranthambhor."  Humayun  proved 
himself  a  true  knight,  and  even  abandoned  his  conquests  in 
Bengal  when  called  on  to  redeem  his  pledge  and  succour  Chitor, 
and  the  widows  and  minor  sons  of  Sanga  Rana.^  Humayun 
had  the  highest  proofs  of  the  worth  of  those  courting  his  pro- 
tection ;  he  was  with  his  father  Babur  in  all  his  wars  in  India, 
and  at  the  battle  of  Bayana  his  prowess  was  conspicuous,  and  is 
recorded  by  Babur's  own  pen.  He  amply  fulfilled  his  pledge, 
expelled  the  foe  from  Chitor,  took  Mandu  by  assault,  and,  as 
some  revenge  for  her  king's  aiding  the  king  of  Gujarat,  he  sent 
for  the  Rana  Bikramajit,  whom,  following  their  own  notions  of 

^  Many  romantic  tales  are  founded  on  '  the  gift  of  the  Rakhi.'  The 
author,  who  was  placed  in  the  enviable  situation  of  being  able  to  do  good, 
and  on  the  most  extensive  scale,  was  the  means  of  restoring  many  of  these 
ancient  famihes  from  degradation  to  affluence.  The  greatest  reward  he 
could,  and  the  only  one  he  would,  receive,  was  the  courteous  civihty  dis- 
played in  many  of  these  interesting  customs.  He  was  the  Rakhi-band  Bhai 
of,  and  received  '  the  bracelet '  from,  three  queens  of  Udaipur,  Bundi,  and 
Kotah,  besides  Chand  Bai,  the  maiden  sister  of  the  Rana ;  as  well  as  many 
ladies  of  the  chieftains  of  rank,  with  whom  he  interchanged  letters.  The 
sole  articles  of  '  barbaric  pearl  and  gold,'  which  he  conveyed  from  a  country 
where  he  was  six  years  supreme,  are  these  testimonies  of  friendly  regard. 
Intrinsically  of  no  great  value,  they  were  presented  and  accepted  in  the 
ancient  spirit,  and  he  retains  them  with  a  sentiment  the  more  powerful, 
because  he  can  no  longer  render  them  any  service.  [The  Rakhi  (Skt.  raksha, 
'  protection  ')  is  primarily  a  protective  amulet  assumed  at  the  full  moon 
of  Sawan  (Julj -August)  (Forbes,  Rdsmala,  609).  It  was  worn  on  this  date 
to  avert  the  unhealthiness  of  the  rainy  season.  Jahangir  and  Akbar  followed 
the  custom,  introduced  by  their  Hindu  ladies  (Jahangir,  Memoirs,  246  ; 
Badaoni,  op.  cit.  ii.  269).] 


366  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

investiture,  he  girt  with  a  sword  in  the  captured  citadel  of  his 
foe.i 

The  Muhammadan  historians,  strangers  to  their  customs,  or 
the  secret  motives  which  caused  the  emperor  to  abandon  Bengal, 
ascribe  it  to  the  Rana's  solicitation  ;  but  we  may  credit  the  annals, 
which  are  in  vinison  with  the  chivalrous  notions  of  the  Rajputs, 
into  which  succeeding  monarchs,  the  great  Akbar,  his  son  [314] 
Jahangir,  and  Shah  Jahan,  entered  with  delight  ;  and  even 
Aurangzeb,  two  of  whose  original  letters  to  the  queen-mother  of 
Udaipur  are  now  in  the  author's  possession,  and  are  remarkable 
for  their  elegance  and  purity  of  diction,  and  couched  in  terms 
perfectly  accordant  with  Rajput  delicacy.^ 

Restoration  of  Bikramaiit. — Bikramajit,  thus  restored  to  his 
capital,  had  gained  nothing  by  adversity  ;  or,  to  employ  the  words 
of  the  annalist,  "  experience  had  yielded  no  wisdom."  He  renewed 
all  his  former  insolence  to  his  chiefs,  and  so  entirely  threw  aside 
his  own  dignity,  and,  what  is  of  still  greater  consequence,  the 
reverence  universally  shown  to  old  age,  as  to  strike  in  open  court 
Karamchand  of  Ajmer,  the  protector  of  his  father  Sanga  in  his 
misfortunes.  The  assembly  rose  with  one  accord  at  this  indignity 
to  their  order ;  and  as  they  retired,  the  Chondawat  leader 
Kanji,  the  first  of  the  nobles,  exclaimed,  "  Hitherto,  brother 
chiefs,  we  have  had  but  a  smell  of  the  blossom,  but  now  we 
shaU  be  obliged  to  eat  the  fruit  "  ;  to  which  the  insulted  Pramara 
added,  as  he  hastily  retired,  "  To-morrow  its  flavour  will  be 
known." 

Though  the  Rajput  looks  up  to  his  sovereign  as  to  a  divinity, 
and  is  enjoined  implicit  obedience  by  his  religion,  which  rewards 
him  accordingly  hereafter,  yet  this  doctrine  has  its  limits,  and 
precedents  are  abundant  for  deposal,  when  the  acts  of  the  prince 
may  endanger  the  realm.  But  there  is  a  bond  of  love  as  well  as 
of  awe  which  restrains  them,  and  softens  its  severity  in  the 
paternity  of  sway  ;  for  these  princes  are  at  once  the  father  and 
king  of  their  people  :    not  in  fiction,  but  reality — for  he  is  the 

^  [Probably  policy,  rather  than  romance,  caused  Hiimayun  to  interfere.] 
^  He  addresses  her  as  "  dear  and  virtuous  sister,"  and  evinces  much 
interest  in  her  welfare.  We  are  in  total  ignorance  of  the  refined  sentiment 
which  regulates  such  a  people  —  our  home-bred  prejudices  deem  them 
beneath  inquiry  ;  and  thus  indolence  and  self-conceit  combine  to  deprive 
the  benevolent  of  a  high  gratification. 


THE  ESCAPE  OF  UDAI  SINGH  367 

representative  of  the  common  ancestor  of  the  aristocracy — the 
sole  lawgiver  of  Rajasthan. 

Death  of  Rana  Bikramajit. — Sick  of  these  minors  (and  they 
had  now  a  third  in  prospect),  which  in  a  few  years  had  laid  pros- 
trate the  throne  of  Mewar,  her  nobles  on  lea\'ing  their  unworthy 
prince  repaired  to  Banbir,  the  natural  son  of  the  heroic  Prithiraj, 
and  offered  "  to  seat  him  on  the  throne  of  Chitor."  He  had  the 
virtue  to  resist  the  solicitation  ;  and  it  was  only  on  painting  the 
dangers  which  threatened  the  country,  if  its  chief  at  such  a  period 
had  not  their  confidence,  that  he  gave  his  consent.  The  step 
between  the  deposal  and  death  of  a  king  is  necessarily  short  [315], 
and  the  cries  of  the  females,  which  announced  the  end  of  Bik- 
ramajit, were  drowned  in  the  acclamations  raised  on  the  elevation 
of  the  changi  over  the  head  of  the  bastard  Banbir. 


CHAPTER  10 

Rana  Banbir  Singh,  a.d.  1535-37. — A  few  hours  of  sovereignty 
sufficed  to  check  those  '  compunctious  visitings  '  which  assailed 
Banbir  ere  he  assumed  its  trappings,  with  which  he  found  himself 
so  little  encumbered  that  he  was  content  to  wear  them  for  life. 
Whether  this  was  the  intention  of  the  nobles  who  set  aside  the 
unworthy  son  of  Sanga,  there  is  abundant  reason  to  doubt  ;  and 
as  he  is  subsequently  branded  with  the  epithet  of  '  usurper '  it 
was  probably  limited,  though  unexpressed,  to  investing  him  with 
the  executive  authority  during  the  minority  of  Udai  Singh. 
Banbir,  however,  only  awaited  the  approach  of  night  to  remove 
with  his  own  hands  the  obstacle  to  his  ambition. 

The  Escape  of  Udai  Singh,  the  Heir. — Udai  Singh  was  about 
six  years  of  age.  "  He  had  gone  to  sleep  after  his  rice  and  milk," 
when  his  nurse  was  alarmed  by  screams  from  the  rawala,^  and  the 
Bari  ^  coming  in  to  take  away  the  remains  of  the  dinner,  informed 
her  of  the  cause,  the  assassination  of  the  Rana.  Aware  that  one 
murder  was  the  precursor  of  another,  the  faithful  nurse  put  her 

^  The  seraglio,  or  female  palace. 

5*  Bari,  Nai,  are  names  for  the  barbers,  who  aie  the  cuisiniers  of  the  Rajputs. 
[The  special  duty  of  the  Bari  is  making  leaf -platters  from  which  Hindus  eat : 
he  is  also  a  domestic  servant,  but  does  not,  like  the  Nai,  work  as  a  barber.] 


368  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

charge  into  a  fruit  basket  and,  covering  it  with  leaves,  she  de- 
livered it  to  the  Bari,  enjoining  him  to  escape  with  it  from  the 
fort.  Scarcely  had  she  time  to  substitute  her  own  infant  in  the 
room  of  the  prince,  when  Banbir,  entering,  inquired  for  him. 
Her  lips  refused  their  ofBce  ;  she  pointed  to  the  cradle,  and  beheld 
the  murderous  steel  buried  in  the  heart  of  her  babe  [316].  The 
little  victim  to  fidelity  was  burnt  amidst  the  tears  of  the  rawala, 
the  inconsolable  household  of  their  late  sovereign,  who  supposed 
that  their  grief  was  given  to  the  last  pledge  of  the  illustrious  Sanga. 
The  nurse  (Dhai)  was  a  Rajputni  of  the  Khichi  tribe,  her  name 
Panna,  or  '  the  Diamond.'  Having  consecrated  with  her  tears 
the  aslies  of  her  child,  she  hastened  after  that  she  had  preserved. 
But  well  had  it  been  for  Mewar  had  the  poniard  fulfilled  its  in- 
tention, and  had  the  annals  never  recorded  the  name  of  Udai 
Singh  in  the  catalogue  of  her  princes. 

The  faithful  barber  was  awaiting  the  nurse  in  the  bed  of  the 
Berach  River,  some  miles  west  of  Chitor,  and  fortunately  the 
infant  had  not  awoke  until  he  descended  the  city.  They  departed 
for  Deolia,  and  sought  refuge  with  Singh  Rao,  the  successor  to 
Baghji,  who  fell  for  Chitor  ;  who  dreading  the  consequence  of 
detection,  they  proceeded  to  Dungarpur.  Rawal  Askaran  then 
ruled  this  principality,  which,  as  well  as  Deolia,  was  not  only  a 
branch,  but  the  elder  branch,  of  Chitor.  With  every  wish  to 
afford  a  shelter,  he  pleaded  the  danger  which  threatened  himself 
and  the  child  in  such  a  feeble  sanctuary.  Pursuing  a  circuitous 
route  through  Idar,  and  the  intricate  valleys  of  the  Aravalli,  by 
the  help  and  with  the  protection  of  its  wild  inmates,  the  Bhils,  she 
gained  Kumbhaimer.  The  resolution  she  had  formed  was  bold 
as  it  was  judicious.  She  demanded  an  interview  with  the  governor^ 
Asa  Sail  his  name,  of  the  mercantile  tribe  of  Depra,^  and  a  follower 
of  the  theistical  tenets  of  the  Jains.  The  interview  being  granted, 
she  placed  the  infant  in  his  lap,  and  bid  him  "  guard  the  life  of 
his  sovereign.'"  He  felt  perplexed  and  alarmed  :  but  his  mother, 
who  was  present^  upbraided  him  for  his  scruples.  "  Fidelity," 
said  she,  "  never  looks  at  dangers  or  difficulties.  He  is  your 
master,  the  son  of  Sanga,  and  by  God's  blessing  the  result  will 
be  glorious."     Having  thus  fulfilled  her  trust,  the  faithful  Panna 

^  [Dr.  Tessitori  states  that  the  true  form  of  the  name  is  Dahipra  or  Dahi- 
pura,  and  they  seem  to  be  the  same  as  the  Depla  of  Gujarat,  where  they  are 
said  to  have  been  originally  Lohanas  {BG,  ix.  Part  i.  122).] 


INSTALLATION  OF  RANA  UDAI  SINGH  369 

withdrew  from  Kumbhalmer  to  avoid  the  suspicion  which  a 
Rajputni  about  a  Srawak's  ^  child  would  have  occasioned,  as  the 
heir  of  Chitor  was  declared  to  be  the  nephew  of  the  Depra. 

The  Boyhood  of  Udai  Singh. — Suspicions  were  often  excited 
regardinjT  Asa's  nephew  ;  once,  especially,  on  the  anniversary 
(samvatsara)  of  the  governor's  father,  when  "  the  Rajput  guests 
being  in  one  rank,  and  the  men  of  v/ealth  in  another,  j'oung  Udai 
seized  a  vessel  of  curds,  which  no  intreaty  could  prevail  on  him 
to  relinquish,  deriding  their  threats  "  [317].  Seven  years  elapsed 
before  the  secret  transpired  ;  at  length  self-revealed,  from  the 
same  independent  bearing.  On  occasion  of  a  visit  from  the 
Sonigira  chief,  Udai  was  sent  to  receive  him,  and  the  dignified 
manner  in  which  he  performed  the  duty  convinced  the  chief 
'  he  was  no  nephew  to  the  Sah.'  Rumour  spread  the  tale,  and 
brought  not  only  the  nobles  of  Mewar,  but  adjacent  chiefs,  to 
hail  the  son  of  Sanga  Rana.  Sahidas  of  Salumbar,  the  representa- 
tive of  Chonda,  Jaga  of  Kelwa,  Sanga  of  Bagor,  all  chiefs  of  the 
clans  of  Chondawat  ;  the  Chauhans  of  Kotharia  and  Bedla,  the 
Pramar  of  Bijolia  Akhiraj  (Sonigira),  Prithiraj  of  Sanchor,  and 
Lunkaran  Jethawat,  repaired  to  Kumbhalmer,  when  all  doubt 
was  removed  by  the  testimony  of  the  nurse,  and  of  her  coadjutor 
in  the  preservation  of  the  child. 

Installation  of  Rana  Udai  Singh,  a.d.  1537-72. — A  court  was 
formed,  when  the  faithful  Asa  Sah  resigned  his  trust  and  placed 
the  prince  of  Chitor  '  in  the  lap  of  the  Kotharia  Chauhan,'  as 
the  '  great  ancient '  ^  among  the  nobles  of  Mewar,  who  was 
throughout  acquainted  with  the  secret,  and  who,  to  dissipate  the 
remaining  scruples  which  attached  to  the  infant's  preservation, 
'  ate  off  the  same  platter  with  him.'  The  Sonigira  Rao  did  not 
hesitate  to  affiance  to  him  his  daughter,  and  it  was  accepted 
by  his  advisers,  notwithstanding  the  interdict  of  Hamir  to  any 
intermarriage  with  the  Sonigira,  since  the  insult  of  giving  the 
widow  to  his  bed.  Udai  received  the  tika  of  Chitor  in  the 
castle  of  Kumbha,  and  the  homage  of  nearly  all  the  chiefs  of 
Mewar. 

The  tidings  soon  reached  the  usurper,  who  had  not  borne  his 

^  The  laity  of  the  Jain  persuasion  are  so  called   [srdvaJc,  meaning  '  a 
disciple ']. 

*  Bara  '  great,'  burha  '  aged  ' ;   the  '  wise  elder  '  of  Rajasthan,  where  old 
age  and  dignity  are  synonymous. 

VOL.  I  2  B 


370  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

faculties  meekly  since  his  advancement  ;  but  having  seized  on 
the  dignity,  he  wished  to  ape  all  the  customs  of  the  legitimate 
monarchs  of  Chitor,  and  even  had  the  effrontery  to  punish  as  an 
insult  the  refusal  of  one  of  the  proud  sons  of  Chonda  to  take  the 
dauna  from  his  bastard  hand. 

The  Dauna,  a  Recognition  of  Legitimacy. — The  dauna,  or  daua, 
is  a  portion  of  the  dish  of  which  the  prince  partakes,  sent  by  his 
own  hand  to  whomsoever  he  honours  at  the  banquet.  At  the 
rasora,  or  refectory,  the  chiefs  who  are  admitted  to  dine  in  the 
presence  of  their  sovereign  are  seated  according  to  their  rank. 
The  repast  is  one  of  those  occasions  when  an  easy  familiarity 
is  permitted,  which,  though  unrestrained,  never  exceeds  the 
bounds  [318]  of  etiquette,  and  the  habitual  reverence  due  to  their 
father  and  prince.  \Vlien  he  sends,  by  the  steward  of  the  kitchen, 
a  portion  of  the  dish  before  him,  or  a  little  from  his  own  kansa, 
or  plate,  all  eyes  are  guided  to  the  favoured  mortal,  whose  good 
fortune  is  the  subject  of  subsequent  conversation.  Though,  with 
the  diminished  lustre  of  this  house,  the  dauna  may  have  lost  its 
former  estimation,  it  is  yet  received  with  reverence  ;  but  the 
extent  of  this  feeling,  even  so  late  as  the  reign  of  Arsi  Rana,  the 
father  of  the  reigning  prince,  the  following  anecdote  will  testify. 
In  the  rebellion  during  this  prince's  reign,  amongst  the  ancient 
customs  which  became  relaxed,  that  of  bestowing  the  dauna 
was  included  ;  and  the  Rana  conferring  it  on  the  Rathor  prince 
of  Kishangarh,  the  Bijolia  chief,  one  of  the  sixteen  superior  nobles 
of  Mewar,  rose  and  left  the  presence,  observing,  "  Neither  the 
Kachhwaha  nor  the  Rathor  has  a  right  to  this  honour,  nor  can  we, 
who  regard  as  sanctified  even  the  leavings  of  your  repast,  witness 
this  degradation  ;  for  the  Thakur  of  Kishangarh  is  far  beneath 
me."  To  such  extent  is  this  privilege  even  yet  carried,  and  such 
importance  is  attached  from  habit  to  the  personal  character  of  the 
princes  of  Mewar,  that  the  test  of  regal  legitimacy  in  Rajasthan 
is  admission  to  eat  from  the  same  plate  (kansa)  with  the  Rana  : 
and  to  the  refusal  of  this  honour  to  the  great  Man  Singh  of  Amber 
may  be  indirectly  ascribed  the  ruin  of  Mewar.^ 

It    may   therefore    be    conceived   with   what   contempt    the 

haughty  nobility  of  Chitor  received  the  mockery  of  honour  from 

the  hand  of  this  '  fifth  son  of  Mewar  '  ;  and  the  Chondawat  chief 

had  the  boldness  to  add  to  his  refusal,  "  that  an  honour  from  the 

^  [On  the  privilege  of  eating  with  the  Rana  see  p.  213  above.] 


DEPOSITION  OF  RANA  BANBIR  SINGH  371 

hand  of  a  true  son  of  Bappa  Rawal  became  a  disgrace  when  proffered 
by  the  offspring  of  the  handmaid  Sitalseni."  The  defection  soon 
became  general,  and  all  repaired  to  the  valley  of  Kumbhalmer 
to  hail  the  legitimate  son  of  Mewar.  A  caravan  of  five  hundred 
horses  and  ten  thousand  oxen,  laden  with  merchandise  from 
Cutch,  the  dower  of  Banbir's  daughter,  guarded  by  one  thousand 
Gaharwar  Rajputs,  was  plundered  in  the  passes  :  a  signal  intima- 
tion of  the  decay  of  his  authority,  and  a  timely  supply  to  the 
celebration  of  the  nuptials  of  Udai  Rana  with  the  daughter  of 
the  Rao  of  Jalor.  Though  the  interdict  of  Hamir  was  not  for- 
gotten, it  was  deemed  that  the  insult  given  by  Banbir  Sonigira  was 
amply  effaced  by  his  successor's  redemption  of  the  usurpation 
of  Banbir  Sesodia.  The  marriage  was  solemnized  at  Bali,  within 
the  limits  of  Jalor,  and  the  [319]  customary  offerings  were  sent 
or  given  by  all  the  princes  of  Rajasthan.  Two  chiefs  only,  of 
any  consequence,  abstained  from  attending  on  their  lawful  prince 
on  this  occasion,  the  Solanki  of  Maholi  and  Maloji  of  Tana.  In 
attacking  them,  the  bastard  was  brought  into  conflict  ;  but 
Maloji  was  slain  and  the  Solanki  surrendered. 

Deposition  of  Rana  Banbir  Singh. — Deserted  by  all,  Banbir 
held  out  in  the  capital  ;  but  his  minister  admitted,  under  the  garb 
of  a  reinforcement  with  supplies,  a  thousand  resolute  adherents 
of  the  prince  :  the  keepers  of  the  gates  were  surprised  and  slain, 
and  the  an  of  Udai  Singh  was  proclaimed.  Banbir  was  even 
permitted  to  retire  with  his  family  and  his  wealth.  He  sought 
refuge  in  the  Deccan,  and  the  Bhonslas  of  Nagpur  are  said  to 
derive  their  origin  from  this  spurious  branch  of  Chitor.^ 

Rana  Udai  Singh,  a.d.  1537-72. — Rana  Udai  Singh  ascended 
the  throne  in  S.  1597  (a.d.  1541-2).  Great  were  the  rejoicings  on 
the  restoration  of  this  prince.  '  The  song  of  joy,'  ^  which  was 
composed  on  the  occasion,  is  yet  a  favourite  at  Udaipur,  and 
on  the  festival  of  Isani  (the  Ceres  of  Rajasthan),  the  females  still 
chant  in  chorus  the  '  farewell  to  Kumbhalmer.'  *  But  the  evil  days 
of  Mewar  which  set  in  with  Sanga's  death,  and  were  accelerated 
by  the  fiery  valour  of  Ratna  and  the  capricious  conduct  of  Bik- 
ramajit,  were  completed  by  an  anomaly  in  her  annals  :  a  coward 
succeeding  a  bastard  to  guide  the  destinies  of  the  Sesodias.     The 

^  [There  seems  no  basis  for  this  tradition.  The  Bhonslas  sprang  from  a 
Maratha  headman  of  Deora  in  Satara  {IGI,  xviii.  306).] 

^  Suhaila.  ^  Kumbhalmer  bidaona. 


372  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

vices  of  Ratna  and  his  brother  were  virtues  compared  to  this 
physical  defect,  the  consequences  of  which  destroyed  a  great 
national  feeling,  the  opinion  of  its  invincibility. 

His  Character. — "  Woe  to  the  land  where  a  minor  rules  or  a 
woman  bears  sway  !  "  exclaims  the  last  of  the  great  bards  ^  of 
Rajasthan  ;  but  where  both  were  united,  as  in  Mewar,  the 
measure  of  her  griefs  was  full.  Udai  Singh  had  not  one  quality 
of  a  sovereign  ;  and  wanting  martial  virtue,  the  common  heritage 
of  his  race,  he  was  destitute  of  all.  Yet  he  might  have  slumbered 
life  away  in  inglorious  repose  during  the  reign  of  Humayun,  or 
the  contentions  of  the  Pathan  usurpation  ;  but,  unhappily  for 
Rajasthan,  a  prince  was  then  rearing  who  forged  fetters  for  the 
Hindu  race  which  enthralled  them  for  ages  ;  and  though  the 
corroding  hand  of  time  left  but  their  fragments,  yet  even  now, 
though  emancipated,  they  bear  the  indelible  marks  of  the  manacle ; 
not  like  the  galley  slave's,  physical  and  exterior,  but  deep  mental 
scars,  never  to  be  effaced.  Can  a  nation  which  has  run  its  long 
career  of  glory  be  [320]  regenerated  ?  Can  the  soul  of  the  Greek 
or  the  Rajput  be  reanimated  with  the  spark  divine  which  defended 
the  kunguras  ^  of  Chitor  or  the  pass  of  Thermopylae  ?  Let  history 
answer  the  question. 

Birth  of  Akbar. — In  the  same  year  that  the  song  of  joy  was 
raised  in  the  cloud-capped '  palace  of  Kiunbhalmer  for  the 
deliverance  of  Udai  Singh,  the  note  of  woe  was  pealed  through 
the  walls  of  Umarkot,  and  given  to  the  winds  of  the  desert,  to 
proclaim  the  birth  *  of  an  infant  destined  to  be  the  greatest 
monarch  who  ever  swayed  the  sceptre  of  Hindustan.  In  an  oasis 
of  the  Indian  desert,  amidst  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  Sogdoi  ^ 
of  Alexander,  Akbar  first  saw  the  light  ;  his  father  a  fugitive,  the 
diadem  torn  from  his  brows,  its  recovery  more  improbable  than 
was  its  acquisition  by  Babur.  The  ten  years  which  had  elapsed 
since  Humayun's  accession  were  passed  in  perpetual  strife  with 
his  brothers,  placed  according  to  custom  in  subordinate  govern- 
ments. Their  selfish  ambition  met  its  reward  ;  for  with  the  fall 
of  Humayun  their  own  was  ensured,  when  Sher  Shah  displaced 
the  dynasty  of  Chagatai  for  his  own,  the  Pathan  (or  Sur). 

^  Chand,  the  heroic  bard  of  the  last  Hindu  emperor.  [Cf.  Ecclesiastes, 
X.  16.] 

«  Battlements.  »  Badal  MahaU.  *  November  23,  a.d.  1542. 

*  The  Sodhas,  a  branch  of  the  Pramaras,  see  p.  111. 


EARLY  YEARS  OF  AKB.\R  373 

Defeat  and  Flight  of  Humayun,  a.d.  1540. — From  the  field  of 
battle  at  Kanauj,  where  Humayun  left  his  crown,  his  energetic 
opponent  gave  him  no  respite,  driving  him  before  him  from  Agra 
to  Lahore.  Thence,  with  his  family  and  a  small  band  of  adherents, 
alternately  protected  and  repelled  by  Hindu  chieftains,  he  reached 
the  valley  of  Sind,  where  he  struggled  to  maintain  himself  amidst 
the  greatest  privations,  attempting  in  succession  each  stronghold 
on  the  Indus,  from  Multan  to  the  ocean.  Foiled  in  every  object, 
his  associates  made  rebels  by  distress,  he  abandoned  them  for 
the  more  dubious  shelter  of  the  foes  of  his  race.  Vain  were  his 
solicitations  to  Jaisalmer  and  Jodhpur  ;  and  though  it  cannot 
be  matter  of  wonder  that  he  found  no  commiseration  from  either 
Bhatti  or  Rathor,  we  must  reprobate  the  unnational  conduct  of 
Maldeo,  who,  the  Mogul  historian  says,  attempted  to  make  him 
captive.  From  such  inhospitable  treatment  the  royal  exile 
escaped  by  again  plunging  into  the  desert,  where  he  encoimtered, 
along  with  the  tender  objects  of  his  solicitude,  hardships  of  the 
most  appalling  description,  until  sheltered  by  the  Sodha  prince 
of  Umarkot.  The  high  courage  and  the  virtues  of  this  monarch 
increase  that  interest  in  liis  sufferings  which  royalty  in  distress 
never  fails  to  awaken  by  its  u'resistible  influence  [321]  upon  our 
sympathies  ;  and  they  form  an  affecting  episode  in  the  history 
of    Ferishta.^     Humayun,  though    more    deeply  skilled    in    the 

^  "  Humaioon  mounted  his  horse  at  midnight  and  fled  towards  Amercot, 
which  is  about  one  hundred  coss  from  Tatta.  His  horse,  on  the  way,  falling 
down  dead  with  fatigue,  he  desired  Tirdi  Beg,  who  was  weU  mounted,  to  let 
him  have  liis  ;  but  so  ungenerous  was  this  man,  and  so  low  was  royalty 
faUen,  that  he  refused  to  comply  with  his  request.  The  troops  of  the  raja 
being  close  to  his  heels,  he  was  necessitated  to  mount  a  camel,  tiU  one  Nidim 
Koka,  dismounting  his  own  mother,  gave  the  king  her  horse,  and,  placing 
her  on  the  camel,  ran  himself  on  foot  by  her  side. 

"  The  country  through  which  they  iied  being  an  entire  sandy  desert,  the 
troop  began  to  be'in  the  utmost  distress  for  water.  Some  ran  mad,  others 
feh  down  dead  ;  nothing  was  heard  but  dreadful  screams  and  lamentations. 
To  add,  if  possible,  to  this  calamity,  news  arrived  of  the  enemy's  near 
approach.  Humaioon  ordered  ah  those  who  could  light  to  halt,  and  let  the 
women  and  baggage  move  forward.  The  enemy  not  making  their  appear- 
ance, the  king  rode  on  in  front  to  see  how  it  fared  with  his  famUy. 

"  Night,  in  the  meantime,  coming  on,  the  rear  lost  their  way,  and  in  the 
morning  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  the  enemy.  Shech  Ah,  with  about 
twenty  brave  men,  resolved  to  seU  his  life  dear.  Having  repeated  the  creed 
of  martyrdom,  he  rushed  upon  the  enemy,  and  the  first  arrow  having  reachetl 
the  heart  of  the  chief  of  the  party,  the  rest  were  by  the  valour  of  his  handful 


374  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

mysteries  of  astrology  than  any  professed  seer  of  his  empire, 
appears  never  to  have  enjoyed  that  prescience  which,  according 
to  the  initiated  in  the  science,  is  to  be  obtained  from  accurate 
observation  : 

And  coming  events  cast  their  shadows  before  ; 

for,  could  he,  by  any  prophetic  power,  have  foreseen  that  the 
cloud  which  then  shaded  his  fortunes,  was  but  the  precursor  of 
glory  to  his  race,  he  would  have  continued  his  retreat  from  the 
sheltering  sand-hills  of  Umarkot  with  very  different  sentiments 
from  those  which  accompanied  his  flight  into  Persia  [322]. 

Early  Years  of  Akbar. — Hmnayvm  educated  the  young  Akbar 

put  to  flight.  The  other  Moguls  joined  in  the  pursuit,  and  took  many  of  the 
camels  and  horses.  They  then  continued  their  march,  found  the  king 
sitting  by  a  well  which  he  had  fortunately  found,  and  gave  him  an  account 
of  their  adventure. 

"  Marching  forward  the  next  day  from  this  well,  they  were  more  dis- 
tressed than  before,  there  being  no  water  for  two  days'  journey.  On  the 
fourth  day  of  their  retreat  they  fell  in  with  another  well,  which  was  so  deep, 
that  the  only  bucket  they  had  took  a  great  deal  of  time  in  being  wound  up, 
and  therefore  a  drum  was  beat  to  give  notice  to  the  caffilas  when  the  bucket 
appeared,  that  they  might  repair  by  turns  to  drink.  The  people  were  so 
impatient  for  the  water,  that  as  soon  as  the  first  bucket  appeared,  ten  or 
twelve  of  them  threw  themselves  upon  it  before  it  quite  reached  the  brim 
of  the  well,  by  which  means  the  rope  broke,  and  the  bucket  was  lost,  and 
several  fell  headlong  after  it.  When  this  fatal  accident  happened,  the 
screams  and  lamentations  of  all  became  loud  and  dreadful.  Some  loUing 
out  their  tongues,  rolled  themselves  in  agony  on  the  hot  sand  ;  while  others, 
precipitating  themselves  into  the  well,  met  with  an  immediate,  and  conse- 
quently an  easier  death.  What  did  not  the  unhappy  king  feel,  when  he  saw 
this  terrible  situation  of  his  few  faithful  friends  ! 

"  The  next  day,  though  they  reached  water,  was  not  less  fatal  than  the 
former.  The  camels,  who  had  not  tasted  water  for  several  days,  now  drank 
so  much  that  the  greatest  part  of  them  died.  The  people,  also,  after  drink- 
ing, complained  of  an  oppression  of  the  heart,  and  in  about  half  an  hour  a 
great  part  of  them  expired.. 

"  A  few,  with  the  king,  after  this  unheard-of  distress,  reached  Amercote. 
The  raja,  being  a  humane  man,  took  compassion  on  their  misfortunes  :  he 
spared  nothing  that  could  alleviate  their  miseries,  or  express  his  fidelity  to 
the  king. 

"  At  Amercote,  upon  Sunday  the  fifth  of  Rigib,  in  the  year  nine  hundred 
and  forty-nine,  the  prince  Akber  was  brought  forth  by  Hamida  Banu  Begum. 
The  king,  after  returning  thanks  to  God,  left  his  family  under  the  protection 
of  Raja  Rana,  and,  by  the  aid  of  that  prince,  marched  against  Bicker." 
Dow's  Feyishta  [2nd  ed.  ii.  136  ff.     Compare  that  of  Briggs  ii.  93  ff.]. 


EARLY  YEARS  OF  AKBAR  375 

in  the  same  school  of  adversity  in  which  he  had  studied  under 
Babur.  Between  the  Persian  court  and  his  ancient  patrimony 
in  Transoxiana,  Kandahar,  and  Kashmir,  twelve  years  were 
passed  in  everj^  trial  of  fortune.  During  this  short  period,  India, 
always  the  prize  of  valour,  had  witnessed  in  succession  six  ^ 
kings  descended  from  the  Pathan  '  Lion  '  {sher),  of  whom  the 
last,  Sikandar,  was  involved  in  the  same  civil  broUs  which  brought 
the  crown  to  his  family.  Humayun,  then  near  Kashmir,  no 
sooner  observed  the  tide  of  events  set  counter  to  liis  foe,  than  he 
crossed  the  Indus  and  advanced  upon  Sirhind,  where  the  Pathan 
soon  appeared  with  a  tumultuous  array.  The  impetuosity  of 
young  Akbar  brought  on  a  general  engagement,  which  the  veterans 
deemed  madness.  Not  so  Humayun,  who  gave  the  command  to 
his  boy,  whose  heroism  so  excited  all  ranks,  that  they  despised 
the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  and  gained  a  glorious  victory.  This 
was  the  presage  of  his  future  fame  ;  for  Akbar  was  then  but 
twelve  years  of  age,^  the  same  period  of  life  at  which  his  grand- 
father, Babur,  maintained  himself  on  the  throne  of  Farghana. 
Humayun,  worthy  of  such  a  son  and  such  a  sire,  entered  Delhi  in 
triumph  ;  but  he  did  not  long  enjoy  Ms  recovered  crown.  His 
death  will  appear  extraordinary,  according  to  the  erroneous 
estimate  formed  of  Eastern  princes  :  its  cause  was  a  faU  from 
the  terrace  of  his  library  ;  '  for,  like  every  individual  of  his  race, 
lie  was  not  merely  a  patron  of  literature,  but  himself  a  scholar. 
Were  we  to  contrast  the  literary  acquirements  of  the  Chagatai 
princes  with  those  of  their  contemporaries  of  Europe,  the  balance 
of  lore  would  be  found  on  the  side  of  the  Asiatics,  even  though 
Elizabeth  and  Henry  IV.  of  France  were  in  the  scale.  Amongst 
the  princes  from  the  Jaxartes  are  historians,  poets,  astronomers, 
founders  of  systems  of  government  and  religion,  warriors,  and 
great  captains,  who  claim  our  respect  and  admiration. 

Akbar's  Struggle  for  the  Empire. — Scarcely  had  Akbar  been 
seated  on  the  throne,  when  Delhi  and  Agra  were  wrested  from 
him,  and  a  nook  of  the  Panjab  constituted  all  his  empire  :  but  by 
the  energetic  valour  of  the  great  Bairam  Khan,  his  lost  sovereignty 
was  regained  with  equal  rapidity,  and  estabhshed  by  the  wisdom 

^  [Four  are  usually  reckoned  :    Islam  Shah,  Muhammad  Shah  Adil, 
Ibrahim  Shah,  and  Sikandar  Shah.] 
2  A.D.  1554. 
*  [At  the  Sher  Mandal  in  Parana  Kila,  Delhi,  on  January  24,  1556.] 


376  ANNALS  OF  BIEWAR 

of  this  Suliy  ^  of  Hindustan  on  a  rock.  Kalpi,  Chanderi,  Kalanjar, 
all  Bundelkhand  and  Malwa,  were  soon  attached  to  the  empire, 
and  at  the  early  age  of  eighteen  Akbar  assumed  the  uncontrolled 
[323]  direction  of  the  State.  He  soon  turned  his  attention 
towards  the  Rajputs  ;  and  whether  it  was  to  revenge  the  in- 
hospitality  of  Maldeo  towards  his  father,  he  advanced  against 
the  Rathors,  and  stormed  and  took  Merta,  the  second  city  in 
Marwar.  Raja  Biharimall  [or  Bahar  MaU]  of  Amber  anticipated 
the  king,  enrolled  himself  and  son  Bhagwandas  amongst  his 
vassals,  gave  the  Chagatai  a  daughter  to  wife,  and  held  his  country 
as  a  fief  of  the  empire.  But  the  rebellions  of  the  Usbek  nobles, 
and  the  attempts  of  former  princes  to  regain  their  lost  power, 
checked  for  a  time  his  designs  upon  Rajasthan.  These  matters 
adjusted,  and  the  petty  sovereigns  in  the  East  (to  whom  the 
present  monarch  of  Oudh  is  as  Alexander)  subjected  to  authority, 
he  readily  seized  upon  the  provocation  which  the  sanctuary  given 
to  Baz  Bahadur  of  Malwa  and  the  ex-prince  of  Narw^ar  afforded, 
to  turn  his  arms  against  Chitor.^ 

Comparison  o£  Akbar  with  Rana  Udai  Singh. — Happy  the 
country  where  the  sovereignty  is  in  the  laws,  and  where  the 
monarch  is  but  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  State,  unsubjected  to 
those  vicissitudes  which  make  the  sceptre  in  Asia  unstable  as  a 
pendulum,  kept  in  perpetual  oscillation  by  the  individual  passions 
of  her  princes  ;  where  the  virtues  of  one  will  exalt  her  to  the 
summit  of  prosperity,  as  the  vices  of  a  successor  will  plunge  her 
into  the  abyss  of  degradation .  Akbar  and  Udai  Singh  furnish 
the  corollary  to  this  self-evident  truth. 

The  Rana  was  old  enough  to  pliilosophize  on  '  the  uses  of 
adversity  '  ;  and  though  the  best  of  the  '  great  ancients  '  had 
fallen  in  defence  of  Chitor,  there  were  not  wanting  individuals 
capable  of  instilling  just'^  and  noble  sentiments  into  his  mind  : 
but  it  was  of  that  common  character  which  is  formed  to  be 


^  There  are  excellent  grounds  for  a  parallel  between  Akbar  and  Henry 
IV.  and  between  Bairam  and  Sully,  who  were,  moreover,  almost  contem- 
poraries. The  haughty  and  upright  Bairam  was  at  length  goaded  from 
rebeUion  to  exile,  and  died  by  assassination  only  four  years  after  Akbar's 
accession.  [January  31,  1561.]  The  story  is  one  of  the  most  useful  lessons 
of  history.  [The  life  of  Akbar  has  been  fully  told,  with  much  new  evidence, 
by  V.  A.  Smith,  Akbar  the  Great  Mogul,  1917.] 

-  A.H.  975,  or  A.D.  1567. 


AKBAR  AND  RANA  UDAI  SINGH  377 

controlled  by  others  ;  and  an  artful  and  daring  concubine  stepped 
in,  to  govern  Udai  Singh  and  Mewar. 

Akbar  was  not  older  when  he  came  to  the  throne  ^  of  Delhi 
than  Udai  Singh  when  he  ascended  that  of  Mewar.  Nor  were 
his  hopes  much  brighter  ;  but  the  star  which  beamed  upon  his 
cradle  in  the  desert,  conducted  to  his  aid  such  coiuisellors  as  the 
magnanimous  Bairam,  and  the  wise  and  virtuous  Abu-1  Fazl. 
Yet  it  mavii  be  deemed  hardly  fair  to  contrast  the  Rajput  with 
the  Mogul  :  the  one  disciplined  into  an  accurate  knowledge  of 
human  nature,  by  experience  of  the  [324]  mutability  of  fortune  ; 
the  other  cooped  up  from  infancy  in  a  valley  of  his  native  hills, 
his  birth  concealed,  and  his  education  restricted.^ 

Akbar  was  the  real  founder  of  the  empire  of  the  Moguls,  the 
first  successful  conqueror  of  Rajput  independence  :  to  tliis  end 
his  virtues  were  powerful  auxiliaries,  as  by  his  skill  in  the  analysis 
of  the  mind  and  its  readiest  stimulant  to  action,  he  was  enabled 
to  gild  the  chains  with  which  he  boimd  them.  To  these  they 
became  familiarized  by  habit,  especially  when  the  throne  exerted 
its  power  in  acts  gratifying  to  national  vanity,  or  even  in  minister- 
ing to  the  more  ignoble  passions.  But  generations  of  the  martial 
races  were  cut  off  by  his  sword,  and  lustres  roUed  away  ere  his 
conquests  were  sufficiently  confirmed  to  permit  him  to  exercise 
the  beneficence  of  his  nature,  and  obtain  by  the  imiversal  acclaim 
of  the  conquered,  the  proud  epithet  of  Jagad  Guru,  or  '  guardian 
of  mankuid.'  He  was  long  ranked  with  Shihabu-d-din,  Ala,  and 
other  instruments  of  destruction,  and  with  every  just  claim  ;  and, 
like  these,  he  constructed  a  Mimbar  ^  for  the  Koran  from  the 
altars  of  Eklinga.  Yet  he  finally  succeeded  in  healing  the  wounds 
his  ambition  had  inflicted,  and  received  from  millions  that  meed 
of  praise  which  no  other  of  his  race  ever  obtained. 

The  absence  of  the  kingly  virtues  in  the  sovereign  of  Mewar 
filled  to  the  brim  the  bitter  cup  of  her  destiny.  The  guardian 
goddess  of  the  Sesodias  had  promised  never  to  abandon  the  rock 
of  her  pride  while  a  descendant  of  Bappa  Rawal  devoted  himself 
to  her  service.     In  the  first  assault  by  Ala,  twelve  crowned  heads 

^  A.D.  1556 ;    both  were  under  thirteen  years  of  age. 

^  If  we  argue  this  according  to  a  Rajput's  notions,  he  will  reject  the  com- 
promise, and  say  that  the  son  of  Sanga  should  have  evinced  himself  worthy 
of  his  descent,  under  whatever  circumstances  fortune  might  have  placed 
him. 

*  The  pulpit  or  platform  of  the  Islamite  preachers. 


378  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

defended  the  '  crimson  banner '  to  the  death.  In  the  second, 
when  conquest  led  by  Bajazet  ^  came  from  the  south,  the  chieftain 
of  Deoha,  a  noble  scion  of  Mewar,  "  though  severed  from  her 
stem,"  claimed  the  crown  of  glory  and  of  martyrdom.  But  on 
this,  the  third  and  grandest  struggle,  no  regal  victim  appeared 
to  appease  the  Cybele  of  Chitor,  and  win  her  to  retain  its  '  kun- 
guras  '  *  as  her  coronet.  She  fell  !  the  charm  was  broken  ;  the 
mysterious  tie  was  severed  for  ever  which  connected  p325]  Chitor 
with  perpetuity  of  sway  to  the  race  of  Guhilot.  With  Udai  Singh 
fled  the  "  fair  face  "  which  in  the  dead  of  night  unsealed  the  eyes 
of  Samarsi,  and  told  him  "  the  glory  of  the  Hindu  was  depart- 
ing "  :  ^  with  him,  that  opinion,  which  for  ages  esteemed  her  walls 
the  sanctuary  of  the  race,  which  encircled  her  with  a  halo  of  glory, 
as  the  palladium  of  the  religion  and  the  liberties  of  the  Rajputs. 

To  traditions  such  as  these,  history  is  indebted  for  the  noblest 
deeds  recorded  in  her  page  ;  and  in  Mewar  they  were  the  covert 
impulse  to  national  glory  and  independence.  For  this  the 
philosopher  will  value  the  relation  ;  and  the  philanthropist  as 
being  the  germs  or  nucleus  of  resistance  against  tyrannical 
domination.  Enveloped  in  a  wild  fable,  we  see  the  springs  of 
their  prejudices  and  their  action  :  batter  down  these  adamantine 
walls  of  national  opinion,  and  all  others  are  but  glass.  The  once 
invincible  Chitor  is  now  pronounced  indefensible.  "  The  abode 
of  regality,  which  for  a  thousand  years  reared  her  head  above  all 
the  cities  of  Hindustan,"  is  become  the  refuge  of  wild  beasts, 
which  seek  cover  in  her  temples  ;  and  this  erst  sanctified  capital 
is  now  desecrated  as  the  dwelling  of  evil  fortune,  into  which  the 
entrance  of  her  princes  is  solemnly  interdicted. 

Akbar  besieges  Chitor,  September,  a.d.  1567. — Ferishta  men- 
tions but  one  enterprise  against  Chitor,  that  of  its  capture ;  but 
the  annals  record  another,  when  Akbar  was  compelled  to  relinquish 
the  undertaking.*     The  successful  defence  is  attributed  to  the 

^  Malik  Bayazid  was  the  name  of  the  Malwa  sovereign  ere  he  came  to  the 
throne,  corrupted  by  Europeans  to  Bajazet.  He  is  always  styled  '  Baz 
Bahadur '  in  the  annals  of  Mewar. 

*  Battlements. 

'  The  last  book  of  Chand  opens  with  this  vision. 

*  [Ferishta  ii.  299  ff.  "  It  does  not  appear  when  that  attempt  was  made, 
and  it  is  diflScult  to  find  a  place  for  it  in  Abu-1  Fazl's  chronology,  but  there 
is  also  difficulty  in  believing  the  alleged  fact  to  be  an  invention  "  (Smith, 
Akbar,  the  Oreat  Mogxd,  81).] 


AKBAR  BESIEGES  CHITOR  379 

masculine  courage  of  the  Rana's  concubine  queen,  who  headed 
the  sallies  into  the^heart  of  the  Mogul  camp,  and  on  one  occasion 
tQ  the  emperor's  headquarters.  The  imbecile  Rana  proclaimed 
that  he  owed  his  deliverance  to  her  ;  when  the  chiefs,  indignant 
at  this  imputation  on  their  courage,  conspired  and  put  her  to 
death.  Internal  discord  invited  Akbar  to  reinvest  Chitor ;  he 
had  just  attained  his  twenty-fifth  year,  and  was  desirous  of  the 
renown  of  capturing  it.  The  site  of  the  royal  Urdu,^  or  camp, 
is  still  pointed  out.  It  extended  from  the  village  of  Pandauli  ^ 
along  the  high  road  to  Basai,  a  distance  of  ten  miles.  The  head- 
quarters of  Akbar  are  yet  marked  by  a  pyramidal  column  of 
marble,  to  which  tradition  has  assigned  the  [326]  title  of  Akbar 
ka  diwa,  or  '  Akbar's  lamp.'  *  Scarcely  had  Akbar  sat  down 
before  Chitor,  when  the  Rana  was  compelled  (say  the  annals)  to 
quit  it ;  but  the  necessity  and  his  wishes  were  in  unison.  It 
lacked  not,  however,  brave  defenders.  Sahidas,  at  the  head  of  a 
numerous  band  of  the  descendants  of  Chonda,  was  at  his  post, 

^  Of  which  horde  is  a  corruption. 

2  There  are  two  villages  of  this  name.  This  is  on  the  lake  called  Man- 
sarowar  on  whose  bank  I  obtained  that  invaluable  inscriijtion  (see  No.  2) 
in  the  nail-headed  character,  which  settled  the  estabhshment  of  the  Guhilot 
in  Chitor,  at  a  httle  more  than  (as  Orme  has  remarked)  one  thousand  years. 
To  the  eternal  regret  of  my  Yati  Guru  and  myself,  a  barbarian  Brahman 
servant,  instead  of  having  it  copied,  broke  the  venerable  column  to  bring 
the  inscription  to  Udaipur. 

^  It  IS  as  perfect  as  when  constructed,  being  of  immense  blocks  of  compact 
white  Hmestone,  closely  fitted  to  each  other  ;  its  height  thirty  feet,  the  base 
a  square  of  twelve,  and  summit  four  feet,  to  which  a  staircase  conducts.  A 
huge  concave  vessel  was  then  filled  with  fire,  which  served  as  a  night-beacon 
to  this  ambulatory  city,  where  all  nations  and  tongues  were  assembled,  or 
to  guide  the  foragers.  Akbar,  who  was  ambitious  of  being  the  founder  of 
a  new  faith  as  well  as  kingdom,  had  tried  every  creed,  Jewish,  Hindu,  and 
even  made  some  progress  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  and  may  have  in 
turn  affected  those  of  Zardusht,  and  assuredly  this  pyramid  possesses  more 
of  the  appearance  of  a  pyreum  than  a  '  diwa  '  ;  though  either  would  have 
fulfilled  the  purport  of  a  beacon.  [Mr.  V.  A.  Smith,  quoting  Kavi  Raj 
Shyamal  Das,  'Antiquities  at  Nagari '  {JASB,  Part  i.  vol.  Ivi.  (1887), 
p.  75),  corrects  the  statements  in  this  note.  There  was  no  interior  staircase, 
and  more  accurate  measurements  are  :  height,  36  ft.  7  in.  ;  14  ft.  1  in. 
square  at  base  ;  3  ft.  3  in.  square  at  apex.  The  tower  is  sohd  for  4  ft.,  then 
hollow  for  20  ft.,  and  sohd  again  up  to  the  top.  The  building  may  be  very 
ancient,  though  used  by  Akbar  as  alleged  by  popular  tradition  ;  probably  a 
wooden  ladder  gave  access  to  the  chamber  and  to  the  summit.  The  original 
purpose  of  the  building,  which  stands  near  Nagari,  some  six  miles  N.E.  of 
Chitor,  is  uncertain  [Akbar  the  Great  Mogul,  86,  note).] 


380  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

'  the  gate  of  the  sun  '  ;  there  he  fell  resisting  the  entrance  of  the 
foe,  and  there  his  altar  stands,  on  the  brow  of  the  rock  which  was 
moistened  with  his  blood.  Rawat  Duda  of  Madri  led  '  the  sons 
of  Sanga.'  ^  The  feudatory  chiefs  of  Bedla  and  Kotharia, 
descended  from  Pritliiraj  of  Delhi- — the  framar  of  Bijolia — the 
Jhala  of  Sadri — inspired  their  contingents  with  their  brave 
example  :  these  were  all  home  chieftains.  Another  son  of  Deolia 
again  combated  for  Chitor,  with  the  Sonigira  Rao  of  Jalor — 
Isaridas  Rathor,  Karamchand  Kachhwaha,^  with  Duda  Sadani,* 
and  the  Tuar  prince  of  Gwalior,  were  distinguished  amongst  the 
foreign  auxiharies  on  tliis  occasion. 

Jaimall  and  Fatta. — But  the  names  which  shine  brightest  in 
this  gloomy  page  of  the  annals  of  Mewar,  which  are  still  held 
sacred  by  the  bard  and  the  true  Rajput,  and  immoitahzed  by 
Akbar's  own  pen,  are  Jaimall  of  Radnor  and  Patta  of  Kelwa, 
both  of  the  sixteen  superior  vassals  of  Mewar.  The  first  was  a 
Rathor  of  the  Mertia  house,  the  bravest  of  the  brave  clans  of 
Marwar  ;  the  other  was  head  of  the  Jagawats,  another  gi-and 
shoot  from  Chonda.  The  names  of  Jaimall  and  Patta  are  '  as 
household  words,'  inseparable  in  Mewar,  and  will  be  honoured 
while  tiie  Rajput  retains  a  shred  of  his  inheritance  or  a  spark  of 
his  ancient  recollections.  Though  deprived  of  the  stimulus  which 
would  have  been  given  had  their  prince  been  a  witness  of  their 
deeds,  heroic  achievements  such  as  those  already  recorded  were 
conspicuous  on  this  occasion  ;  and  many  a  fair  form  threw  the 
buclder  over  the  scarf,  and  led  the  most  desperate  sorties  [327]. 

When  Salumbar  *  fell  at  the  gate  of  the  sun,  the  command 
devolved  on  Patta  of  Kelwa.  He  was  only  sixteen  ;  ^  his  father 
had  fallen  in  the  last  shock,  and  his  mother  had  survived  but  to 
rear  this  the  sole  heir  of  their  house.  Like  the  Spartan  mother 
of  old,  she  commanded  him  to  put  on  the  '  saffron  robe,'  and  to 
die  for  Chitor  :  but  surpassing  the  Grecian  dame,  she  illustrated 

^  The  Sangawats,  not  the  sons  of  Rana  Sauga,  but  of  a  chieftain  of 
Chonda's  kin,  whose  name  is  the  patronymic  of  one  of  its  principal  sub- 
divisions, of  whom  the  chief  of  Deogarh  is  now  head  (see  p.  188). 

^  Of  the  Panchaenot  branch. 

^  One  of  the  iShaikhavat  subdivisions. 

*  The  abode  of  the  Chondawat  leader.  It  is  common  to  call  them  by 
the  name  of  their  estates. 

*  [He  must  have  been  older,  as  he  left  two  sons,  and  had  already  served 
in  defence  of  Merta  (fcjmith,  op.  cil.  88).] 


THE  JOHAR  381 

her  precept  by  example  ;  and  lest  any  soft  '  compunctious 
\'isitings  '  for  one  dearer  than  herself  might  dim  the  lustre  of 
Kelwa,  she  armed  the  young  bride  with  a  lance,  with  her  de- 
scended the  rock,  and  the  defenders  of  Chitor  saw  her  fall,  fighting 
by  the  side  of  her  Amazonian  mother.  "When  their  wives  and 
daughters  performed  such  deeds,  the  Rajputs  became  reckless  of 
life.  They  had  maintained  a  protracted  defence,  but  had  no 
thoughts  of  surrender,  when  a  ball  struck  Jaimall,  who  took  the 
lead  on  the  fall  of  the  kin  of  Mewar.  His  soul  revolted  at  the 
idea  of  ingloriously  perishing  by  a  distant  blow.  He  saw  there 
was  no  ultimate  hope  of  salvation,  the  northern  defences  being 
entirely  destroyed,  and  he  resolved  to  signalize  the  end  of  his 
career.  The  fatal  Johar  was  commanded,  while  eight  thousand 
Rajputs  ate  the  last  '  bira  '  ^  together,  and  put  on  their  saffron 
robes  ;  the  gates  were  thrown  open,  the  work  of  destruction 
commenced,  and  few  survived  '  to  stain  the  yellow  mantle ' 
by  inglorious  surrender.  Akbar  entered  Chitor,  when  thirty 
thousand  of  its  inhabitants  became  \actims  to  the  ambitious 
thirst  of  conquest  of  this  '  guardian  of  mankind.'  All  the  heads 
of  clans,  both  home  and  foreign,  fell,  and  seventeen  hundred  of 
the  immediate  kin  of  the  prince  sealed  their  duty  to  their  country 
with  their  lives.  The  Tuar  chief  of  Gwalior  appears  to  have  been 
the  only  one  of  note  who  was  reserved  for  another  day  of  glory  .^ 
Nine  queens,  five  princesses  (their  daughters),  with  two  infant 
sons,  and  the  families  of  all  the  chieftains  not  at  their  estates, 
perished  in  the  flames  or  in  the  assault  of  this  ever  memorable 
day.  Their  divinity  had  indeed  deserted  them  ;  for  it  was  on 
Adityawar,  the  day  of  the  sun,'  he  shed  for  the  last  time  a  ray  of 
glory  on  Chitor.  The  rock  of  their  strength  was  despoiled  ;  the 
temples,  the  palaces  dilapidated  :  and,  to  complete  her  humilia- 
tion and  his  triumph,  Akbar  bereft  her  of  all  the  symbols  of  [328] 
regality  :  the  nakkaras,*  whose  reverberations  proclaimed,  for  miles 

^  The  bira,  or  pan,  the  aromatic  leaf  so  called,  enveloping  spices,  terra 
japonica,  calcined  shell-hne,  and  pieces  of  the  areca  nut,  is  always  presented 
on  taking  leave. 

^  [His  name  appears  to  have  been  SaHvahan,  and  as  he  had  married  a 
Sesodia  princess,  he  was  bound  to  fight  for  the  Rana  {A8R,  ii.  394).] 

'  "  Chait  sudi  igarahwan,  S.  1624,"  11th  Chait,  or  May,  a.d.  1568. 
[The  Musalman  writers  give  February  23,  1568  {Akbarridma,  ii.  471  ; 
Elhot-Dowson  v.  327  ;   c/.  Badaoni  ii.  111).] 

*  Grand  kettle-drums,  about  eight  or  ten  feet  in  diameter. 


382  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

around,  the  entrance  and  exit  of  her  princes  ;  the  candelabras 
from  the  shrine  of  the  '  great  mother,'  who  girt  Bappa  Rawal  with 
the  sword  with  which  he  conquered  Chitor ;  and,  in  mockery  of  her 
misery,  her  portals,  to  adorn  his  projected  capital,  Akbarabad.^ 

Akbar  claimed  the  honour  of  the  death  of  Jaimall  by  his  own 
hand  :  the  fact  is  recorded  by  Abu-1  Fazl,  and  by  the  emperor 
Jahangir,  who  conferred  on  the  matchlock  which  aided  him  to 
this  distinction  the  title  of  Sangram.*  But  the  conqueror  of 
Chitor  evinced  a  more  exalted  sense,  not  only  of  the  value  of  his 
conquest,  but  of  the  merits  of  his  foes,  in  erecting  statues  to  the 
names  of  Jaimall  and  Patta  at  the  most  conspicuous  entrance  of 
his  palace  at  Delhi  ;  and  they  retained  that  distinction  even 
when  Bernier  was  in  India.' 

The  Sin  oJ  the  Capture  oJ  Chitor. — When  the  Carthaginian 
gained  the  battle  of  Cannae,  he  measured  his  success  by  the 
bushels  of  rings  taken  from  the  fingers  of  the  equestrian  Romans 

^  The  tija  sakha  Chitor  ra,  or  '  tliird  sack  of  Chitor,'  was  marked  by  the 
most  illiterate  atrocity, .  for  every  monument  spared  by  Ala  or  Bayazid 
was  defaced,  which  has  left  an  indehble  stain  on  Akbar's  name  as  a  lover 
of  the  arts,  as  well  as  of  humanity.  Ala's  assault  was  comparatively  harm.- 
less,  as  the  care  of  the  fortress  was  assigned  to  a  Hindu  prince  ;  and  Bayazid 
had  little  time  to  fulfil  this  part  of  the  Mosaic  law,  maintained  with  rigid 
severity  by  the  followers  of  Islamism.  Besides,  at  those  periods,  they 
possessed  both  the  skill  and  the  means  to  reconstruct :  not  so  after  Akbar, 
as  the  subsequent  portion  of  the  annals  will  show  but  a  struggle  for  existence. 
The  arts  do  not  flourish  amidst  penury  :  the  principle  to  construct  cannot 
long  survive,  when  the  means  to  execute  are  fled ;  and  in  the  monumental 
works  of  Chitor  we  can  trace  the  gradations  of  genius,  its  splendour  and 
decay.  [There  is  no  good  evidence  that  Akbar  destroyed  the  buildings 
(Smith,  op.  cit.  90).] 

^  "  He  (Akber)  named  the  matchlock  with  which  he  shot  Jeimul  Singram. 
being  one  of  great  superiority  and  choice,  and  with  which  he  had  slain  three 
or  four  thousand  birds  and  beasts "  (Jahangir-namah).  [Ed.  Rogers- 
Beveridge  45  ;   Ain,  i.  116,  617  ;   Badaoni  ii.  107.] 

*  "  I  find  nothing  remarkable  at  the  entry  but  two  great  elephants  of 
stone,  which  are  in  the  two  sides  of  one  of  the  gates.  Upon  one  of  them  is 
the  statue  of  Jamel  (Jeimul),  that  famous  raja  of  Cheetore,  and  upon  the 
other  Potter  (Putta)  his  brother.  These  are  two  gallant  men  that,  together 
with  their  mother,  who  was  yet  braver  than  they,  cut  out  so  much  work 
for  Ekbar ;  and  who,  in  the  sieges  of  towns  which  they  maintained  against 
him,  gave  such  extraordinary  proofs  of  their  generosity,  that  at  length  they 
would  rather  be  killed  in  the  outfalls  (salhes)  with  their  mother,  than  submit ; 
and  for  this  gallantry  it  is,  that  even  their  enemies  thought  them  worthy  to 
have  these  statues  erected  to  them.  These  two  great  elephants,  together 
with  the  two  resolute  men  sitting  on  them,  do  at  the  first  entry  into  this 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  CHITOR  383 

who  fell  in  that  memorable  field.  Akbar  estimated  his,  by  the 
quantity  of  cordons  (zimnar)  of  [329]  distinction  taken  fi-om  the 
necks  of  the  Rajputs,  and  seventy-four  mans  and  a  half  ^  are  the 
recorded  amount.  To  eternize  the  memory  of  this  disaster,  the 
numerals  '74J'  are  talak,  or  accursed.^  Marked  on  the  banker's 
letter  in  Rajasthan  it  is  the  strongest  of  seals,  for  '  the  sin  of  the 
slaughter  of  Chitor '  ^  is  thereby  invoked  on  all  who  violate  a 
letter  under  the  safeguard  of  this  mysterious  number.  He  would 
be  a  fastidious  critic  who  stopped  to  calculate  the  weight  oi  these 
cordons  of  the  Rajput  cavaliers,  probably  as  much  over-rated 
as  tlie  trophies  of  the  Roman  rings,  which  are  stated  at  three  and 
a  half  bushels.  It  is  for  the  moral  impression  that  history  deigns 
to  note  such  anecdotes,  in  themselves  of  trivial  import.  So  long 
as  '  74| '  shall  remain  recorded,  some  good  will  result  from  the 
calamity,  and  may  survive  when  the  event  which  caused  it  is 
buried  in  oblivion. 

Escape  of  Rana  Udai  Singh :  Foundation  of  Udaipur. — When 
Udai  Singh  abandoned  Chitor,  he  found  refuge  with  the  Gohil  in 
the  forests  of  Rajpipli.     Thence  he  passed  to  the  valley  of  the 

fortress  make  an  impression  of  I  know  not  what  greatness  and  awful  terror  " 
(Letter  written  at  Delhi,  1st  July  1663,  from  edition  printed  in  London  in  1684, 
ill  the  author's  possession).  [Ed.  V.  A.  Smith,  256.]  Such  the  impression 
made  on  a  Parisian  a  century  after  the  event :  but  far  more  powerful  the 
charm  to  the  author  of  these  annals,  as  he  pondered  on  the  spot  where 
Jaimall  received  the  fatal  shot  from  Sangram,  or  placed  flowers  on  the 
cenotaph  that  marks  the  fall  of  the  son  of  Chonda  and  the  mansion  of 
Patta,  whence  issued  the  Sesodia  matron  and  her  daughter.  Every  foot  of 
ground  is  hallowed  by  ancient  recollections.  [For  the  question  of  these 
statues  see  V.  A.  Smith,  HFA,  426 ;  ASR,  i.  225  ff.  ;   Manucci,  ii.  11.] 

In  these  the  reader  may  in  some  degree  participate,  as  the  plate  gives 
in  the  distance  the  runas  of  the  dwellings  both  of  Jaimall  and  Patta  on 
the  projection  of  the  rock,  as  well  as  '  the  ringlet  on  the  forehead  of 
Chitor,'  the  column  of  victory  raised  by  Lakha  Rana. 

^  The  mail  is  of  four  seers  :  the  maund  is  forty,  or  seventy-five  pounds. 
Dow,  calculating  all  the  captured  wealth  of  India  by  the  latter,  has  rendered 
many  facts  improbable.     [The  man  in  the  Ain  was  55^  lbs.] 

^  [Sir  H.  M.  EUiot  proved  that  the  use  of  74i  is  merely  a  modification 
of  the  figures  74^^,  meaning  apparently  84,  a  sacred  number  {Suppleme^ital 
Glossary,  197).  In  the  Central  Provinces  it  is  said  that  it  originated  in 
Jahangir's  slaughter  of  the  Nagar  Brahmans,  when  7450  of  them  threw 
away  their  sacred  cords  and  became  Sudras  to  save  their  lives  (Russell, 
Tribes  and  Castes,  ii.  395).] 

*  '  Chitor  marya  ra  pap '  .*  ra  is  the  sign  of  the  genitive,  in  the  Doric 
tongue  of  Mewar,  the  la  of  the  refined. 


384  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Giro  in  the  Aravalli,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  retreat  of  his  great 
ancestor  Bappa,  ere  he  conquered  Chitor.  At  the  entrance  of  this 
valley,  several  years  previous  to  this  catastrophe,  he  had  formed 
the  lake,  still  called  after  him  Udai  Sagar,  and  he  now  raised  a 
dyke  between  the  mountains  which  dammed  up  another  mountain 
stream.  On  the  cluster  of  hills  adjoining  he  raised  the  small 
palace  called  Nauchauki,  around  which  edifices  soon  arose,  and 
formed  a  city  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name,  Udaipur,^  hence- 
forth the  capital  of  Mewar. 

Death  of  Rana  Udai  Singh. — Four  years  had  Udai  Singh  sur- 
vived the  loss  of  Chitor,  when  he  expired  at  Gogunda,  at  the  early 
age  of  forty-two  ;  yet  far  too  long  for  his  country's  honour  and 
welfare.  He  left  a  num.erovis  issue  of  twenty-five  legitimate  sons, 
whose  descendants,  all  styled  Ranawat,  pushed  aside  the  more 
ancient  stock,  and  form  that  extensive  clan  distinctively  termed 
the  Babas,  or  '  infants,'  of  Mewar,  whether  Ranawats,  Purawats, 
or  Kanawats.  His  last  act  was  to  entail  with  a  barren  sceptre 
contention  upon  his  children  ;  for,  setting  aside  the  established 
laws  of  primogeniture,  he  proclaimed  his  favourite  son  Jagmall 
his  successor. 

Jagmall  proclaimed  Rana. — In  Mewar  there  is  no  interregnum  : 
even  the  ceremony  of  matam  (mourning)  is  held  at  the  [330] 
house  of  the  family  priest  while  the  palace  is  decked  out  for 
rejoicing.  On  the  full  moon  of  the  spring  month  of  Phalgun, 
while  his  brothers  and  the  nobles  attended  the  funeral  pyre, 
Jagmall  took  possession  of  the  throne  in  the  infant  capital, 
Udaipur  :  but  even  while  the  triunpets  sounded,  and  the  heralds 
called  aloud  "  May  the  king  live  for  ever !  "  a  cabal  was  formed 
round  the  bier  of  his  father. 

Jagmall  deposed  in  favour  o£  Rana  Partap  Singh. — It  will  be 
borne  in  mind  that  Udai  Singh  espoused  the  Sonigira  princess  ; 
and  the  Jalor  Rao,  desirous  to  see  his  sister's  son  have  his  right, 
demanded  of  Kistna,  the  '  great  ancient '  of  Mewar  and  the  leader 
of  the  Chondawats,  how  such  injustice  was  sanctioned  by  him. 
"  When  a  sick  man  has  reached  the  last  extreme  and  asks  for 
milk  to  drink,  why  refuse  it  ?  "  was  the  reply  ;  with  the  addition  : 
"  The  Sonigira's  nephew  is  my  choice,  and  my  stand  by  Partap." 
JagmaU  had  just  entered  the  Rasora,  and  Partap  was  saddling 

^  Classically  Udayapura,  the  city  of  the  East ;  from  udaya  (oriens),  the 
point  of  sunrise,  as  asta  (west)  is  of  sunset. 


RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  385 

for  his  departure,  when  Rawat  Kistna  entered,  accompanied  by 
the  ex-prince  of  GwaHor.  Each  chief  took  an  arm  of  Jagmall, 
and  with  gentle  violence  removed  him  to  a  seat  in  front  of  the 
'  cushion  '  he  had  occupied  ;  the  hereditary  premier  remarking, 
"  You  had  made  a  mistake,  Maharaj  :  that  place  belongs  to  your 
brother  "  :  and  girding  Partap  with  the  sword  (the  privilege  of 
this  house),  thrice  touching  the  ground,  hailed  him  king  of  Mewar. 
All  followed  the  example  of  Salumbar.  Scarcely  was  the  ceremony 
over,  when  the  young  prince  remarked,  it  was  the  festival  of  the  • 
Aheria,  nor  must  ancient  customs  be  forgotten  :  "  Therefore  to 
horse,  and  slay  a  boar  to  Gauri,^  and  take  the  omen  for  the 
ensuing  year."  They  slew  abundance  of  game,  and  in  the  mimic 
field  of  war,  the  nobles  who  surrounded  the  gallant  Partap  antici- 
pated happier  days  for  Mewar  [331]. 


CHAPTER   11 

Bana  Partap  Singh,  a.d.  1572-97. — Partap  ^  succeeded  to  the 
titles  and  renown  of  an  illustrious  house,  but  without  a  capital, 
without  resources,  his  kindred  and  clans  dispirited  by  reverses  : 
yet  possessed  of  the  noble  spirit  of  his  race,  he  meditated  the 
recovery  of  Chitor,  the  vindication  of  the  honour  of  his  house, 
and  the  restoration  of  its  power.  Elevated  with  this  design,  he 
hurried  into  conflict  with  his  powerful  antagonist,  nor  stooped 
to  calculate  the  means  which  were  opposed  to  him.  Accustomed 
to  read  in  his  country's  annals  the  splendid  deeds  of  his  fore- 
fathers, and  that  Chitor  had  more  than  once  been  the  prison  of 
their  foes,  he  trusted  that  the  revolutions  of  fortune  might  co- 
operate with  his  own  efforts  to  overturn  the  unstable  throne  of 
Delhi.  The  reasoning  was  as  just  as  it  was  noble  ;  but  whilst 
he  gave  loose  to  those  lofty  aspirations  which  meditated  liberty 
to  Mewar,  his  crafty  opponent  was  counteracting  his  views  by  a 
scheme  of  policy  which,  when  disclosed,  filled  his  heart  with 

^  Ceres — The  Aheria,  or  Mahurat  ka  Shikar,  will  be  explained  in  the 
Personal  Narrative,  as  it  would  here  break  the  connexion  of  events. 

^  [Partap  Singh  is  usually  caUed  by  the  Muhammadans  Rana  Kika, 
Ktka  (in  Marwar  gtga,  in  Malwa  Kuka),  meaning  '  a  small  boy  '  {Ain,  i. 
339  ;   EIliot-Dowson  v.  397,  410).] 

VOL.  I  2  c 


386  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

anguish.  The  wily  Mogul  arrayed  against  Partap  his  kindred  in 
faith  as  well  as  blood.  The  princes  of  Marwar,  Amber,  Bikaner, 
and  even  Bundi,  late  his  firm  ally,  took  part  with  Akbar  and 
upheld  despotism.  Nay,  even  his  own  brother,  Sagarji,^  deserted 
him,  and  received,  as  the  price  of  his  treachery,  the  ancient  capital 
of  his  race,  and  the  title  which  that  possession  conferred 
[332]. 

Rana  Partap  Singh  resists  the  Moguls. — But  the  magnitude  of  the 
peril  confirmed  the  fortitude  of  Partap,  who  vowed,  in  the  words 
of  the  bard,  "to  make  his  mother's  milk  resplendent";  and  he 
amply  redeemed  his  pledge.  Single-handed,  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century  did  he  withstand  the  combined  efforts  of  the  empire  ; 
at  one  time  carrying  destruction  into  the  plains,  at  another  fljang 
from  rock  to  rock,  feeding  his  family  from  the  fruits  of  his  native 
hills,  and  rearing  the  nursling  hero  Amra,  amidst  savage  beasts 
and  scarce  less  savage  men,  a  fit  heir  to  his  prowess  and  revenge. 
The  bare  idea  that  "  the  son  of  Bappa  Rawal  should  bow  the 
head  to  mortal  man,"  was  insupportable  ;  and  he  spurned  every 
overture  which  had  submission  for  its  basis,  or  the  degradation 
of  uniting  his  family  by  marriage  with  the  Tatar,  though  lord 
of  countless  multitudes. 

The  brilliant  acts  he  achieved  during  that  period  live  in  every 
valley  ;  they  are  enshrined  in  the  heart  of  every  true  Rajput, 
and  many  are  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  conquerors.  To 
recount  them  all,  or  relate  the  hardshijDs  he  sustained,  would  be 
to  pen  what  they  would  pronounce  a  romance  who  had  not 
traversed  the  country  where  tradition  is  yet  eloquent  with  his 
exploits,  or  conversed  with  the  descendants  of  his  chiefs,  who 

^  Sagarji  held  the  fortress  and  lands  of  Kandhar.  His  descendants 
formed  an  extensive  clan  called  Sagarawats,  who  continued  to  hold  Kandhar 
till  the  time  of  Sawai  Jai  Singh  of  Amber,  whose  situation  as  one  of  the  great 
tatraps  of  the  Mogul  court  enabled  him  to  wrest  it  from  Sagarji's  issue,  upon 
sheir  refusal  to  intermarry  with  the  house  of  Amber.  The  great  Mahabat 
Khan,  the  most  intrepid  of  Jahangir's  generals,  was  an  apostate  Sagarawat. 
They  established  many  chieftainships  in  Central  India,  as  Umri  Bhadaura, 
Ganeshganj,  Digdoh  ;  places  better  known  to  Sindhia's  officers  than  to  the 
British.  [It  is  remarkable  that  the  author  beheved  that  Mahabat  Khan  was 
a  Rajput.  This  man,  the  De  Montfort  of  Jahanglr,  had  such  close  Hindu 
affinities  and  associations  that  he  was  thought  to  be  a  Hindu.  He  was  a, 
Musulman,  Zamana  Beg  of  Kabul,  best  known  for  his  arrest  of  Jahangir  in 
1628.  He  died  in  1644.  (Jahanglr,  Memoirs,  Rogers-Beveridge  i.  24  ; 
Ain,  i.  337  f.,  347,  371,  414  ;   Elphinstonc,  Hist,  of  India,  567.)] 


THE  VOW  OF  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  387 

cherish  a  recollection  of  the  deeds  of  their  forefathers,  and  melt, 
as  they  recite  them,  into  manly  tears.^ 

Partap  was  nobly  supported  ;  and  though  wealth  and  fortune 
tempted  the  fidelity  of  his  chiefs,  not  one  was  found  base  enough 
to  abandon  him.  The  sons  of  Jaimall  shed  their  blood  in  his 
cause,  along  with  the  successors  of  Patta — ^the  house  of  Salumbar 
redoubled  the  claims' of  Chonda  to  fidelity  ;  and  these  five  lustres 
of  adversity  are  the  brightest  in  the  chequered  page  of  the  history 
of  Mcwar,  Nay,  some  chiefs,  attracted  by  the  very  desperation 
of  his  fortunes,  pressed  to  his  standard,  to  combat  and  die  with 
Partap.  Amongst  these  was  the  Delwara  chief,  whose  devotion 
gained  him  the  prince's  '  right  hand.' 

The  Vow  of  Rana  Partap  Singh. — To  commemorate  the  desola- 
tion of  C'hitor,  which  the  bardic  historian  represents  as  a  '  widow ' 
despoiled  of  the  ornaments  to  her  loveliness,  Partap  interdicted 
to  himself  and  his  successors  every  article  of  luxury  or  pomp, 
until  the  insignia  of  her  glory  should  be  redeemed.  The  gold 
and  silver  dishes  were  laid  aside  [383]  for  pattras  ^  of  leaves  ; 
their  beds  henceforth  of  straw,  and  their  beards  left  untouched. 
But  in  order  more  distinctly  to  mark  their  fallen  fortune  and 
stimulate  to  its  recovery,  he  commanded  that  the  martial  nakkaras, 
which  always  sounded  in  the  van  of  battle  or  processions,  should 
follow  in  the  rear.  This  last  sign  of  the  depression  of  Mewar 
still  survives  ;  the  beard  is  yet  untouched  by  the  shears  ;  and 
even  in  the  subterfuge  by  which  the  patriot  king's  behest  is  set 
aside,  we  have  a  tribute  to  his  memory  :  for  though  his  descendant 
eats  off  gold  and  silver,  and  sleeps  upon  a  bed,  he  places  the 
leaves  beneath  the  one  and  straw  under  the  other.^ 

Often  was  Partap  heard  to  exclaim,  "  Had  Udai  Singh  never 
been,   or   none   intervened   between   him   and   Sanga   Rana,   no 

^  I  have  climbed  the  rocks,  crossed  the  streams,  and  traversed  the  plains 
which  were  the  theatre  of  Partap's  glory,  and  conversed  with  the  lineal 
descendants  of  Jaimall  and  Patta  on  the  deeds  of  their  forefathers,  and 
many  a  time  has  the  tear  started  in  their  eye  at  the  tale  they  recited. 

^  The  first  invented  drinking  cup  or  eating  vessel  being  made  from  the 
leaf  {jMt)  of  particular  trees,  especially  the  palasa  {Butea  frondosa)  and  bar 
(Ficus  religiosa).  The  cups  of  a  beautiful  brown  earthenware,  made  at 
Kotharia,  are  chiefly  pateras,  of  a  perfectly  classical  shape.  Query,  the 
Roman  j^atera,  or  the  Greek  ttot?;/?,  or  Saxon  j90<  ?  \jpatera,  pateo, '  to  lie  open ' ; 
pot.  O.E.  pott,  Lat.  potus,  '  drinking.'] 

^  [For  some  further  details  see  Rdsmdla,  307.] 


388  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Turk  should  ever  have  given  laws  to  Rajasthan."  Hindu  society 
had  assumed  a  new  form  within  the  century  preceding  :  the 
wrecks  of  dominion  from  the  Jumna  and  Ganges  had  been  silently 
growing  into  importance  ;  and  Amber  and  Marwar  had  attained 
such  power,  that  the  latter  single-handed  coped  with  the  imperial 
Sher  Shah  ;  while  numerous  minor  chieftainships  were  attaining 
shape  and  strength  on  both  sides  the  Chambal.  A  prince  of 
commanding  genius  alone  was  wanting,  to  snatch  the  sceptre  of 
dominion  from  the  Islamite.  Such  a  leader  they  found  in  Sanga, 
who  possessed  every  quality  which  extorts  spontaneous  obedience, 
and  the  superiority  of  whose  birth,  as  well  as  dignity,  were  ad- 
mitted without  cavil,  from  the  Himalaya  to  Rameswaram.^ 
These  States  had  powerful  motives  to  obey  such  a  leader,  in  the 
absence  of  whom  their  ancient  patrimony  was  lost  ;  and  such 
they  would  have  found  renewed  in  Sanga's  grandson,  Partap, 
had  Udai  Singh  not  existed,  or  had  a  less  gifted  sovereign  than 
Akbar  been  his  contemporary. 

With  the  aid  of  some  chiefs  of  judgment  and  experience, 
Partap  remodelled  his  government,  adapting  it  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  times  and  to  his  slender  resources.  New  grants  were 
issued,  with  regulations  defining  the  service  required.  Kxun- 
bhalmer,  now  the  seat  of  government,  was  strengthened,  as  well 
as  Gogunda  and  other  mountain  fortresses  ;  and,  being  unable 
to  keep  the  field  in  the  plains  [334]  of  Me  war,  he  followed  the 
system  of  his  ancestors,  and  commanded  his  subjects,  on  pain  of 
death,  to  retire  into  the  mountains.  During  the  protracted 
contest,  the  fertile  tracts  watered  by  the  Banas  and  the  Berach, 
from  the  Aravalli  chain  west  to  the  eastern  tableland,  were  be 
chiragh,  '  without  a  lamp.' 

Many  tales  are  related  of  the  unrelenting  severity  with  which 
Partap  enforced  obedience  to  this  stern  policy.  Frequently, 
with  a  few  horse,  he  issued  forth  to  see  that  his  commands  were 
obeyed.  The  silence  of  the  desert  prevailed  in  the  plains  ;  grass 
had  usurped  the  place  of  the  waving  corn  ;  the  highways  were 
choked  with  the  thorny  babul,^  and  beasts  of  prey  made  their 
abode  in  the  habitations  of  his  subjects.  In  the  mi^st  of  this 
desolation,  a  single  goatherd,  trusting  to  elude  observation,  dis- 
obeyed his  prince's  injunction.,   and  pastured  his  flock  in  the 

1  The  bridge  of  Rama,  the  southern  point  of  the  peninsula  {lOI,  xxi.  173  ff.] 
2  Mimosa  [Acacia}  Arabica. 


AKBAR  ATTACKS  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  389 

luxuriant  meadows  of  Untala,  on  the  banks  of  the  Banas.  After 
a  few  questions,  he  was  killed  and  hung  up  in  terrorem.  By  such 
patriotic  severity  Partap  rendered  '  the  garden  of  Rajasthan  '  of 
no  value  to  the  conqueror,  and  the  commerce  already  estabUshed 
between  the  INIogid  court  and  Europe,  conveyed  through  Mewar 
from  Surat  and  other  ports,  was  intercepted  and  plundered. 

Akbar  attacks  Rana  Partap  Singh,  a.d.  1576.— Akbar  took 
the  field  against  the  Rajput  prince,  establishing  his  headquarters 
at  Ajmer.  This  celebrated  fortress,  destined  ultimately  to  be  one 
of  the  twenty -two  subahs  of  his  empire  and  an  imperial  residence, 
had  admitted  for  some  time  a  royal  garrison.  Maldeo  of  Marwar, 
who  had  so  ably  opposed  the  usurper  Sher  Shah,  was  compelled 
to  follow  the  example  of  his  brother  prince,  Bhagwandas  of  Amber, 
and  to  place  himself  at  the  footstool  of  Akbar  :  only  two  years 
subsequent  to  Partap's  accession,  after  a  brave  but  fruitless 
resistance  in  Merta  and  Jodhpur,  he  sent  his  son,  Udai  Singh,  to 
pay  homage  to  the  king.^  Akbar  received  him  at  Nagor,  on  his 
route  to  Ajmer,  on  which  occasion  the  Raos  of  Mandor  were  made 
Rajas  ;  and  as  the  heir  of  Marwar  was  of  uncommon  bulk,  the 
title  by  which  he  was  afterwards  known  in  Rajasthan  was  Mota 
Raja,2  and  henceforth  the  descendants  of  the  kings  of  Kanauj 
had  the  '  right  hand  '  of  the  emperor  of  the  Moguls.  But  the 
Rathor  was  greater  in  his  native  pride  than  with  all  the  accession 
of  dignity  or  power  which  accrued  on  his  sacrifice  of  Rajput 
principles  [335].  Udai  '  le  gros  '  was  the  first  of  his  race  who 
gave  a  daughter  in  marriage  to  a  Tatar.  The  bribe  for  which 
he  bartered  his  honour  was  splendid  ;  for  four  provinces,'  yielding 
£200,000  of  aimual  revenue,  were  given  in  exchange  for  Jodh 
Bai,*  at  once  doubling  the  fisc  of  Marwar.     With  such  examples 

1  A.H.  977,  A.D.  1569.     [Ai7i,  i.  429  £.] 

-  There  is  less  euphony  in  the  English  than  in  the  French  designation, 
Udai '  le  Gros.'  [Erskine  (iii.  A.  58)  with  less  probabihty  says  it  may  mean 
'  great,  potent,  good.'] 

3  Godwar,  Rs.  900,000 ;  Ujjain,  249,914 ;  Debalpur,  182,500;  Badnawar, 
250,000. 

*  The  magnificent  tomb  of  Jodh  Bai,  the  mother  of  Shah  Jahan,  is  at 
Sikandra,  near  Agra,  and  not  far  from  that  in  which  Akbar's  remains  are 
deposited.  [Jodh  Bai  is  a  title,  meaning  '  Jodhpur  lady.'  There  were  some 
doubts  about  her  identity,  but  she  was  certainly  daughter  of  Udai  Singh 
and  wife  of  Jahanglr  {Ain,  i.  619).  For  her  tomb  see  Sleeman,  Rambles, 
348.] 


390  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

as  Amber  and  Marwar,  and  with  less  power  to  resist  the  temptation, 
the  minor  chiefs  of  Rajasthan,  with  a  brave  and  numerous  vassal- 
age, were  transformed  into  satraps  of  Delhi,  and  the  importance 
of  most  of  them  was  increased  by  the  change.  Truly  did  the 
Mogul  historian  designate  them  ' '  at  once  the  props  and  the  orna- 
ments of  the  throne." 

Rana  Partap  Singh  deserted  by  Rajput  Princes. — But  these  were 
fearful  odds  against  Partap  :  the  arms  of  his  countrymen  thus 
turned  upon  him,  derived  additional  weight  from  their  self- 
degradation,  which  kindled  into  jealousy  and  hatred  against  the 
magnanimous  resolution  they  wanted  the  virtue  to  imitate. 
When  Hindu  prejudice  was  thus  violated  by  every  prince  in 
Rajasthan  (that  of  Biuidi  alone  excepted  ^),  the  Rana  renounced 
all  alliance  with  those  who  were  thus  degraded  ;  and  in  order  to 
carry  on  the  line,  he  sought  out  and  incorporated  with  the  first 
class  of  nobles  of  his  own  kin  the  descendants  of  the  ancient 
princes  of  Delhi,  of  Patau,  of  Marwar,  and  of  Dhar.  To  the 
eternal  honour  of  Partap  and  his  issue  be  it  told,  that  to  the  very 
close  of  the  monarchy  of  the  Moguls,  they  not  only  refused  such 
alliance  with  the  throne,  but  even  with  their  brother  princes  of 
Marwar  and  Amber.  It  is  a  proud  triumph  of  virtue  to  record, 
from  the  autograph  letters  of  the  most  powerful  of  their  princes, 
Bakhta  Singh  and  Jai  Singh,  that  whilst  they  had  risen  to  great- 
ness from  the  surrender  of  principle,  as  Mewar  had  decayed  from 
her  adherence  to  it,  they  should,  even  while  basking  in  court 
favour,  solicit,  and  that  humbly,  to  be  readmitted  to  the  honour 
of  matrimonial  intercourse — '  to  be  purified,'  '  to  be  regenerated,' 
'  to  be  made  Rajputs  '  :  and  that  this  was  granted  only  on 
condition  of  their  abjuring  the  contaminating  practice  which 
had  disunited  them  for  more  than  a  century  ;  with  the  additional 
stipulation,  that  the  issue  of  marriage  with  the  house  [336] 
of  Mewar  should  be  the  heirs  to  those  they  entered  :  con- 
ditions which  the  decline  of  the  empire  prevented  from  being 
broken. 

Raja  Man  Singh  and  Rana  Partap  Singh.— An  anecdote  illus- 
trative of  the  settled  repugnance  of  this  noble  family  to  sully 
the  purity  of  its  blood  may  here  be  related,  as  its  result  had  a 

1  The  causes  of  exemption  are  curious,  and  are  preserved  in  a  regular 
treaty  with  the  emperor,  a  copy  of  which  the  author  possesses,  which  will 
be  given  in  The  Annals  of  Bundi. 


RAJA  MAN  SINGH  AND  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH    391 

material  influence  on  its  subsequent  condition.  Raja  Man,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Amber,  was  the  most  celebrated  of 
his  race,  and  from  him  may  be  dated  the  rise  of  his  country. 
This  prince  exemplified  the  wisdom  of  that  policy  which  Babur 
adopted  to  strengthen  his  conquest ;  that  of  connecting  his 
family  by  ties  of  marriage  with  the  Hindus.  It  has  been  already 
related,  that  Humayun  espoused  a  daughter  of  Bhagwandas, 
consequently  Raja  Man  was  brother-in-law  to  Akbar.^  His 
courage  and  talents  well  seconded  this  natural  advantage,  and 
he  became  the  most  conspicuous  of  all  the  generals  of  the  empire. 
To  him  Akbar  was  indebted  for  half  his  triumphs.  The  Kachh- 
waha  bards  find  a  delightful  theme  in  recounting  his  exploits, 
from  the  snow-clad  Caucasus  to  the  shores  of  the  '  golden  Cher- 
sonese.' ^j  Let  the  eye  embrace  these  extremes  of  his  conquests, 
Kabul  and  the  Paropanisos  of  Alexander,  and  Arakan  (a  name 
now  well  known)  on  the  Indian  Ocean  ;  the  former  reunited,  the 
latter  subjugated,  to  the  empire  by  a  Rajput  prince  and  a  Rajput 
army.  But  Akbar  knew  the  master-key  to  Hindu  feeling,  and  by 
his  skill  overcame  prejudices  deemed  insurmountable,  and  many 
are  the  tales  yet  told  of  their  blind  devotion  to  their  favourite 
emperor. 

Raja  Man  was  returning  from  the  conquest  of  Sholapur  to 
Hindustan  when  he  invited  himself  to  an  interview  with  Partap, 
then  at  Kumbhalmer,  who  advanced  to  the  Udaisagar  to  receive 
him.     On  the  mound  which  embanks  this  lake  a  feast  was  pre- 

^  [Akbar  married  a  daughter  of  Raja  Bihari  Mall  and  sister  of  Bhag- 
wandas {Ain,  i.  310,  339).  There  is  no  evidence  of  the  marriage  of  Humayun 
into  this  family.] 

*  When  Raja  Man  was  commanded  to  reduce  the  revolted  province  of 
Kabul,  he  hesitated  to  cross  the  Indus,  the  Rubicon  of  the  Hindu,  and  which 
they  term  Atak,  or  '  the  barrier,'  as  being  the  hmit  between  their  faith  and 
the  barbarian.  On  the  Hindu  prince  assigning  this  as  his  reason  for  not 
leading  his  Rajputs  to  the  snowy  Caucasus,  the  accomphshed  Akbar  sent 
him  a  couplet  in  the  dialect  of  Rajasthan  : — 

"  Sabhi  bhumi  Gopal  ki  "  The  whole  earth  is  of  God, 
Ja  men  Atak  kaha.  In  which  he  has  placed  the  Atak. 

Ja  ke  man  men  atak  he.         The  mind  that  admits  imxiediments 
Soi  Atak  raha."  Will  always  find  an  Atak." 

[Dr.  Tessitori,  whose  version  is  given,  remarks  that  the  popular  form  of 
the  third  hne  is  :  Bhitar  tati  pap  ki.]  This  dehcate  irony  succeeded  when 
stronger  language  would  have  failed. 


392  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

pared  for  the  prince  of  Amber.  The  board  v/as  spread,  the  Raja 
summoned,  and  Prince  Amra  appointed  to  wait  upon  him  ;  but 
no  Rana  appeared,  for  whose  absence  apologies  alleging  headache 
were  urged  by  his  son,  with  the  request  [337]  that  Raja  Man 
would  waive  all  ceremony,  receive  his  welcome,  and  commence. 
The  prince,  in  a  tone  at  once  dignified  and  respectful,  replied  : 
"  Tell  the  Rana  I  can  divine  the  cause  of  his  headache  ;  but  the 
error  is  irremediable,  and  if  he  refuses  to  put  a  plate  (kansa) 
before  me,  who  will  ?  "  Further  subterfuge  was  useless.  The 
Rana  expressed  his  regret ;  but  added,  that  "  he  could  not  eat 
with  a  Rajput  who  gave  his  sister  to  a  Turk,  and  who  probably 
ate  with  him."  Raja  Man  was  unwise  to  have  risked  this  disgrace  : 
and  if  the  invitation  went  from  Partap,  the  insult  was  ungenerous 
as  well  as  impolitic  ;  but  of  this  he  is  acquitted.  Raja  Man  left 
the  feast  untouched,  save  the  few  grains  of  rice  he  offered  to  Anndeva,^ 
which  he  placed  in  his  turban,  observing  as  he  withdrew  :  "It 
was  for  the  preservation  of  your  honour  that  we  sacrificed  our 
own,  and  gave  our  sisters  and  our  daughters  to  the  Turk  ;  but 
abide  in  peril,  if  such  be  your  resolve,  for  this  country  shall  not 
hold  you  "  ;  and  mounting  his  horse  he  turned  to  the  Rana,  who 
appeared  at  this  abrupt  termination  of  his  visit,  "If  I  do  not 
humble  your  pride,  my  name  is  not  Man  "  :  to  which  Partap 
replied,  "  he  should  always  be  happy  to  meet  him  "  ;  while 
some  one,  in  less  dignified  terms,  desired  he  would  not  forget  to 
bring  his  '  Phupha '  [father's  sister's  husband],  Akbar,  The 
ground  was  deemed  impure  where  the  feast  was  spread  :  it  was 
broken  up  and  lustrated  with  the  water  of  the  Ganges,  and  the 
chiefs  who  witnessed  the  humiliation  of  one  they  deemed  apostate, 
bathed  and  changed  their  vestments,  as  if  polluted  by  his  presence. 
Every  act  was  reported  to  the  emperor,  who  was  exasperated  at 
the  insult  thus  offered  to  himself,  and  who  justly  dreaded  the 
revival  of  those  prejudices  he  had  hoped  were  vanquished  ;  and 
it  hastened  the  first  of  those  sanguinary  battles  which  have 
immortalised  the  name  of  Partap  :  nor  will  Haldighat  be  for- 
gotten while  a  Sesodia  occupies  Mewar,  or  a  bard  survives  to 
relate  the  tale. 

Salim's    Campaign,    a.d.   1576.- — Prince    Salim,   the   heir   of 

^  The  Hindus,  as  did  the  Greeks  and  other  nations  of  antiquity,  always 
made  offering  of  the  first  portion  of  each  meal  to  the  gods.  Anndeva, 
*  the  god  of  food.' 


BATTLE  OF  HALDIGHAT  O:^  GOGUNDA  393 

Delhi/  led  the  war,  guided  by  the  counsels  of  Raja  Man  and  the 
distinguished  apostate  sou  of  Sagarji,  INIahabat  lOian.  Partap 
truste(4  to  his  native  hills  and  the  valour  of  twenty-two  thousand 
Rajputs  to  withstand  the  son  of  Akbar.  The  divisions  of  the 
royal  army  encountered  little  opposition  at  the  exterior  defiles 
by  which  they  penetrated  the  western  side  of  the  [338]  Aravalli, 
concentrating  as  they  approached  the  chief  pass  which  conducted 
to  the  vulnerable  part  of  this  intricate  country. 

Battle  o£  Haldighat  or  Gogunda,  June  18,  1576.— The  range  to 
which  Partap  was  restricted  was  the  mountainous  region  around, 
though  cliiefly  to  the  west  of  the  new  capital.  From  north  to 
south,  Kimibhalmer  to  Rakhablmath,^  about  eighty  miles  in 
length  ;  and  in  breadth,  from  Mirpur  west  to  Satola  east,  about 
the  same.  The  whole  of  this  space  is  moimtain  and  forest,  valley 
and  stream.  The  approaches  to  the  capital  from  every  point  to 
the  north,  west,  and  south  are  so  narrow  as  to  merit  the  term  of 
defile  ;  on  each  side  lofty  perpendicular  rocks,  with  scarcely 
breadth  for  two  carriages  abreast,  across  wliich  are  those  ramparts 
of  nature  termed  Col  in  the  mountain  scenery  of  Europe,  which 
occasionally  open  into  spaces  sufficiently  capacious  to  encamp  a 
large  force.  Such  was  the  plain  of  Haldighat,  at  the  base  of  a 
neck  of  mountain  which  shut  up  the  valley  and  rendered  it  almost 
inaccessible.*  Above  and  belotv  the  Rajputs  were  posted,  and 
on  the  cliffs  and  pinnacles  overlooking  the  field  of  battle,  the 
faithful  aborigines,  the  Bhil,  with  his  natural  weapon  the  bow  and 
arrow,  and  huge  stones  ready  to  roU  upon  the  combatant  enemy. 

At  this  pass  Partap  was  posted  with  the  flower  of  Mewar,  and 
glorious  was  the  struggle  for  its  maintenance.  Clan  after  clan 
followed  with  desperate  intrepidity,  emulating  the  daring  of  their 
prince,  who  led  the  crimson  banner  into  the  hottest  part  of  the 
field.  In  vain  he  strained  every  nerve  to  encounter  Raja  Man  ; 
but  though  denied  the  luxury  of  revenge  on  his  Rajput  foe,  he 

^  [Tliis  is  impossible,  because  Sallm,  aftenvards  the  Emperor  Jahangir, 
was  only  iu  his  seventh  year.  The  generals  in  command  were  Man  Singh 
and  Asaf  Khan.] 

2  [Rakhabhdev,  with  a  famous  Jain  temple,  forty  miles  south  of  Udaipur 
city  (Erskine  ii.  A.  118).] 

*  Whoever  has  travelled  through  the  OberhasU  of  Meyringen,  in  the 
Oberland  Bernois,  requires  no  description  of  the  alpine  AravaUi.  The  Col 
de  Balme,  in  the  vale  of  Chamouui,  is,  on  a  larger  scale,  the  Haldighat  of 
Mewar. 


394  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

made  good  a  passage  to  where  Salim  commanded.  His  guards 
fell  before  Partap,  and  but  for  the  steel  plates  which  defended 
his  howda,  the  lance  of  the  Rajput  would  have  deprived •A.kbar 
of  his  heir.  His  steed,  the  gallant  Chetak,  nobly  seconded  his 
lord,  and  is  represented  in  all  the  historical  drawings  of  this 
battle  with  one  foot  raised  upon  the  elephant  of  the  Mogul,  while 
his  rider  has  his  lance  propelled  against  his  foe.  The  conductor, 
destitute  of  the  means  of  defence,  was  slain,  when  the  infuriated 
animal,  now  without  control,  carried  off  Salim.  On  this  spot 
the  carnage  was  imoiense  :  the  Moguls  eager  to  defend  Salim  ; 
the  heroes  of  Mewar  to  second  their  prince,  who  had  already 
received  seven  woiuids  [339].^  Marked  by  the  '  royal  umbrella,' 
which  he  would  not  lay  aside,  and  which  collected  the  might  of 
the  enemy  against  him,  Partap  was  thrice  rescued  from  amidst 
the  foe,  and  was  at  length  nearly  overwhelmed,  when  the  Jhala 
chief  gave  a  signal  instance  of  fidelity,  and  extricated  him  with 
the  loss  of  his  own  life.  Mana  seized  upon  the  insignia  of  Mewar, 
and  rearing  the  '  gold  sun  '  over  his  own  head,  made  good  his  way 
to  an  intricate  position,  drawing  after  him  the  brunt  of  the 
battle,  while  his  prince  was  forced  from  the  field.  With  all  his 
brave  vassals  the  noble  Jhala  fell  ;  and  in  remembrance  of  the 
deed  his  descendants  have,  since  the  day  of  Haldighat,  borne  the 
regal  ensigns  of  Mewar,  and  enjoyed  '  the  right  hand  of  her 
princes.'  ^  But  this  desperate  valour  was  unavailing  against 
such  a  force,  with  a  numerous  field  artillery  and  a  dromedary 
corps  mounting  swivels  ;  and  of  twenty-two  thousand  Rajputs 
assembled  on  that  day  for  the  defence  of  Haldighat,  only  eight 
thousand  quitted  the  field  alive.* 

The  Escape  of  Bana  Partap  Singh. — Partap,  unattended,  fled 
on  the  gallant  Chetak,  who  had  borne  him  through  the  day,  and 
who  saved  him  now  by  leaping  a  mountain  stream  when  closely 
pursued  by  two  Mogul  chiefs,  whom  this  impediment  momentarily 

^  Three  from  the  spear,  one  shot,  and  three  by  the  sword. 

^  The  descendants  of  Mana  yet  hold  Sadri  and  all  the  privileges  obtained 
on  this  occasion.  Their  kettle-drums  beat  to  the  gate  of  the  palace,  a 
privilege  allowed  to  none  besides,  and  they  are  addressed  by  the  title  of  Raj, 
or  royal. 

3  [The  battle  fought  on  June  18,  1576,  is  known  to  Musalman  historians 
as  the  battle  of  Khamnaur  or  Khamnor,  twenty-six  miles  north  of  Udaipur 
city  (Badaoni  ii.  237  ;  Akbarndma,  iii.  244  if.  ;  Elhot-Dowson  v.  398  ; 
Aiii,  i.  339;  Smith,  Akbar  the  Great  Mogul,  151  H'.).] 


THE  ESCAPE  OF  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  395 

checked.  But  Chetak,  like  his  master,  was  wounded  ;  his 
pursuers  gained  upon  Partap,  and  the  flash  from  the  flinty  rock 
announced  them  at  his  heels,  when,  in  the  broad  accents  of  his 
native  tongue,  the  salutation  Ho  !  nila  ghora  ra  aswnr,  '  Ho  !  rider 
of  the  blue  horse,'  made  him  look  back,  and  he  beheld  but  a  single 
horseman  :   that  horseman  his  brother. 

Sakta,  whose  personal  enmity  to  Partap  had  made  him  a 
traitor  to  Mewar,  beheld  from  the  ranks  of  Akbar  the  '  blue 
horse  '  flying  unattended.  Resentment  was  extinguished,  and  a 
feeling  of  affection,  mingling  with  sad  and  humiliating  recollec- 
tions, took  possession  of  his  bosom.  He  joined  in  the  pursuit, 
but  only  to  slay  the  pursuers,  who  fell  beneath  his  lance  ;  and 
now,  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives,  the  brothers  embraced  in 
friendship.  Here  Chetak  feU,  and  as  the  Rana  unbuckled  his 
caparison  to  place  it  upon  Ankara,  presented  to  him  by  his 
brother,  the  noble  steed  expired.  An  altar  was  raised,  and  yet 
marks  the  spot,  where  Chetak  ^  died  ;  and  the  entire  scene  may 
be  seen  painted  on  the  walls  of  half  the  houses  of  the  capital  [340]. 

The  greeting  between  the  brothers  was  necessarily  short  ;  but 
the  merry  Sakta,  who  was  attached  to  Salim's  personal  force, 
could  not  let  it  pass  without  a  joke  ;  and  inquiring  "  how  a  man 
felt  when  flying  for  his  hfe  ?  "  he  quitted  Partap  with  the  assur- 
ance of  reunion  the  first  safe  opportunity.  On  rejoining  Salim, 
the  truth  of  Sakta  was  greatly  doubted  when  he  related  that 
Partap  had  not  only  slain  his  pursuers,  but  his  own  steed,  which 
obliged  him  to  return  on  that  of  the  Khorasani.  Prince  Salim 
pledged  his  word  to  pardon  him  if  he  related  the  truth  ;  when 
Sakta  replied,  "  The  burthen  of  a  kingdom  is  on  my  brother's 
shoulders,  nor  could  I  witness  his  danger  without  defending  him 
from  it."  Salim  kept  his  word,  but  dismissed  the  future  head  of 
the  Saktawats.  Determined  to  make  a  suitable  nazar  on  his 
introduction,  he  redeemed  Bhainsror  by  a  coup  de  main,  and 
joined  Partap  at  Udaipur,  who  made  him  a  grant  of  the  conquest, 
which  long  remained  the  chief  abode  of  the  Saktawats  ;  ^    and 

^  '  Chetak  ka  Chabutra''  is  near  to  Jharol. 

2  The  mother  of  Sakta  was  the  Baijiraj,  '  Royal  Mother '  (Queen 
Dowager)  of  Mewar.  She  loved  this  son,  and  left  Udaipur  to  superintend 
his  household  at  Bhainsror:  since  which  renunciation  of  rank  to  affection, 
the  mothers  of  the  senior  branch  of  Saktawab  are  addressed  Baijiraj. 
[Bliainsror  is  now  held  by  a  Chondawat  Rawat.] 


396  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

since  the  day  when  this,  their  founder,  preserved  the  Ufe  of  his 
brother  and  prince  against  his  Mogul  pursuers,  the  birad  of  the 
bard  to  all  of  his  race  is  Khorasani  Multani  ka  Agal,  '  the 
barrier  to  Khorasan  and  Multan,'  from  which  countries  were  the 
chiefs  he  slew. 

On  the  7th  of  Sawan,  S.  1632  (July,  a.d.  1576),  a  day  ever 
memorable  in  her  annals,  the  best  blood  of  Mewar  irrigated  the 
pass  of  Haldighat.  Of  the  nearest  kin  of  the  prince  five  hundred 
were  slain  :  the  exiled  prince  of  Gwalior,  Ramsah,  his  son  lOian- 
derao,  with  three  hundred  and  fiftj''  of  his  brave  Tuar  clan,  paid 
the  debt  of  gratitude  with  their  lives.  Since  their  expulsion  by 
Babur  they  had  found  sanctuary  in  Mewar,  whose  princes 
diminished  their  feeble  revenues  to  maintain  inviolable  the  rites 
of  hospitality.^  Mana,  the  devoted  Jhala,  lost  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  his  vassals,  and  every  house  of  Mewar  mourned  its  chief 
support. 

Siege  of  Kumbhalmer. — Elate  with  victory,  Salim  left  the 
hills.  The  rainy  season  had  set  in,  which  impeded  operations, 
and  obtained  for  Partap  a  few  months  of  repose  ;  but  with  the 
spring  the  foe  returned,  when  he  was  again  defeated,^  and  took 
post  in  Kumbhalmer,  which  was  invested  by  the  Koka,  Shahbaz 
Khan.  He  here  made  a  gallant  and  [341]  protracted  resistance, 
and  did  not  retire  till  insects  rendered  the  water  of  the  Naugun 
well,  their  sole  resource,  impure.'  To  the  treachery  of  the 
Deora  chief  of  Abu,  who  was  now  with  Akbar,  this  deed  is  im- 
puted. Partap  thence  withdrew  to  Chawand,*  while  Bhan,  the 
Sonigira  chief,  defended  the  place  to  the  last,  and  was  slain  in 
the  assault.  On  this  occasion  also  fell  the  chief  bard  of  Mewar, 
who  inspired  by  his  deeds,  as  well  as  by  his  song,  the  spirit  of 
resistance  to  the  '  ruthless  king,'  and  whose  laudatory  couplets 
on  the  deeds  of  his  lord  are  still  in  every  mouth.  But  the  spirit 
of  poesy  died  not  with  him,  for  princes  and  nobles,  Hindu  and 

^  Eight  hundred  rupees,  or  £100  daily,  is  the  sum  recorded  for  the  support 
of  this  prince. 

2  The  date  of  this  battle  is  Magh  Sudi  7,  S.  1633,  a.d.  1577. 

3  [For  the  career  of  Shahbaz  Khan,  known  as  Koka  or  'foster-brother,' 
who  died  in  1600,  see  Aln,  i.  399  if.  Kumbhalmer  was  captured  in  1578-9 
(EUiot-Dowson  v.  410,  vi.  58).     "About  1578  "  (Erskine  ii.  A.  116).] 

*  A  town  in  the  heart  of  the  mountainous  tract  on  the  south-west  of 
Mewar,  called  Chappan,  containing  *  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  towns 
and  villages,  peopled  chiefly  by  the  aboriginal  Bhils. 


FURTHER  IMPERIALIST  ADVANCE  397 

Turk,  vied  with  each  other  in  exalting  the  patriot  Partap,  in 
strains  replete  with  those  sentiments  which  elevate  the  mind  of 
the  martial  Rajput,  who  is  inflamed  into  action  by  this  national 
excitement. 

Further  Imperialist  Advance.— On  the  fall  of  Kumbhalmer,  the 
castles  of  Dharmeti  and  Gogunda  were  invested  by  Raja  Man. 
Mahabat  Khan  took  possession  of  Udaipur  ;  and  while  a  prince 
of  the  blood  ^  cut  off  the  resources  furnished  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Oghna  Panarwra,  Khan  Farid  invaded  Chappan,  and  ap- 
proached Chawand  from  the  south.  Thus  beset  on  every  side, 
dislodged  from  the  most  secret  retreats,  and  hunted  from  glen 
to  glen,  there  appeared  no  hope  for  Partap :  yet,  even  while  his 
pursuers  deemed  him  panting  in  some  obscure  lurking-place,  he 
would  by  mountain  signals  reassemble  his  bands,  and  assail  them 
unawares  and  often  unguarded.  By  a  skilful  manoeuvre,  Farid, 
who  dreamed  of  nothing  less  than  making  the  Rajput  prince 
his  prisoner,  was  blocked  up  in  a  defile  and  his  force  cut  off  to 
a  man.  Unaccustomed  to  such  warfare,  the  mercenary  Moguls 
became  disgusted  in  combating  a  foe  seldom  tangible  ;  while  the 
monsoon  swelled  the  mountain  streams,  filling  the  reservoirs 
with  mineral  poisons  and  the  air  with  pestilential  exlialations. 
The  periodical  rains  accordingly  always  brought  some  respite  to 
Partap. 

Years  thus  rolled  away,  each  ending  with  a  diminution  of  his 
means  and  an  increase  to  his  misfortunes.  His  family  was  his 
chief  source  of  anxiety  :  he  dreaded  their  captivity,  an  appre- 
hension often  on  the  point  of  being  realised.  On  one  occasion 
they  were  saved  by  the  faithful  Bhils  of  Kava,  who  carried  them 
in  wicker  baskets  and  concealed  them  in  the  tin  mines  of  Jawara. 
where  they  guarded  [342]  and  fed  them.  Bolts  and  rings  are 
still  preserved  in  the  trees  about  Jawara  and  Chawand,  to  which 
baskets  were  suspended,  the  only  cradles  of  the  royal  children  of 
Mewar,  in  order  to  preserve  them  from  the  tiger  and  the  wolf. 
Yet  amidst  such  complicated  evils  the  fortitude  of  Partap  re- 
mained unshaken,  and  a  spy  sent  by  Akbar  represented  the 
Rajput  and  his  chiefs  seated  at  a  scanty  meal,  maintaining  all 
the  etiquette  observed  in  prosperity,  the  Rana  bestowing  the 
dauna  to  the  most  deserving,  and  which,  though  only  of  the  wild 
fruit  of  the  country,  was  received  with  all  the  reverence  of  better 
^  Called  Ami  Sah  in  the  Annals. 


398  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

days.  Such  inflexible  magnanimity  touched  the  soul  of  Akbar,^ 
and  extorted  the  homage  of  every  chief  in  Rajasthan  ;  nor  could 
those  who  swelled  the  gorgeous  train  of  the  emperor  withhold 
their  admiration.  Nay,  these  annals  have  preserved  some 
stanzas  addressed  by  the  Khankhanan,^  the  first  of  the  satraps 
of  Delhi,  to  the  noble  Rajput,  in  his  native  tongue,  applauding  his 
valour  and  stimulating  his  perseverance  :  "  All  is  unstable  in 
this  world  :  land  and  wealth  will  disappear,  but  the  virtue  of  a 
great  name  lives  for  ever.  Patta  ^  abandoned  wealth  and  land, 
but  never  bowed  the  head  :  alone,  of  all  the  princes  of  Hind,  he 
preserved  the  honour  of  his  race." 

But  there  were  moments  when  the  wants  of  those  dearer  than 
his  own  life  almost  excited  him  to  frenzy.  The  wife  of  his  bosom 
was  insecure,  even  in  the  rock  or  the  cave  ;  and  his  infants,  heirs 
to  every  luxury,  were  weeping  around  him  for  food  :  for  with 
such  pertinacity  did  the  Mogul  myrmidons  pursue  them,  that 
"  five  meals  have  been  prepared  and  abandoned  for  want  of 
opportunity  to  eat  them."  On  one  occasion  his  queen  and  his 
son's  wife  were  preparing  a  few  cakes  from  the  flour  of  the  meadow 
grass,*  of  which  one  was  given  to  each  ;  half  for  the  present,  the 
rest  for  a  future  meal.  Partap  was  stretched  beside  them  ponder- 
ing on  his  misfortunes,  when  a  piercing  cry  from  his  daughter 
roused  him  from  reflection  :  a  wild  cat  had  darted  on  the  reserved 
portion  of  food,  and  the  agony  of  hunger  made  her  shrieks  in- 
supportable. Until  that  moment  his  fortitude  had  been  un- 
subdued. He  had  beheld,  his  sons  and  his  kindred  fall  around 
him  on  the  field  without  emotion — "  For  this  the  Rajput  was 
born  "  ;  but  the  lamentation  of  his  children  for  food  "  unmanned 
him."  He  cursed  the  name  of  royalty,  if  only  to  be  enjoyed  on 
such  conditions,  and  he  demanded  of  Akbar  a  mitigation  of  his 
hardships  [343]. 

Submission  of  Rana  Partap  Singh. — Overjoyed  at  this  indica- 
tion of  submission,  the  emperor  commanded  pubhc  rejoicings, 
and  exultingly  showed  the  letter  to  Prithiraj,  a  Rajput  compelled 
to  follow  the  victorious  car  of  Akbar.     Prithiraj  was  the  younger 

1  [Akbar  was  anxious  to  destroy  Partap,  but  he  could  not  carry  on  a 
guerilla  campaign  in  Rajputana,  and  he  had  work  to  do  elsewhere  (Smith, 
Akbar  the  Great  Mogul,  153).] 

^  fMirza  Abdu-r-rahim,  son  of  Bairam  Khan  (Ain,  i.  334).] 

3  A  colloquail  contraction  for  Partap.  *  Called  Mol. 


\ 


SUBMISSION  OF  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  399 

brother  of  the  prince  of  Bikaner,^  a  State  recently  grown  out  of 
the  Rathors  of  jNIarvvar,  and  which,  being  exposed  in  the  flats  of 
the  desert,  had  no  power  to  resist  the  example  of  its  elder,  Maldeo. 
Prithiraj  was  one  of  the  most  gallant  chieftains  of  the  age,  and 
like  the  Troubadour  princes  of  the  west,  could  grace  a  cause 
with  the  soul-insi^iring  effusions  of  the  muse,  as  well  as  aid  it 
with  his  sword  :  nay,  in  an  assembly  of  the  bards  of  Rajasthan, 
the  palm  of  merit  was  unanimously  awarded  to  the  Rathor 
cavalier.  He  adored  the  very  name  of  Partap,  and  the  intelligence 
filled  him  with  grief.  With  all  the  warmth  and  frankness  of  his 
nature,  he  told  the  king  it  was  a  forgery  of  some  foe  to  the  fame 
of  the  Rajput  prince.  "  I  know  him  well,"  said  he  ;  "  for  your 
crown  he  would  not  submit  to  your  terms."  He  requested  and 
obtained  permission  from  the  king  to  transmit  by  his  courier  a 
letter  to  Partap,  ostensibly  to  ascertain  the  fact  of  his  submission, 
but  really  with  the  view  to  prevent  it.  On  this  occasion  he 
composed  those  couplets,  still  admired,  and  which  for  the  effect 
they  produced  will  stand  comparison  with  any  of  the  sirvcntes  of 
the  Troubadours  of  the  west.^ 

"  The  hopes  of  the  Hindu  rest  on  the  Hindu  ;  yet  the  Rana 
forsakes  them.  But  for  Partap,  all  would  be  placed  on  the  same 
level  by  Akbar  ;  for  our  chiefs  have  lost  their  valour  and  our 
females  their  honour.  Akbar  is  the  broker  in  the  market  of  our 
race  :  all  has  he  purchased  but  the  son  of  Uda  ;  he  is  beyond  his 
price.  What  true  Rajput  would  part  with  honour  for  nine  days 
(nauroza)  ;  yet  how  many  have  bartered  it  away  ?  Will  Chitor 
come  to  this  market,  when  all  have  disposed  of  the  chief  article 
of  the  Ivhatri  ?  Though  Patta  has  squandered  away  wealth, 
yet  this  treasure  has  he  preserved.  Despair  has  driven  man  to 
this  mart,  to  witness  their  dishonour  :  from  such  infamy  the 
descendant  of  Hamir  alone  has  been  preserved.  The  world  asks, 
whence  the  concealed  aid  of  Partap  ?  None  but  the  soul  of 
manliness  and  his  sword  :  with  it,  well  has  he  maintained  the 
Khatri's  pride.  This  broker  in  the  market  [344]  of  men  will  one 
day  be  overreached  ;  he  cannot  live  for  ever  :  then  will  om*  race 
come  to  Partap,  for  the  seed  of  the  Rajput  to  sow  in  our  desolate 

1  [Rae  Singh  (1571-1611).] 

^  It  is  no  affectation  to  say  that  the  spirit  evaporates  in  the  lameness  of 
the  translation.  The  author  could  feel  the  force,  though  he  failed  to  imitate 
the  strength,  of  the  original. 


400  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

lands.     To  him  all  look  for  its  preservation,  that  its  purity  may 
again  become  resplendent." 

Rally  o£  Rana  Partap  Singh. — This  effusion  of  the  Rathor  was 
equal  to  ten  thousand  men  ;  it  nerved  the  drooping  mind  of 
Partap,  and  roused  him  into  action  :  for  it  was  a  noble  incentive 
to  find  every  eye  of  his  race  fixed  upon  him. 

The  Nauroza. — The  allusion  of  the  princely  poet  in  the  phrase, 
"  bartering  their  honour  on  the  Nauroza,"  requires  some  explana- 
tion. The  Nauroza,  or  '  New  Year's  Day,'  when  the  sun  enters 
Aries,  is  one  of  great  festivity  among  the  Muhammadan  princes 
of  the  East  ;  but  of  that  alluded  to  by  Prithiraj  we  can  form  an 
adequate  idea  from  the  historian  Abu-1  Fazl.^ 

It  is  not  New  Year's  Day,  but  a  festival  especially  instituted 
by  Akbar,  and  to  which  he  gave  the  epithet  lOiushroz,  '  day  of 
pleasure,'  held  on  the  ninth  day  (nauroza),  following  the  chief 
festival  of  each  month.  The  court  assembled,  and  was  attended 
by  all  ranks.  The  queen  also  had  her  court,  when  the  wives  of 
the  nobles  and  of  the  Rajput  vassal  princes  were  congregated. 
But  the  Khushroz  was  chiefly  marked  by  a  fair  held  within  the 
precincts  of  the  court,  attended  only  by  females.  The  merchants' 
wives  exposed  the  manufactures  of  every  clime,  and  the  ladies 
of  the  court  were  the  purchasers.^  "  His  majesty  is  also  there  in 
disguise,  by  which  means  he  learns  the  value  of  merchandise,  and 
hears  what  is  said  of  the  state  of  the  empire  and  the  character  of 
the  officers   of  government."     The  ingenuous  Abu-1  Fazl  thus 

^  [Ain,  i.  276  f. ;  Memoirs  of  Jahangir,  trans.  Rogers-Beveridge,  48  £.] 
^  At  these  royal  fairs  were  also  sold  the  productions  of  princely  artisans, 
male  and  female,  and  which,  out  of  compliment  to  majesty,  made  a  bounte- 
ous return  for  their  industry.  It  is  a  fact  but  little  known,  that  most  Asiatic 
princes  profess  a  trade  :  the  great  Aurangzeb  was  a  cap-maker,  and  sold 
them  to  such  advantage  on  these  '  ninth  day  '  fairs,  that  his  funeral  ex- 
penses were  by  his  own  express  command  defrayed  from  the  privy  purse, 
the  accumulation  of  his  personal  labour.  A  delightful  anecdote  is  recorded 
of  the  Khilji  king  Mahmud,  whose  profession  was  hterary,  and  who  obtained 
good  prices  from  his  Omrahs  for  his  specimens  of  calligraphy.  While  engaged 
in  transcribing  one  of  the  Persian  poets,  a  professed  scholar,  who  with 
others  attended  the  conversazione,  suggested  an  emendation,  which  was 
instantly  attended  to,  and  the  supposed  error  remedied.  When  the  MuUah 
was  gone,  the  monarch  erased  the  emendation  and  re-inserted  the  passage. 
An  Omrah  had  observed  and  questioned  the  action,  to  which  the  king 
repUed  :  "It  was  better  to  make  a  blot  in  the  manuscript  than  wound  the 
vanity  of  a  humble  scholar."  [Ferishta  tolls  the  story  of  Nasiru-d-din 
Mahmud,  i.  24G.] 


i 


AKBAR  AND  RAJPUT  LADIES  401 

softens  down  the  unhallowed  purpose  of  this  day  ;  but  posterity 
cannot  admit  that  the  great  Akbar  was  to  obtain  these  results 
amidst  the  Pushto  jargon  of  the  dames  of  Islam,  or  the  mixed 
Bhakha  of  the  fair  of  [345]  Rajasthan.  These  '  ninth  day  fairs  ' 
are  the  markets  in  which  Rajput  honour  was  bartered,  and  to 
which  the  brave  Prithiraj  makes  allusion.^ 

Akbar  and  Rajput  Ladies. — It  is  scarcely  to  be  credited  that 
a  statesman  like  Akbar  should  have  hazarded  his  popularity  or 
his  power,  by  the  introduction  of  a  custom  alike  appertaining  to 
the  Celtic  races  of  Europe  as  to  these  the  Goths  of  Asia  ;  *  and 
that  he  should  seek  to  degrade  those  whom  the  chances  of  war 
had  made  his  vassals,  by  conduct  so  nefarious  and  repugnant  to 
the  keenly  cherished  feelings  of  the  Rajput.  Yet  there  is  not  a 
shadow  of  doubt  that  maiiy  of  the  noblest  of  the  race  were  dis- 
honoured on  the  Nauroza  ;  and  the  chivalrous  Prithiraj  was  only 
preserved  from  being  of  the  number  by  the  high  courage  and 
virtue  of  his  wife,  a  princess  of  Mewar,  and  daughter  of  the 
founder  of  the  Saktawats.     On  one  of  these  celebrations  of  the 

^  [Compare  the  later  accounts  of  these  fairs  by  Bernier  272  f.  ;  and 
Manucci  i.  195.  Aurangzeb  transferred  the  Nauroz  rejoicings  to  the  corona- 
tion festival  in  Raniazan  ( Jadunath  Sarkar,  Life  of  Aurangzib,  iii.  93).  The 
ladies  of  the  Mughal  court  usually  spoke,  not  Pushto,  but  Turki.] 

^  This  laxity,  as  regards  female  delicacy,  must  have  been  a  remnant  of 
Scythic  barbarism,  brought  from  the  banks  of  the  Jaxartes,  the  land  of  the 
Getae,  where  now,  as  in  the  days  of  Tomyris,  a  shoe  at  the^door  is  a  sufficient 
barrier  to  the  entrance  of  many  Tatar  husbands.  It  is  a  well-known  fact, 
also,  that  the  younger  son  in  these  regions  inherited  a  greater  share  than  the 
elder,  which  is  attributed  to  their  pastoral  habits,  which  invited  early 
emigration  in  the  elder  sons.  This  habit  prevailed  with  the  Rajput  tribes 
of  very  early  times,  and  the  annals  of  the  Yadus,  a  race  alhed  to  the  Yuti- 
Getae,  or  Jat,  afford  many  instances  of  it.  Modified  it  yet  exists  amongst  the 
Jarejas  (of  the  same  stock),  with  whom  the  sons  divide  equally ;  which 
custom  was  transmitted  to  Europe  by  these  Getic  hordes,  and  brought  into 
England  by  the  Jut  brothers,  who  foimded  the  kingdom  of  Kent  {kanthi,  '  a 
coast'  in  Gothic  and  Sanskrit),  where  it  is  yet  known  as  Gavelkind.  In 
Enghsh  law  it  is  termed  borough-English.  In  Scotland  it  existed  in  barbarous 
times,  analogous  to  those  when  the  Nauroza  was  sanctioned  ;  and  the  lord  of 
the  manor  had  privileges  which  rendered  it  more  than  doubtful  whether  the 
first-born  was  natural  heir  :  hence,  the  youngest  was  the  heir.  So  in  France, 
in  ancient  times  ;  and  though  the  '  droit  de  Jambage  '  no  longer  exists,  the 
term  sufficiently  denotes  the  extent  of  privilege,  in  comparison  with  which 
the  other  rights  of  '  Noi^ages,^  the  seigneur's  feeding  his  greyhounds  with 
the  best  dishes  and  insulting  the  bride's  blushes  with  ribald  songs,  were 
innocent.  [The  ethnological  views  in  this  note  do  not  deserve  notice.] 
VOL.  I  2d 


402  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

lOiushroz,  the  monarch  of  the  Moguls  was  struck  with  the  beauty 
of  the  daughter  of  Mewar,  and  he  singled  her  out  from  amidst  the 
united  fair  of  Hind  as  the  object  of  his  passion.  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  an  ungenerous  feeling  vmited  with  that  already 
impure,  to  despoil  the  Sesodias  of  their  honour,  through  a  princess 
of  their  house  under  the  protection  of  the  sovereign.  On  retiring 
from  the  fair,  she  found  herself  entangled  amidst  the  labyrinth 
of  apartments  by  which  egress  was  purposely  ordained,  when 
Akbar  stood  before  her  :  but  instead  of  acquiescence,  she  drew 
a  poniard  from  her  corset,  and  held  it  to  his  breast,  dictating, 
and  making  him  repeat,  the  oath  of  renunciation  of  the  infamy 
to  all  her  race.  The  anecdote  is  accompanied  in  the  original 
with  many  dramatic  circumstances.  The  guardian  goddess  of 
Mewar,  the  terrific  Mata,  appears  on  her  tiger  in  the  subterranean 
passage  of  this  palace  of  pollution,  to  strengthen  her  mind  by  a 
solemn  denunciation  [346],  and  her  hand  with  a  weapon  to 
protect  her  honour.  Rae  Singh,  the  elder  brother  of  the  princely 
bard,  had  not  been  so  fortunate  ;  his  wife  wanted  either  courage 
or  virtue  to  withstand  the  regal  tempter,  and  she  returned  to 
their  dwelling  in  the  desert  despoiled  of  her  chastity,  but  loaded 
with  jewels  ;  or,  as  Prithiraj  expresses  it  :  "  She  returned  to  her 
abode,  tramping  to  the  tinkling  sound  of  the  ornaments  of  gold 
and  gems  on  her  person  ;  but  where,  my  brother,  is  the  moustache  ^ 
on  thy  lip  ?  " 

Adventures  o£  Rana  Partap  Singh. — It  is  time  to  return  to  the 
Aravalli,  and  to  the  patriot  j^rince  Partap.  Unable  to  stem  the 
torrent,  he  had  formed  a  resolution  worthy  of  his  character  ;  he 
determined  to  abandon  Mewar  and  the  blood-stained  Chitor  (no 
longer  the  stay  of  his  race),  and  to  lead  his  Sesodias  to  the  Indus, 
plant  the  '  crimson  banner  '  on  the  insular  capital  of  the  Sogdoi, 
and  leave  a  desert  between  him  and  his  inexorable  foe.  With  his 
family,  and  all  that  was  yet  noble  in  Mewar,  his  chiefs  and  vassals, 
a  firm  and  intrepid  band,  who  prefeiTcd  exile  to  degradation,  he 
descended  the  Aravalli,  and  had  reached  the  confines  of  the  desert, 
when  an  incident  occurred  which  made  him  change  his  measures, 
and  still  remain  a  dweller  in  the  land  of  his  forefathers.  If  the 
historic  annals  of  Mewar  record  acts  of  unexampled  severity, 

^  The  loss  of  this  is  the  sign  of  mourning.  [Tliere  is  naturally  no  confirma- 
tion of  these  anecdotes  in  the  Musalman  historians,  but  they  possibly  may 
be  true.] 


ADVENTURES  OF  RANA  PARTAP  SINGH  403 

they  are  not  without  instances  of  unparalleled  devotion.  The 
minister  of  Partap,  whose  ancestors  had  for  ages  held  the  office, 
placed  at  his  prince's  disposal  their  accumulated  wealth,  which, 
with  other  resources,  is  stated  to  havej  been  equivalent  to  the 
maintenance  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  for  twelve  years. 
The  name  of  Bhama  Sah  is  preserved  as  the  saviour  of  Mewar. 
With  this  splendid  proof  of  gratitude,  and  the  sirvente  of  Prithiraj 
as  incitements,  he  again  "  screwed  his  courage  to  the  sticking- 
place,"  collected  his  bands,  and  while  his  foes  imagined  that  he 
was  endeavouring  to  effect  a  retreat  through  the  desert,  surprised 
Shahbaz  in  his  camp  at  Dawer,  whose  troops  were  cut  in  pieces. 
The  fugitives  were  pursued  to  Amet,  the  garrison  of  which  shared 
the  same  fate.  Ere  they  could  recover  from  their  consternation, 
Kumbhalmer  was  assaulted  and  taken  ;  Abdulla  and  his  garrison 
were  put  to  the  sword,  and  thirty-two  fortified  posts  in  like  manner 
carried  by  surprise,  the  troops  being  put  to  death  without  mercy. 
To  use  the  words  of  the  annals  :  "  Partap  made  a  desert  of  Mewar  ; 
he  made  an  [347]  offering  to  the  sword  of  whatever  dwelt  in  its 
plains  "  :  an  appalling  but  indispensable  sacrifice.  In  one  short 
campaign  (S.  1586,  a.d.  1530),  he  had  recovered  all  Mewar,  except 
Chitor,  Ajmer,  and  Mandalgarh  ;  and  determining  to  have  a 
slight  ovation  in  return  for  the  triumph  Raja  Man  had  enjoyed 
(who  had  fulfilled  to  the  letter  his  threat,  that  Partap  should 
"  live  in  peril  "),  he  invaded  Amber,  and  sacked  its  chief  mart  of 
commerce,  Malpura. 

Udaipur  was  also  regained  ;  though  this  acquisition  was  so 
unimportant  as  scarcely  to  merit  remark.  In  all  likelihood  it 
was  abandoned  from  the  difficulty  of  defending  it,  when  all  around 
had  submitted  to  Partap  ;  though  the  annals  ascribe  it  to  a  gener- 
ous sentiment  of  Akbar,  prompted  by  the  great  Khankhanan, 
whose  mind  appears  to  have  been  captivated  by  the  actions  of 
the  Rajput  prince.^  An  anecdote  is  appended  to  account  for 
Akbar's  relaxation  of  severity,  but  it  is  of  too  romantic  a  nature 
even  for  this  part  of  their  annals. 

Mewar  left  in  Peace  by  the  Imperialists. — Partap  was  indebted 
to  a  combination  of  causes  for  the  repose  he  enjoyed  during  the 
latter  years  of  his  life  ;  and  though  this  may  be  ascribed  principally 
to  the  new  fields  of  ambition  which  occupied  the  Mogul  arms,  we 
are  authorized  also  to  admit  the  full  weight  of  the  influence  that 
1  [See  p.  398,  above.] 


404  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

the  conduct  of  the  Hindu  prince  exerted  upon  Akbar,  together 
with  the  general  sympathy  of  his  fellow-princes,  who  swelled  the 
train  of  the  conqueror,  and  who  were  too  powerful  to  be  regarded 
with  indifference.  , 

Repose  was,  however,  no  boon  to  the  noblest  of  his  race.  A 
mind  like  Partap's  could  enjoy  no  tranquillity  while,  from  the 
summit  of  the  pass  which  guarded  Udaipur,  his  eye  embraced  the 
Kunguras  of  Chitor,  to  which  he  must  ever  be  a  stranger.  To  a 
soul  like  his,  burning  for  the  redemption  of  the  glory  of  his  race, 
the  mercy  thus  shown  him,  in  placing  a  limit  to  his  hopes,  was 
more  difficult  of  endurance  than  the  pangs  of  fabled  Tantalus. 
Imagine  the  warrior,  yet  in  manhood's  prime,  broken  with  fatigues 
and  covered  with  scars,  from  amidst  the  fragments  of  basaltic 
ruin  ^  (fit  emblem  of  his  own  condition  !),  casting  a  wistful  eye  to 
[348]  the  rock  stained  with  the  blood  of  his  fathers  ;  whilst  in  the 
'  dark  chamber  '  of  his  mind  the  scenes  of  glory  enacted  there 
appeared  with  unearthly  lustre.  First,  the  youthful  Bappa,  on 
whose  head  was  the  '  mor  he  had  won  from  the  Mori '  :  ^  the 
warlike  Samarsi,  arming  for  the  last  day  of  Rajput  independence, 
to  die  with  Prithiraj  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghaggar  :  again,  descend- 
ing the  steep  of  Chitor,  the  twelve  sons  of  Arsi,  the  crimson  banner 
floating  aroimd  each,  while  from  the  embattled  rock  the  guardian 
goddess  looked  down  on  the  carnage  which  secured  a  perpetuity 
of  sway.  Again,  in  all  the  pomp  of  sacrifice,  the  Deolia  chiefs, 
Jaimall  and  Patta  ;  and  like  the  Pallas  of  Rajasthan,  the  Chon- 
dawat  dame,  leading  her  daughter  into  the  ranks  of  destruction : 
examples  for  their  sons'  and  husbands'  imitation.  At  length 
clouds  of  darkness  dimmed  the  walls  of  Chitor  :   from  her  battle- 

1  These  mountains  are  of  granite  and  close-grained  quartz  ;  but  on  the 
summit  of  the  pass  there  is  a  mass  of  columnar  rocks,  which,  though  the 
author  never  examined  them  very  closely,  he  has  little  hesitation  in  calling 
basaltic.  Were  it  permitted  to  intrude  his  own  feelings  on  his  reader,  he 
would  say,  he  never  passed  the  portals  of  Debari,  which  close  the  pass  leading 
from  Chitor  to  Udaipur,  without  throwing  his  eye  on  this  fantastic  pinnacle 
and  imagining  the  picture  he  has  drawn.  Whoever,  in  rambhng  through 
the  '  eternal  city,'  has  had  his  sympathy  awakened  in  beholding  at  the 
Porta  Salaria  the  stone  seat  where  the  conqueror  of  the  Persians  and  the 
Goths,  the  blind  Bclisarius,  begged  his  daily  dole,— or  pondered  at  the  un- 
sculptured  tomb  of  Napoleon  upon  the  vicissitudes  of  greatness,  will  appre- 
ciate the  feeUng  of  one  who,  in  sentiment,  had  identified  himself  with  the 
Rajputs,  of  whom  Partap  was  justly  the  model. 

2  [A  pun  on  maur,  '  a  crown,'  and  the  Maurya  tribe.] 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  RANA  PARTAP  405 

merits  '  Kungura  Rani '  ^  had  fled  ;  the  tints  of  dishonour  began 
to  blend  with  the  visions  of  glory  ;  and  lo  !  Udai  Singh  appeared 
flying  from  the  rock  to  which  the  honour  of  his  house  was  united . 
Aghast  at  the  picture  his  fancy  had  portrayed,  imagine  him  turn- 
ing to  the  contemplation  of  his  own  desolate  condition,  indebted 
for  a  cessation  of  persecution  to  the  most  revolting  sentiment  that 
can  assail  an  heroic  mind — compassion  ;  compared  with  which 
scorn  is  endurable,  contempt  even  enviable  :  these  he  could 
retaliate  ; .  but  for  the  high-minded,  the  generous  Rajput,  to  be 
the  object  of  that  sickly  sentiment,  pity,  was  more  oppressive 
than  the  arms  of  his  foe. 

The  Last  Days  of  Rana  Partap. — A  premature  decay  assailed 
the  pride  of  Rajasthan  ;  a  mind  diseased  preyed  on  an  exhausted 
frame,  and  prostrated  him  in  the  very  summer  of  his  days.  The 
last  moments  of  Partap  were  an  appropriate  commentary  on  his 
life,  which  he  terminated,  like  the  Carthaginian,  swearing  his  suc- 
cessor to  eternal  conflict  against  the  foes  of  his  country's  indej^end- 
ence.  But  the  Rajput  prince  had  not  the  same  joyful  assurance 
that  inspired  the  Numidian  Hamilcar  ;  for  his  end  was  clouded 
with  the  presentiment  that  his  son  Amra  would  abandon  his 
fame  for  inglorious  repose.  A  powerful  sympathy  is  excited  by 
the  picture  which  is  drawn  of  this  final  scene.  The  dying  hero 
is  represented  in  a  lowly  dwelling  ;  his  chiefs,  the  faithful  com- 
panions of  many  a  glorious  day,  awaiting  round  his  pallet  the 
dissolution  of  their  prince,  when  a  groan  of  mental  anguish  made 
Salumbar  inquire  [349],  "  Wliat  afflicted  his  soul  that  it  would 
not  depart  in  peace  ?  "  He  rallied  :  "  It  lingered,"  he  said, 
"  for  some  consolatory  pledge  that  his  country  should  not  be 
abandoned  to  the  Turk  "  ;  and  with  the  death-pang  upon  him, 
he  related  an  incident  which  had  guided  his  estimate  of  his  son's 
disposition,  and  now  tortured  him  with  the  reflection  that  for 
personal  ease  he  would  forgo  the  remembrance  of  his  own  and 
his  country's  wrongs. 

On  the  banks  of  the  Pichola,  Partap  and  his  chiefs  had  con- 
structed a  few  huts  -  (the  site  of  the  future  palace  of  Udaipur), 

^  '  The  queen  of  battlements,'  the  turreted  Cybele  of  Rajasthan. 

2  This  magnificent  lake  is  now  adorned  with  marble  palaces.  Such  was 
the  wealth  of  Mewar  even  in  her  dechne.  [The  lake  is  said  to  have  been 
constructed  by  a  Banjara  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  the 
embankment  was  built  by  Rana  Udai  Singh  in  1560.     The  lake  is  2^  miles 


456  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

to  protect  them  during  the  inclemency  of  the  rains  in  the  day  of 
their  distress.  Prince  Amra,  forgetting  the  lowhness  of  the 
dwelhng,  a  projecting  bamboo  of  the  roof  caught  the  folds  of 
his  turban  and  dragged  it  off  as  he  retired.  A  hasty  emotion, 
which  disclosed  a  varied  feeling,  was  observed  with  pain  by 
Partap,  who  thence  adopted  the  opinion  that  his  son  would  never 
withstand  the  hardships  necessary  to  be  endured  in  such  a  cause. 
"  These  sheds,"  said  the'dying  prince,  "  will  give  way  to  sumptuous 
dwellings,  thus  generating  the  love  of  ease  ;  and  luxury  with  its 
concomitants  will  ensue,  to  which  the  independence  of  Mewar, 
which  we  have  bled  to  maintain,  will  be  sacrificed  :  and  you, 
my  chiefs,  will  follow  the  iDcrnicious  example."  They  pledged 
themselves,  and  became  guarantees  for  the  prince,  "  by  the  throne 
of  Bappa  Rawal,"  that  they  would  not  permit  mansions  to  be 
raised  till  Mewar  had  recovered  her  independence.  The  soul 
of  Partap  was  satisfied,  and  with  joy  he  expired. 

Thus  closed  the  life  of  a"  Rajput  whose  memory  is  even  now 
idolized  by  every  Sesodia,  and  will  continue  to  be  so,  till  renewed 
oppression  shall  extinguish  the  remaining  sparks  of  patriotic 
feeling.  May  that  day  never  arrive !  yet  if  such  be  her  destiny, 
may  it,  at  least,  not  be  hastened  by  the  arms  of  Britain ! 

It  is  worthy  the  attention  of  those  who  influence  the  destinies 
of  States  in  more  favoured  climes,  to  estimate  the  intensity  of 
feeling  which  could  arm  this  prince  to  oppose  the  resources  of  a 
small  principality  against  the  then  most  powerful  empire  of  the 
world,  whose  armies  were  more  numerous  and  far  more  efficient 
than  any  ever  led  by  the  Persian  against  the  liberties  of  Greece. 
Had  Mewar  possessed  her  Thucydides  or  her  Xenophon,  neither 
the  wars  of  the  Peloponnesus  nor  the  retreat  of  the  '  ten  thousand  ' 
would  have  yielded  more  diversified  incidents  for  [350]  the  historic 
muse,  than  the  deeds  of  this  brilliant  reign  amid  the  many  vicissi- 
tudes of  Mewar.  Undaunted  heroism,  inflexible  fortitude,  that 
which  '  keeps  honour  bright,'  perseverance, — with  fidelity  such 
as  no  nation  can  boast,  were  the  materials  opposed  to  a  soaring 
ambition,  commanding  talents,  unlimited  means,  and  the  fervour 
of  religious  zeal  ;  all,  however,  insufficient  to  contend  with  one 
unconquerable  mind.     There  is  not  a  pass  in  the  alpine  Aravalli 

long,  and  IJ  broad,  with  an  area  of  over  one  square  mile.  In  the  middle 
stand  the  island  palaces,  the  Jagmandir  and  the  Jagniwas  (Erskine  ii.  A. 
109).] 


RANA  MiAR  SINGH  I.  407 

that  is  not  sanctified  by  some  deed  of  Partap, — some  brilliant 
victory  or,  oftener,  more  glorious  defeat.  Haldigliat  is  the 
Thermopylae  of  Mewar  ;    the  field  of  Dawer  her  Marathon. 


CHAPTER  12 

Rana  Amar  Singh  I.,  a.d.  1597-1620. — Of  the  seventeen  sons 
of  Partap,  Amra,  who  succeeded  him,  was  the  eldest.  From  the 
early  age  of  eight  to  the  hour  of  his  parent's  death,  he  had  been 
his  constant  companion  and  the  partner  of  his  toils  and  dangers. 
Initiated  by  his  noble  sire  in  every  act  of  mountain  strife,  familiar 
with  its  perils,  he  entered  on  his  career  ^  in  the  very  floAver  of 
manhood,  already  attended  by  sons  able  to  maintain  whatever 
his  sword  might  recover  of  his  patrimony. 

Akbar,  the  greatest  foe  of  Mewar,  survived  Partap  nearly 
eight  years  .^  The  vast  field  in  which  he  had  to  exert  the  re- 
sources of  his  mind,  necessarily  withdrew  him  from  a  scene  where 
even  success  ill  repaid  the  sacrifices  made  to  attain  it.  Amra 
was  left  in  perfect  repose  during  the  remainder  of  this  monarch's 
life,  which  it  was  not  wisdom  to  disturb  by  the  renewal  of  a 
contest  against  the  colossal  power  of  the  Mogul.  An  extended 
reign  of  more  than  half  a  century  permitted  Akbar  to  consolidate 
the  vast  empire  he  had  erected,  and  to  model  the  form  of  his 
[351]  government,  which  displays,  as  handed  down  by  Abu-1 
Fazl,  an  incontestable  proof  of  his  genius  as  well  as  of  his  natural 
beneficence.  Nor  would  the  Mogul  lose,  on  being  contrasted 
with  the  contemporary  princes  of  Europe  :  with  Henry  IV.  of 
France,  who,  like  himself,  ascended  a  throne  weakened  by  dis- 
sension ;  with  Charles  V.,  alike  aspiring  to  universal  sway  :  or 
the  glorious  queen  of  our  own  isle,  who  made  advances  to  Akbar 
and  sent  him  an  embassy.^     Akbar  was  fortunate  as  either  Henry 

1  S.  1653,  A.D.  1597. 

^  [It  has  now  been  established  by  Mr.  V.  A.  Smith  that  Akbar  died  on 
October  17,  O.S.,  October  27,  N.S.,  1605  {lA,  xliv.  November  1915).] 

*  The  embassy  under  Sir  Thomas  Roe  was  prepared  by  EHzabeth,  but 
did  not  proceed  till  the  accession  of  James.  He  arrived  just  as  Mewar  had 
bent  her  head  to  the  Mogul  yoke,  and  speaks  of  the  Rajput  prince  Karan, 
whom  he  saw  at  court  as  a  hostage  for  the  treaty,  with  admiration.  [The 
embassy  was  in  India  from  1615  to  1619.  Roe's  Journal  has  been  edited  by 
W.  Foster,  Hakluyt  Society,  1899.] 


408  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

or  Elizabeth  in  the  choice  of  his  ministers.  The  lofty  integrity, 
military  genius,  and  habits  of  civil  industry,  for  which  Sully  was 
distinguished,  found  their  parallel  in  Bairam  ;  and  if  Burleigh 
equalled  in  wisdom,  he  was  not  superior  in  virtue  to  Abu-1  Fazl, 
nor  possessed  of  his  excessive  benevolence.  Unhappily  for 
Mewar,  all  this  genius  and  power  combined  to  overwhelm'  her. 
It  is,  however,  a  proud  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  Mogul 
that  his  name  is  united  with  that  of  his  rival  Partap  in  numerous 
traditionary  couplets  honourable  to  both  ;  and  if  the  Rajput 
bard  naturally  emblazons  first  on  his  page  that  of  his  own  hero, 
he  admits  that  none  other  but  Akbar  can  stand  a  comparison 
with  him  ;  thereby  confirming  the  eulogy  of  the  historian  of  his 
race,  who,  in  sumining  up  his  character,  observes  that,  "if  he 
sometimes  did  things  beneath  the  dignity  of  a  great  king,  he  never 
did  anything  unworthy  of  a  good  man."  But  if  the  annalist  of 
the  Bundi  State  can  be  relied  upon,  the  very  act  which  caused 
Akbar's  death  will  make  us  pause  ere  we  subscribe  to  these  testi- 
monies to  the  worth  of  departed  greatness,  and,  disregarding 
the  adage  of  only  speaking  good  of  the  dead,  compel  us  to  in- 
stitute, in  imitation  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  a  posthumous 
inquest  on  the  character  of  the  monarch  of  the  Moguls.  The 
Bundi  records  are  well  worthy  of  belief,  as  diaries  of  events  were 
kept  by  her  princes,  who  were  of  the  first  importance  in  this  and 
the  succeeding  reigns  :  and  they  may  be  more  likely  to  throw  a 
light  upon  points  of  character  of  a  tendency  to  disgrace  the 
Mogul  king,  than  the  historians  of  his  court,  who  had  every 
reason  to  withhold  such.  A  desire  to  be  rid  of  the  great  Raja 
Man  of  Amber,  to  whom  he  was  so  much  indebted,  made  the 
emperor  descend  [352]  to  act  the  part  of  the  assassin.  He  pre- 
pared a  ma'ajun,  or  confection,  a  part  of  which  contained  poison  ; 
but,  caught  in  his  own  snare,  he  presented  the  innoxious  portion 
to  the  Rajput  and  ate  that  drugged  with  death  himself.^  We 
have  a  sufficient  clue  to  the  motives  which  influenced  Akbar  to 
a  deed  so  unworthy  of  him,  and  which  were  more  fully  developed 
in  the  reign  of  his  successor  ;  namely,  a  design  on  the  part  of 
Raja  Man  to  alter  the  succession,  and  that  Khusru,  his  nephew, 
should  succeed  instead  of  Salim.  With  such  a  motive,  the  aged 
emperor  might  have  admitted  with  less  scruple  the  advice  which 
prompted  an  act  he  dared  not  openly  undertake,  without  exposing 
^  [The  question  has  been  discussed  in  the  Bundi  Annals,  below.] 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  RANA  AMAR  SINGH        409 

the  throne  in  his  latter  days  to  the  dangers  of  civil  contention, 
as  Raja  Man  was  too  powerful  to  be  openly  assaulted. 

The  Administration  of  Rana  Amar  Singh. — Let  us  return  to 
Mewar.  Ainra  remodelled  the  institutions  of  his  country,  made 
a  new  assessment  of  the  lands  and  distribution  of  the  fiefs,  appor- 
tioning the  service  to  the  times.  He  also  established  the  grada- 
tion of  ranks  such  as  yet  exists,  and  regulated  the  sumptuary  laws 
even  to  the  tie  of  a  turban,^  and  many  of  these  are  to  be  seen 
engraved  on  pillars  of  stone  in  various  parts  of  the  country. 

The  repose  thus  enjoyed  realized  the  prophetic  fears  of  Partap, 
whose  admonitions  were  forgotten.  Amra  constructed  a  small 
palace  on  the  banks  of  the  lake,  named  after  himself  '  the  abode 
of  immortality,'  -  still  remarkable  for  its  Gothic  contrast  to  the 
splendid  marble  edifice  erected  by  his  successors,  now  the  abode 
of  the  princes  of  Mewar. 

Jahangir  attacks  Mewar. — Jahangir  had  been  four  years  on 
the  throne,  and  having  overcome  all  internal  dissension,  resolved 
to  signalize  his  reign  by  the  subjugation  of  the  only  prince  who 
had  disdained  to  acknowledge  the  paramount  power  of  the  Moguls  ; 
and  assembling  the  royal  forces,  he  put  them  in  motion  for  Mewar. 

Amra,  between  tlie  love  of  ease  and  reputation,  wavered  as  to 
the  conduct  he  should  adopt  ;   nor  were  sycophants  wanting  who 

Counselled  ignoble  ease  and  peaceful  sloth, 
Not  peace  : 

and  dared  to  prompt  his  following  the  universal  contagion,  by 
accepting  the  imperial  farman.  In  such  a  state  of  mind  the 
chiefs  foimd  their  prince,  when  [353]  they  repaired  to  the  new 
abode  to  warn  him,  and  prepare  him  for  the  emergency.  But 
the  gallant  Chondawat,  recalling  to  their  remeinbrance  the  dying 
behest  of  their  late  glorious  head,  demanded  its  fulfilment.  All 
resolved  to  imitate  the  noble  Partap, 

.  .  .  preferring 
Hard  liberty  before  the  easy  yoke 
Of  servile  pomp. 

Chief    of    Salumbar   intervenes.  —  A   magnificent   mirror    of 

^  The  Amrasahi  pagri,  or  turban,  is  still  used  by  the  Rana  and  some  nobles 
on  court  days,  but  the  foreign  nobiUty  have  the  privilege,  in  this  respect, 
of  conforming  to  their  own  tribes.  ^  Amara  mahall. 


410  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

European  fabrication  adorned  the  embryo  palace.  Animated 
with  a  noble  resentment  at  the  inefficacy  of  his  appeal  to  the 
better  feelings  of  his  prince,  the  chieftain  of  Salumbar  hurled  '  the 
slave  of  the  carpet '  ^  against  the  splendid  bauble,  and  starting 
up,  seized  his  sovereign  by  the  arm  and  moved  him  from  the 
throne.  "  To  horse,  chiefs  !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  and  preserve  from 
infamy  the  son  of  Partap."  A  burst  of  passion  followed  the 
seeming  indignity,  and  the  patriot  chief  was  branded  with  the 
harsh  name  of  traitor  ;  but  with  his  sacred  duty  in  view,  and 
supported  by  every  vassal  of  note,  he  calmly  disregarded  the 
insult.  Compelled  to  mount  his  steed,  and  surrounded  by  the 
veterans  and  all  the  chivalry  of  Mewar,  Amra's  passion  vented 
itself  in  tears  of  indignation.  In  such  a  mood  the  cavalcade 
descended  the  ridge,  since  studded  with  palaces,  and  had  reached 
the  sjjot  where  the  temple  of  Jagannath  now  stands,  when  he 
recovered  from  this  fit  of  passion  ;  the  tear  ceased  to  flow,  and 
passing  his  hand  over  his  moustache,^  he  made  a  courteous 
salutation  to  all,  entreating  their  forgiveness  for  this  omission  of 
respect ;  but  more  especially  expressing  his  gratitude  to  Salumbar, 
he  said,  "  Lead  on,  nor  shall  you  ever  have  to  regret  your 
late  sovereign."  Elevated  with  every  sentiment  of  generosity 
and  valour,  they  passed  on  to  Dawer,  where  they  encountered 
the  royal  army*  led  by  the  brother  of  the  Khankhanan,  as  it 
entered  the  pass,  and  which,  after  a  long  and  sanguinary  combat, 
they  entirely  defeated.* 

Defeat  of  the  Imperialists. — The  honours  of  the  day  are  chiefly 
attributed  to  the  brave  Kana,  uncle  to  the  Rana,  and  ancestor 
of  that  numerous  clan  called  after  him  Kanawats.  A  truce 
followed  this  battle,  but  it  was  of  short  duration  ;  for  another 
and  yet  more  murderous  conflict  took  place  in  the  spring  of  1666, 
in  the  pass  of  the  sacred  Ranpur  [35 J.],  where  the  imperial  army, 
under  its  leader  AbduUa,  was  almost  exterminated  ;  *  though 
with  the  loss  of  the  best  and  bravest  of  the  chiefs  of  Mewar, 

^  A  small  brass  ornament  placed  at  the  corners  of  the  carpet  to  keep  it 
steady. 

^  This  is  a  signal  both  of  defiance  and  self-gratulation. 

3  S.  1664,  A.D.  1608. 

«  Phalgun  7th,  S.  1666,  the  spring  of  A.D.  1610.  Ferishta  [Dow  iii.  37] 
misplaces  this  battle,  making  it  immediately  precede  the  invasion  under 
Khurram.  The  defeats  of  the  Mogul  forces  are  generally  styled  '  recalls  of 
the  commander.' 


JAHANGIR  establishes  SAGRA  as  ran  a        411 

whose  names,  however  harsh,  deserv^e  preservation.^  A  feverish 
exultation  was  the  fruit  of  this  victorj%  which  shed  a  hectic  flush 
of  glory  over  the  declining  days  of  Mewar,  when  the  crimson 
banner  once  more  floated  throughout  the  province  of  Godwar. 

Jahangir  establishes  Sagra  as  Rana. — Alarmed  at  these  suc- 
cessive defeats,  Jahangir,  preparatory  to  equipping  a  fresh  army 
against  Mewar,  determined  to  establish  a  new  Rana,  and  to  instal 
him  in  the  ancient  seat  of  power,  Chitor,  thus  hoping  to  withdraw 
from  the  standard  of  Amra  many  of  his  adherents.  The  experi- 
ment evinced  at  least  a  knowledge  of  their  prejudices  ;  but,  to 
the  honour  of  Rajput  fidelity,  it  failed.  Sagra,  who  abandoned 
Partap  and  went  over  to  Akbar,  was  selected ;  ^  the  sword  of  in- 
vestiture was  girded  on  him  by  the  emperor's  own  hands,  and 
under  the  escort  of  a  Mogul  force  he  went  to  reign  amidst  the 
ruins  of  Chitor.  Her  grandeur,  even  in  desolation,  is  beautifully 
depicted  at  this  very  period  by  the  chaplain  to  the  embassy  from 
P^lizabeth  to  Jahangir,  the  members  composing  which  visited 
the  capital  of  the  Sesodias  in  their  route  to  Ajmer.' 

For  seven  years  Sagra  had  a  spurious  homage  paid  to  him 
amidst  this  desolation,  the  ruined  pride  of  his  ancestors.     But 

^  Dudo,  Sangawat  of  Deogarh,  Narayandas,  Surajmall,  Askarn,  all 
Sesodias  of  the  first  rank  ;  Puran  Mall,  son  of  Bhan,  the  chief  of  the  Sak- 
tawats ;  Haridas  Rathor,  Bhopat  the  Jhala  of  Sadri,  Kahirdas  Kachhwaha, 
Keshodas  Ghauhan  of  Bedla,  Mukimddas  Rathor,  Jaimallot,  of  the  blood  of 
Jaimall. 

-  [When  Partap  was  attacked  by  Akbar,  Sakra,  as  he  is  called,  paid  his 
respects  at  court,  and  was  appointed  Commander  of  200  {Ain,  i.  519).] 

'  "  Chitor,  an  antient  great  kingdom,  the  chief  city  so  called,  which 
standeth  upon  a  mighty  hill  flat  on  the  top,  walled  about  at  the  least  ten 
Enghsh  miles.  There  appear  to  this  day  above  a  hundred  ruined  churches, 
and  divers  fair  palaces,  which  are  lodged  in  like  manner  among  the  ruins, 
besides  many  exquisite  pillars  of  carved  stone,  and  the  ruins  likewise  of  a 
hundred  thousand  stone  houses,  as  many  English  by  their  observation  have 
guessed.  There  is  but  one  ascent  unto  it,  cut  out  of  a  firm  rock,  to  which  a 
man  must  pass  through  four  (sometime  very  magnificent)  gates.  Its  chief 
inhabitants  at  this  day  are  Ziim  and  Ohim,  birds  and  wild  beasts  ;  but  the 
stately  ruins  thereof  give  a  shadow  of  its  beauty  ivhile  it  flourished  in  its  pride. 
It  was  won  from  Ramas,  an  ancient  Indian  prince,  who  was  forced  to  live 
himself  ever  after  on  high  mountainous  places  adjoining  to  that  province, 
and  his  posterity  to  hve  there  ever  since.  Taken  from  him  it  was  by  Achabar 
Padsha  (the  father  of  that  king  who  lived  and  reigned  when  I  was  in  these 
parts)  after  a  very  long  siege,  which  famished  the  besieged,  without  which 
it  could  never  have  been  gotten."  [E.  Terry,  A  Voyage  to  East-India,  \111, 
p.  77  f.] 


412  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

it  is  gratifying  to  record,  that  not  even  by  this  recreant  son  of 
Chitor  could  the  impressions  formed  in  contemplating  such  scenes 
be  resisted  ;  and  Sagra,  though  flinty  as  the  rock  to  a  brother  and 
nephew,  could  not  support  the  silent  admonition  of  the  altars  of 
the  heroes  who  had  fallen  in  her  defence.  The  triumphal  column 
raised  for  victory  over  a  combination  of  [355]  kings,  was  a  per- 
petual memento  of  his  infamy  ;  nor  could  he  pass  over  one 
finger's  breadth  of  her  ample  surface,  without  treading  on  some 
fragment  which  remmded  him  of  their  great  deeds  and  his  own 
unworthiness.  We  would  be  desirous  of  recording,  that  a  nobler 
remembrancer  than  '  coward  conscience,'  animated  the  brother  of 
Partap  to  an  act  of  redeeming  virtue  ;  but  when  the  annals  tell  us, 
that  "  the  terrific  Bhairon  (the  god  of  battle)  openly  manifested  his 
displeasure,"  it  is  decisive  that  it  was  not  less  the  wish  for  greatness, 
than  the  desire  to  be  "  without  the  illness  should  attend  it  "  ;  and 
sending  for  his  nephew,  he  restored  to  him  Chitor,  retiring  to  the 
isolated  Kandhar.^  Some  time  after,  upon  going  to  court,  and 
being  upbraided  by  Jahangir,  he  drew  his  dagger  and  slew  himself 
in  the  emperor's  presence  :  an  end  worthy  of  such  a  traitor.^ 

Conquests  of  Rana  Amar  Singh  I. — Amra  took  possession  of 
the  seat 'of  his  ancestors  ;  but  wanting  the  means  to  put  it  in 
defence,  the  acquisition  only  served  to  increase  the  temporary 
exultation.  The  evil  resulting  from  attaching  so  much  conse- 
quence to  a  capital  had  been  often  signally  manifested  ;  as  to 
harass  the  enemy  from  their  mountains,  and  thereby  render  his 
conquests  unavailing,  was  the  only  policy  which  could  afford 
the  chance  of  independence.  With  Chitor  the  Rana  acquired,  by 
surrender  or  assault,  possession  of  no  less  than  eighty  of  the  chief 
towns  and  foi'tresses  of  Mewar  :  amongst  them  Untala,  at  whose 
capture  occurred  the  patriotic  struggle  between  the  clans  of 
Chondawat  and  Saktawat  for  the  leading  of  the  vanguard,  else- 
where related.^     On  this  memorable  storm,  besides  the  leaders 

^  An  isolated  rock  in  the  plain  between  the  confluence  of  the  Parbati 
and  Chambal,  and  the  famous  Rauthambhor.  The  author  has  twice  passed 
it  in  his  travels  in  these  regions. 

"  It  was  one  of  his  sons  who  apostatized  from  his  faith,  who  is  well  known 
in  the  imperial  liistory  as  Mahabat  Khan,  beyond  doubt  the  most  daring 
chief  in  Jahangir's  reign  [see  p.  386,  above].  This  is  the  secret  of  his  bond 
of  luiion  with  prince  Khurram  (Shah  Jahan),  himseK  half  a  Rajput.  It  was 
with  his  Rajputs  Mahabat  did  that  daring  deed,  making  Jahangir  jirisoner 
in  his  own  camp,  in  the  zenith  of  his  power.  ^  Page  175,  above. 


i 


SAKTA  AND  THE  SAKTAWATS  413 

of  the  rival  bands,  five  of  the  infant  clan  Saktawat,  consisting 
but  of  sixteen  brave  brothers,  with  three  of  the  house  of  Salumbar, 
perished,  struggling  for  the  immortality  promised  by  the  bard. 
We  may  here  relate  the  rise  of  the  Saktawats,  with  which  is 
materially  connected  the  future  history  of  Mewar. 

Sakta  and  the  Saktawats. — Sakta  was  the  second  of  the  twenty- 
four  sons  of  Udai  Singh.  Wlien  only  five  years  of  age,  he  dis- 
covered that  fearless  temperament  which  marked'  his  manhood 
[356].  The  armourer  having  brought  a  new  dagger  to  try  its 
edge  by  the  usual  proof  on  thinly  spread  cotton,  the  child  asked 
the  Rana  "  if  it  was  not  intended  to  cut  bones  and  flesh,"  and 
seizing  it,  tried  it  on  his  own  litfle  hand.  The  blood  gushed  on 
the  carpet,  but  he  betrayed  no  symptom  of  pain  or  surprise. 
Whether  his  father  admitted  the  tacit  reproof  of  his  own  want 
of  nerve,  or  that  it  recalled  the  prediction  of  the  astrologers, 
who,  in  casting  Sakta's  horoscope,  had  announced  that  he  was 
to  be  "  the  bane  of  Mewar,"  he  was  incontinently  commanded 
to  be  put  to  death,  and  was  carried  off  for  this  purpose,  when 
saved  by  the  Salumbar  chief,  who  arrested  the  fiat,  sped  to  the 
Rana,  and  begged  his  life  as  a  boon,  promising,  having  no  heirs, 
to  educate  him  as  the  future  head  of  the  ChondaAvats.  The 
Salumbar  chief  had  children  in  his  old  age,  and  while  wavering 
between  his  own  issue  and  the  son  of  his  adoption,  the  young 
Sakta  was  sent  for  to  court  by  his  brother  Partap.  The  brothers 
for  a  considerable  time  lived  on  the  most  amicable  footing,  un- 
happily interrupted  by  a  dispute  while  hunting,  which  in  time 
engendered  mutual  dislike.  While  riding  in  the  ring,  Partap 
suddenly  proposed  to  decide  their  quarrel  by  single  combat, 
"  to  see  who  was  the  best  lancer."  Not  backward,  Sakta  replied, 
"  Do  you  begin  "  ;  and  some  little  time  was  lost  in  a  courteous 
struggle  for  the  first  spear,  when,  as  they  took  their  ground  and 
agreed  to  charge  together,  the  Purohit  ^  rushed  between  the 
combatants  and  implored  them  not  to  ruin  the  house.  His 
appeal,  however,  being  vain,  there  was  but  one  way  left  to  pre- 
vent the  imnatural  strife  :  the  priest  drew  his  dagger,  and  plung- 
ing it  in  his  breast,  fell  a  lifeless  corpse  between  the  combatants. 
Appalled  at  the  horrid  deed,  '  the  blood  of  the  priest  on  their 
head,'  they  desisted  from  their  infatuated  aim.  Partap,  waving  his 
hand,  commanded  Sakta  to  quit  his  dominions,  who  bowing  retired, 
^  Family  priest. 


414  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  carried  his  resentments  to  Akbar.  Partap  performed  with  the 
obsequies  of  this  faithful  servant  many  expiatory  rites,  and  made  an 
irrevocable  grant  of  Salera  to  his  son,  still  enjoyed  by  his  descend- 
ants, while  a  small  column  yet  identifies  the  spot  of  sacrifice  to 
fidelity.  From  that  hour  to  the  memorable  day  when  the  founder 
of  the  Saktawats  gained  the  birad  of  the  race  '  Khurasan  Multan 
ka  Aggal,'  on  the  occasion  of  his  saving  his  sovereign  flying  from 
the  field,  the  brothers  had  never  beheld  each  other's  face  [357]. 

Sakta  had  seventeen  sons,  all  of  whom,  excepting  the  heir 
of  Bhainsror,^  attended  his  obsequies.  On  return  from  this  rite 
they  found  the  gates  barred  against  them  by  Bhanji,  now  chief 
of  the  Saktawats,  who  told  them  "  there  were  too  many  mouths," 
and  that  they  must  push  their  fortunes  elsewhere  wlule  he  attended 
his  sovereign  with  the  quota  of  Bhainsror.  They  demanded  their 
horses  and  their  arms,  if  such  were  his  pleasure  ;  and  electing 
Achal  as  their  head  (whose  wife  was  then  pregnant),  they  took 
the  route  to  Idar,  which  had  recently  been  acquired  by  a  junior 
branch  of  the  Rathors  of  Marwar.^  They  had  reached  Palod 
when  the  pangs  of  childbirth  seized  the  wife  of  Achal  ;  and  being 
rudely  repulsed  by  the  Sonigira  vassal  of  Palod,  who  refused  her 
shelter  at  such  a  moment,  they  sought  refuge  amidst  the  ruins 
of  a  temple.^  It  was  the  shrine  of  Mata  Janavi,  '  the  mother  of 
births,'  the  Juno  Lucina  of  the  Rajputs.  In  a  corner  of  the 
sanctviary  they  placed  the  mother  of  a  future  race  ;  but  the  rain, 
which  fell  in  torrents,  visibly  affected  the  ruin.  A  beam  of 
stone  gave  way,  which  but  for  Bala  would  have  crushed  her  : 
he  supported  the  sinking  roof  on  his  head  till  the  brothers  cut 
down  a  babul  tree,  with  which  they  propped  it  and  relieved  him. 
In  this  retreat  Asa  (Hope)  was  born,  who  became  the  parent  of 
an  extensive  branch  known  as  the  Achalis  Saktawats. 

The  '  Great  Mother  '  was  propitious.  The  parent  of  '  Hope  ' 
was  soon  enabled  to  resume  her  journey  for  Idar,  whose  chief 
received   them  with   open   arms,   and   assigned  lands   for   their 

1  I  have  visited  the  cenotaphs  of  Sakta  and  his  successors  at  the  almost 
insulated  Bhainsror  on  the  Chanibal.  The  castle  is  on  a  rock  at  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  blatk  Bamani  and  the  Chambal. 

'^  [idar  was  not  occupied  by  the  Rathors  till  1728  {IGI,  xiii.  325).] 
^  Probably  the  identical  temple  to  the  Mother,  in  which  I  found  a  valu- 
able inscription  of  Kumarpal  of  Anhilwara  Patau,  dated  S.  1207.     Palod 
is  in  the  district  of  Nimbahera,  now  alienated  from  Mewar,  and  under  that 
upstart  Pathan,  Amir  Khan. 


SAKTA  AND  THE  SAKTAWATS  415 

support.  Here  they  had  been  some  time  when  the  Rana's  prime 
minister  passed  through  Idar  from  a  pilgrimage  to  Satrunjaya.^ 
A  violent  storm  would  have  thrown  down  the  tent  in  which  was 
his  wife,  but  for  the  exertion  of  some  of  the  brothers  ;  and  the 
minister,  on  learning  that  it  was  to  the  near  kin  of  his  sovereign 
he  was  indebted  for  this  kindness,  Invited  them  to  Udaipur, 
taking  upon  him  to  provide  for  them  with  their  own  proper  head, 
which  they  declined  without  a  special  invitation.  This  was  not 
long  wanting  ;  for  Amra  [358]  was  then  collecting  the  strength 
of  his  hills  against  the  king,  and  the  services  of  the  band  of 
brothers,  his  kinsmen,  were  peculiarly  acceptable.  The  first  act 
of  duty,  though  humble,  is  properly  recorded,  as  ennobled  by  the 
sentiment  which  inspired  it,  and  the  pictured  scene  is  yet  pre- 
served of  Bala  and  Jodha  collecting  logs  of  wood  for  a  night  fire 
in  the  mountain  bivouac  for  their  kinsman  and  sovereign.  In 
the  more  brilliant  exploit  which  followed  Bala  took  the  lead, 
and  though  the  lord  of  Bhainsror  was  in  camp,  it  was  Bala  who 
obtained  the  leading  of  the  vanguard  :  the  commencement  of 
that  rivalry  of  clanship  from  whence  have  resulted  some  of  the 
most  daring,  and  many  of  the  most  merciless  deeds  in  the  history 
of  Mewar.  The  right  to  lead  in  battle  belonged  to  the  Chonda- 
wats,  and  the  first  intimation  the  chieftain  had  of  his  prince's 
inconsiderate  insult  was  from  the  bard  incessantly  repeating  the 
'  birad  '  of  the  clan,  until  '  the  portal  of  the  ten  thousand  '  of 
Mewar  deemed  him  mad.  "  Not  so,"  replied  he ;  "  but  it  is,  perhaps, 
the  last  time  your  ears  may  be  gratified  with  the  watchword  of 
Chonda,  which  may  to-morrow  be  given  as  well  as  the  Harawal  to  the 
Saktawats."  An  explanation  followed,  and  the  assault  of  Untala 
ensued,  which  preserved  the  rights  of  the  Chondawats,  though  nobly 
contested  by  their  rivals.  The  vassal  of  Bakrol  carried  the  tidings 
of  the  successful  assault  to  the  Rana,  who  arrived  in  time  to  re- 
ceive the  last  obeisance  of  Bala,  whose  parting  words  to  his  prince 
were  seized  on  by  the  bard  and  added  to  the  birad  of  the  clan  : 
and  although,  in  sloth  and  opium,  they  now  "  lose  and  neglect  the 
creeping  hours  of  time,"  yet  whenever  a  Saktawat  chief  enters 
the  court  of  his  sovereign,  or  takes  his  seat  amongst  his  brother 
chiefs,  the  bards  still  salute  him  with  the  dying  words  of  Bala  : 

^  One  of  the  five  sacred  mounts  of  the  Jains,  of  whose  faith  was  the 
minister.  Of  these  I  shall  speak  at  length  in  the  Personal  Narrative.  [IGI, 
xix.  316  ff.] 


416  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

"  Dilua  ddtdr. 
Chauguna  junjhdr, 
Khurdsdn  Multdn  ka  dggdl."  ^ 

Then  passing  the  hand  over  his  moustache,  for  a  moment  the 
escalade  of  Untala  flits  before  liis  vision,  where  Bala,  Achalis, 
Jodha,  Dilla,  and  Chatiu-bhan,  five  of  the  seventeen  sons  of  Sakta, 
fell  for  the  maintenance  of  the  post  of  honour  [359].  Bhanji 
soon  after  performed  a  service  which  obtained  him  the  entire 
favour  of  his  prince,  vt^ho,  returning  from  Ratlam,  was  insulted 
by  the  Rathors  of  Bhindar,  which  was  punished  by  the  Saktawat, 
who  took  the  town  by  assault,  expelling  the  aggressors.  Anara 
added  it  to  his  fief  of  Bhainsror,  and  since  the  latter  was  bestowed 
on  the  rival  clan,  Bliindar  has  continued  the  chief  residence  of 
the  leader  of  the  Saktawats.     Ten  chiefs  ^  have  followed  in  regular 

^  '  Double  gifts,  fourfold  sacrifice.'  Meaning,  with  increase  of  their 
prince's  favour  the  sacrifice  of  their  hves  would  progress  ;  and  which,  for 
the  sake  of  euphony  probably,  preceded  the  birad  won  by  the  founder, 
'  the  barrier  to  Khurasan  and  Multan.\ 

The  Birad  of  the  Chondawats  is  :  Das  sahas  Mewar  lea  bar  Kewdr,  '  the 
portal  of  the  ten  thousand  [towns]  of  Mewar.'  It  is  related  that  Sakta, 
jealous  of  so  sweeping  a  birad,  complained  that  nothing  was  left  for  him  : 
when  the  master  bard  reph'ed,  he  was  Kewdr  ka  aggal,  the  bar  which  secures 
the  door  {Kewdr). 

2  Sakta. — 17  sons. 

Bhanji. 


Dayal.        Ber.        Man.       Gokuldas.     Puran  Mall. 

Sabal  Singh. 

I 
Mokham  Singh. 

I 
Amar  Singh. 

Prithi  Singh. 

Jeth  Singh. 

Ummed  Singh. 

I 
Kushal  Singh. 

Zorawar, 
[to  whom  succeeded  in  order  Hamir  Singh,  Madan  Singh,  Kesari  Singh, 
and  Madho  Singh,  the  present  Maharaja,  who  succeeded  in  1900  (Erskine 
ii.  A.  99).] 


RENEWED  ATTACK  BY  JAHANGIR  41T 

succession,  whose  issue  spread  over  Mewar,  so  that  in  a  few  genera- 
tions after  Sakta,  their  prince  could  muster  the  swords  of  ten 
thousand  Saktawats  ;  but  internal  feuds  and  interminable 
spoliation  have  checked  the  progress  of  population,  and  it  might 
be  difficult  now  to  assemble  half  that  number  of  the  '  children 
of  Sakta  '  fit  to  bear  arms. 

Renewed  Attack  by  Jahangir.  Battle  of  Khamnor. — To 
return.  These  defeats  alarmed  Jahangir,  who  determined  to 
equip  an  overwhelming  force  to  crush  the  Rana.  To  this  end  he 
raised  the  imperial  standard  at  Ajmer,  and  assembled  the  expedi- 
tion under  his  immediate  inspection,  of  which  he  appointed  his 
son  Parvez  commander,  with  instructions  on  departure  "  that  if 
the  Rana  or  his  elder  son  Karan  should  repair  to  him,  to  receive 
them  with  becoming  attention,  and  to  offer  no  molestation  to 
the  country."  ^  But  the  Sesodia  prince  little  thought  of  sub- 
mission :  on  the  contrary,  flushed  with  success,  he  gave  the 
royal  army  the  meeting  at  a  spot  oft  moistened  with  blood,  the 
pass  of  Khamnor,^  leading  into  the  heart  of  the  hills.  The 
imperial  army  was  disgracefully  beaten,  and  fled,  pursued  with 
great  havoc,  towards  Ajmer.  The  Mogul  historian  admits  it 
to  have  been  a  glorious  day  for  Mewar.  He  describes  Parvez 
entangled  in  the  passes,  dissensions  in  his  camp,  his  supplies  cut 
off,  and  under  all  [360]  these  disadvantages  attacked  ;  his  pre- 
cipitate flight  and  pursuit,  in  which  the  royal  army  lost  vast 
numbers  of  men.^    But  Jahangir  in  his  diary  slurs  it  over,  and 

^  A.D.  1611. 

^  Translated  '  Brampoor  '  in  Dow's  Ferishta,  and  transferred  to  the 
Deccan  ;  and  the  pass  {bdla-ghat)  rendered  the  Balaghat  mountains  of  the 
south.  There  are  numerous  similar  errors.  [The  Author  seems  to  be  mis- 
taken. Dow  (iii.  39)  speaks  of  "  Brampour,  the  capital  of  the  Rana's 
dominions."  Khamnor  is  in  W.  Mewar,  a  httle  distance  south  of  Nath- 
dwara.] 

^  The  details  of  battles,  unless  accompanied  by  exploits  of  individuals, 
are  very  uninteresting.  Under  this  impression,  I  have  suppressed  whatever 
could  impair  the  current  of  action  by  amphfication,  otherwise  not  only  the 
Rajput  bard,  but  the  contemporary  Mogul  historian,  would  have  afforded 
abundant  matter  ;  but  I  have  deemed  both  worthy  of  neglect  in  such  cases. 
Ferishta's  history  is  throughout  most  faulty  in  its  geograpliical  details, 
rendered  still  more  obscure  from  the  erroneous  orthography,  often  arising 
from  mistaken  punctuation  of  the  only  translation  of  this  valuable  work  yet 
before  the  public.  There  is  one  gentleman  (Lieut. -Col.  Briggs)  well  quali- 
fied to  remedy  these  defects,  and  who,  with  a  laudable  industry,  has  made 
VOL.  I  2  E 


418  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

simply  remarks  :  "  Fearing  that  Khusrau's  affair  might  be  pro- 
longed, I  ordered  my  son  Parwiz  to  leave  some  of  the  Sardars 
to  look  after  the  Rana,  and  to  come  to  Agra  with  Asaf  Khan  and 
a  body  of  those  nearly  connected  with  him  in  the  service."  ^ 

This  son,  tutored  by  the  great  Mahabat  Khan,  fared  no  better 
than  Parvez  ;  he  was  routed  and  slain.  But  the  Hydra  was 
indestructible  ;  for  every  victory,  while  it  cost  the  best  blood  of 
Mewar,  only  multiplied  the  number  of  her  foes.  Seventeen 
pitched  battles  had  the  illustrious  Rajput  fought  since  the  death 
of  his  father  :  but  the  loss  of  his  experienced  veterans  withered 
the  laurels  of  victory,  nor  had  he  sufficient  repose  either  to 
husband  his  resources  or  to  rear  his  young  heroes  to  replace 
them.  Another  and  yet  more  mighty  army  was  assembled 
under  Prince  Kliurram,  the  ablest  of  the  sons  of  Jahangir,  and 
better  known  in  history  as  Shah  Jahan,  when  emperor  of  the 
Moguls. 

Again  did  the  Rana  with  his  son  Karan  collect  the  might  of 
their  hills  ;  but  a  handful  of  warriors  was  all  their  muster  to  meet 
the  host  of  Delhi,  and  the  '  crimson  banner,'  which  for  more  than 
eight  hundred  years  had  waved  in  proud  independence  over  the 
heads  of  the  Guhilots,  was  now  to  be  abased  to  the  son  of  Jahangir. 
The  Emperor's  own  pen  shall  narrate  the  termination  of  this 
strife. 

"  My  chief  object,  after  my  visit  to  the  Khwaja  [the  tomb  of 
Mu'inu-d-dln  Chishti,  the  saint  of  Ajmer]  was  to  put  a  stop  to 
the  affair  of  the  rebel  Rana.  On  this  account  I  determined  to 
remain  myself  at  Ajmlr  and  send  on  Baba  Khurram,  my  fortunate 
son.  This  idea  was  a  very  good  one,  and  on  this  account,  on 
the  6th  of  Day  [tenth  month  of  the  solar  year]  at  the  hour  fixed 
on,  I  dispatched  him  in  happiness  and  triumph.  I  presented 
him  with  a  qaba  (outer  coat)  of  gold  brocade  with  jewelled  flowers 
and  pearls  round  the  flowers,  a  brocaded  turban  with  strings  of 
pearls,  a  gold  woven  sash  with  chains  of  pearls,  one  of  my  private 
elephants  called  Fath  Gaj,  with  trappings,  a  splendid  horse,  a 

an  entire  translation  of  the  works  of  Ferishta,  besides  collating  the  best  MSS. 
of  the  original  text.  It  is  to  be  hoped  he  wiU  present  his  performance  to  the 
public.  [This  appeared  in  four  volumes,  1829;  reprinted,  Calcutta,  1908.] 
^  [Memoirs  of  Jalmnglr,  trans.  Rogers-Beveridge,  p.  70.  The  incorrect 
versions  of  this  and  other  passages  in  the  text  have  been  replaced  from  the 
recent  translation  and  that  in  EUiot-Dowson.] 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  RANA  BY  PRINCE  KHURRAM  419 

jewelled  sword,  with  a  phul  katdra  (dagger).  In  addition  to  the 
men  first  appomted  to  this  duty  under  the  leadership  of  Khan 
A'zam,  I  sent  12,000  more  horse  with  my  son,  and  honoured  their 
khil'at  (wearing  robes  of  honour)  leaders."  ^ 

On  14th  Isfandarmuz  [twelfth  month  of  the  solar  year]  "  a 
representation  came  from  my  son  Baba  Khurram  that  the  elephant 
'Alam  Guman  ['  arrogant  of  the  earth  '],  of  which  the  Rana  was 
very  fond,  together  with  seventeen  'Alamguman  other  elephants, 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious  army."  ^  Jahangir 
rode  this  elephant  on  the  second  day  of  the  New  Year,  which  began 
on  21st  March  1614.' 

"  In  the  month  of  Bahman  [eleventh  solar  month]  there  came 
pieces  of  good  news,  one  after  the  other.  The  first  was  that  the 
Rana  Amar  Singh  had  elected  for  obedience  and  service  to  the 
Court.  The  circumstances  of  this  affair  are  these.  Sultan 
KhuiTam,  by  dint  of  placing  a  great  inany  posts,  especially  in 
some  places  where  most  people  said  it  was  impossible  to  place 
them  on  account  of  the  badness  of  the  air  and  water  and  the  wild 
nature  of  the  localities,  and  by  dmt  of  moving  the  royal  forces 
one  after  another  in  pursuit,  without  regard  to  the  heat  or  ex- 
cessive rain,  and  making  prisoners  of  the  inhabitants  of  that 
region,  brought  matters  with  the  Rana  to  such  a  pass  that  it 
became  clear  to  him  that  if  this  should  happen  to  him  again  he 
must  either  fly  the  country  or  be  made  prisoner.  Being  without 
remedy,  he  chose  obedience  and  loyalty,  and  sent  to  my  fortunate 
son  his  maternal  uncle  Subhkaran,  with  Haridas  Jhala,  who  was 
one  of  the  two  men  in  his  confidence,  and  petitioned  that  if  that 
fortunate  son  would  ask  forgiveness  for  his  offences  and  tran- 
quillize his  mind,  and  obtain  for  him  the  auspicious  sign-manual 
(panja,*  the  mark  of  the  Emperor's  five  fingers),  he  would  himself 

1  [Memoirs,  256.]  2  [-/^j^  259.]  '  [Ibid.  2G0.] 

*  The  giving  the  hand  amongst  all  nations  has  been  considered  as  a  pledge 
for  the  iDerformance  or  ratification  of  some  act  of  importance,  and  the 
custom  amongst  the  Scythic  or  Tatar  nations,  of  transmitting  its  impress  as 
a  substitute,  is  here  practically  described.  I  have  seen  the  identical  Farman 
in  the  Rana's  archives.  The  hand  being  immersed  in  a  compost  of  sandal- 
wood, is  appUed  to  the  paper,  and  the  palm  and  five  fingers  (panja)  are  yet 
distinct.  In  a  masterly  dehneation  of  Oriental  manners  {Camels  Letters 
from  the  East)  is  given  an  anecdote  of  Muhammad,  who,  unable  to  sign  his 
name  to  a  convention,  dipped  liis  hand  in  ink,  and  made  an  impression 
therewitli.  It  is  evident  the  Prophet  of  Islam  only  followed  an  ancient 
solemnity,  of  the  same  import  as  that  practised  by  Jahangir. 


420  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

wait  on  my  son,  and  would  send  his  son  and  successor,  Karan 
Singh,  or  he,  after  the  manner  of  other  Rajas,  would  be  enrolled 
among  the  servants  of  the  Court  and  do  service.  He  also  begged 
that  he  himself  might  be  excused  from  coming  to  Court  on  account 
of  his  old  age.  Accordingly,  my  son  sent  them  in  company  with 
his  own  Dlwan,  Mulla  Shukru-llah,  whom  after  the  conchision  of 
this  business  I  dignified  with  the  title  of  Afzal  Khan,  and  Sundar 
Das,  his  major-domo,  who,  after  the  matter  was  settled,  was 
honoured  with  the  title  of  Ray  Rayan,  to  the  exalted  Court,  and 
represented  the  circumstances.  My  lofty  mind  was  always 
desirous,  as  far  as  possible,  not  to  destroy  the  old  families.  The 
real  point  was  that  as  Rana  Amar  Singh  and  his  fathers,  proud 
in  the  strength  of  the  hilly  country  and  their  abodes,  had  never 
seen  or  obeyed  any  of  the  kings  of  Hindustan,  this  should  be 
brought  about  in  my  reign.  At  the  request  of  my  son,  I  forgave 
the  Rana's  offences,  and  gave  a  gracious  farman  that  should 
satisfy  him,  and  impressed  on  it  the  mark  of  my  auspicious  i^alm. 
I  also  wrote  a  farman  of  kindness  to  my  son  that  if  he  could 
arrange  to  settle  the  matter  I  should  be  much  pleased.  My  son 
also  sent  them  [perhaps  the  uncle  and  Haridas,  or  the  farmans] 
with  Mulla  Shukru-llah  and  Sundar  Das  to  the  Rana  to  console 
him  and  make  him  hopeful  of  the  royal  favour.  They  gave  him 
the  gracious  farman  with  the  sign-manual  of  the  auspicioiis  hand, 
and  it  was  settled  that  on  Sunday,  the  26th  of  the  month  Bahman, 
he  and  his  sons  should  come  and  pay  their  respects  to  my 
son."  ^ 

"  In  the  end  of  this  month,  when  I  was  employed  in  hunting 
in  the  environs  of  Ajmlr,  Muhammad  Beg,  an  attendant  on  my 
fortunate  son  Sultan  Khurram,  came  and  brought  a  report  from 
that  son,  and  stated  that  the  Rana  had  come  with  his  sons  and 
paid  his  respects  to  the  prince  :  the  details  would  be  made  known 
by  the  report.  I  immediately  turned  the  face  of  supplication 
to  the  Divine  Court,  and  prostrated  myself  in  thanksgiving.  I 
presented  a  horse,  an  elephant,  and  a  jewelled  dagger  to  the 
aforesaid  Muhammad  Khan,  and  honoured  him  with  the  title  of 
Zu-1-faqar  Khan  ['  Lord  of  the  sword  ']."2 

"  From  the  report  it  appeared  that  on  Sunday  the  26tli  Bah- 
man, the  Rana  paid  his  respects  to  my  fortunate  son  with  the 
politeness  and  ritual  that  servants  pay  their  respects,  and  pro- 
1  [3Iemoirs,  272  £f.]  ^  ^jiji^_  275.] 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  RANA  BY  PRINCE  KHURRAM  421 

duced  as  offerings  a  famous  large  ruby  that  was  in  his  house, 
with  some  decorated  articles  and  seven  elephants,  some  of  them 
fit  for  the  private  stud,  and  which  had  not  fallen  into  our  hands, 
and  were  the  only  ones  left  him,  and  nine  horses.  My  son  also 
behaved  to  him  with  perfect  kindness.  When  the  Rana  clasped 
his  feet  and  asked  forgiveness  for  his  faults,  he  took  his  hand 
and  placed  it  on  his  breast,  and  consoled  him  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  comfort  him.  He  presented  him  with  a  superb  dress  of 
honour,  a  jewelled  sword,  a  horse  with  a  jewelled  saddle,  and  a 
private  elephant  with  silver  housings,  and  as  there  were  not  more 
than  100  men  with  him  who  were  worthy  of  complete  robes  of 
honour,  he  gave  100  sarupd  [dresses]  and  50  horses  and  12  jewelled 
khapivd  [daggers].  As  it  is  the  custom  of  the  Zamlndars  ^  that 
the  son  who  is  the  heir-apparent  should  not  go  with  his  father 
to  pay  his  respects  to  a  king  or  prince,-  the  Rana  observed  tliis 
custom,  and  did  not  bring  with  him  Karan,  the  son  who  had 
received  the  tlkd  [forehead  mark  of  inauguration].  As  the  hour 
(fixed  by  astrology)  of  his  departure  of  that  son  of  lofty  fortune 
from  that  place  was  the  end  of  that  same  day,  he  gave  him  leave, 
so  that,  having  himself  gone,  he  might  send  Karan  to  pay  his 
respects.  To  hun  also  he  gave  a  superb  dress  of  honour,  a  jewelled 
sword  and  dagger,  a  horse  with  a  gold  saddle,  and  a  special  ele- 
phant, and  on  the  same  day,  taking  Karan  in  attendance,  he 
proceeded  towards  the  illustrious  Court."  * 

"  In  my  mterview  with  Sultan  Khurram  on  his  arrival  at  Ajmer,* 
he  represented  that  if  it  was  my  pleasure  he  would  present  the 
prince  Karan,  whom  I  accordingly  desired  him  to  bring.  He 
arrived,  paid  his  respects,  and  his  rank  was  commanded  to  be,  at 
the  request  of  my  son,  immediately  on  my  right  hand,  and  I  rewarded 
him  with  suitable  khilats.  As  Karan,  owing  to  the  rude  life  he 
had  led  in  his  native  hills,  was  extremely  shy,  and  unused  to  the 
pageantry  and  experience  of  a  court,  in  order  to  reconcile  and 
give  him  confidence  I  daily  gave  him  some  testimonies  of  my 

^  [The  Rana  is  purposely  treated  as  a  mere  landowner  under  the  State.] 

*  This  was  to  avoid  treachery.  I  have  often  had  the  honour  to  receive 
the  descendant  princes,  father  and  son,  '  of  these  illustrious  ones '  together 
(note  by  the  Author). 

3  [Memoirs,  275  f.] 

*  [The  remaining  part  of  the  narrative  is  fairly  correct,  and  has  been 
allowed  to  stand,  with  necessary  corrections  in  transHteration  of  proper 
names.] 


422  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

regard  and  protection,  and  in  the  second  day  of  his  service  I  gave 
him  a  jewelled  dagger,  and  on  the  third  a  choice  steed  of  Irak 
with  rich  caparisons  ;  and  on  the  same  day,  I  took  him  with  me 
to  the  queen's  court,  when  the  queen,  Nur  Jahan,  made  him 
si^lendid  kliilats,  elephant  and  horse  caparisoned,  sword,  etc. 
The  same  day  I  gave  him  a  rich  necklace  of  pearls,  another  day 
an  elephant,  and  it  was  my  wish  to  give  him  rarities  and  choice 
things  of  every  kind.  I  gave  him  three  royal  hawks  and  three 
gentle  falcons  trained  to  the  hand,^  a  coat  of  mail,  chain  and  plate 
armour,  and  two  rings  of  value  ;  and,  on  the  last  day  of  the 
month,  carpets,  state  cushions,  perfumes,  vessels  of  gold,  and  a 
pair  of  the  bullocks  of  Gujarat.^ 

"  10th  year.'  At  this  time  I  gave  prince  Karan  leave  to  return 
to  his  jagir  ;  *  when  I  bestowed  on  him  an  elephant,  horse,  and 
a  pearl  necklace  valued  at  50,000  rupees  (£5000)  ;  and  from  the 
day  of  his  repairing  to  my  court  to  that  of  his  departure,  the 
value  of  the  various  gifts  I  presented  him  exceeded  ten  laklis  of 
rupees  (£125,000),  exclusive  of  one  hundred  and  ten  horses,  five 
elephants,  or  what  my  son  lOiurram  gave  him.  I  sent  Mubarik 
Khan  along  with  [364]  him,  by  whom  I  sent  an  elephant,  horse, 
etc.,  and  various  confidential  messages  to  the  Rana. 

"  On  the  8th  Safar  ^  of  the  10th  year  of  the  h.  1024  Karan 
was  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  a  Mansabdar  *  of  five  thousand, 
when  I  presented  him  with  a  bracelet  of  pearls,  in  which  was  a 
ruby  of  great  price. 

"  24th  Muharram,'  10th  year  (a.d.  1615),  Jagat  Sing,  son  of 
Karan,  aged  twelve  years,  arrived  at  court  and  paid  his  respects, 
and  presented  the  arzis  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  Rana 
Amra  Singh.      His   countenance   carried   the   impression    of  his 

^  Baz  and  Tura. 

2  [On  the  famous  oxen  of  Gujarat  see  Forbes,  Rasmala,  540;    Watt, 
Comm.  Prod.  733  ff.] 
'  Of  his  reign. 

*  Such  was  now  the  degraded  title  of  the  ancient,  independent  sovereign 
Mewar.  Happy  Partap,  whose  ashes  being  mingled  with  his  parent  earth, 
was  spared  his  country's  humiliation  ! 

*  [The  second  mouth  of  the  Musalman  calendar.] 

®  With  this  the  annals  state  the  restoration  of  many  districts  :  the 
Kherar,  Phulia,  Badnor,  Mandalgarh,  Jiran,  Nimach,  and  Bhainsror,  with 
supremacy  over  DeoMa,  and  Dungarpur. 

'  [The  first  month  of  the  Muhammadan  year.] 


LETTER  OF  JAHANGIR  TO  JAMES  I.  423 

illustrious  extraction,^  and  I  delighted  his  heart  with  presents  and 
kindness. 

^  It  must  have  been  this  grandson  of  Amra  of  whom  Six  Thomas  Roe 
thus  writes  :  "  The  right  issue  of  Porus  is  here  a  king  m  the  midst  of  the 
Mogul's  dominions,  never  subdued  till  last  year ;  and,  to  say  the  truth, 
he  is  rather  bought  than  conquered  :  won  to  own  a  superior  by  gifts  and  laot 
by  arms.  The  pillar  erected  by  Alexander  is  yet  standing  at  Delhi,  the 
ancient  seat  of  Rama,  the  successor  of  Porus  "  {Extract  of  a  letter  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  dated  at  Ajmere,  January  29,  1615). 

Copy  of  a  letter  written  by  the  great  Mogul  unto  King  James,  in  the 
Persian  tongue,  here  faithfully  translated,  which  was  as  follows  : 

"  Unto  a  king  rightly  descended  from  his  ancestors,  bred  in  mihtary 
affairs,  clothed  with  honour  and  justice,  a  commander  worthy  of  all  com- 
mand, strong  and  constant  in  the  rehgion  which  the  great  prophet  Christ 
did  teach.  King  James,  whose  love  hath  bred  such  an  impression  in  my 
thoughts  as  shall  never  be  forgotten  ;  but  as  the  smell  of  amber,  or  as  a 
garden  of  fragrant  flowers,  whose  beauty  and  odour  is  still  increasing,  so, 
be  assured,  my  love  shall  still  grow  and  increase  with  yours. 

"  The  letters  which  you  sent  me  in  the  behalf  of  your  merchants  I  have 
received,  whereby  I  rest  satisfied  of  your  tender  love  towards  me,  desiring 
you  not  to  take  it  iU,  that  I  have  not  wrote  to  you  heretofore  :  this  present 
letter  I  send  to  you  to  renew  our  loves,  and  herewith  do  certifie  you,  that  I 
have  sent  forth  my  firmaunes  throughout  all  my  countries  to  this  effect, 
that  if  any  Enghsh  ships  or  merchants  shall  arrive  in  any  of  my  ports,  my 
people  shall  permit  and  suffer  them  to  do  what  they  please,  freely  in  their 
merchandising  causes,  aiding  and  assisting  them  in  all  occasion  of  injuries 
that  shall  be  offered  them,  that  the  least  cause  of  discourtesie  be  not  done 
unto  them  ;   that  they  may  be  as  free,  or  freer  than  my  own  people. 

"  And  as  now,  and  formerly,  I  have  received  from  you  divers  tokens  of 
your  love ;  so  I  shall  still  desire  your  mmdfulness  of  me  by  some  novelties 
from  your  countries,  as  an  argument  of  friendship  betwixt  us,  for  such  is  the 
custom  of  princes  here. 

"  And  for  your  merchants,  I  have  given  express  order  through  all  my 
dominions,  to  suffer  them  to  buy,  sell,  transport,  and  carry  away  at  their 
pleasure,  without  the  lett  or  hinderance  of  any  person  whatsoever,  all  such 
goods  and  merchandises  as  they  shall  desire  to  buy ;  and  let  this  my  letter  as 
fully  satisfie  you  in  desired  peace  and  love,  as  if  my  own  son  had  been 
messenger  to  ratifie  the  same. 

"  And  if  any  in  my  countries,  not  fearing  God,  nor  obeying  their  king, 
or  any  other  void  of  rehgion,  should  endeavour  to  be  an  instrument  to  break 
tliis  league  of  friendship,  I  would  send  my  son  Sultan  Caroom,  a  souldier 
approved  in  the  wars,  to  cut  him  off,  that  no  obstacle  may  hinder  the  con- 
tinuance and  increase  of  our  affections. 

"  When  your  majesty  shall  open  this  letter,  let  your  royal  heart  be  as 
fresh  as  a  small  garden,  let  all  people  make  reverence  at  your  gate.  Let 
your  throne  be  advanced  higher.  Amongst  the  greatness  of  the  kings  of 
the  prophet  Jesus,  let  your  majesty  be  the  greatest ;  and  all  monarchs 
derive  their  wisdom  and  counsel  from  your  breast,  as  from  a  fountain,  that 


424  ANNAI.S  OF  MEWAR 

"  On  the  10th  Shaban,^  Jagat  Singh  had  permission  to  return 
to  his  house.  At  his  departure  I  presented  him  with  20,000 
rupees,  a  horse,  elephant,  and  khilats  [365]  ;  and  to  Haridas 
Jhala,  preceptor  of  Prince  Karan,  5000  rupees,  a  horse,  and 
khilat  ;  and  I  sent  by  him  six  golden  images  ^  to  the  Rana. 

"  28th  Rabiu-1-Akhir,^  11th  year.  The  statues  of  the  Rana  and 
Karan,  sculptured  in  zvhite  marble,  I  desired  should  have  inscribed 
the  date  in  which  they  were  jjrejyared  and  presented,  and  commanded 
they  should  be  placed  in  the  gardens  at  Agra.'*^ 

"  In  the  11th  year  of  my  reign  an  arzi  from  Itimad  Khan 
acquainted  me  that  Sultan  Khurram  had  entered  the  Rana's 
country,  and  that  prince  and  his  son  had  both  exchanged  visits 
with  my  son  ;  and  that  from  the  tribute,  consisting  of  seven 
elephants,  twenty-seven  saddle  horses,  trays  of  jewels,  and 
ornaments  of  gold,  my  son  took  three  horses  and  returned  all  the 
rest,  and  engaged  that  Prince  Karan  and  fifteen  hundred  Rajput 
horse  should  remain  with  him  in  the  wars. 

"  In  the  13th  year  Prince  Karan  repaired  to  my  court,  then  at 
Sindla,  to  congratulate  me  on  my  victories  and  conquest  of  the 
Deccan,  and  presented  100  mohars,^  1000  rupees,  nazarana,  and 
effects  in  gold  and  jewels  to  the  amount  of  21,000  rupees,  hardy 


the  law  of  the  majesty  of  Jesus  may  receive,  and  flourish  under  your  pro- 
tection. 

"  The  letters  of  love  and  friendship  which  you  sent  me,  the  present 
tokens  of  your  good  affection  towards  me,  I  have  received  by  the  hands  of 
your  ambassadour,  Sir  Thomas  Row,  who  weU  deserveth  to  be  j^our  trusty 
servant,  dehvered  to  me  in  an  acceptable  and  happy  hour ;  upon  which 
mine  eyes  were  so  fixed,  that  I  could  not  easily  remove  them  unto  any  other 
objects,  and  have  accepted  them  with  great  joy  and  dehght,  etc." 

The  last  letter  had  this  beginning  :  "  How  gracious  is  your  majesty, 
whose  greatness  God  preserve.  As  upon  a  rose  in  a  garden,  so  are  mine 
eyes  fixed  upon  you.  God  maintain  your  estate,  that  your  monarchy  may 
prosper  and  be  augmented  ;  and  that  you  may  obtain  all  your  desires 
worthy  the  greatness  of  your  renown  ;  and  as  the  heart  is  noble  and  upright, 
so  let  God  give  you  a  glorious  reign,  because  you  strongly  defend  the  law  of 
the  majesty  of  Jesus,  which  God  made  yet  more  flourishing,  for  that  it  was 
confirmed  by  miracles,  etc."  {Delia  Valle,  p.  473). 

'    [Sha'ban,  the  eighth  month.] 

^  There  are  frequent  mention  of  such  images  (puilis),  but  I  know  not 
which  they  are.     [The  word  in  the  original  is  SJioshpari,  '  golden  maces.'] 

3  [The  fourth  month.] 

*  [On  these  statues  see  Smith,  HFA,  42G  ff.] 

^  Golden  suns,  value  £1  :  12s. 


TREATMENT  OF  THE  RANA  BY  JAHANGIR   425 

elephants  and  horses  ;  the  last  I  returned,  but  kept  the  rest,  and 
next  daj'  presented  him  a  dress  of  honour  ;  and  from  Fatehpur 
gave  him  his  leave,  with  elephant,  horse,  sword,  and  dagger,  and 
a  horse  for  his  father. 

"  14th  year  of  my  reign.  On  the  17th  Rabiu-1-awwal,^  1029  h., 
I  received  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Rana  Amra  Singh.^  To 
Jagat  Singh,  his  grandson,  and  Bhim  Singh,  his  son,  in  attendance, 
I  gave  khilats,  and  dispatched  Raja  Kishordas  *  with  the  farman 
conferring  benefits  and  with  the  dignity  of  Rana,  the  khilat  of 
investiture,  choice  horses,  and  a  letter  of  condolence  suitable 
to  the  occasion  to  Prince  Karan.  7th  Shawwal.*  Biharidas 
Brahman  I  dispatched  with  a  [366]  farman  to  Rana  Karan, 
desiring  that  his  son  with  his  contingent  should  attend  me." 

Treatment  of  the  Rana  by  Jahangir. — To  have  generalized  this 
detail  of  the  royal  historian  would  have  been  to  lessen  the  interest 
of  this  important  period  in  the  annals  of  Mewar.  Jahangir 
merits  to  have  his  exultation,  his  noble  and  unostentatious 
conduct,  described  by  his  own  pen,  the  extreme  minuteness  of 
which  description  but  increases  the  interest.  With  his  self- 
gratulation,  he  bears  full  testimony  to  the  gallant  and  long- 
protracted  resistance  of  the  Rajputs  ;  and  while  he  impartially, 
though  rather  erroneously,  estimates  their  motives  and  means 
of  opposition,  he  does  Amra  ample  justice  in  the  declaration,  that 
he  did  not  yield  until  he  had  but  the  alternative  of  captivity  or 
exile  ;  and  with  a  magnanimity  above  all  praise,  he  records  the 
Rajput  prince's  salvo  for  his  dignity,  "  that  he  would  hold  himself 
excused  from  attending  in  person."  The  simple  and  naive 
declaration  of  his  joy,  "  his  going  abroad  on  Alam  Guman," 
the  favourite  elephant  of  the  Rana  which  had  been  captured,  on 
learning  his  submission,  is  far  stronger  than  the  most  pompous 
testimony  of  public  rejoicing.  But  there  is  a  heart-stirring 
philanthropy  in  the  conduct  of  the  Mogul  which  does  him  im- 
mortal honour  ;  and  in  commanding  his  son  "  to  treat  the 
illustrious  one  according  to  his  heart's  wishes,"  though  he  so 
long  and  so  signally  had  foiled  the  roj'al  armies,  he  proved  himself 
worthy  of  the  good  fortune  he  acknowledges,  and  well  shows  his 

1  [The  third  month.]  ^  |-He  died  in  1620.] 

^  Increasing  the  respect  to  the  Ranas  by  making  a  prince  the  bearer  of 
the  farman. 

*  [The  tenth  month.] 


426  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

sense  of  the  superiority  of  the  chief  of  all  the  Rajputs,  by  placing 
the  heir  of  Mewar,  even  above  all  the  princes  of  his  own  house, 
'  immediately  on  his  right  hand.'  Whether  he  attempts  to  relieve 
the  shyness  of  Karan,  or  sets  forth  the  princely  appearance  of 
Jagat  Singh,  we  see  the  same  amiable  feeling  operating  to  lighten 
the  chains  of  the  conquered.  But  the  shyness  of  Karan  deserved 
a  worthier  term  :  he  felt  the  degradation  which  neither  the 
statues  raised  to  them,  the  right  hand  of  the  monarch,  the  dignity 
of  a  '  commander  of  five  thousand,'  or  even  the  restoration  of  the 
long-alienated  territory  could  neutralize,  when  the  kingdom  to 
which  he  was  heir  was  called  a  fief  (jagir),  and  himself,  '  the 
descendant  of  a  hundred  kings,'  a  vassal  (jagirdar)  of  the  empire, 
under  whose  banner,  which  his  ancestors  had  so  signally  opposed, 
he  was  now  to  follow  with  a  contingent  of  fifteen  hundred  Rajput 
horse. 

Seldom  has  subjugated  royalty  met  with  such  consideration  ; 
yet,  to  a  lofty  mind  like  Amra's,  this  courteous  condescension 
but  increased  the  severity  of  endurance  [367].  In  the  bitterness 
of  his  heart  he  cursed  the  magnanimity  of  lOiurram,  himself  of 
Rajput  blood  ^  and  an  admirer  of  Rajput  valour,  which  circum- 
stance more  than  the  force  of  his  arms  had  induced  him  to  sur- 
render ;  for  Khurram  demanded  but  the  friendship  of  the  Rajput 
as  the  price  of  peace,  and  to  withdraw  every  Muhammadan  from 
Mewar  if  the  Rana  would  but  receive  the  emperor's  farman 
outside  of  his  capital.  This  his  proud  soul  rejected  ;  and  though 
he  visited  Prince  Khurram  as  a  friend,  he  spurned  the  proposition 
of  acknowledging  a  superior,  or  receiving  tlie  rank  and  titles 
awaiting  such  an  admission.     The  noble  Amra,  who — 

Rather  than  be  less. 
Cared  not  to  be  at  all — 

took  the  resolution  to  abdicate  ^  the  throne  he  could  no  longer 
hold   but  at  the  will   of  another.     Assembling  his   chiefs,   and 

^  Khurram  was  son  of  a  Rajput  princess  of  Amber  [whose  name,  accord- 
ing to  Beale,  was  Balmati]  of  the  Kachhwaha  tribe,  and  hence  his  name  was 
probably  Kurm,  synonymous  to  kachhwa,  a  tortoise.  The  bards  are  always 
punning  upon  it.  [The  Persian  word  khurram,  '  glad,  joyful,'  has,  of 
course,  no  connexion  with  Hindi  kurm,  '  a  tortoise.'] 

*  Surrendered  S.  1672,  a.d.  1G16  (according  to  Dow,  S.  1669,  a.d.  1613) ; 
died  1621  [1620.     There  seems  to  bo  no  corroboration  of  his  abdication.] 


RANA  KARAN  SINGH  II.  427 

disclosing  his  determination,  he  made  the  tika  on  his  son's  fore- 
head ;  and  observing  that  the  honour  of  Mewar  was  now  in  his 
hands,  forthwith  left  the  capital  and  secluded  himself  in  the 
Nauchauki :  ^  nor  did  he  from  that  hour  cross  its  threshold,  but 
to  have  his  ashes  deposited  with  those  of  his  fathers. 

Character  of  Eana  Amar  Singh. — All  comment  is  superfluous 
on  such  a  character  as  Rana  Amra.  He  was  worthy  of  Partap 
and  his  race.  He  possessed  all  the  physical  as  well  as  mental 
qualities  of  a  hero,  and  was  the  tallest  and  strongest  of  all  the 
princes  of  Mewar.  He  was  not  so  fair  as  they  usually  are,  and 
he  had  a  reserve  bordering  upon  gloominess,  doubtless  occasioned 
by  his  reverses,  for  it  was  not  natural  to  him  ;  he  was  beloved 
by  his  chiefs  for  the  qualities  they  most  esteem,  generosity  and 
valour,  and  by  his  subjects  for  his  justice  and  kindness,  of  which 
we  can  judge  from  his  edicts,  many  of  which  yet  live  on  the 
column  or  the  rock  [368]. 


CHAPTER  13 

Eana  Karan  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1620-28. — Karan,  or  Kama  [the 
radiant),  succeeded  to  the  last  independent  king  of  Mewar,  S.  1677, 
A.D.  1621.  Henceforth  we  shall  have  to  exhibit  these  princely 
'  children  of  the  sun  '  with  diminished  lustre,  moving  as  satellites 
round  the  primary  planet  ;  but,  unaccustomed  to  the  laws  of 
its  attraction,  they  soon  deviated  from  the  orbit  prescribed,  and 
in  the  eccentricity  of  their  movements  occasionally  displayed 
their  unborrowed  effulgence.  For  fifteen  himdred  years  we  have 
traced  each  alternation  of  the  fortune  of  this  family,  from  their 
establishment  in  the  second,  to  their  expulsion  in  the  fifth  century 
from  Saurashtra  by  the  Parthians  ;  the  acquisition  and  loss  of 
Idar  ;  the  conquest  and  surrender  of  Chitor  ;  the  rise  of  Udaipur 

^  It  must  have  been  here  that  Sultan  Khurram  visited  the  Rana.  The 
remams  of  this  palace,  about  half  a  mile  without  the  city  wall  (north),  on  a 
cluster  of  hills,  are  yet  in  existence.  It  was  built  by  Udai  Singh  on  the  banks 
of  a  lake,  under  which  are  gardens  and  groves,  where  the  author  had  the 
Rana's  permission  to  pitch  liis  tents  in  the  hottest  m'onths.  [When  Khurram 
was  in  revolt  against  his  father,  he  stayed  at  first  in  the  Rana's  palace  ;  but 
as  his  followers  Uttle  respected  Rajput  prejudices,  he  removed  to  the  Jag- 
mandir,  and  the  island  became  his  home  till  shortly  before  his  father's  death 
(Erskine  ii.  A.  109).] 


428  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  abasement  of  the  red  flag  to  Jahangir  ;  and  we  shall  conclude 
with  not  the  least  striking  portion  of  their  history,  their  unity  of 
interests  with  Britain. 

Karan  was  deficient  neither  in  courage  nor  conduct ;  of  both 
he  had  given  a  decided  proof,  when,  to  relieve  the  pecuniary 
difficulties  of  his  father,  with  a  rapidity  unparalleled,  he  passed 
through  the  midst  of  his  foes,  surjorised  and  plundered  Surat, 
and  carried  off  a  booty  which  was  the  means  of  protracting  the 
evil  days  of  his  country.  But  for  the  exercise  of  the  chief  virtue 
of  the  Rajput,  he  [369]  had  little  scope  throughout  his  reign,  and 
fortunately  for  his  country  the  powerful  esteem  and  friendship 
which  Jahangir  and  Prince  Khurram  evinced  for  his  house,  enabled 
him  to  put  forth  the  talents  he  possessed  to  repair  past  disasters. 
He  fortified  the  heights  round  the  caj^ital,  which  he  strengthened 
with  a  wall  and  ditch,  partly  enlarged  the  noble  dam  which 
retains  the  waters  of  the  Pichola,  and  built  that  entire  portion  of 
the  palace  called  the  Rawala,  still  set  apart  for  the  ladies  of  the 
court. 

Terms  between  Rana  Karan  Singh  and  Jahangir.— When  Rana 
Amra  made  terms  with  Jahangir,  he  stipulated,  as  a  salvo  for  his 
dignity  and  that  of  his  successors,  exemption  from  all  personal 
attendance  ;  and  confined  the  extent  of  homage  to  his  successors 
receiving,  on  each  lapse  of  the  crown,  the  farman  or  imperial 
decree  in  token  of  subordination,  which,  more  strongly  to  mark 
their  dependent  condition,  the  Rana  was  to  accept  without  the 
walls  of  his  capital  ;  accordingly,  though  the  heirs-apparent  of 
Mewar  ^  attended  the  court,  they  never  did  as  Rana.  Partly  to 
lessen  the  weight  of  this  sacrifice  to  independence,  and  partly  to 
exalt  the  higher  grade  of  nobles,  the  princes  of  the  blood-royal 
of  Mewar  were  made  to  rank  below  the  Sixteen,  a  fictitious  diminu- 
tion of  dignity  which,  with  similar  acts  peculiar  to  this  house, 
enhanced  the  self-estimation  of  the  nobles,  and  made  them  brave 
every  danger  to  obtain  such  sacrifices  to  the  ruling  passion  of  the 
Rajput,  a  love  of  distinction.^     It  is  mentioned  by  the  emperor 

^  The  contingent  of  Mewar  was  one  thousand  horse. 

^  During  the  progress  of  my  mediation  between  the  Rana  and  his  nobles, 
in  1818,  the  conduct  of  the  Hneal  representative  of  Jainiall,  the  defender  of 
Chitor  against  Akbar,  was  striking.  Instead  of  surrendering  the  lands 
whicli  he  was  accused  of  usurping,  he  placed  himself  at  the  door  of  the  thresh- 
old of  the  palace,  whence  he  was  immovable.  His  claims  were  left  to  my 
adjudication  :    but  he  complained  with  great  heat  of  the  omission  of  cere- 


SESODIAS  IN  THE  IMPERIAL  SERVICE  429 

that  he  placed  the  heir-apparent  of  Mewar  immediately  on  his 
right  hand,  over  all  the  princes  of  Hindustan  ;  consequently  the 
superior  nobles  of  Mewar,  who  were  all  men  of  royal  descent, 
deemed  themselves,  and  had  their  [370]  claims  admitted,  to  rank 
above  their  peers  at  other  courts,  and  to  be  seated  almost  on  an 
equalitj^  witli  their  princes.* 

Sesodias  in  the  Imperial  Service. — The  Sesodia  chieftains  were 
soon  distinguished  amongst  the  Rajput  vassals  of  the  Mogul,  and 
had  a  full  share  of  power.  Of  these  Bhim,  the  younger  brother 
of  Karan,  who  headed  the  quota  of  Mewar,  was  conspicuous,  and 
became  the  chief  adviser  and  friend  of  Sultan  Khurram,  who  well 
knew  his  intrepidity.  At  his  son's  solicitation,  the  emperor 
conferred  upon  him  the  title  of  Raja,  and  assigned  a  small  princi- 
pality on  "the  Banas  for  his  residence,  of  which  Toda  was  the 
capital.  Ambitious  of  perpetuating  a  name,  he  erected  a  new 
city  and  palace  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  he  called  Raj- 
mahall,  and  which  his  descendants  held  till  about  forty  years  ago. 
The  ruins  of  Rajmahall  ^  bear  testimony  to  the  architectural  taste 

monials,  and  especially  of  the  prostration  of  honours  by  the  prince.  I  in- 
cautiously remarked  that  these  were  trivial  compared  with  the  other  objects 
in  view,  and  begged  him  to  disregard  it.  "  Disregard  it !  why,  it  was  for 
these  things  my  ancestors  sacrificed  their  lives  ;  when  such  a  band  *  as  this 
on  my  turban  was  deemed  ample  reward  for  the  most  distinguished  service, 
and  made  them  laugh  at  wounds  and  hardships  !  "  Abashed  at  the  incon- 
siderate remark  which  provoked  this  lofty  reproof,  I  used  my  influence  to 
have  the  omission  rectified  :  the  lands  were  restored,  and  the  enthusiastic 
reverence  with  which  I  spoke  of  Jaimall  would  have  obtained  even  greater 
proof  of  the  Badnor  chief's  regard  for  the  fame  of  his  ancestors  than  the 
surrender  of  them  implied.  Who  would  not  honour  this  attachment  to 
such  emblems  in  the  days  of  adversity  ? 

^  This  was  conceded,  as  the  following  anecdote  will  attest.  When  the 
first  Peshwa  [Balaji  Visvanath  (1707-20)]  appeared  at  the  Jaipur  court  he 
was  accompanied  by  the  Salumbar  chieftain.  The  Jaipur  prince  divided  his 
gaddi  (cushion)  with  the  Peshwa,  and  the  latter  made  room  for  the  Salumbar 
chief  upon  it,  observing  that  their  privileges  and  rank  were  similar.  The 
same  Peshwa  had  the  address  to  avoid  all  discussion  of  rank  at  Udaipur,  by 
alleging  the  prerogative  of  his  order  to  '  spread  his  cloth  in  front  of  the  throne,^ 
a  distinction  to  which  every  priest  is  entitled. 

^  The  plate  represents  Rajmahall,  on  the  Banas,  now  in  the  fief  of  Rao 
Chand  Singh,  one  of  the  Jaipur  nobles,  whose  castle  of  Duni  is  in  the 

*  Balaband,  a  fillet  or  band,  sometimes  embroidered ;  often,  as  in  the 
present  case,  of  silk  or  gold  tliread  knotted,  and  tassels  tied  round  the  turban. 
Balaband  is  synonymous  with  diadem. 


430  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  this  son  of  Mewar,  as  do  the  fallen  fortunes  of  his  descendant 
to  the  instability  of  power  :  the  lineal  heir  of  Raja  Bhim  serves 
the  chief  of  Shahpura  on  half  a  crown  a  day  ! 

Revolt  and  Death  of  Bhim  Singh. — Jahangir,  notwithstanding 
his  favours,  soon  had  a  specimen  of  the  insubordinate  spirit  of 
Bhim.  Being  desirous  to  separate  him  from  Sultan  Khurram, 
who  aspired  to  the  crown  in  prejudice  to  his  elder  brother  Parvez, 
he  appointed  Bhim  to  the  government  of  Gujarat,  which  was 
distinctly  refused.  Detesting  Parvez,  who,  it  will  be  recollected, 
invaded  Mewar,  and  was  foiled  for  his  cruelty  on  this  occasion^ 
Bhim  advised  his  friend  at  once  to  throw  off  the  mask,  if  he 
aspired  to  reign.  Parvez  was  slain,^  and  Khurram  manifested  his 
guilt  by  flying  to  arms  [371].  He  was  secretly  supported  by  a 
strong  party  of  the  Rajput  interest,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Gaj  Singh  of  Marwar,  his  maternal  grandfather,  who  cautiously 
desired  to  remain  neutral.  Jahangir  advanced  to  crush  the 
incipient  revolt ;  but  dubious  of  the  Rathor  (Gaj  Singh),  he  gave 
the  van  to  Jaipur,  upon  which  the  prince  furled  his  banners  and 
determined  to  be  a  spectator.  The  armies  approached  and  were 
joining  action,  when  the  impetuous  Bhim  sent  a  message  to  the 
Rathor  either  to  aid  or  oppose  them.  The  insult  provoked  him 
to  the  latter  course,  and  Bhim's  party  was  destroyed,  himself 
slain,^  and  Khurram  and  Mahabat  Khan  compelled  to  seek  refuge 


distance.  There  are  many  picturesque  scenes  of  this  nature  on  the  Banas. 
Duni  made  a  celebrated  defence  against  Sindhia's  army  in  1808,  and  held 
out  several  months,  though  the  Mahratta  prince  had  an  army  of  forty  thou- 
sand men  and  a  park  of  eighty  pieces  of  cannon  to  oppose  two  hundred 
Rajputs.  They  made  sorties,  captured  his  foragers,  cut  his  batteries  to  pieces, 
and  carried  off  his  guns  (of  which  they  had  none),  and,  placing  them  on  their 
walls,  with  his  own  shot  made  the  whole  army  change  position,  beyond 
matchlock  range.  At  last  their  inexpertness  rendered  them  useless,  and 
they  obtained  honourable  terms.  On  one  occasion  the  foragers  of  our  escort 
were  returning,  and  met  Sindhia's  coming  away  without  their  guns  and 
cattle,  which  had  just  been  taken  from  them.  Our  lads,  from  fellowship, 
volunteered  to  recover  them,  and  returned  on  the  captors,  who  gave  them 
up  (if  my  memory  deceive  me  not)  without  a  struggle,  and  from  respect  to 
the  red  coat ! 

1  [Parvez  died  at  Burhanpur,  Nimar  District,  Central  Provinces,  in  his 
thirty-eighth  year,  on  October  28,  1626.] 

^  Man  Singh,  chief  of  the  Saktawats,  and  lus  brother  Gokuldas,  were 
Bhim's  advisers,  and  formed  with  Mahabat  Khan  the  junta  who  ruled  the 
Mogul  heir-apparent.    Man  held  Sanwar  in  tlie  Khairar,  and  was  celebrated 


REVOLT  AND  DEATH  OF  BHiM  SINGH  431 

in  Udaipur.  In  this  asylum  he  remained  undisturbed  :  apart- 
ments in  the  palace  were  assigned  to  him  ;  but  his  followers  little 
respecting  Rajput  prejudices,  the  island  became  his  residence, 
on  Avliich  a  sumptuous  edifice  Avas  raised,  adorned  with  a  lofty 
dome  crowned  with  the  crescent.  The  interior  was  decorated 
with  mosaic,  in  onyx,  cornelian,  jaspers,  and  agates,  rich  Turkey 
carpets,  etc.  ;  and  that  nothing  of  state  might  be  wanting  to 
the  royal  refugee,  a  throne  was  sculptured  from  a  single  block  of 
serpentine,  supported  by  quadriform  female  Caryatidae.  In  the 
court  a  little  chapel  was  erected  to  the  Muhammadan  saint  Madar,^ 
and  here  the  prince  with  his  court  resided,  every  wish  anticipated, 
till  a  short  time  before  his  father's  death,  when  he  retired  into 
Persia.^ 

Such  was  Rajput  gratitude  to  a  prince  who,  when  the  chances 
of  war  made  him  victor  over  them,  had  sought  unceasingly  to 
mitigate  the  misery  attendant  on  the  loss  of  independence !  It 
is  pleasing  to  record  to  the  honour  of  this  calumniated  race,  that 
these  feelings  on  the  part  of  Karan  were  not  transient  ;  and  that 
so  far  from  expiring  with  the  object. 

The  debt  immense  of  endless  gratitude 

was  transmitted  as  an  heirloom  to  his  issue  ;  and  though  two 
centuries  have  fled,   during  which  Mewar  had   suffered  every 

in  Anira's  wars  as  the  great  champion  of  the  Sesodias.  He  counted  above 
eighty  wounds,  and  had  at  various  times  "  sent  a  ser  (two  pounds)  of  ex- 
foUated  bone  to  the  Ganges."  Such  was  the  affection  between  Man  and 
Bhim,  that  they  concealed  the  death  of  the  latter,  sending  him  food  in 
Bhim's  name  ;  but  he  no  sooner  learned  the  truth  than  he  tore  away  the 
bandages  and  expired.  Of  Gokuldas  the  bard  says,  in  allusion  to  the 
peaceful  reign  of  Karan,  "  The  wreath  of  Karan's  renown  was  fading,  but 
Gokul  revived  it  with  his  blood."  It  was  with  the  Sesodia  Rajputs  and 
the  Saktawats  that  Mahabat  performed  the  most  daring  exploit  in  Mogul 
history,  making  Jahangir  prisoner  in  his  own  camp  :  but  it  is  too  long  for 
insertion  in  a  note.  [This  occurred  in  1626  ;  see  Elphinstone,  Hist,  of 
India,  568.] 

^  [The  saint  Madar  is  said  to  have  been  a  Jew  from  Aleppo  who  hved 
from  A.D.  1050  to  1433,  and  was  buried  at  Makanpur  in  the  Cawnpur  District, 
where  pilgrims  visit  his  tomb  {101,  xvii.  43  ;  Dabistan,  trans.  Shea-Troyer 
iii.  244  ff.).] 

^  Contemporary  historians  say  to  Golkonda.  [Khurram  was  prevented 
by  bad  health  from  going  to  Persia,  and  proceeded  to  the  Deccan,  whence 
he  returned  after  his  father's  death  (Elphinstone,  op.  cit.  573  ;  EUiot- 
Dowson  vi.  433,  437,  445).] 


432  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

variety  of  woe,  pillaged  by  Mogul  [372],  Pathan,  and  Mahratta, 
yet  the  turban  of  Prince  Khurram,  the  symbol  of  fraternity,^  has 
been  preserved,  and  remains  in  the  same  folds  as  when  transferred 
from  the  head  of  the  Mogul  to  that  of  the  Rajput  prince.  The 
shield  is  yet  held  as  the  most  sacred  of  relics,  nor  will  the  lamp 
which  illumines  the  chapel  of  Madar  want  oil  while  the  princes  of 
Udaipur  have  wherewithal  to  supply  it.^ 

Death  of  Rana  Karan  Singh. — Rana  Karan  had  enjoyed  eight 
years  of  perfect  tranquillity  when  he  was  gathered  to  his  fathers. 
The  sanctuary  he  gave  Prince  Khurram  had  no  apparent  effect 
on  Jahangir,  who  doubtless  believed  that  the  Rana  did  not 
sanction  the  conduct  of  his  brother  Bhim.  lie  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Jagat  Singh,  '  the  lion  of  the  world,'  in  S.  1684  (a.d. 
1628). 

Bana  Jagat  Singh  I.,  a.d.  1628-53. — The  Emperor  Jahangir  died 
shortly  after  his  accession  [October  28,  1627],  and  while  Khurram 
was  in  exile.  This  event,  which  gave  the  throne  to  the  friend  of 
his  house,  was  announced  to  him  by  the  Rana,  who  sent  his 
brother  and  a  band  of  Rajputs  to  Surat  to  form  the  cortege  of 
the  emperor,  who  repaired  directly  to  Udaipur  ;  and  it  was  in 
the  Badal  Mahall  ('  the  cloud  saloon  ')  of  his  palace  that  he  was 
first  saluted  by  the  title  of  '  Shah  Jahan,'  by  the  satraps  and 
tributary  princes  of  the  empire.^  On  taking  leave,  the  new 
monarch  restored  five  alienated  districts,  and  presented  the  Rana 

^  An  exchange  of  turbans  is  the  symbol  of  fraternal  adoption. 
^  It  is  an  affecting  proof  of  the  perpetuity  of  true  gratitude, 

"  Which  owing,  owes  not," 

as  weU  as  of  reUgious  toleration,  to  find  the  shrine  of  the  Muhammadan 
saint  maintained  in  this  retreat  of  the  Sesodias,  and  the  priest  and  estabhsh- 
ment  kept  up,  though  the  son  of  their  benefactor  persecuted  them  with 
unrelenting  barbarity.  Are  these  people  worth  concihating  ?  or  does  the 
mist  of  ignorance  and  egotism  so  blind  us  that  we  are  to  despise  the  minds 
hidden  under  the  cloak  of  poverty  and  long  oppression  ?  The  orange- 
coloured  turban,  and  the  shield  of  Shah  Jahan,  have  been  brought  from 
their  sacred  niche  for  my  view  :  that  I  looked  on  them  with  sentiments  of 
reverence,  as  reUcs  consecrated  by  the  noblest  feehng  of  the  mind,  wiU 
be  credited.  I  bowed  to  the  turljan  with  an  irresistible  impulse,  and  a 
fervour  as  deep  as  ever  did  pilgrim  before  the  most  hallowed  shrine. 

3  Ferishta  [Dow  iii.  99],  whose  geography  is  often  quite  unintelligible, 
omits  this  in  his  history,  and  passes  the  king  direct  to  Ajmer  :  but  the 
annals  are  fuller,  and  describe  the  royal  insignia  conveyed  by  Mahabat, 
AbduUa,  Khan  Jahan,  and  his  secretary  Sadullah. 


ERECTION  OF  BUILDINGS  AT  UDAIPUR  433 

•with  a  ruby  of  inestimable  value,  giving  him  also  permission  to 
reconstruct  the  fortifications  of  Chitor.^ 

The  twenty-six  years  during  which  Jagat  Singh  occupied  the 
throne  passed  in  uninterrupted  tranquillity  :  a  state  imfruitful 
to  the  bard,  who  flourishes  only  amidst  agitation  and  strife. 
This  period  was  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  the  peaceful  arts, 
especially  architecture  ;  and  to  Jagat  Singh  Udaipur  is  indebted 
for  those  magnificent  works  which  bear  his  name,  and  excite  our 
astonishment,  after  all  the  disasters  we  have  related,  at  the 
resources  he  found  to  accomplish  them  [373]. 

Erection  of  Buildings  at  Udaipur. — The  palace  on  the  lake 
(covering  about  four  acres),  called  the  Jagniwas,  is  entirely  his 
work,  as  well  as  many  additions  to  its  sister  isle,  on  which  is  the 
Jagmandir.*^  Nothing  but  marble  enters  into  their  composition  ; 
columns,  baths,  reservoirs,  fountains,  all  are  of  this  material, 
often  inlaid  with  mosaics,  and  the  uniformity  pleasingly  diversified 
by  the  hght  passing  through  glass  of  every  hue.  The  apartments 
are  decorated  with  historical  paintings  in  water-colours,  almost 
meriting  the  term  fresco  from  their  deep  absorption  in  the  wall, 
though  the  darker  tmts  have  bleaded  with  and  in  part  oljscured 
the  more  delicate  shades,  from  atmospheric  causes.  The  walls, 
both  here  and  in  the  grand  palace,  contain  many  medallions,  in 
considerable  relief,  in  gypsum,  portraying  the  principal  historical 
events  of  the  family,  from  early  periods  even  to  the  marriage 
pomp  of  the  present  Rana.  Parterres  of  flowers,  orange  and 
lemon  groves,  intervene  to  dispel  the  monotony  of  the  buildings, 
shaded  by  the  wide-spreading  tamarind  and  magnificent  evergreen 
khirni ;  *  while  the  graceful  palmyra  and  coco  wave  their  plume- 
like branches  over  the  dark  cypress  or  cooling  plantain.  Detached 
colonnaded  refectories  are  placed  on  the  water's  edge  for  the 
chiefs,  and  extensive  baths  for  their  use.  Here  they  listened  to 
the  tale  of  the  bard,  and  slept  off  their  noonday  opiate  amidst 

^  [According  to  Manucci  (i.  214  f.)  Shahjahan  ordered  his  Wazir  S'adullah 
Khan  to  prepare  a  campaign  against  the  Rana,  but  the  plan  was  disclosed 
by  a  woman,  and  the  Rana  made  terms,  ceded  territory,  and  paid  a  sum 
of  money.  Shahjahan  is  said  to  have  destroyed  the  fortifications  of  Chitor, 
on  the  ground  that  they  had  been  repaired  without  his  father's  permission.] 

^  '  The  minster  of  the  world.'  [According  to  Erskine  (ii.  A.  109)  the 
Jagmandir  was  built  by  Jagat  Singh  I.  (1628-52) ;  the  Jagniwas  by  Jagat 
Singh  II.  (1734-51).] 

^  [Wrightia  tinctoria  (Watt,  Comm.  Prod.  1131  f.).] 
VOL.  I  2  F 


434  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

the  cool  breezes  of  the  lake,  wafting  delicious  odours  from  mjTiads 
of  the  lotus-flower  which  covered  the  surface  of  the  waters  ;  and 
as  the  fumes  of  the  potion  evaporated,  they  opened  their  eyes 
on  a  landscape  to  which  not  even  its  inspirations  could  frame  an 
equal :  the  broad  waters  of  the  Pichola,  with  its  indented  and 
well-wooded  margin  receding  to  the  terminating  point  of  sight, 
at  which  the  temple  of  Brahmpuri  opened  on  the  pass  of  the 
gigantic  Aravalli,  the  field  of  the  exploits  of  their  forefathers. 
Amid  such  scenes  did  the  Sesodia  princes  and  chieftains  recreate 
during  two  generations,  exchanging  the  din  of  arms  for  voluptuous 
inactivity. 

Jagat  Singh  was  a  liighly  respected  prince,  and  did  much  to 
efface  the  remembrance  of  the  rude  visitations  of  the  Moguls. 
The  dignity  of  his  character,  his  benevolence  of  address  and 
personal  demeanour,  secured  the  homage  of  all  who  had  access 
to  him,  and  are  alike  attested  by  the  pen  of  the  emperor,  the 
ambassador  of  England,  and  the  chronicles  of  Mewar.  He  had 
the  proud  satisfaction  [374]  of  redeeming .  the  ancient  capital 
from  ruin  ;  rebuilding  the  "  chaplet  bastion,'  restoring  the  portals, 
and  replacing  the  pinnacles  on  the  temples  of  Chitrakot."  By  a 
princess  of  Marwar  he  left  two  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  succeeded. 

Rana  Raj  Singh,  a.d.  1652-80. — Raj  Singh  (the  royal  lion) 
moiuited  the  throne  in  S.  1710  (a.d.  1654).  Various  causes  over 
which  he  had  no  control  combined,  together  with  his  personal 
character,  to  break  the  long  repose  his  country  had  enjoyed.  The 
emperor  of  the  Moguls  had  reached  extreme  old  age,  and  the 
ambition  of  his  sons  to  usurp  his  authority  involved  every  Rajput 
in  support  of  their  individual  pretensions.  The  Rana  inclined  to 
Dara,^  the  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne,  as  did  nearly  the  whole 
Rajput  race  ;  but  the  battle  of  Fatehabad  *  silenced  every 
pretension,  and  gave  the  lead  to  Aurangzeb,  which  he  maintained 
by  the  sacrifice  of  whatever  opposed  his  ambition.  His  father, 
brothers,  nay,  his  own  offspring,  were  in  turn  victims  to  that 
thirst  for  power  which  eventually  destroyed  the  monarchy  of  the 
Moguls. 

^  The  Mala  Burj,  a  '  chaplet  bastion  '  blown  up  by  Akbar,  is  a  small 
fortress  of  itself. 

*  I  have  copies  of  the  original  letters  written  by  Dara,  Suja,  Murad,  and 
Aurangzeb  on  this  occasion,  each  soliciting  the  Rana's  aid. 

^  [SamQgarh,  afterwards  called  Fatehabad,  May  20,  1658  (Jadunath 
Sarkar,  Life  of  Aurangzib,  ii.  32  ff.  ;    Manucci  i.  270  ff. ;   Bernier  49  ff.)-] 


PRINCES  CONTEMPORARY  WITH  AURANGZEB     435 

The  policy  introduced  by  their  founder,  from  which  Akbar, 
Jahangir,  and  Shah  Jahan  had  reaped  so  many  benefits,  was 
unwisely  abandoned  by  the  latter,  who  of  all  had  the  most  power- 
ful reasons  for  maintaining  those  ties  which  connected  the  Rajput 
princes  vnth  his  house.  Historians  have  neglected  to  notice  the 
great  moral  strength  derived  from  this  unity  of  the  indigenous 
races  with  their  conquerors  ;  for  during  no  similar  period  was 
the  empire  so  secure,  nor  the  Hindu  race  so  cherished,  as  during 
the  reigns  of  Jahangir  and  Shah  Jahan  :  the  former  born  from  a 
Rajput  princess  of  Amber,  and  the  latter  from  the  house  of 
Marwar.  Aurangzeb's  unmixed  Tatar  blood  brought  no  Rajput 
sympathies  to  his  aid  ;  on  the  contrary,  every  noble  family  shed 
their  best  blood  in  withstanding  his  accession,  and  in  the  defence 
of  Shah  Jahan's  rights,  while  there  was  a  hope  of  success.  The 
politic  Aurangzeb  was  not  blind  to  this  defect,  and  he  tried  to 
remedy  it  in  his  successor  ;  for  both  his  declared  heir.  Shah  Alam, 
and  Azam,  as  well  as  his  favourite  grandson,^  were  the  offspring 
of  Rajputnis  ;  but,  uninfluenced  himself  by  such  predilections, 
his  bigotry  outweighed  his  policy,  and  he  visited  the  Rajputs 
with  an  unrelenting  and  unwise  persecution  [375]. 

We  shall  pass  the  twice-told  tale  of  the  struggle  for  power 
which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  the  brothers,  competitors  with 
Aurangzeb  :  this  belongs  to  general  history,  not  to  the  annals  of 
Mewar  ;  and  that  history  is  in  every  hand,-  in  which  the  magna- 
nimity of  Dara,^  the  impetuosity  of  Murad,  and  the  activity  of 
Suja  met  the  same  tragical  end. 

Princes  contemporary  with  Aurangzeb. — It  has  seldom  occurred 
that  so  many  distinguished  princes  were  contemporary  as  during 
the  reign  of  Aurangzeb.  Every  Rajput  principality  had  a  head 
above  mediocrity  in  conduct  as  in  courage.     Jai  Singh  of  Amber, 

^  Kambakhsh  (son  of  Jodhpuri,  not  Udaipuri),  'the  gift  of  Cupid.'  Of 
this  the  Greeks  made  Cambyses.  [Kambakhsh  was  son  of  Udaipuri,  the 
youngest  and  best-loved  concubine  of  Aurangzeb  (Judunath  Sarkar  i.  64). 
Cambyses  is  Old  Persian  Kabuziya  or  Kambuziya  (Maspero,  Passing  of 
the  Empires,  655,  note).] 

*  Bernier,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  these  transactions,  describes  them 
far  better  than  the  Mogul  historians,  and  his  accounts  tally  admirably 
with  the  Rajput  annals.  [But  he  is  not  always  to  be  trusted  (Jadunath 
Sarkar  ii.  10,  note).] 

*  [The  proper  form  is  Dara  Shukoh  or  Shikoh,  '  equal  in  splendour  to 
Darius.'] 


436  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

surnamed  '  the  Mirza  Raja  '  ;  Jaswant  Singh  of  Marwar,  with  the 
Haras  of  Bundi  and  Kotah  ;  the  Rathors  of  Bikaner,  and 
Bundelas  of  Orchha  and  Datia,  were  men  whose  prejudices, 
properly  consulted,  would  have  rendered  the  Mogul  power  in- 
dissoluble :  but  he  had  but  one  measure  of  contumely  for  all, 
which  inspired  Sivaji  with  designs  of  freedom  to  Maharashtra, 
and  withdrew  every  sentiment  of  support  from  the  princes  of 
Rajasthan.  In  subtlety  and  the  most  specious  hypocrisy,  in  that 
concentration  of  resolve  which  confides  its  deep  purpose  to  none, 
in  every  qualification  of  the  warrior  or  scholar,^  Aurangzeb  had 

^  We  possess  a  most  erroneous  idea  of  the  understanding  of  Asiatic 
princes,  and  the  extent  of  its  cultivation.  Aurangzeb's  rebuke  to  his  tutor 
MuUa  Sale  [MuUa  Sahh,  Bemier  154  ;  Manucci  ii.  30],  who  beset  him  with 
a  sycophantic  intrusion  on  his  coming  to  the  throne,  may  correct  tliis, 
and,  with  the  letter  of  Rana  Raj  Singh,  give  the  European  world  juster 
notions  of  the  pawers  of  mind  both  of  Hindu  and  Muhammadan.  It  is 
preserved  by  Bernier,  who  had  ample  opportunity  to  acquire  a  knowledge 
of  them.  (From  an  edition  in  the  autJior^s  possession,  printed  a.t>.  1684, 
only  three  years  after  these  events.) 

"  '  What  is  it  you  would  have  of  me.  Doctor  ?  Can  you  reasonably 
desire  I  should  make  you  one  of  the  chief  Omrahs  of  my  court  ?  Let  me 
tell  you,  if  you  had  instructed  me  as  you  should  have  done,  nothing  would 
be  more  just ;  for  I  am  of  this  persuasion,  that  a  child  well  educated  and 
instructed  is  as  much,  at  least,  obliged  to  his  master  as  to  his  father.  But 
where  are  those  good  documents  you  have  given  me  ?  In  the  first  place, 
you  have  taught  me  that  all  that  Frangistan  (so  it  seems  they  call  Europe) 
was  nothing  but  I  know  not  what  Uttle  island,  of  which  the  greatest  king 
was  he  of  Portugal,  and  next  to  him  he  of  Holland,  and  after  him  he  of 
England  :  and  as  to  the  other  kings,  as  those  of  France  and  Andalusia, 
you  have  represented  them  to  me  as  our  petty  Rajas  ;  teUing  me  that  the 
kings  of  Indostan  were  far  above  them  aU  together,  and  that  they  were  the 
true  and  only  Houmayons,  the  Ekbars,  the  Jehan-Guyres,  the  Chah-Jehans, 
the  fortunate  ones,  the  great  ones,  the  conquerors  and  kings  of  the  world  ; 
and  that  Persia  and  Usbec,  Kachguer,  Tartar  and  Catay,  Pegu,  Cliina  and 
Matchina  did  tremble  at  the  name  of  the.  kings  of  Indostan.  Admirable 
geography  !  You  should  rather  have  taught  me  exactly  to  distinguish 
all  those  different  states  of  the  world,  and  well  to  understand  their  strength, 
their  way  of  fighting,  their  customs,  rehgions,  governments,  and  interests  ; 
and,  by  the  perusal  of  sohd  lustory,.to  observe  their  rise,  progBess,  decay, 
and  whence,  how,  and  by  what  accidents  and  errors  those  great  changes 
and  revolutions  of  empires  and  kingdoms  have  happened.  I  have  scarce 
learnt  of  you  the  name  of  my  grandsires,  the  famous  founders  of  this  empire  : 
so  far  were  you  from  having  taught  me  the  history  of  their  fife,  and  what 
course  they  took  to  make  such  great  conquests.  You  had  a  mind  to  teach 
me  the  Arabian  tongiie,  to  read  and  to  write.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you, 
forsooth,  for  having  made  me  lose  so  much  time  upon  a  language  that 


AURANGZEB'S  REBUKE  TO  HIS  TUTOR  437 

no  superior  amongst  the  many  distinguished  [376]  of  his  race  ; 
but  that  sin  by  which  '  angels  fell '  had  steeped  him  in  an  ocean 
of  guilt,  and  not  only  neutralized  his  natural  capacities,  but 
converted  the  means  for  unlimited  power  into  an  engine  of  self- 


requires  ten  or  twelve  years  to  attain  to  its  perfection  ;  as  if  the  son  of  a 
king  should  think  it  to  be  an  honour  to  him  to  be  a  grammarian  or  some 
doctor  of  the  law,  and  to  learn  other  languages  than  those  of  his  neighbours, 
when  he  cannot  well  bo  without  them  ;  he,  to  whom  time  is  so  precious  for 
so  many  weighty  things,  which  he  ought  by  times  to  learn.  As  if  there 
were  any  spirit  that  did  not  with  some  reluctancy,  and  even  with  a  kind  of 
debasement,  employ  itself  in  so  sad  and  dry  an  exercise,  so  longsoni  and 
tedious,  as  is  that  of  learning  words.' 

"  Thus  did  Arung-Zebe  resent  the  pedantic  instructions  of  his  tutor  ; 
to  which  'tis  affirmed  in  that  court,  that  after  some  entertainment  which 
he  had  with  others,  he  further  added  the  following  reproof : 

"  '  Know  you  not,  that  childhood  well  govern'd,  being  a  state  which  is 
ordinarily  accompanied  with  an  happy  memory,  is  capable  of  thousands  of 
good  precepts  and  instructions,  which  remain  deeply  impressed  the  whole 
remainder  of  a  man's  life,  and  keep  the  mind  always  raised  for  great  actions  ? 
The  law,  prayers,  and  science,  may  they  not  as  well  be  learned  in  our  mother- 
tongue  as  in  Arabick  ?  You  told  my  father,  Chah  Jehan,  that  you  would 
teach  me  philosophy.  'Tis  true,  I  remember  very  well,  that  you  have 
cntertain'd  me  for  many  years  with  airy  questions  of  tilings  that  afford 
no  satisfaction  at  aU  to  the  mind,  and  are  of  no  use  in  humane  society, 
empty  notions  and  mere  phancies,  that  have  only  this  in  them,  that  they 
are  very  hard  to  understand  and  very  easie  to  forget,  which  are  only  capable 
to  tire  and  spoil  a  good  understanding,  and  to  breed  an  opinion  that  is 
insupportable.  I  still  remember,  that  after  you  had  thus  amused  me,  I 
know  not  how  long,  with  your  fine  philosophy,  all  I  retained  of  it  was  a 
multitude  of  barbarous  and  dark  words,  proper  to  bewilder,  perplex,  and 
tire  out  the  best  wits,  and  only  invented  the  better  to  cover  the  vanity  and 
ignorance  of  men  hke  yourself,  that  would  make  us  beheve  that  they  know 
all,  and  that  under  those  obscure  and  ambiguous  words  are  hid  great  mysteries 
which  they  alone  are  capable  to  understand.  If  you  had  season'd  me  with 
that  plulosophy  which  formeth  the  mind  to  ratiocination,  and  insensibly 
accustoms  it  to  be  satisfied  with  nothing  but  sohd  reasons,  if  you  had  given 
me  those  excellent  precepts  and  doctrines  which  raise  the  soul  above  the 
assaults  of  fortune,  and  reduce  her  to  an  unshakeable  and  always  equal 
temper,  and  permit  her  not  to  be  lifted  up  by  prosperity  nor  debased  by 
adversity  ;  if  you  had  taken  care  to  give  me  the  knowledge  of  what  we  are 
and  what  are  the  first  principles  of  things,  and  had  assisted  me  in  forming 
in  my  mind  a  fit  idea  of  the  greatness  of  the  universe,  and  of  the  admirable 
order  and  motion  of  the  parts  thereof ;  if,  I  say,  you  had  instdled  into  me 
this  kind  of  philosophy,  I  should  think  myself  incomparably  more  obhged 
to  you  than  Alexander  was  to  his  Aristotle,  and  beheve  it  my  duty  to 
recompense  you  otherwise  than  he  did  him.  Should  not  you,  instead  of 
your  flattery,  have  taught  me  somewhat  of  that  point  so  important  to  a 


438  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

destruction.  "  This  hypocrisy,"  says  the  eloquent  Orme/ 
"  encreased  with  his  power,  and  in  order  to  palliate  to  his  Maho- 
medan  subjects  the  crimes  by  which  he  had  become  their  sove- 
reign, he  determined  to  enforce  the  conversion  of  the  Hindoos 
by  the  severest  penalties,  and  even  threatned  the  sword  ;  as  if 
the  blood  of  his  subjects  were  to  wash  away  the  stains,  with 
which  he  was  imbrued  by  the  blood  of  his  family.  .  .  .  Labour 
left  the  field  and  industry  the  loom,  until  the  decrease  of  the 
revenues  drew  representations  from  the  governors  of  the  pro- 
vinces ;  which  induced  Aurungzebe  to  substitute  a  capitation 
tax  ^  as  the  ballance  of  the  account  between  the  two  religions." 
The  same  historian  justly  characterizes  this  enactment  as  one  so 
contrary  to  all  notions  of  sound  policy,  as  well  as  of  the  feelings 
of  humanity,  that  "  reflection  seeks  the  motive  with  amazement." 
In  this  amazement  we  might  remain,  nor  seek  to  develop  the 
motive,  did  not  the  ample  page  of  history  in  all  [377]  nations 
disclose  that  in  the  name  of  rehgion  more  blood  has  been  shed, 
and  more  atrocity  committed,  than  by  the  united  action  of  the 
whole  catalogue  of  the  passions.  Muhammad's  creed  was  based 
on  conversion,  which,  by  whatever  means  effected,  was  a  plenary 
atonement  for  every  crime.  In  obedience  thereto  Aurangzeb 
acted  ;  but  though  myriads  of  victims  who  clung  to  their  faith 
were  sacrificed  by  him  at  the  fiat  of  this  gladiatorial  prophet,  yet 
nor  these,  nor  the  scrupulous  fulfilment  of  fanatic  observances, 
could  soothe  at  the  dread  hour  the  perturbations  of  the  '  still 
small  voice  '  which  whispered  the  names  of  father,  brother,  son, 
bereft  by  him  of  life.  Eloquently  does  he  portray  these  terrors 
in  his  letters  to  his  grandson  on  his  death-bed,  wherein  he  says, 
"  Whichever  way  I  look,  I  see  onlj^  the  divinity  " — and  that  an 
offended  divinity  [378] .» 


king,  which  is,  what  the  reciprocal  duties  are  of  a  sovereign  to  his  subjects 
and  those  of  subjects  to  their  sovereign  ;  and  ought  not  you  to  have  con- 
sidered, that  one  day  I  should  be  obhged  witli  the  sword  to  dispute  my 
life  and  thfe  crown  with  my  brothers  ?  Is  not  that  the  destiny  almost  of 
all  the  sons  of  Indostan  ?  Have  you  ever  taken  any  care  to  make  me  learn, 
what  'tis  to  besiege  a  town  or  to  set  an  army  in  array  ?  For  tliese  things  I  am 
obliged  to  others,  not  at  all  to  you.  Go,  and  retire  to  the  village  whence  you 
are  come,  and  let  nobody  know  who  you  are  or  what  is  become  of  you.'  " 
[For  another  version  of  th's  speech  see  Bcrnier  154  ff.,  Manucci  ii.  30  fl:.] 

^  [Historical  Fragments  of  the  Mogul  Empire,  ed.  1782,  p.  101.  The 
quotation  in  the  text  has  been  corrected.]  -  The  Jizya. 

^  I  deem  it  right,  in  order  further  to  illustrate  the  cultivated  understand- 


RANA  raj  SINGH  439 

Rana  Raj  Singh  defies  Aurangzeb. — ^Raj  Singh  had  signaUzed 
his  accession  by  tlie  revival  of  tlie  warlike  Tika-daur,  and  plundered 

ing  of  Aurangzeb,  to  annex  the  letters  written  to  his  sons  a  few  days  before 
his  death.  With  such  talents,  with  so  just  a  conception  as  these  and  the 
rebuke  to  his  tutor  evince  of  his  kiaowledgo  of  the  right,  what  might  he  not 
have  been  had  not  fell  ambition  misguided  him  ! 

■'  To  Shaw  Azim  Shaw.  [Shah  Azam  Shah.] 
"  Health  to  thee  !  my  heart  is  near  thee.  Old  age  is  arrived  :  weakness 
subdues  me,  and  strength  has  forsaken  aU  my  members.  I  came  a  stranger 
into  this  world,  and  a  stranger  I  depart.  I  know  nothing  of  myself,  what 
I  am,  and  for  what  I  am  destined.  The  instant  which  passed  in  power, 
hath  left  only  sorrow  behind  it.  I  have  not  been  the  guardian  and  pro- 
tector of  the  empire.  My  valuable  time  has  been  passed  vainly.  I  had 
a  patron  in  my  own  dwelling  (conscience),  but  his  glorious  light  was  unseen 
by  my  dim  sight.  Life  is  not  lasting,  there  is  no  vestige  of  departed  breath, 
and  all  hopes  from  futurity  are  lost.  The  fever  has  left  me,  but  nothing 
of  me  remains  but  skin  and  bono.  My  son  (Kaum  Buksh),  though  gone 
towards  Beejapore,  is  still  near ;  and  thou,  my  son,  are  yet  nearer.  The 
worthy  of  esteem,  Shaw  Aulum,  is  far  distant ;  and  my  grandson  (Azeem 
Ooshauu),  by  the  orders  of  God,  is  arrived  near  Hindostan.  The  camp 
and  followers,  helpless  and  alarmed,  are  hke  myself,  full  of  affliction,  restless 
as  the  quicksilver.  Separated  from  their  lord,  they  know  not  if  they  have 
a  master  or  not. 

"  I  brought  nothing  into  this  world,  and,  except  the  infirmities  of  man, 
carry  nothing  out.  I  have  a  dread  for  my  salvation,  and  with  what  torments 
I  may  be  punished.  Though  I  have  strong  rehance  on  the  mercies  and 
bounty  of  God,  yet,  regarding  my  actions,  fear  will  not  quit  me ;  but 
when  I  am  gone,  reflection  wiU  not  remain.  Come  then  what  may,  I  have 
launched  my  vessel  to  the  waves.  Though  Providence  wiU  protect  the 
camp,  yet,  regarding  appearances,  the  endeavours  of  my  sons  are  indis- 
pensably incumbent.  Give  my  last  prayers  to  my  grandson  (Bedar  Bukht), 
whom  I  cannot  see,  but  the  desire  affects  me.  The  Begum  (his  daughter) 
appears  affhcted ;  but  God  is  the  only  judge  of  hearts.  The  foolish  thoughts 
of  women  produce  nothing  but  disappointment.  FareweU  !  farewell ! 
farewell !  "  [This  letter  is  printed  by  H.  Bihmoria,  Letters  oj  Aurangzeb, 
71  f.] 

"  To  the  Prince  Kaum  Buksh.  [Kambakhsh.] 
"  My  son,  nearest  to  my  heart.  Though  in  the  height  of  my  power, 
and  by  God's  permission,  I  gave  you  advice,  and  took  with  you  the  greatest 
pains,  yet,  as  it  was  not  the  divine  will,  you  did  not  attend  with  the  ears 
of  compliance.  Now  I  depart  a  stranger,  and  lament  my  own  ineignificance, 
what  does  it  profit  nie  ?  I  carry  with  me  the  fruits  of  my  sins  and  imperfec- 
tions. Surprising  Providence  !  I  came  here  alone,  and  alone  I  depart. 
The  leader  of  this  caravan  hath  deserted  me.  The  fever  which  troubled 
me  for  twelve  days  has  left  me.  Wherever  I  look,  I  see  nothing  but  the 
divinity.  My  fears  for  the  camp  and  foUowers  are  great :  but,  alas  !  I 
know  not  myself.  My  back  is  bent  with  weakness,  and  my  feet  have  lost 
the  powers  of  motion.     The  breath  which  rose  is  gone,  and  left  not  even 


440  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Malpura,  which  though  on  the  Ajmer  frontier,  Shah  Jahan,  when 
advised  to  vengeance,  replied  "  it  was  only  a  folly  of  his  nephew."  ^ 
An  appeal  to  his  gallantry  made  him  throw  down  the  gauntlet 
to  Aurangzeb  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  when  the  valour  of 
the  Sesodias  again  burst  forth  in  all  the  splendour  of  the  days  of 
Partap  ;  nor  did  the  contest  close  till  after  a  series  of  brilliant 
victories,  and  with  the  narrow  escape  from  captivity  of  the 
Xerxes  of  Hindustan.  The  Mogul  demanded  the  hand  of  the 
princess  of  Rupnagar,  a  junior  branch  of  the  Marwar  house,  and 
sent  with  the  demand  (a  compliance  with  which  was  contemplated 

hope  behind  it.  I  have  committed  numerous  crimes,  and  know  not  with 
what  punishments  I  may  be  seized.  Though  the  protector  of  mankind 
will  guard  the  camp,  yet  care  is  incumbent  also  on  the  faitliful  and  my  sons. 
When  I  was  ahve,  no  care  was  taken  ;  and  now  I  am  gone,  the  consequence 
may  be  guessed.  The  guardianship  of  a  people  is  the  trust  by  God  com- 
mitted to  my  sons.  Azim  Shaw  is  near.  Be  cautious  that  none  of  the 
faitliful  are  slain,  or  their  miseries  fall  upon  my  head.  I  resign  you,  your 
mother  and  son,  to  God,  as  I  myself  am  going.  The  agonies  of  death  come 
ujion  me  fast.  Behadur  Shaw  is  still  where  he  was,  and  his  son  is  arrived 
near  Hindostan.  Bedar  Bukht  is  in  Guzarat.  Hyaut  al  Nissa,  who  has 
beheld  no  afflictions  of  time  till  now,  is  full  of  sorrows.  Regard  the  Begum 
as  without  concern.  Odiporee,*  your  mother,  was  a  partner  in  my  illness, 
and  wishes  to  accompany  me  in  death  ;  but  every  thing  has  its  appointed  time. 

"  The  domestics  and  courtiers,  however  deceitful,  yet  must  not  be  ill- 
treated.  It  is  necessary  to  gain  your  views  by  gentleness  and  art.  Extend 
your  feet  no  lower  than  your  skirt.  The  couiplaints  of  the  unpaid  troops 
are  as  before.  Dara  Shelckoh,  though  of  much  judgment  and  good  under- 
standing, settled  large  pensions  on  his  people,  but  paid  them  ill  and  they 
were  ever  discontented.  I  am  going.  Whatever  good  or  evil  I  have  done, 
it  Avas  for  you.  Take  it  not  amiss,  nor  rememlier  what  offences  I  have  done 
to  yourself  ;  that  account  may  not  be  demanded  of  me  hereafter.  No  one 
has  seen  the  departure  of  his  own  soul ;  but  1  see  that  mine  is  departing  " 
{Memoirs  of  Eradut  Khan).  See  Scott's  Hist,  of  the  Dekhan  [ii.  Part  iv.]. 
[This  letter,  with  some  variants,  is  printed  by  BiUmoria,  73  f.] 

^  The  emperor  was  the  adojited  brother  of  Rana  Karan. 

*  Orriie  [Fragments,  119]  calls  her  a  Cashmerian  ;  certainly  she  was  not 
a  daughter  of  the  Rana's  family,  though  it  is  not  impossible  she  may  have 
been  of  one  of  the  great  famihes  of  Shahpura  or  Banera  (then  acting  in- 
dependently of  the  Rana),  and  her  desire  to  burn  shows  her  to  have  been 
Rajput.  ["  Such  an  inference  is  wrong,  because  a  Hindu  princess  on 
marrying  a  Muslim  king  lost  her  caste  and  rehgion,  and  received  Islamic 
burial.  We  read  of  no  Rajputni  of  the  harem  of  any  of  the  Mughal  emperors 
having  burnt  herself  with  her  deceased  husband,  for  the  very  good  reason 
that  a  Mushm's  corpse  is  buried  and  not  burnt.  Evidently  Udipuri  meant 
that  she  would  kiU  herself  in  passionate  grief  on  the  death  of  Aurangzib  " 
(Jadunath  Sarkar  i.  64,  note).] 


IMPOSITION  OF  THE  JIZYA  441 

as  certain)  a  cortege  of  two  thousand  horse  to  escort  the  fair  to 
court.  But  the  haughty  Rajputni,  either  indignant  at  such 
precipitation  or  charmed  with  the  gallantry  of  the  Rana,  who 
had  e^dnced  his  devotion  to  the  fair  by  measuring  his  sword  with 
the  head  of  her  house,  rejected  with  disdain  the  proffered  alliance, 
and,  justified  by  brilliant  precedents  in  the  romantic  history  of 
her  nation,  she  entrusted  her  cause  to  the  arm  of  the  chief  of  the 
RajjDut  race,  offering  herself  as  the  reward  of  protection.  The 
family  priest  (her  preceptor)  deemed  his  office  honoured  by  being 
the  messenger  of  her  wishes,  and  the  billet  he  conveyed  is  in- 
corporated in  the  memorial  of  this  reign.  "  Is  the  swan  to  be 
the  mate  of  the  stork  :  a  Rajputni,  pure  in  blood,  to  be  wife  to 
the  monkey- faced  barbarian  !  "  concluding  with  a  threat  of  self- 
destruction  if  not  saved  from  dishonour.  This  appeal,  with  other 
powerful  motives,  was  seized  on  with  avidity  by  the  Rana  as  a 
pretext  to  throw  away  the  scabbard,  in  order  to  illustrate  the 
opening  of  a  warfare,  in  which  he  determined  to  put  all  to  the 
hazard  in  defence  of  his  country  and  his  faith.  The  issue  was  an 
omen  of  success  to  his  warlike  and  [379]  superstitious  vassalage. 
With  a  chosen  band  he  rapidly  passed  the  foot  of  the  Aravalli 
and  appeared  before  Hupnagar,  cut  up  the  imperial  guards,  and 
bore  off  the  prize  to  his  capital.  The  daring  act  was  applauded 
by  all  who  bore  the  name  of  Rajput,  and  his  chiefs  with  joy 
gathered  their  retainers  around  the  '  red  standard,'  to  protect 
the  queen  so  gallantly  achieved. 

The  Imposition  of  the  Jizya  or  Capitation  Tax. — The  annaUst  of 
Rajputana  is  but  an  indifferent  chronologist,  and  leaves  us 
doubtful  of  the  exact  succession  of  events  at  this  period.  It  was 
not,  however,  till  the  death  of  those  two  powerful  princes,  Jaswant 
Singh  of  Marwar  and  Jai  Singh  of  Amber,  both  poisoned  by 
conunand  of  the  tjTant,  the  one  at  his  distant  government  of 
Kabul,  the  other  in  the  Deccan,  that  he  deemed  himself  free  to 
put  forth  the  full  extent  of  his  long-concealed  design,  the  imposi- 
tion of  the  jizya  or  capitation  tax  on  the  whole  Huidu  race.  But 
he  miscalculated  his  measures,  and  th»  murder  of  these  princes, 
far  from  advancing  his  aim,  recoiled  with  vengeance  on  his  head. 
Foiled  in  his  plot  to  entrap  the  infant  sons  of  the  Rathor  by  the 
self-devotion  of  his  vassals,^  the  compound  treachery  evinced  that 

1  Two  hundred  and  fifty  Rajputs  opposed  five  thousand  of  the  Imperialists 
at  a  pass,  till  the  family  of  Jaswant  escaped. 


442  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

their  only  hope  lay  in  a  deadly  resistance.  The  mother  of  Ajit, 
the  infant  heir  of  Marwar,  a  woman  of  the  most  determined 
character,  was  a  princess  of  Mewar,  and  she  threw  herself  upon 
the  Rana  as  the  natural  guardian  of  his  rights,  for  sanctuary 
{saran)  during  the  dangers  of  his  minority.  This  was  readily 
yielded,  and  Kelwa  assigned  as  his  residence,  where  under  the 
immediate  safeguard  of  the  brave  Durgadas  Ajit  resided,^  while 
she  nursed  the  spirit  of  resistance  at  home.  A  union  of  interests 
was  cemented  between  these  the  chief  States  of  Rajputana,  for 
which  they  never  before  had  such  motive,  and  but  for  repeated 
instances  of  an  ill-judged  humanity,  the  throne  of  the  Moguls 
might  have  been  completely  overturned  [380]. 

Letter  of  Remonstrance  to  Aurangzeb. — On  the  promulgation 
of  that  barbarous  edict,  the  jizya,  the  Rana  remonstrated  by 
letter,  in  the  name  of  the  nation  of  which  he  was  the  head,  in  a 
style  of  such  micompromising  dignity,  such  lofty  yet  temperate 
resolve,  so  much  of  soul-stirring  rebuke  mingled  with  a  boundless 
and  tolerating  benevolence,  such  elevated  ideas  of  the  Divinity 
with  such  pure  philanthropy,  that  it  may  challenge  competition 
with  any  epistolary  production  of  any  age,  clime,  or  condition.^ 

^  The  Rana  received  the  young  Rathor  with  the  most  princely  hospitaUty, 
and  among  other  gifts  a  diamond  worth  ten  thousand  dinars  is  enumerated. 

2  This  letter,  first  made  known  to  Europe  by  Orme  {Fragments,  Notes, 
sciii.  ft'.],  has  by  him  been  erroneously  attributed  to  Jaswant  Singh  of 
Marwar,  who  was  dead  before  the  promulgation  of  the  edict,  as  the  mention 
of  Ramsingh  sufficiently  indicates,  whose  father,  Jai  Smgh,  was  contemporary 
with  Jaswant,  and  ruled  nearly  a  year  after  his  death.  My  Munshi  obtained 
a  copy  of  the  original  letter  at  Udaipur,  where  it  is  properly  assigned  to 
the  Rana.  [Compare  the  version  of  this  letter  in  Jadunath  Sarkar  (iii. 
325  ft.),  who  remarks  that  "  the  internal  evidence  and  biographical  details 
of  the  writer  apply  to  Shivaji  and  not  to  Raj  Singh.  In  the  penultimate 
paragraph  of  the  letter  Eajah  Ram  Singh  is  given  for  Rana  Raj  Singh 
by  ASBMs  and  Orme ;  but  no  Jaipur  chieftain  could  have  been  '  the 
head  of  the  Hindus.'  "]  It  were  superfluous  to  give  a  translation  after 
the  elegant  production  of  Sir  W.  B.  Rouse. 

"  Letter  from  Rana  Raj  Singh  to  Aurangzeb. 
"  All  due  jiraise  be  rendered  to  the  glory  of  the  Ahnighty,  and  the  munifi- 
cence of  your  majesty,  which  is  conspicuous  as  the  sun  and  moon.  Although 
I,  your  well-wisher,  have  separated  from  your  subhme  presence,  I  am  never- 
theless zealous  in  the  performance  of  every  bounden  act  of  obedience  and 
loyalty.  My  ardent  wishes  and  strenuous  services  are  employed  to  promote 
the  pros^jerity  of  the  Kings,  Nobles,  IVIirzas,  Rajahs,  and  Roys  of  the  pro- 
vinces of  Hindostan,  and  the  chiefs  of  ^rauu,  Turaun,  Room,  and  Shawm, 


LETTER  OF  REMONSTRANCE  TO  AURANGZEB    443 

In  this  are  contained  the  true  principles  of  Christianity,  and  to 
the  illustrious  Gentile,  and  such  as  acted  as  he  did,  was  pointed 

the  inhabitants  of  the  seven  climates,  and  all  persons  travelling  by  land 
and  by  water.  This  my  inclination  is  notorious,  nor  can  your  royal  wisdom 
entertain  a  doubt  thereof.  Reflecting  therefore  on  my  former  services, 
and  your  majesty's  condescension,  I  presume  to  sohcit  the  royal  attention 
to  some  circumstances,  in  which  the  pubUc  as  weU  as  private  welfare  is 
greatly  interested. 

"  I  have  been  informed  that  enormous  sums  have  been  dissipated  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  designs  formed  against  me,  your  well-wisher ;  and  that 
you  have  ordcfed  a  tribute  to  be  levied  to  satisfy  the  exigencies  of  your 
exhausted  treasury. 

"  May  it  please  your  majesty,  your  royal  ancestor  Mahomed  'Jelaul  ul 
Deen  Akbar,  whose  throne  is  now  in  heaven,  conducted  the  affairs  of  this 
empire  in  equity  and  fu-m  security  for  the  space  of  fifty-two  years,  preserving 
every  tribe  of  men  in  ease  and  happiness,  whether  they  were  followers  of 
Jesus  or  of  Moses,  of  David  or  Mahomed ;  were  they  Brahmins,  were  they 
of  the  sect  of  Dharians,  which  denies  the  et'ernity  of  matter,  or  of  that  which 
ascribes  the  existence  of  the  world  to  chance,  they  all  equally  enjoyed  his 
countenance  and  favour  :  insomuch  that  his  people,  in  gratitude  for  the 
indiscriminate  protection  he  afforded  them,  distmguished  him  by  the  appel- 
lation of  Juggut  Gooroo  (Guardian  of  Mankind). 

"  His  majesty  Mahomed  Noor  ul  Deen  Jehanghccr,  likewise,  whose 
dweUing  is  now  in  paradise,  extended,  for  a  period  of  twenty-two  years, 
the  shadow  of  his  protection  over  the  heads  of  his  people  ;  successful  by  a 
constant  fidehty  to  his  alhes,  and  a  vigorous  exertion  of  his  arm  in  business. 

"  Nor  less  did  the  illustrious  Shah  Jehan,  by  a  propitious  reign  of  thirty- 
two  years,  acquire  to  himself  immortal  reputation,  the  glorious  reward  of 
clemency  and  virtue. 

"  Such  were  the  benevolent  inchnations  of  your  ancestors.  Whilst  they 
pursued  these  great  and  generous  principles,  wheresoever  they  directed 
their  steps,  conquest  and  prosperity  went  before  them  ;  and  then  they 
reduced  many  countries  and  fortresses  to  their  obedience.  During  your 
majesty's  reign,  many  have  been  ahenated  from  the  empire,  and  farther 
loss  of  territory  must  necessarily  follow,  since  devastation  and  rapine  now 
universally  prevail  without  restraint.  Your  subjects  are  trampled  under 
foot,  and  every  province  of  your  empire  is  impoverished ;  depopulation 
spreads,  and  difficulties  accumulate.  When  indigence  has  reached  the 
habitation  of  the  sovereign  and  his  princes,  what  can  be  the  condition  of 
the  nobles  ?  As  to  the  soldiery,  they  are  in  murmurs  ;  the  merchants 
complaining,  the  Mahomedans  discontented,  the  Hindoos  destitute,  and 
multitudes  of  people,  Avretched  even  to  the  want  of  their  nightly  meal,  are 
beating  their  heads  throughout  the  day  in  rage  and  desperation. 

"  How  can  the  dignitj'^  of  the  sovereign  be  preserved  who  employs  his 
power  in  exacting  heavy  tributes  from  a  people  thus  miserably  reduced  ? 
At  this  juncture  it  is  told  from  east  to  west,  that  the  emperor  of  Hindostan, 
jealous  of  the  poor  Hindoo  devotee,  will  exact  a  tribute  from  Brahmins, 
Sanorahs,  Joghies,  Berawghies,  Sanyasees  ;  that,  regardless  of  the  illustrious 


444  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

that  golden  sentence  of  toleration,  "  Those  [381]  who  have  not 
the  law,  yet  do  by  nature  the  things  contamed  in  the  law,  shall 
be  a  law  unto  themselves." 

Aurangzeb  attacks  Mewar. — This  letter,  the  sanctuary  afforded 
Ajit,  and  (what  the  historical  parasite  of  the  Mogul's  life  dared 
not  indite  ^)  the  carrying  off  of  his  betrothed,  made  him  pour  out 
all  the  phials  of  his  wrath  against  the  devoted  Mewar,  and  his 
preparations  more  resembled  those  for  the  conquest  of  a  potent 
kingdom  than  the  subjugation  of  a  Rajput  zamindar,^  a  vassal  of 
that  colossal  empire  on  whose  surface  his  domain  was  but  a 
speck.  In  the  very  magnitude  of  these,  the  Suzerain  of  Hindustan 
paid  the  highest  tribute  of  praise  to  the  tributary  Rajput,  for  he 
denuded  the  very  extremities  of  his  empire  to  assemble  a  host 
which  he  deemed  must  prove  irresistible.  Akbar  was  recalled 
from  his  province,  Bengal  ;  Azam  from  the  distant  Kabul ;  and 
even  Muazzam  (the  Mogul's  heir)  from  the  war  in  the  Deccan. 


honour  of  his  Timurean  race,  he  condescends  to  exercise  his  power  over  the 
solitary  inoffensive  anchoret.  If  your  majesty  places  any  faith  in  those 
books,  by  distinction  called  divine,  you  will  there  be  instructed  that  God 
is  the  God  of  all  mankind,  not  the  God  of  Mahomedans  alone.  The  Pagan 
and  the  Mussulman  are  equally  in  His  presence.  Distinctions  of  colour  are 
of  His  ordination.  It  is  He  who  gives  existence.  In  your  temples,  to  His 
name  the  voice  is  raised  in  prayer ;  in  a  house  of  images,  where  the  bell  is 
shaken,  stiU  He  is  the  object  of  adoration.  To  vilify  the  rehgion  or  customs 
of  other  men  is  to  set  at  naught  the  pleasure  of  the  Almighty.  When  we 
deface  a  picture,  we  naturally  incur  the  resentment  of  the  painter ;  and 
justly  has  the  poet  said,  presume  not  to  arraign  or  scrutinize  the  various 
works  of  power  divine. 

"  In  fine,  the  tribute  you  demand  from  the  Hindoos  is  repugnant  to 
justice  :  it  is  equally  foreign  from  good  pohcy,  as  it  must  impoverish  the 
country  :  moreover,  it  is  an  innovation  and  an  infringement  of  the  laws  of 
Hindostan.  But  if  zeal  for  your  own  rehgion  hath  induced  you  to  deter- 
mine upon  this  measure,  the  demand  ought,  by  the  rules  of  equity,  to  have 
been  made  first  upon  Ramsing,  who  is  esteemed  the  principal  amongst  the 
Hindoos.  Then  let  your  weU-wisher  be  called  upon,  with  whom  you  will 
have  less  difficulty  to  encounter  ;  but  to  torment  ants  and  flies  is  unworthy 
of  an  heroic  or  generous  mind.  It  is  wonderful  that  the  ministers  of  your 
government  shoidd  have  neglected  to  instruct  your  majesty  in  the  rules 
of  rectitude  and  honour." 

^  It  is  well  known  that  Aurangzeb  forbade  the  continuation  of  the 
history  of  his  hfe,  subsequent  to  that  portion  comprehending  the  first  ten 
years  [the  Alamgirndma ;  see  Jadunath  Sarkar  ii.  302]. 

^  The  epithet  by  which  these  Tatar  sovereigns  affected  to  call  the 
indigenous  (bhumia)  princes. 


AURANGZEB  ATTACKS  IVfEWAR  445 

With  this  formidable  array  ^  the  emperor  entered  Mewar,  and 
soon  reduced  the  low  countries,  which  experience  had  taught 
them  were  indefensible,  the  inhabitants  pre\aously  retiring  with 
their  effects  to  the  hills.^  Chitor,  Mandalgarh,  Mandasor,  Jiran, 
and  many  other  strongholds  were  obtained  after  the  usual  form 
of  opposition,  and  garrisoned  by  the  Moguls.  Meanwhile  the 
Rana  was  animating  the  might  of  the  Aravalli,  where  he  meditated 
a  resistance  proportioned  to  the  peril  which  threatened  every 
cherished  prejudice  of  his  race  :  not  the  mere  defence  of  dominion 
or  dignity,  but  a  struggle,  pro  arts  et  focis,  around  which  rallied 
every  Rajput  with  the  most  deadly  determination.  Even  the 
pruTiitive  races  of  the  western  wilds,  "  the  Palindas  ^  and  Pali- 
pats  3  {lord  of  the  passes),  with  thousands  of  bows,  and  hearts 
devoted  in  the  cause  of  Hindupat,"  *  assembled  round  the  red 
banner  of  Mewar.  The  Rana  divided  his  forces  into  three  bodies 
[382].  His  eldest  son,  Jai  Singh,  was  posted  on  the  crest  of  the 
AravalU,  ready  to  act  on  the  invaders  from  either  side  of  the 
mountains.  Prince  Blum  was  to  the  west,  to  keep  up  the  com- 
munications with  the  outlets  to  Gujarat  ;  while  the  Rana,  with 
the  main  body,  took  post  in  the  Nai  deftle,  unassailable  by  the 
enemy,  and  hanging  on  his  left  flank,  ready  to  turn  it,  and  cut 
off  all  retreat  the  moment  the  Imperialists  entered  the  mountains. 
Aurangzeb  advanced  to  Debari,  but  instead  of  entering  the 
valley  of  Avhich  it  was  the  gorge,  he  halted,  and  by  the  advice  of 
Taha-rt'^var  Khan  ^  sent  on  Prince  Akbar  with  fifty  thousand  men 
to  the  capital.  This  caution  of  the  wily  monarch  saved  him 
from  the  ably  planned  scheme  of  the  Rajput  prince,  who  evinced 
a  thorough  knowledge  *  of  the  topography  of  this  intricate  and 

^  There  were  no  such  field  trains  in  Europe  as  those  of  the  Moguls. 
Seventy  pieces  of  heavy  ordnance,  sixty  of  horse  artillery,  and  a  dromedary 
corps  three  hundred  strong,  mounting  swivels,  accompanied  the  emperor 
on  an  excursion  to  Kashmir.  Bernier,  who  gives  this  detail,  describes 
what  he  saw  [217  f.]. 

-  [For  this  campaign  see  the  account  in  Jadunath  Sarkar,  Life  of  Axirangzib , 
iii.  365  ft'.] 

^  Pal  is  the  local  term  for  these  long  defiles,  the  residence  of  the  moun- 
taineers :  their  chiefs  are  called  Indras,  Pali,  in  Bhakha,  Pat. 

*  Chief  of  the  Hindus. 

^  [In  the  text  "  Tyber  "  Khan.  His  original  name  was  Jan  Beg,  also 
known  as  Badshah  Kuh  Khan,  one  of  Aurangzeb's  great  nobles  (Manucci 
ii.  239,  note  3,  247,  note).     His  tragical  end  is  told  later  on.] 

^  The  Saktawat  leader,  Gharibdas,  has  the  merit  of  having  prompted 


446  ANNALS  OF  JMEWAR 

romantic  portion  of  his  domain.  The  Girwa,  emphatically  '  the 
Circle,'  from  which  the  valley  of  the  capital  is  named,  has  this 
form  to  the  eye  when  viewing  it  from  thence  as  a  centre.  It  is, 
however,  an  irregular  ellipse  of  about  fourteen  miles  in  length 
from  south  to  north,  and  about  eleven  in  breadth  from  east  to 
west,  the  capital  being  situated  towards  the  extremity  of  the 
transverse  axis,  having  only  the  lake  Pichola  between  it  and  the 
base  of  the  Aravalli,  The  mountains  of  this  circular  (girwa) 
valley,  ranging  from  eight  to  twelve  hundred  feet  in  height,  are 
of  primitive  formation,  and  raise  their  fantastic  pinnacles  in 
every  diversity  of  shape  over  each  other.  To  the  westward  the 
grand  chain  rises  two  thousand  feet  above  the  plains,  and  might 
be  termed  the  chords  of  which  the  Girwa  is  an  irregular  segment 
of  a  circle,  less  in  height,  and  far  less  compound  in  character. 
Towards  the  plains  east,  it  has  three  practicable  passes  ;  one,  the 
more  northern,  by  Delwara  ;  the  other  (central),  by  Debari  ;  a 
third,  leading  to  the  intricacies  of  Chappan,  that  of  Nai.  Of 
these  three  passes  the  emperor  chose  the  most  practicable,  and 
encamped  near  the  Udaisagar  lake,  on  the  left  of  its  entrance. 

The  Advance  oJ  Prince  Akbar.  —  Prince  Akbar  advanced. 
"  Not  a  soul  interrupted  his  progress  to  the  city.  Palaces, 
gardens,  lakes,  and  isles  met  his  eye,  but  no  living  thing  :  all  was 
silence."  Akbar  encamped.  Accustomed  to  this  desertion  from 
the  desire  of  the  people  to  avoid  a  licentious  soldiery,  and  lulled 
into  a  hardy  security,  he  was  surprised  [383]  by  the  heir  of  Mewar. 
Some  were  praying,  some  feasting,  some  at  chess  :  "  they  came 
to  steal  and  yet  fell  asleep,"  says  the  annalist,  and  were  dispersed 
with  terrific  and  unrelenting  slaughter.  Cut  off  from  the  possi- 
bility of  a  junction  with  the  emperor  by  a  movement  of  a  part 
of  the  Rana's  personal  force,  Akbar  attempted  a  retreat  to  the 
plains  of  Marwar  by  the  route  of  Gogunda.  It  was  a  choice  of 
evils,  and  he  took  the  worst.  The  allodial  vassals  of  the  moun- 
tains, with  the  Bhil  auxiliaries,  outstripped  his  retreat,  and 
blocked  up  farther  egress  in  one  of  those  long-extended  valleys 
termed  Nal,  closed  by  a  natural  rampart  or  Col,  on  which  they 

this  plan.  His  speech  on  the  advance  of  Aurangzeb  is  given  in  the  Annals  ; 
and  his  advice,  "  Let  the  king  have  free  entrance  through  the  passes,  shut 
him  in,  and  make  famine  his  foe,"  was  literally  followed,  with  the  hard 
knocks,  which  being  a  matter-of-course  accompaniment,  the  gallant  Saktawat 
deemed  it  unnecessary  to  specify. 


THE  ADVANCE  OF  PRINCE  AKBAR  447 

formed  nhhaiis  of  trees,  and  manning  the  crests  on  each  side, 
hurled  destruction  on  the  foe  ;  while  the  prince,  in  like  manner, 
blocked  up  the  entrance  and  barred  retrogression.  Death 
menaced  them  in  every  form.  For  several  days  they  had  only 
the  prospect  of  surrender  to  save  them  from  famine  and  a  justly 
incensed  foe,  when  an  ill-judged  humanity  on  the  part  of  Jai 
Singh  saved  them  from  annihilation.  He  admitted  overtures, 
confided  in  protestations  to  renounce  the  origin  of  the  war,  and 
gave  them  guides  to  conduct  them  by  the  defile  of  Jhilwara,  nor 
did  they  halt  till  protected  by  the  walls  of  Chitor.^ 

^  Orme,  who  has  many  valuable  historical  details  of  this  period,  makes 
Aurangzeb  in  person  to  have  been  in  the  predicament  assigned  by  the 
annals  to  his  son,  and  to  have  escaped  from  the  operation  of  those  liigh  and 
gallant  sentiments  of  the  Rajput,  which  make  him  no  match  for  a  wily 
adversary. 

"  In  the  meantime  Aurengzebe  was  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  Rana 
of  Cheetore,  and  the  Raja  of  Marwar,  who  on  the  approach  of  his  army  at 
the  end  of  the  preceding  year,  1678,  had  abandoned  the  accessible  country, 
and  drew  their  herds  and  inhabitants  into  the  vallies,  within  the  mountains  ; 
the  army  advanced  amongst  the  defiles  with  incredible  labour,  and  with  so 
little  inteUigence,  that  the  division  which  moved  with  Aurengzebe  himself 
was  unexpectedly  stopped  by  insuperable  defences  and  precipices  in  front ; 
whilst  the  Rajpoots  in  one  night  closed  the  streights  in  his  rear,  by  feUing 
the  overhanging  trees  ;  and  from  their  stations  above  prevented  all  en- 
deavours of  the  troops,  either  within  or  without,  from  removing  the  obstacle. 
Udeperri,  the  favourite  and  Circassian  wife  of  Aurengzebe,  accompanied 
him  in  this  arduous  war,  and  with  her  retinue  and  escort  was  enclosed  in 
another  part  of  the  mountains  ;  her  conductors,  dreading  to  expose  her 
person  to  danger  or  public  view,  surrendered.  She  was  carried  to  the  Rana, 
who  received  her  with  homage  and  every  attention.  Meanwhile  the  em- 
peror himself  might  have  perished  by  famine,  of  which  the  Rana  let  him 
see  the  risque,  by  a  confinement  of  two  days  ;  when  he  ordered  his  Rajpoots 
to  withdraw  from  their  stations,  and  suffer  the  way  to  be  cleared.  As  soon 
as  Aurengzebe  was  out  of  danger,  the  Rana  sent  back  his  wife,  accompanied 
by  a  chosen  escort,  who  only  requested  in  return  that  he  would  refrain  from 
destroying  the  sacred  animals  of  their  rehgion  which  might  still  be  left  in  the 
plains  ;  but  Aurengzebe,  who  believed  in  no  virtue  but  seK-interest,  imputed 
the  generosity  and  forbearance  of  the  Rana.  to  the  fear  of  future  vengeance, 
and  continued  the  war.  Soon  after  he  was  again  well-nigh  enclosed  in  the 
mountains.  This  second  experience  of  difficulties  beyond  his  age  and  con- 
stitution, and  the  arrival  of  his  sons,  Azim  and  Acbar,  determined  him  not 
to  expose  himself  any  longer  in  the  field,  but  to  leave  its  operations  to  their 
conduct,  superintended  by  his  own  instructions  from  Azmir  ;  to  which  city 
he  retired  with  the  households  of  his  family,  the  officers  of  his  court,  and  his 
bodyguard  of  four  thousand  men,  dividing  the  array  between  his  two  sons, 
who  each  had  brought  a  considerable  body  of  troops  from  their  respective 


448  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Another  body  of  the  Imperialists,  under  the  celebrated  Dilir 
Khan,^  who  [384]  entered  by  the  Desuri  Pass  from  Marwar  (prob- 
ably with  a  view  of  extricating  Prince  Akbar),  were  allowed  to 
advance  imopposed,  and  when  in  the  long  intricate  gorge  were 
assailed  by  Bikram  Solanki  ^  and  Gopinath  Rathor  '  (both  nobles 
of  Me  war),  and  after  a  desperate  conflict  entirely  destroyed.  On 
each  occasion  a  vast  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Rajputs. 

So  ably  concerted  was  this  mountain  Avarfare,  that  these  defeats 
were  the  signal  for  a  simultaneous  attack  by  the  Rana  on  Aurang- 
zeb,  who,  with  his  son  Azam,  watched  at  Debari  the  result  of  the 
operations  under  Akbar  and  Dilir.  The  great  home-clans  had 
more  than  their  wonted  rivalry  to  sustain  them,  for  the  gallant 
Durgadas  with  the  Rathor  swords  (tahvCir  Bdthorun)  whetted  by 
an  accumulation  of  wrongs,  were  to  combat  with  them  against 
their  common  oppressor  ;  and  nobly  did  they  contest  the  palm  of 
glory.  The  tyrant  could  not  withstand  them  :  his  guns,  though 
manned  by  Franks,  could  not  protect  him  against  the  just  cause 
and  avenging  steel  of  the  Rajput,  and  he  was  beaten  and  com- 
pelled to  disgraceful  flight,  with  an  immense  loss  in  men  and 
equipment.  The  Rana  had  to  lament  many  brave  leaders,  home 
and  auxiliary  ;  and  the  imperial  standard,  elephants,  and  state 
equipage  fell  into  his  hands,  the  acquisition  of  Mohkam  and  the 
Saktawats.  This  glorious  encounter  occurred  in  the  spring  month 
of  Phalgun,  S.  1737,  March  a.d.  1681  [1680]. 

The  discomfited  forces  formed  a  junction  under  the  walls  of 
Chitor,  whence  the  emperor  dictated  the  recall  of  his  son.  Prince 
Muazzam,  from  the  Deccan,  deeming  it  of  greater  moment  to 
regain  lost  importance  in  the  north  than  to  prevent  the  independ- 
ence of  Sivaji.  Meanwhile  the  acti^^ty  of  Sawaldas  (descended 
from  the  illustrious  Jaimall)  cut  off  the  communication  between 
Chitor  and  Ajmer,  and  alarmed  the  tyrant  for  his  personal  safety. 
Leavmg,  therefore,  this  perilous  warfare  to  his  sons  Azam  and 
Akbar,  with  instructions  how  to  act  till  reinforced, — foiled  in  his 

governments.  They  continued  the  war  each  in  a  different  part  of  the 
country,  and  neither  at  the  end  of  the  year  had  forced  the  ultimate  passes  of 
the  mountains"  {^Historical  Fragments,  119  f.]. 

^  [Dilir  Khan,  otherwise  Jalal  Khan  Daudzai,  died  at  Aurangabad, 
1682-83  (Manucci  i.  243).  Grant  Duff  speaks  highly  of  his  services  in  the 
Deccan  (145  f.)-] 

^  Chief  of  Rupnagar. 

'  Chief  of  Ghancrao,  in  Godwar,  now  alienated  from  Mewar. 


DIVERSION  MADE  BY  THE  RAJPUTS  449 

vengeance  and  personally  disgraced,  he  abandoned  Mewar,  and 
at  the  head  of  his  guards  repaired  to  Ajmer.  Thence  he  detached  ^ 
Khan  Rohilla,  with  twelve  thousand  men,  against  Sawaldas, 
with  supplies  and  equipments  for  his  sons.  The  Rathor,  joined 
by  the  troops  of  Marwar,  gave  him  the  meeting  at  Pur  Mandal, 
and  defeated  the  Imperialists  with  great  loss,  driving  them  back 
on  Ajmer  [385]. 

Diversion  made  by  the  Rajputs. — Wliile  the  Rana,  his  heir  and 
auxiliaries,  were  thus  triumphant  in  all  their  operations,  Prince 
Bhim  with  the  left  division  was  not  idle,  but  made  a  powerful 
diversion  by  the  invasion  of  Gujarat,  captured  Idar,  expelling 
Hasan  and  his  garrison,  and  proceeding  by  Birnagar,  suddenly 
appeared  before  Patau,  the  residence  of  the  provincial  satrap, 
which  he  plundered.  Siddhpur,  Modasa,^  and  other  towns  shared 
the  same  fate  ;  and  he  was  in  full  march  to  Surat,  when  the  bene- 
volence of  the  Rana,  touched  at  the  woes  of  the  fugitives,  who 
came  to  demand  his  forbearance,  caused  liim  to  recall  Bhim  in 
the  midst  of  his  career. 

Contrary  to  the  Rajput  character,  whose  maxim  is  parcere 
subjectis,  they  were  compelled  by  the  utter  faithlessness  of  Aurang- 
zeb  (chiefly  vulnerable  through  his  resources)  to  retaliate  his 
excesses  ;  and  Dayal  Sah,  the  civil  minister,  a  man  of  high 
courage  and  activity,  headed  another  flying  force,  which  ravaged 
Malwa  to  the  Nerbudda  and  Betwa.  Sarangpur,  Dewas,  Sironj, 
Mandu,  Ujjain,  and  Chanderi  were  plundered,  and  numerous 
garrisons  put  to  the  sword  ;  and,  to  use  the  words  of  the  Chronicle, 
"  husbands  abandoned  their  wives  and  children,  and  whatever 
could  not  be  carried  off  was  given  to  the  flames."  For  once  they 
avenged  themselves,  in  imitation  of  the  tyrant,  even  on  the 
religion  of  their  enemies  :  "  the  Kazis  were  bound  and  shaved, 
and  the  Korans  thrown  into  wells."  The  minister  was  unrelenting 
and  made  Malwa  a  desert,  and  from  the  fruits  of  his  incursions 
repaired  the  resources  of  his  master.  Flushed  with  success, 
he  formed  a  junction  with  the  heir  of  Mewar,  and  gave  battle  to 
Azam  near  Chitor.  On  this  occasion  the  flower  of  Mewar,  with 
the  Rathor  and  Khichi  auxiliaries,*  were  engaged,  and  obtained 

^  [Some  name  is  wanting  here.] 

^  [Siddhpur,  a  famous  place  of  pilgrimage  in  Baroda  State  {IGI,  xxii. 
358  f.);  Modasa,  fifty-two  miles  north-east  of  Ahmadabad  (BG,  vi.  346).] 
*  Mokham    and    Ganga    Saktawats,    Ratan    Chondawat    of    Salumbar, 
VOL.  I  2  G 


450  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

a  glorious  victorj',  the  Mogul  prince  being  defeated  and  pursued 
with  great  slaughter  to  Ranthambhor,  which  he  entered.  This 
was  a  just  revenge,  for  it  was  Azam  who  surprised  Chitor  the  year 
preceding.  In  Mewar  the  contest  terminated  with  the  expulsion 
of  the  Imperialists  from  the  country  ;  when  the  Rana,  in  support 
of  the  rights  of  the  minor  prince  of  Marwar,  united  his  arms  to 
the  forces  of  that  state,  and  opened  the  campaign  at  Ghanerao, 
the  chief  town  of  [386]  Godwar.  The  heroic  mother  of  the  infant 
Rathor  prince,  a  daughter  of  Mewar,  had,  since  the  death  of  her 
husband,  well  supported  his  rights,  having  resisted  every  aggres- 
sion and  regained  many  lost  advantages  over  their  antagonist. 
Prince  Bhim  commanded  the  Sesodias,  who  formed  a  junction 
with  the  Rathors,  and  gave  battle  to  the  royal  forces  led  by 
Akbar  and  Tahawwar  Khan,  whom  they  entirely  defeated. 
The  victory  is  chiefly  attributed  to  a  stratagem  of  a  Rajput  chief, 
who,  having  carried  off  five  hxmdred  camels  from  the  Imperialists, 
conceived  the  idea  of  fixing  torches  to  them  and  letting  them 
loose  in  the  royal  camp  ;  and,  in  the  confusion  produced  by  the 
charge  of  such  a  body,  the  Rajputs  assaulted  them. 

Plan  to  dethrone  Aurangzeb. — On  their  continued  successes, 
the  Rana  and  his  allies  meditated  the  project  of  dethroning  the 
tyrant  and  setting  up  his  son  Akbar.  The  pernicious  example 
of  his  father  towards  Shah  Jahan  was  not  lost  upon  Akbar,  who 
favourably  received  the  overture  ;  but  he  wanted  the  circum- 
spection which  characterized  Aurangzeb,  whose  penetration 
defeated  the  scheme  when  on  the  eve  of  execution.^  Already 
had  the  Rajput  armies  united  with  Akbar,  and  the  astrologer  had 
fixed  the  day  which  was  to  exalt  him  ;  but  the  revealer  of  secrets 
baffled  his  own  prediction  by  disclosing  it  to  the  emperor.  Au- 
rangzeb, attended  only  by  his  guards  at  Ajmer,  had  recourse  to 
the  same  artifice  which  raised  him  to  empire,  in  order  to  ward 
off  this  danger.  Akbar  was  but  one  day's  march  distant ;  his 
elder  sons,  Muazzam  and  Azam,  yet  far  off.  Not  a  moment  was 
to  be  lost :    he  penned  a  letter  to  his  son,  which  by  a  spy  was 


Chandrasen  Jhala  of  Sadri,  Sabal  Singh  Chauhan  of  Bedla,  Berisal  Pun  war  of 
Bijolia.  Four  of  the  chiefs  made  speeches  on  the  eve  preceding  the  battle, 
which  are  recorded  in  the  Chronicle. 

^  [For  Akbar's  rebellion  see  Jadunath  Sarkar  ii.  402  ff. ;  Elliot-Dowson 
vii.  298  ff. ;  Manucci  ii.  243  ff.] 


OVERTURES  FOR  PEACE  451 

dropped  in  'the  tent  of  the  Rajput  leader  Durgadas.^  In  this  he 
applauded  a  pretended  scheme  by  which  Akbar  was  to  fall  upon 
them  when  they  engaged  the  emperor.  The  same  scheme  had 
saved  Sher  Shah  in  this  coimtry  from  Maldeo,  and  has  more 
recently  been  put  in  practice,  and  with  like  success,  in  the  war  -svith 
Sivaji.  It  succeeded.  The  Rajputs  detached  themselves  from 
the  prince  Avho  had  apparently  betrayed  them.  Tahaw^var  Khan, 
in  despair,  lost  his  life  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate  the  emperor,  ^ 
and  before  the  artifice  was  discovered,  the  reinforcements  under 
Muazzam  and  Azam  arrived,  and  Aurangzeb  was  saved.  The 
Rajputs  still  offered  saran  (refuge)  to  Akbar  ;  but  aware  of  his 
father's  \ngour  of  character,  he  deemed  himself  unsafe  in  his 
vicinage,  and  accepted  the  escort  of  five  himdred  Rajputs  led  by 
Durgadas  [387],  who  cut  their  way  through  everj^  opposition  by 
the  defiles  of  Mewar  and  Dungarpur,  and  across  the  Nerbudda, 
to  the  Mahratta  leader  Sambhaji,  at  Palargarh,  whence  he  was 
shortly  after  conveyed  in  an  English  ship  to  Persia.' 

Overtures  for  Peace. — "  The  escape  of  Acbar  "  (observes  an 
historian,*  who  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  transactions 
of  this  period)  "  to  Sambagee,  oppressed  Aurengzebe  with  as 
much  anxiety,  as  formerly  the  phantom  of  his  brother  Sujah 
amongst   the   Pitans  ;     and   the   consequence   of  their    alliance 

^  A  portrait  of  tWs  Rathor  hero  was  given  to  the  author  of  the  present 
work  by  his  descendants.  He  was  chief  of  Dunara,  on  the  Luni.  He  saved 
his  young  sovereign's  hfe  from  the  tyrant,  and  guarded  him  during  a  long 
minority,  heading  the  Rathors  in  all  the  wars  for  the  independence  of  his 
country.  A  bribe  of  forty  thousand  gold  s^uns  was  sent  to  him  by  Azam 
without  stipulation,  when  conveying  Akbar  out  of  danger.  The  object  was 
obvious,  yet  the  Mogul  prince  dared  not  even  specify  his  wishes.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  Durga  spurned  the  offer.  [For  the  flight  of  Akbar  see 
Jadunath  Sarkar  ii.  415  £F.] 

-  [For  the  attempt  of  Tahawwar  Khan  to  assassinate  Aurangzeb  see 
Manucci  ii.  247  ff.  ;   Jadunath  Sarkar  ii.  411  ff.] 

*  [Palargarh  is  perhaps  Palanpur  (IGI,  xix.  354).  Akbar  died  in  Persia, 
1706.1 

*  "  We  are  not  without  hopes  that  some  of  the  many  in  India  who  have 
the  means  will  supply  the  portions  of  information  which  are  deficient  in 
these  fragments,  and  must  otherwise  always  continue  out  of  our  reach. 
The  knowledge  is  well  worth  the  inquiry  ;  for,  besides  the  magnitude  of  the 
events  and  the  energy  of  the  characters  which  arise  within  this  period,  there 
are  no  states  or  powers  on  the  continent  of  India,  with  whom  our  nation 
have  either  connection  or  concern,  which  do  not  owe  the  origin  of  their 
present  condition  to  the  reign  of  Aurengzebe,  or  to  its  influence  on  the  reigns 
of  his  successors  "  (Orme's  Fragments  [Notes  i.  f.]). 


452  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

became  a  nearer  care  than  the  contuiuance  of  the  war  against 
the  Rajpoots,  whose  gallant  activity  prevented  a  speedy  decision 
by  the  sword  ;  but  the  dignity  of  the  throne  forbad  any  overtures 
of  peace  to  a  resistance  which  had  attempted  the  deposal,  if  not 
the  life,  of  the  monarch.  A  Rajpoot  officer,  who  had  long  served 
with  distinction  under  Delire  Khan,  solved  the  difficulty  :  he 
quitted  the  army  on  the  pretence  of  retiring  to  his  own  country 
and  visited  the  Rana  as  from  courtesy  on  his  journey.  The 
conversation  turned  on  the  war,  which  the  Rajpoot  perhaps  reaUy 
lamented,  and  he  persuaded  the  Rana  that  although  Aurengzebe 
would  never  condescend  to  make,  he  might  accept  overtures 
of  peace  :  upon  which  he  was  empowered  by  the  Rana  to  tender 
them."  ^  The  domestic  annals  confirm  this  account,  and  give 
the  name  of  this  mediator.  Raja  Shyam  Singh  of  Bikaner ;  but 
the  negotiation  was  infamously  protracted  to  the  rains,  the  period 
when  oi^erations  necessarily  cease,  and  by  which  time  Aurangzeb 
had  recruited  his  broken  forces,  and  was  again  enabled  to  take 
the  field  ;  and  it  was  concluded  "  without  assertion  or  release  of 
the  capitation  tax,  but  with  the  surrender  of  the  districts  taken 
from  Chitor,  and  the  State  of  Jodhpur  was  included  in  the  treaty." 
How  correctly  this  elegant  historian  had  obtained  a  knowledge 
of  those  events,  a  translation  of  the  treaty  evinces.^     But  these 

1  [Orme,  Fragments,  150  f.] 

^  "  Jawab-sotval     [treaty,  Q  QQ  'question  — answer ']  o/  ^Swr 

Singh    (uncle    of   Rana    Raj  j  .  L  f]       Singh)     and     Narhar     Bhat 

ivith  the  AUUII       Emperor. 


Panja,  or  impress  of  the  Em-        v^  ^^       peror's  hand,  with  the  word 
'  Manzuri,'  written  by  him-  \_  '    J       self.     Manzuri  ('  agreed  '). 

"  Your  servants,  according  to  your  royal  pleasure  and  summons,  have 
been  sent  by  the  Rana  to  represent  what  is  written  underneath.  We  hope 
you  will  agree  to  these  requests,  be.sides  others  which  will  be  made  by 
Padam  Singh. 

"1.  Let  Chitor,  with  the  districts  adjacent  appertaining  thereto  when  it 
was  inhabited,  be  restored. 

"  2.  In  such  temples  and  places  of  Hindu  religious  resort  as  have  been 
converted  into  mosques,  the  past  cannot  be  recalled,  but  let  this  practice 
be  abolished. 

"  3.  The  aid  hitherto  afforded  to  the  empire  by  the  Rana  shall  be  con- 
tinued, but  let  no  additional  commands  be  imposed. 

"  4.  The  sons  and  dependants  of  the  deceased  Raja  Jaswant  Singh  so 


CRUEL  TREATMENT  OF  RAJA  OF  GOLKONDA  453 

occurrences  belong  to  the  succeeding  reign,  for  the  Rana  died 
about  this  period/  from  wounds  and  vexation. 

Cruel  Treatment  of  Raja  of  Golkonda. — Once  more  we  claim 
the  reader's  admiration  on  behalf  of  another  patriot  prince  of 
Mewar,  and  ask  him  to  contrast  the  indigenous  Rajput  with  the 
emperor  of  the  Aloguls  [388]  ;  though  to  compare  them  would  be 
manifestly  unjust,  since  in  every  moral  virtue  they  were  antipodes 
to  each  other.  Aurangzeb  accumulated  on  his  head  more  crimes 
than  any  prince  who  ever  sat  on  an  Asiatic  throne.  With  all 
the  disregard  of  life  which  marks  his  nation,  he  was  never  be- 
trayed, even  in  the  fever  of  success,  into  a  single  generous  action  ; 
and,  contrary  to  the  prevailing  principle  of  our  nature,  the 
moment  of  his  foe's  submission  was  that  chosen  for  the  maUgnant 
completion  of  his  revenge  :  witness  his  scourging  the  prostrate 
Iving  of  Golkonda.^  How  opposite  to  the  beneficence  of  the 
Rajput  prince,  who,  when  the  most  efficient  means  of  self-defence 
lay  in  the  destruction  of  the  resources  of  his  enemy,  feeling  for 
the  miseries  of  the  suffering  population  of  his  persecutor,  recalled 
his  son  m  the  midst  of  victory  !  As  a  skilful  general  and  gallant 
soldier,  in  the  defence  of  his  country,  he  is  above  all  [389]  praise. 
As  a  chivalrous  Rajput,  his  braving  all  consequences  when  called 
upon  to  save  the  honour  of  a  noble  female  of  his  race,  he  is  without 
parallel.  As  an  accomphshed  prince  and  benevolent  man,  his 
dignified  letter  of  remonstrance  to  Aurangzeb  on  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  capitation  edict,  places  him  high  in  the  scale  of  moral 
as  well  as  intellectual  excellence  ;  and  an  additional  evidence 
of  both,  and  of  his  taste  for  the  arts,  is  furnished  by  the  formation 
of  the  inland  lake,  the  Rajsamund,  with  a  slight  account  of  which, 
and  the  motives  for  its  execution,  we  shall  conclude  the  sketch  of 
this  glorious  epoch  in  the  annals  of  Mewar. 

soon  as  enabled  to  perform  their  duties,  we  hope  will  have  their  country 
restored  to  them.  * 

"  Respect  prevents  inferior  demands.  May  the  splendour  of  your  for- 
tune, like  the  sun  illuminating  the  world,  be  for  ever  increasing  and  never  set. 

"  The  Arzi  (requests)  of  your  servants,  Sur  Singh  and  Narhar  Bhat." 
*  S.  1737,  A.D.  1681. 

^  It  was  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  heir  of  Marwar,  as  well  as  to  oppose 
the  odious  jizya,  that  the  Rana  took  to  arms.  Ajit  was  still  under  the 
Rana's  safeguard. 

2  [Orme,  Fragments,  217  f.  A  tUti'erent  story  is  told  by  Khafi  Khan 
(EUiot-Dowson  vii.  334).] 


454  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

The  Rajsamund  Lake. — This  great  national  work  is  twenty- 
five  miles  north  of  the  capital,  and  is  situated  on  the  declivity 
of  the  plain  about  two  miles  from  the  base  of  the  Aravalli.  A 
small  perennial  stream,  called  the  Gomati  or  '  serpentine,'  ^ 
flowing  from  these  mountains,  was  arrested  in  its  course,  and 
confined  by  an  immense  embankment,  made  to  form  the  lake 
called  after  himself,  Rajsamund,  or  '  royal  sea.'  The  hand  or 
dam  forms  an  irregular  segment  of  a  circle,  embracing  an  extent 
of  nearly  three  miles,  and  encirchng  the  waters  on  every  side 
except  the  space  between  the  north-west  and  north-east  points. 
This  barrier,  which  confines  a  sheet  of  water  of  great  depth,  and 
about  twelve  miles  in  circumference,  is  entirely  of  white  marble, 
with  a  flight  of  steps  of  the  same  material,  throughout  this  extent, 
from  the  summit  to  the  water's  edge  ;  the  whole  buttressed  by  an 
enormous  rampart  of  earth,  wliich,  had  the  projector  lived,  would 
have  been  planted  with  trees  to  form  a  promenade.  On  the  south 
side  are  the  town  and  fortress  built  by  the  Rana,  and  bearing  his 
name,  Rajnagar  ;  and  upon  the  embankment  stands  the  temple 
of  KankroU,  the  shrine  of  one  of  the  seven  forms  {sarup)  of 
Krishna.  The  whole  is  ornamented  with  sculpture  of  tolerable 
execution  for  the  age  ;  and  a  genealogical  sketch  of  the  founder's 
family  is  inscribed  in  conspicuous  characters.  One  million  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling,^  contributed  by  the 
Rana,  his  chiefs  and  opulent  subjects,  was  expended  on  this  work, 
of  which  the  material  was  from  the  adjacent  quarries.  But, 
magnificent,  costly,  and  useful  as  it  is,  it  derives  its  chief  beauty 
from  the  benevolent  motive  to  which  it  owes  its  birth  :  to  alleviate 
the  miseries  of  a  starving  population,  and  make  their  employment 
conducive  to  national  benefit,  during  one  of  those  awful  visitations 
[390]  of  providence,  famine,  and  pestilence  with  which  these 
states  are  sometimes  afflicted. 

The  Famine  o£  a.d.  1662. — It  was  in  S.  1717,^  only  seven  years 
after  the  accession  of  Raj  Singh,  that  these  combined  evils  reached 
Mewar,  less  subject  to  them,  owing  to  its  natural  advantages, 
than  any  other  State  in  India  ;  *   and  on  Tuesday  the  8th  of  Pus, 

^  [A  common  error ;  Gtomati,  meaning  '  rich  in  cattle,'  has  no  connexion 
with  Hiiadi  ghumna,  '  to  twist.'] 

"  Ninety-six  lakhs  of  rupees  [Erskine  ii.  A.  9]. 

3  A.D.  1661. 

*  From  all  I  could  learn,  it  was  the  identical  pestilence  which  has  been 
ravaging  India  for  the  last  ten  years,  erroneously  called  cholera  morbus. 


THE  FAMINE  OF  A.D.  1662  455 

Hasti  Nakshatra  (constellation  of  the  elephant),  as  fixed  by  the 
astrologer,  the  first  stone  was  laid.  "  The  chief  of  Mewar,  deeply 
meditating  on  this  extreme  distress,  determined  to  raise  a  monu- 
ment, by  which  the  wretched  might  be  supported  and  his  own 
name  perpetuated.  This  was  seven  years  in  constructing,  and 
at  its  commencement  and  termination  all  the  rites  of  sacrifice 
and  oblation  were  observed. 

"  The  Rana  went  to  implore  favour  at  the  temple  of  the  '  four- 
armed  '  ;  for  though  Asarh  ^  was  over,  not  a  drop  of  rain  fell 
from  the  heavens  ;  and,  in  like  manner,  the  months  of  Sawan  |; 
and  Bhadon  ^  passed  away.  For  want  of  water  the  world  was 
in  despair,  and  people  went  mad  with  himger.  Things  unknown 
as  food  were  eaten.  The  husband  abandoned  the  wife,  the  wife 
the  husband — parents  sold  their  children — time  increased  the 
evil ;  it  spread  far  and  wide  :  even  the  insects  died  :  they  had 
nothing  to  feed  on.  Thousands  of  aU  ages  became  victims  to 
hunger.  Those  who  procured  food  to-day,  ate  twice  what  nature 
required.  The  wind  was  from  the  west,  a  pestilential  vapour. 
The  constellations  were  always  visible  at  night,  nor  was  there  a 
cloud  in  the  sky  by  day,  and  thunder  and  lightning  were  unknown. 
Such  portents  filled  mankind  with  dread.  Rivers,  lakes,  and 
fountains  were  dried  up.  Men  of  wealth  meted  out  the  portions 
of  food.  The  ministers  of  religion  forgot  their  duties.  There 
was  no  longer  distinction  of  caste,  and  the  Sudra  and  Brahman 
were  undistingiiishable.  Strength,  wisdom,  caste,  tribe,  all  were 
abandoned,  and  food  alone  was  the  object.  The  Charbaran  ^ 
threw  away  every  symbol  of  separation  ;  all  was  lost  in  hunger. 
Fruits,  flowers,  every  vegetable  thing,  even  trees  were  stripped 
of  their  bark,  to  appease  the  cravings  [391]  of  hunger  :  nay,  7nan 
ate  man  !  Cities  were  depopulated.  The  seed  of  families  was 
lost,  the  fishes  were  extinct,  and  the  hope  of  all  extmguished."  ^ 

About  thirty-five  years  ago  the  same  disease  carried  off  multitudes  in  these 
countries.  Orme  [Fragments,  200]  gives  notice  of  something  similar  in 
A.D.  1684,  in  the  imperial  camp  near  Goa,  when  five  hundred  victims  daily 
fell  its  prey.  Mewar  was  not  free  from  the  last  visitation  of  1818,  and  the 
only  son  of  the  Rana  was  the  first  person  attacked. 

^  The  three  months  of  rain,  termed  the  Barsat.  [Asarh  is  the  month 
June  to  July,  followed  by  Sawan«and  Bhadon.] 

^  The  four  castes,  sacerdotal,  mihtary,  mercantile,  and  servile. 

^  From  the  Eaj  Vilas,  the  chronicle  of  the  reign  of  Raj  Singh. 


456  ANNAI.S  OF  MEWAR 

Such  is  the  simple  yet  terrific  record  of  this  pestilence,  from 
which  Mewar  was  hardly  freed,  when  Aurangzeb  commenced  the 
religious  warfare  narrated,  with  all  its  atrocities,  still  further  to 
devastate  this  fair  region.  But  a  just  retribution  resulted  from 
this  disregard  to  the  character  and  prejudices  of  the  Rajputs, 
which  visited  the  emperor  with  shame,  and  his  successors  with 
the  overthrow  of  their  power. 


CHAPTER   14 

Rana  Jai  Singh,  a.d.  1680-98. — Rana  Jai  Singh  took  possession 
of  the  Gaddi  ^  in  S.  1737  (a.d.  1681).  A  circumstance  occurred 
at  his  birth,  which  as  descriptive  of  manners  may  deserve  notice. 
A  few  hours  only  intervened  between  his  entrance  into  the  world 
and  that  of  another  son  called  Bhim.  ,It  is  customary  for  the 
father  to  bind  round  the  arm  of  the  new-born  infant  a  root  of 
that  species  of  grass  called  the  amardub,  the  '  imi^erishable  '  dub, 
well  known  for  its  nutritive  properties  and  luxuriant  vegetation 
under  the  most  intense  heat.^  The  Rana  first  attached  the 
ligature  round  the  arm  of  the  youngest,  apparently  an  oversight, 
though  in  fact  from  superior  affection  for  his  mother.  As  the 
boys  approached  to  manhood,  the  Rana,  apprehensive  that  this 
preference  might  create  dissension,  one  day  drew  his  sword,  and 
placing  it  in  the  hand  of  Bhim  (the  elder),  said,  it  was  better  to 
use  it  at  once  on  his  brother,  than  hereafter  to  endanger  the 
safety  of  the  State.  This  [392]  appeal  to  his  generosity  had  an 
instantaneous  effect,  and  he  not  only  ratified,  '  by  his  father's 
throne,'  ^  the  acknowledgment  of  the  sovereign  rights  of  his 
brother,  but  declared,  to  remove  all  fears,  "  he  was  not  his  son 
if  he  again  drank  water  within  the  pass  of  Debari  "  ;  and,  collect- 
ing liis  retain^s,  he  abandoned  Udaipur  to  court  Fortune  where 
she  might  be  kinder.  The  day  was  sultry,  and  on  reaching  the 
barrier  he  halted  tmder  the  shade  of  a  sacred  fig-tree  to  bestow  a 
last  look  upon  the  place  of  his  birth.  His  cup-bearer  {Paniyari) 
brought  his  sUver  goblet  filled  from  the  cool  fountain,  but  as  he 

^  '  The  Cushion,'  by  -which  a  Rajput  tlirone  is  designated. 
*  [Dub,  Cynodon  dactylon,  the  most  common  and  useful  Indian  grass 
(Watt,  Comm.  Prod.,  463  f).] 
'  Gaddi  hi  an. 


RANA  JAI  SINGH  AND  AURANGZEB  457 

raised  it  to  liis  lips,  he  recollected  that  his  vow  was  incomplete 
while  within  the  portal ;  he  poured  the  libation  on  the  earth  in 
the  name  of  the  Supreme,  and  casting  the  cup  as  an  offering  to 
the  deity  of  the  fountain,  the  huge  gates  closed  upon  the  valley. 
He  proceeded  to  Bahadur  Shah,  who  conferred  upon  him  the 
dignity  (niansab)  of  a  leader  of  three  thousand  five  hundred  horse, 
with  the  Bawana,  or  fifty-two  districts  for  their  support  :  but 
quarrelling  with  the  imperial  general,  he  was  detached  with  his 
contingent  west  of  the  Indus,  where  he  died.^ 

Treaty  between  Rana  Jai  Singh  and  Aurangzeb. — Let  us  return 
to  Jai  Singh  {the  lion  of  victory).  He  concluded  a  treaty  with 
Aurangzeb,  conducted  by  Prince  Azam  and  Dilir  Khan,  who 
took  every  occasion  to  testify  his  gratitude  for  the  clemency  of 
Rana  Raj  Singh,  when  blockaded  in  the  defiles  of  the  Aravalli. 
At  this  conference,  the  Rana  was  attended  by  ten  thousand  horse 
and  forty  thousand  foot,  besides  the  multitude  collected  from 
the  momitams  to  view  the  ceremony,  above  one  hundred  thousand 
souls,  who  set  up  a  shout  of  joy  at  the  prospect  of  revisiting  the 
plams,  which  disconcerted  Azam,  while  Dilir  expatiated  on  the 
perils  from  which  the  Rana's  generosity  had  liberated  him. 
Azam,  who  said  he  was  no  stranger  to  the  Rana's  illustrious  house, 
concluded  a  treaty  on  the  sj^ot,  in  which,  as  a  salvo  for  the  imperial 
dignity,  a  nommal  fine  and  surrender  of  three  districts  were 
inserted  for  aiding  Akbar's  rebellion,  and  a  hint  that  the  regal 
colour  {crimson)  of  his  tents  and  umbrella  [393]  should  be  dis- 
continued. That  advantages  were  gained  by  the  Rana,  we  may 
infer  from  Dilir' s  sons  being  left  as  hostages  for  Azam's  good 
faith  ;  a  fact  we  learn  from  his  farewell  address  to  the  Rana  ! 
"  Your  nobles  are  rude,  and  my  children  are  the  hostages  of  your 
safety  ;  but  if  at  the  expense  of  their  lives  I  can  obtain  the  entire 

^  I  give  these  anecdotes  as  related  to  me  by  his  descendant  and  repre- 
sentative the  Raja  of  Banera,  while  seated  in  a  balcony  of  his  castle  over- 
looking the  plains  of  Mewar.  Often  have  I  quenched  my  thirst  at  the 
fountain,  and  hstened  to  their  traditionary  tales.  It  is  a  spot  consecrated 
to  recollections  :  every  altar  which  rises  around  it  is  a  text  for  the  '  great 
ancients  '  of  the  clans  to  expatiate  on  ;  and  it  is,  moreover,  a  grand  place  of 
rendezvous,  whether  for  the  traveller  or  sportsman.  Bhim  dislocated  his 
spine  in  a  feat  of  strength.  He  was  celebrated  for  activity,  and  could, 
while  his  steed  was  urged  to  his  speed,  disengage  and  suspend  himself  by 
the  arms  from  the  bough  of  a  tree  ;  and  to  one  of  these  experiments  he  owed 
his  death. 


458  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

restoration  of  your  country,  keep  your  mind  at  ease,  for  there 
was  friendship  between  your  father  and  me." 

The  Jaisamund  Lake.— But  all  other  protection  than  what 
his  sword  afforded  was  futile  ;  and  though  Dilir's  intentions  were 
noble,  he  had  little  control  over  events  :  in  less  than  five  years 
after  his  accession,  the  Rana  was  again  forced  to  fly  the  plains 
for  the  inaccessible  haunts  of  Kamori.  Yet,  in  spite  of  these 
untoward  circumstances  and  luiinterrupted  warfare,  such  were 
the  resources  of  this  little  State  that  the  Rana  completed  a  work 
which  perpetuates  his  name.  He  threw  a  dam  across  a  break  in 
the  moxintains,  the  channel  of  an  ever-flowing  stream,  by  which 
he  formed  the  largest  lake  in  India,^  giving  it  his  own  name,  the 
Jaisamund,  or  sea  of  victory.  Nature  had  furnished  the  hint 
for  tliis  undertaking,  for  there  had  always  existed  a  considerable 
volume  of  water  ;  but  the  Rana  had  the  merit  of  uniting  these 
natural  buttresses,  and  creating  a  Uttle  sea  from  the  Dhebar  pool, 
its  ancient  appellation.  The  circumference  cannot  be  less  than 
thirty  miles,  and  the  benefits  to  cultivation,  especially  in  respect 
to  the  article  of  rice,  which  requires  perpetual  irrigation,  were 
great.  On  this  huge  rampart  he  erected  a  palace  for  his  favourite 
queen,  Komaladevi,  a  princess  of  the  Pramara  race,  famiharly 
known  as  the  Ruthi  Rani,  or  '  testy  queen.' 

Rana  Jai  Singh  and  his  heir  Amar  Singh. — Domestic  unhappi- 
ness  appears  to  have  generated  in  the  Rana  inaptitude  to  state 
affairs  ;  and,  unluckUy,  the  favoured  queen  estranged  him  from 
his  son.  Amra,  a  name  venerated  in  Mewar,  was  that  of  the 
heir  of  Jai  Singh.  His  mother  was  of  the  Bundi  house,  a  family 
which  has  performed  great  services  to,  and  brought  great  calami- 
ties upon,  the  ancient  sovereigns  of  Mewar.  To  the  jealousies  of 
the  rival  queens,  one  of  them  mother  to  the  heir,  the  other  the 
favourite  of  the  sovereign,  are  attributed  dissensions,  which  at 
such  a  juncture  were  a  greater  detriment  than  the  loss  of  a  battle, 
and  which  afford  another  illustration,  if  any  were  wanting,  of 
the  impolicy  of  polygamy.  The  annals  of  Mewar  seldom  exhibit 
those  unnatural  contentions  for  power,  from  which  no  other 
Hindu  State  was  exempt  ;  this  was  owing  to  the  wholesome 
regulation  of  not  investing  the  princes  of  the  blood  with  any  [394] 

^  [The  Bhojpur  lake,  which  covered  an  area  of  250  square  miles,  was 
much  larger,  the  Jaisamund  covering  only  21  square  miles  (Smith,  EHl, 
39G  ;    Erskine  ii.  A.  8  f.).] 


REBELLION  OF  AMAR  SINGH  459 

political  authority  ;  and  establishing  as  a  counterpoise  to  natural 
advantages  an  artificial  degradation  of  their  rank,  which  placed 
them  beneath  the  sixteen  chief  nobles  of  the  State ;  which,  while 
it  exalted  these  in  their  own  estimation,  lessened  the  national 
humiUation,  when  the  heirs-apparent  were  compelled  to  lead 
their  quota  in  the  arriere-ban  of  the  empire. 

Rebeliion  of  Amar  Singh.— Rana  Jai  Singh,  who  had  evinced 
such  gallantry  and  activity  in  the  wars  of  Aurangzeb,  now  secluded 
himself  with  Komala  in  the  retreat  of  Jaisamund,  leaving  Amra 
imder  the  guidance  of  the  Pancholi  ^  minister,  at  the  capital. 
But  he  having  personally  insulted  this  chief  officer  of  the  State, 
iu  consequence  of  receiving  a  rebuke  for  turning  loose  an  in- 
furiated elephant  in  the  town,  the  Rana  left  his  retreat,  and 
visiting  Chitor  in  his  tour,  arrived  at  Udaipur.  Amra  awaited 
not  his  father's  arrival,  but  adding  his  mother's  resentments  to 
a  feeling  of  patriotic  indignation  at  the  abasement  his  indolence 
produced,  fled  to  Bundi,  took  up  arms,  and,  joined  by  many  of 
his  owia  nobles  and  Hara  auxiliaries,  returned  at  the  head  of  ten 
thousand  men.  Desirous  of  averting  civil  war,  the  Rana  retired 
to  Godwar  beyond  the  Aravalli,  whence  he  sent  the  Ghanerao 
chieftain,  the  first  feudatory  of  that  department,  to  expostulate 
with  his  son.  But  Amra,  supported  by  three-fourths  of  the 
nobles,  made  direct  for  Kumbhalmer  to  secure  the  State  treasure, 
saved  by  the  Depra  governor  for  his  sovereign.  A  failure  in 
tliis  project,  the  knowledge  that  the  Rathors  fostered  the  quarrel 
with  a  view  to  obtain  Godwar,  and  the  determination  of  the  few 
chiefs  yet  faithful  ^  to  the  Rana,  to  defend  the  Jhilwara  pass  to 
the  last,  made  the  prince  listen  to  terms,  which  were  ratified  at 
the  shrine  of  EkJinga,  whereby  the  Rana  was  to  return  to  the 
capital,  and  the  prince  to  abide  in  exile  at  the  new  palace  during 
the  life  of  his  father,  which  closed  twenty  years  after  his  accession. 
Had  he  maintained  the  reputation  he  established  in  his  early 
years,  the  times  v»^ere  well  calculated  for  the  redemption  of  his 
country's  independence  ;  but  documents  which  yet  exist  afford 
little  reason  to  doubt  that  in  his  latter  years  a  state  of  indolence, 

^  [Pancholi,  Panchauli,  of  wiiich  the  derivation  is  uncertain,  perhajis 
pancha-kula,  '  five  houses,'  is  the  local  title  of  the  Desi  or  Mathur  Kayasths, 
or  writer  caste  {Census  Report  Marwar,  1891,  ii.  111).] 

^  Beri  Sal  of  Bijoha,  Kandal  of  Salumbar,  Gopinath  of  Ghanerao,  and 
the  Solanki  of  Desuri. 


460  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

having  all  the  effects  of  imbecility,  supervened,  and  but  for  the 
formation  of  '  the  victorious  sea,'  would  have  left  his  name  a 
blank  in  the  traditional  history  of  Mewar. 

Rana  Amar  Singh  II.,  a.d..  1698-1710. — Amra  II.,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  S.  1756  (a.d.  1700),  had  much  of  the  gallantry  [395]  and 
active  turn  of  mind  of  his  illustrious  namesake  ;  but  the  degrading 
conflict  with  his  father  had  much  impaired  the  moral  strength  of 
the  country,  and  counteracted  the  advantages  which  might  have 
resulted  from  the  decline  of  the  Mogul  power.  The  reigns  of  Raj 
Singh  and  Jai  Singh  illustrate  the  obvious  truth,  that  on  the 
personal  character  of  the  chief  of  a  feudal  government  everything 
depends.  The  former,  infusing  by  his  talent  and  energy  patriotic 
sentiments  into  all  his  subordinates,  vanquished  in  a  series  of 
conflicts  the  vast  military  resources  of  the  empire,  led  by  the 
emperor,  his  sons,  and  chosen  generals  ;  while  his  successor,  heir 
to  this  moral  strength,  and  with  every  collateral  aid,  lowered  her 
to  a  stage  of  contempt  from  which  no  talent  could  subsequently 
raise  her. 

Amra  early  availed  himself  of  the  contentions  amongst  the 
sons  of  Aurangzeb  to  anticipate  events,  and  formed  a  private 
treaty  ^  with  the  Mogul  heir-apparent,  Shah  Alam,  when  com- 

^  "  Private  Treaty  between  the  Rana  and  Shah  Alam  Bahadur  Shah, 
and  bearing  his  sign-manual. 

"  Six  articles  of  engagement,  just,  and  tending  to  the  happiness  of  the 
jjeople,  have  been  submitted  by  you,  and  by  mo  accepted,  and  with  God's 
blessing  shall  be  executed  without  deviation — 

"  1.  The  re-estabhshment  of  Cliitor  as  in  the  time  of  Shah  Jahan. 

"  2.  Prohibition  of  kine-kilhng.* 

*  From  the  second  of  these  articles,  which  alternate  between  stipulations 
of  a  temporal  and  spiritual  nature,  we  may  draw  a  lesson  of  great  poMtical 
importance.  In  ail  the  treaties  which  have  come  under  my  observation, 
the  insertion  of  an  article  against  the  slaughter  of  kine  was  prominent.  This 
sacrifice  to  their  national  prejudices  was  the  subject  of  discussion  with  every 
ambassador  when  the  States  of  Rajasthan  formed  engagements  with  the 
British  Government  in  18f  7-18,  "  the  prohibition  of  kine-kilhng  within  their 
respective  hmits."  From  the  construction  of  our  armies  we  could  not 
guarantee  this  article,  but  assurances  were  given  that  every  practical  atten- 
tion would  be  paid  to  their  wishes  ;  and  kine  are  not  absolutely  slain  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  any  of  these  Rajput  princes.  But  even  long  habit, 
though  it  has  famiharized,  has  not  reconciled  them  to  this  revolting  sacrifice  ; 
nor  would  the  kine-killer  in  Mewar  be  looked  upon  with  less  detestation 
than  was  Cambyses  by  the  Egyptians,  when  he  thrust  his  lance  into  the 
fiank  of  Apis.     But  in  time  this  will  be  overlooked,  and  the  verbal  assurance 


RESULTS  OF  RAJPUT  DEFECTION  461 

manded  to  the  countries  west  of  the  Indus,  on  which  occasion 
[396]  the  Mewar  contingent  ^  accompanied  him,  and  fought 
several  gallant  actions  under  a  Saktawat  chieftain. 

Breach  between  the  Rajputs  and  the  Mughal  Empire. — It  is 
important  to  study  the  events  of  this  period,  which  involved  the 
overthrow  of  the  IMogul  power,  and  originated  that  form  of 
society  which  paved  the  way  to  the  dominion  of  Britain  in  these 
distant  regions.  From  such  a  review  a  political  lesson  of  great 
value  may  be  learned,  which  wiU  show  a  beacon  warning  us 
against  the  danger  of  trusting  to  mere  physical  power,  unaided 

"3.  The  restoration  of  all  the  districts  held  in  the  reign  of  Shah  Jahan. 

"  4.  Freedom  of  faith  and  religious  worship,  as  during  the  government 
of  him  whose  nest  is  Paradise  (Akbar). 

"  5.  Whoever  shall  be  dismissed  by  you  shall  receive  no  countenance  from 
the  Icing. 

"  6.  The  abrogation  of  the  contingent  for  the  service  of  the  Deccan."  * 

^  It  consisted  of  twenty-two  Nakkarahand  chiefs,  i.e.  each  entitled  to  a 
kettle-drum,  and  fifteen  Turais,  or  chiefs,  entitled  to  brass  trumpets.  ["  As 
a  mark  of  favour,  kettle-drums  (naqqdrah)  and  the  right  to  play  them  (naubat) 
might  be  granted  to  a  subject,  but  ho  must  be  a  man  of  the  rank  of  2000 
sawar  (troopers)  or  upwards.  As  an  invariable  condition,  however,  it  was 
stipulated  they  should  not  be  used  when  the  Emperor  was  present,  or 
within  a  certain  distance  from  his  residence "  (Irvine,  Army  of  the 
Indian  Moghuls,  30,  208  f.).] 

wiU  become  a  dead  letter ;  men  of  good  intention  will  be  lulled  into  the 
belief  that,  because  not  openly  combated,  the  prejudice  is  extinct,  and  that 
homage  to  our  power  has  obliterated  this  article  of  their  creed.  Thus 
Aurangzeb  thought,  but  he  avowedly  and  boldly  opposed  the  religious 
opinions  of  his  tributaries  ;  we  only  hold  them  in  contempt,  and  even  pro- 
tect them  when  productive  of  no  sacrifice.  Yet  if  we  look  back  on  the 
early  page  of  history,  we  shaU  find  both  policy  and  benevolence  combined 
to  form  this  legislative  protection  to  one  of  the  most  useful  of  domestic 
animals,  and  which  would  tempt  the  belief  that  Triptolemus,  the  lawgiver 
of  Sparta,  had  borrowed  from  Manu  [Latus,  xi.  60,  69,  71],  or  rather  from 
the  still  greater  friends  of  dumb  creatiires,  the  Jains,  in  the  law  which 
exempted  not  only  the  lordly  bull  from  the  knife,  but  "  every  Uving  thing." 

*  The  Mewar  contingent  had  been  serving  under  Azam  in  the  south,  as 
the  following  letter  from  him  to  the  Rana  discloses  : — "  Be  it  known  to 
Rana  Amra  Singh,  your  arzi  [petition]"'arrived,  and  the  accounts  of  your 
mother  gave  me  great  grief,  but  against  the  decrees  of  God  there  is  no 
struggling.  Pray  for  my  welfare.  Raja  Rae  Singh  made  a  request  for  you  ; 
you  are  my  own  ;  rest  in  full  confidence  and  continue  in  your  obedience. 
The  lands  of  your  illustrious  ancestors  shall  all  be  yours — but  this  is  the  time 
to  evince  your  duty — the  rest  learn  from  your  own  servants — continue  to 
think  of  me." 

"  Your  Rajputs  have  behaved  well." 


462  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

by  the  latent,  but  more  durable  support  of  moral  influence. 
When  Aurangzeb  neglected  the  indigenous  Rajputs,  he  en- 
dangered the  keystone  of  his  power  ;  and  in  despising  opinion, 
though  his  energetic  mind  might  for  a  time  render  him  independent 
of  it,  yet  long  before  his  death  the  enormous  fabric  reared  by 
Akbar  was  tottering  to  its  foundation  :  demonstrating  to  convic- 
tion that  the  highest  order  of  talent,  either  for  government  or 
war,  though  aided  by  unlimited  resources,  will  not  suffice  for  the 
maintenance  of  power,  unsupported  by  the  affections  of  the 
governed.  The  empire  of  Aurangzeb  was  more  extensive  than 
that  of  Britain  at  this  day — the  elements  of  stability  were  in- 
comparably more  tenacious  :  he  was  associated  with  the  Rajputs 
by  blood,  which  seemed  to  guarantee  a  respect  for  their  opinions  ; 
he  possessed  the  power  of  distributing  the  honours  and  emolu- 
ments of  the  statCj  when  a  service  could  be  rewarded  by  a  pro- 
vince,^ drawing  at  will  supplies  of  warriors  from  the  mountains 
of  the  west,  as  a  check  on  his  indigenous  subjects,  while  these 
left  the  plains  of  India  to  control  the  Afghan  amidst  the  snows  of 
Caucasus.  But  the  most  devoted  attachment  and  most  faithful 
service  were  repaid  by  insults  to  their  habits,  and  the  imposition 
of  an  obnoxious  tax  ;  and  to  the  jizya,  and  the  unwdse  pertinacity 
with  which  his  successors  adhered  to  it,  must  be  directly  ascribed 
the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy.  No  condition  was  exempted 
from  this  odious  and  impolitic  assessment,  which  was  deemed  by 
the  tyrant  a  mild  substitute  for  the  conversion  he  once  meditated 
of  the  entire  Hindu  race  to  the  creed  of  Islam. ^ 

^  In  lieu  of  all,  what  reward  does  Britain  hold  out  to  the  native  popula- 
tion to  be  attached  ?  Heavy  duties  exclude  many  products  of  their  industry 
from  the  home  market.  The  rates  of  pay  to  civil  officers  afford  no  security 
to  integrity ;  and  the  faithful  soldier  cannot  aspire  to  higher  reward  than 
£1 20  per  annum,  were  his  breast  studded  with  medals.  Even  their  prejudices 
are  often  too  little  considered,  prejudices,  the  violation  of  which  lost  the 
throne  of  India,  in  spite  of  every  local  advantage,  to  the  descendants  of 
Aurangzeb. 

*  [Jizya,  meaning  '  tribute,'  was  a  capitation  tax  imposed  on  subjects 
{zimmi)  who  did  not  follow  the  state  religion,  Islam.  Its  hardship  lay  in 
the  fact  that  it  was  additional  to,  and  about  the  same  amount  as  the  revenue 
demand,  the  latter  being  thus  nearly  doubled.  Great  merchants  in  the 
time  of  Aurangzeb  paid  Rs.  13.8  ;  the  middle  class  Rs.  6.12  ;  the  poor 
Rs.  3.8  per  annum  per  head  (Manucci  ii.  234).  On  the  Jizya  see  Hughes, 
Diet.  Islam,  248  ;  Smith,  Akbar  the  Great  Mogul,  65  f.  ;  Keene,  Turks  in 
India,  153  ff.  ;  Grant  Duff,  Hist,  of  the  Mahrattas,  145;  Jadunath  Sarkar, 
Life  of  Aurangzib,  iii.  305  iL] 


RAJPUT  APOSTATES  463 

Rajput  Apostates. — An  abandonment  of  their  faith  was  the 
Rajput's  surest  road  to  the  tyrant's  favour  [397],  and  an  instance 
of  this  dereliction  in  its  consequences  powerfully  contributed  to 
the  annihilation  of  the  empire.  Rao  Gopal,  a  branch  of  the 
Rana's  family,  held  the  fief  of  Rampura,  on  the  Chambal,^  and 
was  serving  with  a  select  quota  of  his  clan  in  the  wars  of  the 
Deccan,  when  his  son,  who  had  been  left  at  home,  withheld  the 
revenues,  which  he  applied  to  his  own  use  instead  of  remitting 
them  to  his  father.  Rao  Gopal  complained  to  the  emperor  ;  but 
the  son  discovered  that  he  could  by  a  sacrifice  not  only  appease 
Aurangzeb,  but  attain  the  object  of  his  wishes  :  he  apostatized 
from  his  faith,  and  obtained  the  emperor's  forgiveness,  with  the 
domain  of  Rampura.  Disgusted  and  provoked  at  such  infurious 
conduct,  Rao  Gopal  fled  the  camp,  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  redeem  his  estate,  and  took  refuge  with  Rana  Amra,  his 
suzerain.  This  natural  asylum  granted  to  a  chief  of  his  own  kin 
was  construed  by  the  tyrant  into  a  signal  of  revolt,  and  Azam 
was  ordered  to  Malwa  to  w^atch  the  Rana's  motions  :  conduct 
thus  characterized  in  the  memoirs  of  a  Rajput  chieftain,^  one  of 
the  most  devoted  to  Aurangzeb,  and  who  died  fighting  for  his 
son.  "  The  emperor  showed  but  little  favour  to  his  faithful  and 
most  useful  subjects  the  Rajputs,  which  greatly  cooled  their 
ardour  in  his  service."  The  Rana  took  up  arms,  and  Malwa 
joined  the  tumult  ;  while  the  first  irruption  of  the  Mahrattas 
across  the  Nerbudda,^  under  Nima  Sindhia,  compelled  the  em- 
peror to  detach  Raja  Jai  Singh  to  join  Prince  Azam.  Amidst 
these  accumulated  troubles,  the  Mahrattas  rising  into  importance, 
the  Rajput  feudatories  disgusted  and  alienated,  his  sons  and 
grandsons  ready  to  commit  each  individual  pretension  to  the 
decision  of  the  sword,  did  Aurangzeb,  after  a  reign  of  terror  of 
half  a  century's  duration,  breathe  his  last  on  the  28th  Zilqa'da,  a.d. 
1707  [February  21],  at  the  city  bearing  his  name — Aurangabad. 

^  Rampura  Bhanpura  (city  of  the  sun)  to  distinguish  it  from  Rampura 
Tonk.     Rao  Gopal  was  of  the  Chandarawat  clan.     See  note,  p.  306. 

^  Rao  Dalpat  Bundela  of  Datia,  a  portion  of  whose  memoirs  were  pre- 
sented to  me  by  the  reigning  prince,  his  descendant. 

*  A.D.  1706-7.  [The  Mahrattas  crossed  the  Nerbudda  in  1705  (Grant 
Duff,  Hist.  Mahrattas,  177  ;  Malcolm,  Memoir  Central  India,  i.  58  ff.).  The 
latter  remarks  that  they  came  to  attack  the  government,  not  the  people, 
and  acted  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Plindu  chiefs  discontented  with  the 
policy  of  Aurangzeb.] 


464  ANNALS  OF  IVfEWAR 

Shah  Alam  Bahadur  Shah,  Emperor,  a.d.  1707-12. — At  his 
death  his  second,  son  Azani  assumed  the  imperial  dignity,  and 
aided  by  the  Rajput  princes  of  Datia  and  Kotah,^  who  had 
always  served  in  his  division,  he  marched  to  Agra  to  contest  the 
legitimate  claims  of  his  eldest  brother  Muazzam,  who  was  ad- 
vancing from  Kabul  supj^orted  by  the  contingents  of  Mewar  and 
Marwar,  and  all  western  Rajwara.  The  battle  of  Jajau  [398]  ^ 
was  fatal  to  Azam,  who  with  his  son  Bedarbakht  and  the  princes 
of  Kotah  and  Datia  was  slain,  when  Muazzam  ascended  the 
throne  under  the  title  of  Shah  Alam  Bahadur  Shah.  This  prince 
had  many  qualities  which  endeared  him  to  the  Rajputs,  to  whom 
his  sympathies  were  united  by  the  ties  of  blood,  his  mother  being 
a  Rajput  princess.*  Had  he  immediately  succeeded  the  bene- 
ficent Shah  Jahan,  the  race  of  Timur,  in  all  human  probability, 
would  have  been  still  enthroned  at  Delhi,  and  might  have  pre- 
sented a  picture  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  monarchies  of  Asia. 
But  Aurangzeb  had  inflicted  an  incurable  wound  on  the  mind  of 
the  Hindu  race,  which  for  ever  estranged  them  from  his  successors  ; 
nor  were  the  virtues  of  Bahadur,  during  the  short  lustre  of  his 
sway,  capable  of  healing  it.  The  bitter  fruit  of  a  long  experience 
had  taught  the  Rajputs  not  to  hope  for  amelioration  from  any 
graft  of  that  stem,  which,  like  the  deadly  Upas,  had  stifled  the 
vital  energies  of  Rajasthan,  whose  leaders  accordingly  formed  a 
league  for  mutual  preservation;  which  it  would  have  been  madness 
to  dissolve  merely  because  a  fair  portion  of  virtue  was  the  in- 
heritance of  the  tyrant's  successor.  They  had  proved  that  no 
act  of  duty  or  subserviency  could  guarantee  them  from  the 
infatuated  abuse  of  power,  and  they  were  at  length  steeled 
against  every  appeal  to  their  loyalty,  replying  with  a  trite  adage, 
which  we  may  translate  '  quern  Deus  vult  perdere,  prius  de.mentat,'' 
— of  common  application  with  the  Rajput  in  such  a  predicament. 

The  Rise  o£  the  Sikhs. — The  emperor  was  soon  made  to  perceive 
the  little  support  he  had  in  future  to  expect  from  the  Rajputs. 
Scarcely  had  he  quashed  the  pretensions  of  Kambakhsh,  his 
youngest  brother,  who  proclaimed  himself  emperor  in  the  Deccan, 
than  he  was  forced  to  the  north,  in  consequence  of  an  insurrection 

^  Rao  Dalpat  (Bundela),  and  Rao  Ram  Singh  (Hara). 
^  [Twenty  miles  south  of  Agra,  June  1,  1707.] 

3  [Nawab  Bai,  daughter  of  the  Raja  of  Rajauri,  Kashi^Ir,  who  died  in 
1690  (Manucci  ii.  57,  note).] 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  SIKHS  465 

of  the  Sikhs  of  Lahore.  This  singular  race,  the  disciples  (sikhs) 
of  a  teacher  called  Nanak,  were  the  descendants  of  the  Scythic 
Getae/  or  Jat,  of  Transoxiana,  who  so  early  as  the  fifth  century 
were  established  in  the  tract  watered  by  the  Ave  arms  {Punjab) 
of  the  Indus.  Little  more  than  a  century  has  elapsed  since  their 
conversion  from  a  spurious  Hinduism  to  the  doctrines  of  the 
sectarian  Nanak,  and  their  first  attempt  to  separate  themselves, 
in  temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  matters,  from  all  control,  and  they 
are  now  the  sole  independent  power  within  the  limits  [399 J  of  the 
Mogul  monarchy.  On  this  occasion  ^  the  princes  of  Amber  and 
Marwar  visited  the  emperor,  but  left  his  camp  without  permission, 
and,  as  the  historian  *  adds,  manifested  a  design  to  struggle  for 
independence.  Such  was  the  change  in  their  mutual  circum- 
stances that  the  Mogul  sent  the  heir-apparent  to  conciliate  and 
conduct  thein  to  him  ;  but  they  came  at  the  head  of  all  their 
native  bands,  when  "  they  were  gratified  with  whatever  their 
insolence  demanded  "  :  *  a  splenetic  effusion  of  the  historian, 
which  well  paints  their  altered  position.  From  the  royal  urdu,^ 
or  camp,  they  repaired  to  Rana  Amra  at  Udaipur,  where  a  triple 
league  was  formed,  which  once  more  united  them  to  the  head  of 
their  nation.  This  treaty  of  unity  of  interests  against  the  common 
foe  was  solemnized  by  nuptial  engagements,  from  which  those 
princes  had  been  excluded  since  the  reigns  of  Akbar  and  Partap. 
To  be  readmitted  to  this  honour  was  the  basis  of  this  triple 
alliance,  in  which  they  ratified  on  oath  the  renunciation  of  all 
connexion,  domestic  or  political,  with  the  empire.  It  was, 
moreover,  stipulated  that  the  sons  of  such  marriage  should  be 
heirs,  or  if  the  issue  were  females,  that  they  should  never  be 
dishonoured  by  being  married  to  a  Mogul. 

Sacrifice  o£  the  Right  of  Primogeniture.— But  this  remedy,  as 
will  be  seen,  originated  a  worse  disease  ;  it  was  a  sacrifice  of  the 
rights  of  primogeniture  (chmg  to  by  the  Rajputs  with  extreme 
pertinacity),    productive    of   the    most   injurious    effects,    which 

^  See  History  of  ike  Tribes,  article  '  Jats,'  p.  127. 

2  A.D.  1709-10. 

^  Memoirs  of  Iradat  Khan,  p.  58  [translated  by  Captain  Jonathan  Scott ; 
extracts  from  the  work  of  Iradat  Khan  will  be  found  in  EUiot-Dowson  vii. 
534  f.] ;  also  autograph  letters  of  all  those  princes,  with  files  of  the  regular 
newspapers  {akhbars)  of  the  day,  in  my  possession,  dated  from  the  emperor's 
camp.  *  Metiioirs  of  Iradat  Khan. 

^  Hence  the  corruption  of  horde. 
VOL.  I  2  H 


466  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

introduced  domestic  strife,  and  called  upon  the  stage  an  umpire 
not  less  baneful  than  the  power  from  whose  iron  grasp  they  were 
on  the  point  of  freeing  themselves  :  for  although  this  treaty  laid 
prostrate  the  throne  of  Babur,  it  ultimately  introduced  the 
Mahrattas  as  partisans  in  their  family  disputes,  who  made  the 
bone  of  contention  their  own. 

The  injudicious  support  afforded  by  the  emperor  to  the  apostate 
chief  of  Rampura  first  brought  the  triple  federation  into  action. 
The  Rana,  upholding  the  cause  of  Himmat  Singh,  made  an 
attack  on  Rampura,  which  the  apostate  usurper  Ratan  Singh, 
now  Raj  Muslim  Khan,  defeated,  and  was  rewarded  for  [400]  it 
by  the  emperor.^  But  the  same  report  conveyed  to  the  king 
"  that  the  Rana  determined  to  lay  waste  his  country,  and  retire 
to  the  hills,"  ''  which  was  speedily  confirmed  by  the  unwelcome 
intelligence  that  Sawaldas,  an  officer  of  the  Rana's,  had  attacked 
Firoz  Khan^  the  governor  of  Pur  Mandal,  who  was  obliged  to 
retreat  with  great  loss  to  Ajmer  ;  ^  on  which  occasion  this  loyal 
descendant  of  the  illustrious  Jaimall  lost  his  life.*  The  brave 
Durgadas,  who  conveyed  the  rebellious  Akbar  through  all  opposi- 
tion to  a  place  of  refuge,  again  appeared  upon  the  stage — his 
own  prince  being  unable  to  protect  him,  he  had  found  a  safe 
asylum  at  Udaipur,  and  had  the  sum  of  five  hundred  rupees 
daily  paid  for  his  expenditure — a  princely  liberality.  But  the 
result  of  this  combination  was  reserved  for  the  following  reigns, 
Shah  Alam  being  carried  off  by  poison,^  ere  he  could  correct  the 
disorders  which  were  rapidly  breaking  up  the  empire  from  the 
Hindu-Kush  to  the  ocean.  Had  his  life  been  spared,  his  talents 
for  business,  his  experience,  and  courteous  manners  might  have 
retarded  the  ruin  of  the  monarchy,  which  the  utter  unworthiness 
of  his  successor  sunk  beyond  the  power  of  man  to  redeem.     Every 

^  Newspapers,  dated  3rd  Rajab,  San.  3 — (3rd  year  of  his  reign). 
^  Newspapers,  10th  Rajab,  San.  3. 
'  Newspapers,  5th  Shavval,  San.  3. 

*  The  following  edict,  which  caused  this  action,  I  translated  from  the 
archives ;  it  is  addressed  to  the  son  of  Sawaldas  : — "  Maharana  Amra  Singh 
to  Rathor  Rae  Singh  Sawaldasot  (race  of  Sawaldas) — Lay  waste  your 
villages  and  the  country  around  you — your  families  shall  have  other  habita- 
tions to  dwell  in — for  particulars  consult  Daulat  Singh  Chondawat :  obey 
these."     Asoj,  S.  1764  (Dec.  a.d.  1708). 

*  [February  18]  a.d.  1712.  [The  Musalraan  authorities  do  not  cor^ 
roborate  the  assertion  that  he  was  poisoned.] 


FARRUKHSIYAR,  EMPEROR,  A.D.  1712  13         4G7 

subsequent  succession  was  through  blood  ;  and  the  sons  of  Shah 
Alam  performed  the  part  for  which  they  had  so  many  great 
examples.  Two  brothers,^  Sayyids,  from  the  town  of  Barha  in  the 
Duab,  were  long  the  Warwicks  of  Hindustan,  setting  up  and 
plucking  down  its  puppet  kings  at  their  pleasure  ;  they  had 
elevated  Farrukhsiyar  when  the  triumvirs  of  Rajasthan  com- 
menced their  operations. 

Farrukhsiyar,  Emperor,  a.d.  1712-19. — Giving  loose  to  long- 
suppressed  resentment,  the  Rajputs  abandoned  the  spirit  of 
toleration  which  it  would  have  been  criminal  to  preserve  ;  and 
profiting  by  the  lessons  of  their  tyrants,  they  overthrew  the 
mosques  built  on  the  sites  of  their  altars,  and  treated  the  civil 
and  religious  officers  of  the  government  with  indignity.  Of  these 
every  town  in  Rajasthan  had  its  mulla  to  proclaim  the  name  of 
Muhammad,  and  its  kazi  for  the  administration  of  justice, — 
branches  of  government  [401]  entirely  wrested  from  the  hands  of 
the  native  princes,^  abusing  the  name  of  independence.  But  for 
a  moment  it  was  redeemed,  especially  by  the  brave  Rathors,  who 
had  made  a  noble  resistance,  contesting  every  foot  of  land  since 
the  death  of  .Jaswant  Singh,  and  now  his  son  Ajit  entirely  expelled 
the  Moguls  from  jMarwar.  On  this  occasion  the  native  forces  of 
the  triple  alliance  met  at  the  salt  lake  of  Sambhar,  which  was 
made  the  common  boundary  of  their  territory,  and  its  revenues 
were  equally  divided  amongst  them. 

The  pageant  of  an  emperor,  guided  by  the  Sayyids,  or  those 
who  intrigued  to  supplant  their  ministry,  made  an  effort  to 
oppose  the  threatening  measures  of  the  Rajputs  ;  and  one  of 
them,  the  Amiru-1-iunara,^  marched  against  Raja  Ajit,  xA\o 
received  private  instructions  from  the  emperor  to  resist  his 
commander  -  in  -  chief,  whose  credit  was  strengthened  by  the 
means  taken  to  weaken  it,  which  engendered  suspicions  of 
treachery.  Ajit  leagued  with  the  Sayyids,  who  held  out  to  the 
Rathor  an  important  share  of  power  at  court,  and  agreed  to  pay 
tribute  and  give  a  daughter  in  marriage  to  Farrukhsiyar. 

^  Husain  Ali  and  Abdu-lla  Khan. 

^  Next  to  kine-killing  was  the  article  inhibiting  the  introduction  of  the 
Adalat,  or  British  courts  of  justice,  into  the  Rajput  States,  in  all  their 
treaties  with  the  British  Government  in  a.d.  1817-18,  the  very  name  of 
which  is  abhorrent  to  a  native. 

^  The  title  of  Husain  Ah, — ^as  Kutbu-1-mulk  (the  axis  of  the  State),  was 
that  of  his  brother  Abdu-lla. 


468  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Marriage  of  Farrukhsiyar  :  Grant  to  the  British. — This  marriage 
yielded  most  important  results,  which  were  not  confined  to  the 
Moguls  or  Rajputs,  for  to  it  may  be  ascribed  the  rise  of  the  British 
power  in  India.  A  dangerous  malady,^  rendering  necessary  a 
surgical  operation  upon  Farrukhsiyar,  to  which  the  faculty  of 
the  court  were  unequal,  retarded  the  celebration  of  the  nuptials 
between  the  emperor  and  the  Rajput  princess  of  Marwar,  and 
even  threatened  a  fatal  termination.  A  mission  from  the  British 
merchants  at  Surat  was  at  that  time  at  court,  and,  as  a  last 
resource,  the  surgeon  attached  to  it  was  called  in,  who  cured 
the  malady,  and  made  the  emperor  happy  in  his  bride.*  His 
gratitude  was  displayed  with  oriental  magnificence.  The  em- 
peror desired  Mr.  Hamilton  to  name  [402]  his  reward,  and  to  the 
disinterested  patriotism  of  this  individual  did  the  British  owe 
the  first  royal  grant  or  farman,  conferring  territorial  possession 
and  great  commercial  privileges.  These  were  the  objects  of  the 
mission,  which  till  this  occurrence  had  proved  unsuccessful. 

This  gorgeous  court  ought  to  have  been,  and  probably  was, 
impressed  with  a  high  opinion  of  the  virtuous  self-denial  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Britain  ;  and  if  history  has  correctly  preserved  the 
transaction,  some  mark  of  public  gratitude  should  have  been 
forthcoming  from  those  who  so  signally  benefited  thereby.  But 
to  borrow  the  phraseology  of  the  Italian  historian,  "  Obligations 
which  do  not  admit  of  being  fully  discharged  are  often  repaid 
with  the  coin  of  ingratitude  "  :  the  remains  of  this  man  rest  in 
the  churchyard  of  Calcutta,  without  even  a  stone  to  mark  the 
spot ! ^ 

^  A  white  swelling  or  tumour  on  the  back. 

-  The  ceremony  is  described,  as  it  was  celebrated,  with  true  Asiatic 
pomp.  "  The  Ameer-ool  Omra  conducted  the  festivities  on  the  part  of  the 
bride,  and  the  marriage  was  performed  with  a  splendour  and  magnificence 
till  then  unseen  among  the  princes  of  Hindust'han.  Many  pompous  insignia 
were  added  to  the  royal  cortege  upon  this  occasion.  The  illuminations 
rivalled  the  planets,  and  seemed  to  upbraid  the  faint  lustre  of  the  stars. 
The  nuptials  were  performed  at  the  palace  of  the  Ameer-ool  Omra,  whence 
the  emperor  conveyed  his  bride  with  the  highest  splendour  of  imperial 
pomp  to  the  citadel,  amidst  the  resoundings  of  musical  instruments  and 
the  acclamations  of  the  people  "  (Scott's  History  of  Aurangzeb^s  Successors, 
vol.  i.  p.  132.  [For  the  cure  of  Farrukhsiyar  by  Surgeon  W.  Hamilton  see 
C.  R.  Wilson,  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal,  ii.  235.] 

*  [There  is  a  monument  of  Hamilton  in  St.  John's  Church,  Calcutta  {IGI, 
X.  280).] 


THE  JIZYA  REIMPOSED  469 

The  Jizya  Reimposed.  —  This  marriage,  which  promised  a 
renewal  of  interests  with  the  Rajputs,  was  soon  followed  by  the 
revival  of  the  obnoxious  jizya.  The  character  of  this  tax,  though 
much  altered  from  its  original  imposition  by  Aurangzeb,  when 
it  was  at  once  financial  and  religious,  was  held  in  vinmitigated 
abhorrence  by  the  Hindus  from  the  complex  association  ;  and 
although  it  was  revived  cliiefly  to  relieve  pecuniary  wants,  it 
kindled  a  universal  feeling  of  hatred  amongst  aU  classes,  and 
quenched  the  little  zeal  which  the  recent  marriage  had  inspired 
in  the  Rajputs  of  the  desert.  The  mode  and  channel  of  its 
introduction  evinced  to  them  that  there  was  no  hope  that  the 
intolerant  spirit  which  originally  suggested  it  would  ever  be 
subdued.  The  weak  Farrukhsiyar,  desirous  of  snapping  the 
leading-strings  of  the  Sayyids,  recalled  to  his  court  Inayatu-lla 
Khan,^  the  minister  of  Aurangzeb,  and  restored  to  him  his  office 
of  Diwan,  who,  to  use  \he  words  of  the  historian  of  the  period, 
"  did  not  consult  the  temper  of  the  times,  so  very  different  from 
the  reign  of  Aurangzeb,  and  the  revival  of  the  jizya  came  with 
him."  Though  by  no  means  severe  in  its  operation,  not  amount- 
ing to  three-quarters  per  cent  on  annual  income,^ — from  which 
the  lame,  the  blind,  and  very  poor  were  exempt, — it  nevertheless 
raised  a  general  spirit  of  hostility,  particularly  from  its  retaining 
the  insulting  distinction  of  a  '  tax  on  mfidels.'  Resistance  to 
taxation  appears  to  be  a  universal  feeling,  in  which  even  the 
Asiatic  forgets  the  divine  right  of  sovereignty,  and  wliich  throws 
us  back  on  the  pervading  spirit  of  selfishness  which  [403]  governs 
human  nature.  The  tamgha,^  or  stamp  tax,  which  preceded  the 
jizya,  would  appear  to  have  been  as  unsatisfactory  as  it  was 
general,  from  the  solemnity  of  its  renunciation  by  Babur  on  the 
field  of  battle  after  the  victory  over  infidels,  which  gave  him  the 
crown  of  India  ;  and  though  we  have  no  record  of  the  jizya  being 
its  substitute,  there  are  indications  which  authorize  the  inference. 

^  [Inayatu-Ua  Khan,  a  Persian  of  Naishapur,  was  tutor  of  Zebu-n-nissa 
Begam,  daughter  of  Aurangzeb,  and  held  high  office  in  his  reign  and  in  that 
of  Farrukhsiyar.     He  died  in  172G  (Beale,  s.v.).] 

^13  rupees  on  every  2000  rupees. 

'  [Altamgha,  '  the  red  seal,'  technically  '  a  royal  grant.  On  its 
remission  by  Babur  see  Erskine,  Hist,  of  India,  i.  467.  EUiot  remarks  that 
the  altamgha  as  a  tax  was  eniorced  as  early  as  the  time  of  Alau-d-din  and 
Flroz  Shah  (Elhot-Dowson  iii.  36.5).  For  the  use  of  the  seal  see  Memoirs 
of  Jalidiujlr,  trans.  Rogers-Beveridge,  23.] 


470  ANNALS  OF  IVIEWAR 

Rana  Amar  Singh  asserts  Rajput  Independence. — Rana  Amra 
was  not  an  idle  spectator  of  these  occurrences  ;  and  although  the 
spurious  thirst  for  distinction  so  early  broke  up  the  alUance  by 
detaclung  Ajit,  he  redoubled  his  efforts  for  personal  independence, 
and  with  it  that  of  the  Rajput  nation.  An  important  document 
attests  this  solicitude,  namely,  a  treaty  ^  with  the  emperor,  in 
which  the  second  article  stipulates  emancipation  from  the  galling 
jizya.  It  may  be  well  to  analyse  this  treaty,  which  attests  the 
^  "  Memorandum  of  Bequests. 

"  1.  The  Mansab  of  7000,  the  highest  grade  of  rank. 

"  2.  Farman  of  engagement  under  the  panja  private  seal  and  sign  that 
the  jizya  shall  be  abolished — that  it  shall  no  longer  be  imposed  on  the 
Hindu  nation  ;  at  all  events,  that  none  of  the  Chagatai  race  shaU  authorize 
it  in  Mewar.     Let  it  be  annulled. 

"3.  The  contingent  of  one  thousand  horse  for  service  in  the  Deccau  to 
be  excused. 

"  4.  AU  places  of  Hmdu  faith  to  be  rebuild,  with  perfect  freedom  of 
religious  worship. 

"  5.  If  my  uncles,  brothers,  or  chiefs,  repair  to  the  Presence,  to  meet  no 
encouragement. 

"  6.  The  Bhumias  of  DeoHa,  Banswara,  Dungarpur,  and  Sirohi,  besides 
other  zamindars  over  whom  I  am  to  have  control,  they  shall  not  be  admitted 
to  the  Presence. 

"  7.  The  forces  I  possess  are  my  chiefs — what  troops  you  may  require 
for  a  given  period,  you  must  furnish  with  rations  (peti),  and  when  the 
service  is  over,  their  accounts  will  be  settled. 

"  8.  Of  the  Hakkdars,  Zamindars,  Mansabdars,  who  serve  you  with  zeal 
and  from  the  heart,  let  me  have  a  hst — and  those  who  are  not  obedient  I 
will  punish  ;  but  in  effecting  this  no  demand  is  to  be  made  ioT-Faemali."  * 

"  List  of  the  districts  attached  to  the  PwnjJmzari,]  at  present  under 
sequestration,  to  be  restored — Phuha,  Mandalgarh,  Badnor,  Pur,  Basar, 
Ghayaspur,  Pardhar,  Banswara,  Dungarpur.  Besides  the  5000  of  old,  you 
had  on  ascending  the  throne  granted  an  increase  of  1000,  and  on  account  of 
the  victory  at  Sinsuii  1000  more,  of  two  and  three  horse."  % 

"  Of  three  crores  of  dams  \\  in  gift  {iyiam,),  namely,  two  according  to  far- 
man,  and  one  for  the  payment  of  the  contingent  in  the  Deccan,  and  of 
which  two  are  immediately  required,  you  have  given  me  in  heu  thereof 
Sirohi. 

"  Districts  uov/  desired — Idar,  Kekri,  Mandal,  Jahazpur,  Malpur  (and 
another  illegible)." 

*  Destruction  of  property,  alluding  to  the  crops  which  always  suffered 
in  the  movements  of  disorderly  troops. 

t  Mansab  of  5000. 

+  It  was  usual  to  allow  two  and  thi-eo  horses  to  each  cavaher  when  favour 
was  intended. 

II  40  dams  to  the  rupee. 


DEATH  OF  RANA  AMAR  SINGH  471 

altered  condition  of  both  parties.  Its  very  title  marks  the 
subordination  of  the  chief  of  the  Rajputs  ;  but  while  this  is 
headed  a  '  Memorandum  of  Requests,'  the  eighth  article  dis- 
closes the  effective  means  of  the  Rana,  for  there  he  assumes  an 
air  of  protection  towards  the  emperor.  In  the  opening  stipulation 
for  the  mansah  of  7000,  the  [404]  mind  reverts  to  the  great  Amra, 
who  preferred  abdication  to  acknowledgment  of  a  superior ;  but 
opinion  had  undergone  a  change  as  great  as  the  mutual  relations 
of  the  Rajputs.  In  temporal  dignities  other  States  had  risen  to 
an  equality  with  Mewar,  and  all  had  learned  to  look  on  the  Mogul 
as  the  fountain  of  honour.  The  abolition  of  the  jizya,  freedom 
from  religious  restraint,  control  over  the  ancient  feudatories  of 
his  house,  and  the  restoration  of  all  sequestrations,  distinguish 
the  other  articles,  and  amply  attest  the  improving  attitude  of 
Mewar,  and  the  rapid  decay  of  the  Mogul  empire.  The  Mahrattas 
imder  Raja  Sahu  ^  were  successfully  prosecuting  their  peculiar 
system  in  the  south,  with  the  same  feelings  which  characterized 
the  early  Gothic  invaders  of  Italy  ;  strangers  to  settled  govern- 
ment, they  imposed  the  taxes  of  chauth  and  desmukhi,^  the  fourth 
and  tetith  of  all  territorial  income,  in  the  countries  they  overran. 
The  Jat  tribes  west  of  the  Chambal  likewise  bearded  their 
oppressors  in  this  reign,  by  hoisting  the  standard  of  independence 
at  the  very  threshold  of  their  capital ;  and  from  the  siege  of 
Sinsini  (mentioned  in  this  treaty)  to  the  last  storm  of  Bharatpur, 
they  maintained  the  consequence  thus  assumed. 

Death  of  Rana  Amar  Singh. — This  treaty  was  the  last  act  of 
Rana  Amra's  life  ;  he  died  in  a.d.  1716  [1710],  leaving  the  reputa- 
tion of  an  active  and  high-minded  prince,  who  well  upheld  his 
station  and  the  prosperity  of  his  country,  notwithstanding  the 
anarchy  of  the  period.  His  encouragement  of  agriculture  and 
protection  of  manufactures  are  displayed  in  the  edicts  engraved 
on  pillars,  which  will  hand  down  his  name  to  posterity.  His 
memory  is  held  in  high  veneration  ;  nor  do  the  Rajputs  admit 
the  absolute  degradation  of  ISIewar  till  the  period  of  the  second 
prince  in  succession  to  Amra  [405]. 

^  [Sahu,  '  the  honest,  respectable  man,'  a  title  given  by  Aurangzeb 
to  Sivaji,  son  of  Sambhaji  (Grant  Duff,  184).] 

^  [Des7nukhi  from  Sardesmukh,  an  officer  exercising  police  and  revenue 
jurisdiction  under  the  Marathas.  These  taxes  were  confirmed  in  favour  of 
Sivaji  in  1665  {Ibid.  94).] 


472  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 


CHAPTER   15 

Rana  Sangram  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1710-34. — Sangram  Singh  (the 
lion  of  battle)  succeeded  ;  a  name  renowned  in  the  annals  of 
IMewar,  being  that  of  the  opponent  of  the  founder  of  the  Moguls. 
He  ascended  the  throne  about  the  same  time  with  INIuhammad 
Shah,^  the  last  of  the  race  of  Timur  who  deserved  the  name  of 
emperor  of  India.  During  the  reign  of  Sangram,  from  a.d.  1716 
to  1734,  this  mighty  empire  was  dismembered  ;  when,  in  lieu  of 
one  paramount  authority,  numerous  independent  governments 
started  up,  which  preserved  their  uncertain  existence  imtil  the 
last  revolution,  which  has  given  a  new  combination  to  these 
discordant  materials — Muliammadan,  Mahratta,  and  Rajput,  in 
the  course  of  one  century  under  the  dominion  of  a  handful  of 
Britons  !  Like  the  Satraps  of  the  ancient  Persian,  or  the  Lieu- 
tenants of  Alexander,  each  chief  proclaimed  himself  master  of  the 
province,  the  government  of  which  was  confided  to  his  loyalty 
and  talents  ;  and  it  cannot  fail  to  diininish  any  regret  at  the 
successive  prostration  of  Bengal,  Oudh,  Haidarabad,  and  other 
less  conspicuous  States,  to  remember  that  they  were  founded  in 
rebelUon,  and  erected  on  ingratitude  ;  and  that  their  rulers  were 
destitute  of  those  sympathies,  which  could  alone  give  stability 
to  their  ephemeral  greatness,  by  improving  the  condition  of  their 
subjects.  With  the  Mahrattas  the  case  is  different  :  their  emer- 
gence to  power  claims  our  admiration,  when  tyranny  transformed 
the  industrious  husbandman,  and  the  minister  of  religion,  into 
a  hardy  and  enterprising  soldier,  and  a  skilful  functionary  of 
government.  Had  their  ambition  been  restrained  within  legiti- 
mate bounds,  it  would  have  been  no  less  gratifying  than  pohtically 
and  morally  just  that  the  family  of  Sivaji  should  have  retained 
its  [406]  authority  in  countries  which  his  active  valour  wrested 
from  Aurangzeb.  But  the  genius  of  conquest  changed  their 
natural  habits  ;  they  devastated  instead  of  consolidating  ;  and 
in  lieu  of  that  severe  and  frugal  simplicity,  and  that  energy  of 
enterprise,  which  were  their  peculiar  characteristics,  they  became 
distinguished  for  mean  parsimony,  low  cunning,  and  dastardly 
depredation.  Had  they,  retaining  their  original  character,  been 
content  with  their  projaer  sphere  of  action,   the  Deccan,  they 

1  [September  29,  1719.] 


DEPOSITION  OF  FARRUKHSlYAR  473 

might  yet  have  held  the  sovereignty  of  that  vast  region,  where 
their  habits  and  language  assimilated  them  with  the  people. 
But  as  they  spread  over  the  north  they  encountered  national 
antipathies,  and  though  professing  the  same  creed,  a  wider 
difference  in  sentiment  divided  the  Mahratta  from  the  Rajput, 
than  from  the  despots  of  Delhi,  whose  tyrannical  intolerance  was 
more  endurable,  because  less  degrading,  than  the  rapacious 
meanness  of  the  Southron.  Rajasthan  benefited  by  the  demoli- 
tion of  the  empire  :  to  all  but  Mewar  it  yielded  an  extension  of 
power.  Had  the  national  mind  been  allowed  to  repose,  and 
its  energies  to  recruit,  after  so  many  centuries  of  demoralization, 
all  would  have  recovered  their  strength,  which  lay  in  the  opinions 
and  industry  of  the  people,  a  devoted  tenantry  and  brave  vassal- 
age, whom  we  have  so  often  depicted  as  abandoning  their  habita-. 
tions  and  pursuits  to  aid  the  patriotic  views  of  their  princes. 

Deposition  of  Farrukhsiyar :  Nizamu-1-mulk. — The  short  reign 
of  Farrukhsiyar  was  drawing  to  a  close  ;  its  end  was  accelerated 
by  the  very  means  by  which  that  monarch  hoped  to  emancipate 
himself  from  the  thraldom  of  the  Sayyids,  against  whose  authority 
the  faction  of  Inayatu-lla  was  but  a  feeble  counterpoise,  and 
whose  arbitrary  habits,  in  the  re-establishment  of  the  jizya,  lost 
him  even  the  supjjort  of  the  father  of  his  queen.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  the  celebrated  Nizamu-1-mulk,^  the  founder  of  the 
Haidarabad  State,  was  brought  upon  the  stage  :  he  then  held  the 
unimportant  charge  of  the  district  of  Moradabad  ;  but  possessed 
of  high  talents,  he  was  bought  over,  by  the  promise  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Malwa,  to  further  the  views  of  the  Sayyids.  Supported 
by  a  body  of  ten  thousand  Mahrattas,  these  makers  of  kings  soon 
manifested  their  displeasure  by  the  deposal  of  Farrukhsiyar,  who 
was  left  without  any  support  but  that  of  the  princes  of  Amber 
and  Bundi.  Yet  they  would  never  have  abandoned  him  had  he 
hearkened  to  their  counsel  to  take  the  field,  and  trust  his  cause 
to  them  :  but,  cowardly  and  infatuated,  he  refused  to  quit  the 
walls  of  his  palace,  and  threw  [407]  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
his  enemies,  who  made  him  dismiss  the  faithful  Rajputs  and 
"  admit  a  guard  of  honour  of  their  troops  into  the  citadel."  ^ 

^  [Nizamu-1-muIk,  Asaf  Jah,  titles  of  Chin  Qilich  Khan,  a  Turkman 
officer  in  the  service  of  Aurangzcb,  governor  of  the  Deccan,  died  May  22, 
1748.] 

^  Amongst  the  archives  of  the  Rana  to  which  1  had  access,  I  discovered 


474  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Murder  of  Farrukhsiyar,  May  16,  1719. — Farrukhsiyar  hoped 
for  security  in  the  inviolabihty  of  the  harem — but  he  found  no 
sanctuary  even  there  :  to  use  the  words  of  the  Mogul  memoir, 
"  night  advanced,  and  day,  hke  the  fallen  star  of  the  emperor, 
sunk  in  darkness.  The  gates  of  the  citadel  were  closed  upon  his 
friends  :  the  Wazir  and  Ajit  Singh  remained  within.  This  night 
was  dreadful  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  ;  no  one  knew  what 
was  passing  in  the  palace,  and  the  troops  under  the  Amiru-l-umara, 
with  ten  thousand  Mahrattas,  remained  under  arms  :  morning 
came,  and  all  hope  was  extinguished  by  the  royal  band  ( Naubat) 
announcing  the  deposal  of  Farruldisiyar,  in  the  proclamation  of 
Rafiu-d-darajat,  his  successor."  The  interval  between  the  de- 
posal and  the  death  of  an  Asiatic  prince  is  short,  and  even  while 
the  heralds  vociferated  "  long  live  the  king ! "  to  the  new  puppet, 
the  bowstring  was  on  the  neck  of  the  contemptible  Farrukhsiyar. 

an  autograph  letter  of  Raja  Jai  Singh,  addressed  at  this  important  juncture 
to  the  Rana's  prime  minister,  Biharidas. 

"  The  Amiru-l-umara  has  arrived,  and  engagements  tlirough  Balaji 
Pandit  have  been  agreed  to  :  he  said  that  he  always  had  friendship  for  me, 
but  advised  me  to  march,  a  measure  aUke  recommended  by  ICishan  Singh 
and  Jiwa  Lai.  On  this  I  presented  an  arzi  to  his  Majesty,  stated  the  advice, 
but  desired  to  have  his  Majesty's  commands  ;  when  the  king  sanctioning  my 
leave,  such  being  the  general  desire,  on  Thursday  the  9th  of  Phalgun  I 
moved,  and  pitched  my  tents  at  Sarbal  Sarai.  I  told  the  Rao  Raja  (of 
Bundi)  to  accompany  me,  but  it  did  not  reach  his  mind,  and  he  joined 
Kutbu-I-mulk,  who  gave  him  some  horse,  and  made  him  encamp  with  Ajit 
Singh.  Bhim  Singh's  (of  Kotah)  army  arrived,  and  an  engagement  took 
place,  in  which  Jeth  Singh  Hara  was  killed,  and  the  Rao  Raja  fled  to  Allah- 
wirdi  Khan's  sarai.  I  sent  troops  to  his  aid  ;  the  king  has  made  over  the 
baths  and  wardrobe  to  the  Sayyids,  who  have  everything  their  own  way. 
You  know  the  Sayyids  ;  I  am  on  my  way  back  to  my  own  country,  and  have 
much  to  say  viva  voce  to  the  Huzur  :  *  come  and  meet  me.  Phalgun,  S. 
19,  1775  (A.D.  1719)." 

"  Siddh  Sri  Maharaja  dhiraj  Sri  Sangram  Singhji ;  receive  the  mujra  t 
of  Raja  Sawai  Jai  Singh.  Here  all  is  well ;  your  welfare  is  desired  ;  you  are 
the  chief,  nor  is  there  any  separation  of  interests  :  my  horses  and  Rajputs 
are  at  your  service  ;  command  when  I  can  be  of  use.  It  is  long  since  I  have 
seen  the  royal  mother  (Sri  Baiji  Raj) ;  if  you  come  this  way,  I  trust  she  will 
accompany  you.  For  news  I  refer  you  to  Dip  Chand  Pancholi.  Asoj  6, 
S.  1777." 

*  Huzur  signifies  the  Presence.  Such  was  the  respectful  style  of  the 
Amber  prince  to  the  Rana  ;  to  illustrate  which  I  shall  add  another  letter 
from  the  same  prince,  though  merely  comphmentary,  to  the  Rana. 

t  Mujra  is  a  salutation  of  respect  used  to  a  superior. 


ACCESSION  OF  ROSHAN-AKHTAR  475 

Accession  of  Rafiu-d-darajat. — The  first  act  of  the  new  reign 
(a.d.  1719)  was  one  of  conciliation  towards  Ajit  Singh  and  the 
Rajputs,  namely,  the  abrogation  of  the  jizya  ;  and  the  Sayyids 
further  showed  their  disposition  to  attach  them  by  conferring  the 
important  office  of  Diwan  on  one  of  their  own  faith  :  Raja  Ratan 
(hand  was  accordingly  inducted  into  the  ministry  in  lieu  of 
luayatu-lla. 

Accession  of  Roshan-Akhtar  Muhammad  Shah,  a.d.  1719-48.— 
Three  phantoms  of  royalty  flitted  across  the  scene  in  a  few  months, 
till  Roshan-Akhtar,  the  eldest  son  of  Bahadur  Shah,  was  [408] 
enthroned  with  the  title  of  Muhammad  Shah  (a.d.  1720),  during 
whose  reign  of  nearly  thirty  years  the  empire  was  completely 
dismembered,^  and  Mahrattas  from  the  south  disputed  its  spoils 
with  the  Afghan  mountaineers.  The  haughty  demeanour  of  the 
Saj'yids  dijSgusted  all  who  acted  witti  them,  especially  their 
coadjutor  the  Nizam,^  of  whose  talents,  displayed  in  restoring 
Malwa  to  prosperity,  they  entertained  a  dread.  It  was  impossible 
to  cherish  any  abstract  loyalty  for  the  puppets  they  established, 
and  treason  lost  its  name,  when  the  Nizam  declared  for  inde- 
pendence, which  the  possession  of  the  fortresses  of  Asir  and 
Burhanpur  enabled  him  to  secure.  The  brothers  had  just  cause 
for  alarm.     The  Rajputs  were  called  upon  for  their  contingents,^ 

^  [For  a  sketch  of  the  history  of  this  period  see  Keene,  Sketch  of  the 
History  of  Hindustan,  304  ff.] 

^  Raja  Jai  Singh  to  Biharidas,  the  Rana's  minister  : — "  You  write  that 
your  Lord  despatches  money  for  the  troops — I  have  no  accounts  thereof ; 
put  the  treasure  on  camels  and  send  it  without  delay.  The  Nawab  Nizamu-1- 
mulli  is  marching  rapidly  from  Ujjain,  and  Chhabile  Ram  is  coming  hither, 
and  according  to  accounts  from  Agra  he  has  crossed  at  Kalpi.  Let  the 
Diwan's  army  form  a  speedy  junction.  Make  no  delay  ;  in  suppHes  of  cash 
everything  is  included,"     Bhadon,  4th  S.  1776  (a.d.  1720). 

^  Letter  from  Raja  Bakhta  Singh  of  Nagor  to  Biharidas,  the  Rana's 
prime  minister : — "  Your  letter  was  received,  and  its  contents  made  me 
happy.  Sri  Diwan's  ruqa''  reached  me  and  was  understood.  You  tell  me 
both  the  Nawabs  {Sayyids)  had  taken  the  field,  that  both  the  Maharajas 
attended,  and  that  your  own  army  was  about  to  be  put  in  motion,  for  how 
could  ancient  friendshij)s  be  severed  ?  All  was  comprehended.  But 
neither  of  the  Nawabs  will  take  the  field,  nor  will  either  of  the  Maharajas 
proceed  to  the  Deccan  :  they  will  sit  and  enjoy  themselves  quietly  in  talking 
at  home.  But  should  by  some  accident  the  Nawabs  take  the  field,  espouse 
their  cause  ;  if  you  chng  to  any  other  you  are  lost ;  of  this  you  will  be  con- 
vinced ere  long,  so  guard  yourself — if  you  can  wind  up  our  own  thread,  don't 
give  it  to  another  to  break — you  are  wise,  and  can  anticipate  intentions. 
Where  there  is  such  a  servant  as  you,  that  house  can  be  in  no  danger." 


476  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  the  princes  of  Kotah  and  Narwar  gallantly  interposed  their 
own  retainers  to  cut  off  the  Nizam  from  the  Nerbudda,  on  which 
occasion  the  Kotah  prince  was  slain.  The  independence  of  the 
Nizam  led  to  that  of  Oudh.  Saadat  Khan  was  then  but  the 
commandant  of  Bayana,  but  he  entered  into  the  conspiracy  to 
expel  the,  Sayyids,  and  was  one  of  those  who  drew  lots  to  assas- 
sinate the  Amiru-1-umara.  The  deed  was  put  into  execution  on 
the  march  to  reduce  the  Nizam,  when  Haidar  lOian  buried  his 
poniard  in  the  Amir's  heart.^  The  emperor  then  in  camp,  being 
thus  freed,  returned  against  the  Wazir,  who  instantly  set  up 
Ibrahim  and  marched  against  his  opponents.  The  Rajputs 
wisely  remained  neutral,  and  both  armies  met.  The  decapitation 
of  Ratan  Chand  was  the  signal  for  the  battle,  which  was  obstinate 
and  bloody  ;  the  Wazir  was  made  prisons,  and  subjected  to  the 
bowstring.  P'or  the  part  Saadat  Khan  acted  in  the  conspiracy 
he  was  honoured  with  the  title  of  Bahadur  Jang,  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Oudh,  The  Rajput  princes  paid  their  respects  to  the 
[409]  conqueror,  who  confirmed  the  repeal  of  the  jizya,  and  as  the 
reward  of  their  neutraUty  the  Rajas  of  Amber  and  Jodhpur,  Jai 
Singh  and  Ajit,  were  gratified,  the  former  with  the  government 
of  the  province  of  Agra,  the  last  with  that  of  Gujarat  and  Ajmer, 
of  which  latter  fortress  he  took  possession.  Girdhardas  ^  was 
made  governor  of  Malwa  to  oppose  the  Mahrattas,  and  the  Nizam 
was  invited  from  his  government  of  Haidarabad  to  accept  the 
oilice  of  wazir  of  the  empire. 

The  Policy  of  Mewar. — The  policy  of  Mewar  was  too  isolated 
for  the  times  ;  her  rulers  climg  to  forms  and  imsubstantial 
homage,  while  their  neighbours,  with  more  active  virtue,  plunged 
into  the  tortuous  policy  of  the  imperial  court,  and  seized  every 
opportunity  to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of  their  States  :  and  while 
Amber  appropriated  to  herself  the  royal  domains  almost  to  the 
Jumna  ;  while  Marwar  planted  her  banner  on  the  battlements 
of  Ajmer,  dismembered  Gujarat,  and  pushed  her  clans  far  into 
the  desert,  and  even  to  '  the  world's  end  '  ;  *  Mewar  confined 
her  ambition  to  the  control  of  her  ancient  feudatories  of  Abu, 

^  [Haidar  Khan  assassinated  Husaiii  Ali  on  September  18,  1720.] 

2  Girdhardas  was  a  Nagar  Brahman,  son  of  Chhabile  Ram,  the  chief 

secretary  of  Ratan  Chand. 

^  Jagatkhunt,  the  Jagat  point,  of  our  ma^JS,  at  Dwarka,    where  the 

Badhels,  a  branch  of  the  Rathors,  estabhshed  themselves. 


THE  POLICY  OF  MEWAR  477 

Idar,  and  the  petty  States  which  grew  out  of  her,  Dungarpur  and 
Banswara.  The  motive  for  this  pohcy  was  precisely  the  same 
which  had  cost  such  sacrifices  in  former  times  ;  she  dreaded 
amalgamating  with  the  imperial  court,  and  preferred  political 
inferiority  to  the  sacrifice  of  principle.  The  internal  feuds  of  her 
two  great  clans  also  operated  against  her  aggrandizement  ;  and 
while  the  brave  Saktawat,  Jeth  Singh,  expelled  the  Rathor  from 
Idar,  and  subdued  the  wild  mountaineers  even  to  Koliwara,  the 
conquest  was  left  incomplete  by  the  jealousy  of  his  rival,  and  he 
was  recalled  in  the  midst  of  his  success.  From  these  and  other 
causes  an  important  change  took  place  in  the  internal  poUcy  of 
Mewar,  which  tended  greatly  to  impair  her  energies.  To  this 
period  none  of  the  vassals  had  the  power  to  erect  places  of  strength 
within  their  domains,  which,  as  already  stated,  were  not  fixed, 
but  subject  to  triennial  change  ;  their  lands  were  given  for 
subsistence,  their  native  hills  were  their  fortresses,  and  the 
frontier  strongholds  defended  their  families  in  time  of  invasion. 
As  the  Mogul  power  waned,  the  general  defensive  system  was 
[410]  abandoned,  while  the  predatory  warfare  which  succeeded 
compelled  them  to  stud  their  country  with  castles,  in  order  to 
shelter  their  effects  from  the  Mahratta  and  Pathan,  and  in  later 
times  to  protect  rebels. 

Rana  Sangram  ruled  eighteen  [twenty-four]  years  ;  under  him 
Mewar  was  respected,  and  the  greater  portion  of  her  lost  territory 
was  regained.  His  selection  of  Biharidas  Pancholi  evinced  his 
penetration,  for  never  had  Mewar  a  more  able  or  faithful  minister, 
and  numerous  autograph  letters  of  all  the  princes  of  his  time 
attest  his  talent  and  his  worth  as  the  oracle  of  the  period.  He 
retained  his  office  during  three  reigns  :  but  his  skill  was  unable 
to  stem  the  tide  of  Mahratta  invasion,  which  commenced  on  the 
death  of  Sangram. 

Anecdotes  o£  Rana  Sangram  Singh  II. — Tradition  has  preserved 
many  anecdotes  of  Sangram,  which  aid  our  estimate  of  Rajput 
character,  whether  in  the  capacity  of  legislators  or  the  more 
retired  sphere  of  domestic  manners.  They  uniformly  represent 
this  Rana  as  a  patriarchal  ruler,  wise,  just,  and  inflexible,^  steady 
in   his   application   to   business,   regulating   public   and   private 

*  In  the  dialect,  chhari  mazbut  thi,  his  rod  was  strong — a  familiar 
phrase,  which  might  be  rendered  '  sceptre  ' — a  long  rod  with  an  iron  spike 
on  it,  often  placed  before  the  gaddi,  or  throne. 


478  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

expenditure,  and  even  the  sumptuary  laws,  which  were  rigidly 
adhered  to,  and  on  which  the  people  still  expatiate,  giving  homely 
illustrations  of  the  contrast  between  them  and  the  existing 
profusion.  The  Chauhan  of  Kotharia,  one  of  the  highest  class 
of  chieftains,  had  recommended  an  addition  to  the  folds  of  the 
court  robe,  and  as  courtesy  forbids  all  personal  denial,  his  Avish 
was  assented  to,  and  he  retired  to  his  estate  pluming  himself  on 
his  sovereign's  acquiescence.  But  the  Rana,  sending  for  the 
minister,  commanded  the  sequestration  of  two  villages  of  Kotharia, 
which  speedily  reaching  the  ears  of  the  chief,  he  repaired  to  court, 
and  begged  to  know  the  fault  which  had  drawn  upon  him  this 
mark  of  displeasure.  "  None,  Raoji ;  but  on  a  minute  calcula- 
tion I  find  the  revenue  of  these  two  villages  will  just  cover  the 
expense  of  the  superfluity  of  garment  which  obedience  to  your 
wishes  will  occasion  me,  and  as  every  iota  of  my  own  income  is 
ajipropriated,  I  had  no  other  mode  of  innovating  on  our  ancient 
costume  than  by  making  you  bear  the  charge  attending  a  compli- 
ance with  your  suggestion."  It  will  readily  be  believed,  that  the 
Chauhan  prayed  the  [411]  revocation  of  this  edict,  and  that  he 
was  careful  for  the  future  of  violating  the  sumptuary  laws  of  his 
sovereign. 

On  another  occasion,  from  lapse  of  memory  or  want  of  con- 
sideration, he  broke  the  laws  he  had  established,  and  alienated  a 
village  attached  to  the  household.  Each  branch  had  its  appro- 
priate fund,  whether  for  the  kitchen,  the  wardrobe,  the  privy 
purse,  the  queens  ;  these  lands  were  called  thiia,  and  each  had 
its  officer,  or  thuadar,  all  of  whom  were  made  accountable  for 
their  trust  to  the  prime  minister  ;  it  was  one  of  these  he  had 
alienated.  Seated  with  his  chiefs  in  the  rasora,  or  banqueting- 
hall,  there  was  no  sugar  forthcoming  for  the  curds,  which  has  a 
place  in  the  dinner  carte  of  all  Rajputs,  and  he  chid  the  superin- 
tendent for  the  omission.  "  Anndata  "  (giver  of  food),  replied 
the  officer,  "  the  minister  says  you  have  given  away  the  village 
set  apart  for  sugar." — "  Just,"  replied  the  Rana,  and  finished  his 
repast  without  further  remark,  and  without  sugar  to  his  curds. 

Another  anecdote  will  show  his  inflexibility  of  character,  and 
his  resistance  to  that  species  of  interference  in  state  affairs  which 
is  the  bane  of  Asiatic  governments.  Sangram  had  recently 
emancipated  himself  from  the  trammels  of  a  tedious  minority, 
during  which  his   mother,   according  to   custom,   acted   a   con- 


ANECDOTES  OF  RANA  SANGRAM  SINGH  II.       479 

spicuotis  part  in  the  guardianship  of  her  son  and  the  State.  The 
chieftain  of  Dariawad  had  his  estate  confiscated  :  but  as  the 
Rana  never  punished  from  passion  or  pardoned  from  weakness, 
none  dared  to  plead  his  cause,  and  he  remained  proscribed  from 
court  during  two  years,  when  he  ventured  a  petition  to  the  queen- 
mother  through  the  Bhandarins,^  for  the  reversion  of  the  decree, 
accompanied  -with  a  note  for  two  lakhs  of  rupees,^  and  a  liberal 
donation  to  the  fair  mediators.  It  was  the  daily  habit  of  the 
Rana  to  pay  his  respects  to  his  mother  before  dinner,  and  on  one 
of  these  visits  she  introduced  the  Ranawat's  request,  and  begged 
the  restoration  of  the  estate.  It  was  customary,  on  the  issue  of 
every  grant,  that  eight  days  should  elapse  from  the  mandate  to 
the  promulgation  of  the  edict,  to  which  eight  official  seals  *  were 
attached  ;  but  on  the  present  occasion  the  Rana  commanded 
the  execution  of  the  deed  at  once,  and  to  have  it  ere  he  left  the 
Rawala.  On  its  being  brought,  he  [412]  placed  it  respectfully  in 
his  mother's  hands,  begging  her  to  return  the  note  to  the  Rana- 
wat  ;  having  made  this  sacrifice  to  duty,  he  bowed  and  retired. 
The  next  day  he  commanded  dinner  an  hour  earlier,  without  the 
usual  visit  to  the  Rawala  :  all  were  surprised,  but  none  so  much 
as  the  queen-mother — the  day  passed — another  came — still  no 
visit,  -and  to  a  confidential  message,  she  received  a  ceremonious 
reply.  Alarmed  for  the  loss  of  her  son's  affections,  she  pondered 
on  the  cause,  but  could  find  none,  except  the  grant — she  entreated 
the  minister's  interference  ;  he  respectfully  intimated  that  he 
was  interdicted  from  the  discussion  of  State  affairs  but  with  his 
sovereign — she  had  recourse  to  other  expedients,  which  proving 
alike  fruitless,  she  became  sullen,  punished  her  damsels  without 
cause,  and  refused  food  :  Sangram  still  remained  obdurate.  She 
talked  of  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Ganges,  and  befitting  equipage  and 
escort  were  commanded  to  attend  her — the  moment  of  departure 
was  at  hand,  and  yet  he  would  not  see  her.  She  repaired  by 
Amber  on  her  route  to  M'athura,  to  worship  the  Apollo  of  Vraj,* 
when  the  great  Raja  Jai  Singh  (married  to  the  Rana's  sister)  * 

^  The  dames  attendant  on  the  queens, — the  Lady  Mashams  of  every 
female  court  in  Rajasthan.  ^  £25,000. 

^  There  were  eight  ministers  ;  from  this  the  Mahrattas  had  their  aslit 
pardJians,  the  number  which  formed  the  ministry  of  Rama. 

*  [Krishna.] 

®  I  discovered  the  following  letter  from  one  of  the  princesses  of  Amber  to 
Rana  Sangram,  written  at  this  period  ;   it  is  not  evident  in  what  relation 


480  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

advanced,  and  conducted  her  to  his  new  city  of  Jaipur,  and  to 
evince  his  respect  "  put  his  shoulder  to  the  travelhng  htter  or 
palki,"  and  promised  to  return  with  her  and  be  a  supphant  to  his 
brother-in-law  for  the  restoration  of  his  regard.  She  made  a 
tour  of  the  sacred  places,  and  on  return  accepted  the  escort  of 
the  Prince  of  Amber.  The  laws  of  hospitality  amongst  the 
Rajputs  are  rigid  :  the  Rana  could  not  refuse  to  his  guest  the 
request  for  which  he  had  left  his  capital  :  but  averse  to  owing 
reconciliation  to  external  intercession,  and  having  done  enough 
for  the  suppression  of  intrigue,  he  advanced  to  meet  the  cortege 
when  within  one  march  of  Udaipur,  as  if  to  receive  the  Amber 
prince  ;  but  proceeding  direct  to  his  [413]  mother's  tents,  he 
asked  her  blessing,  and  having  escorted  her  to  the  palace,  returned 
to  greet  and  conduct  his  brother  prince  ;  all  the  allusion  he  made 
to  the  subject  was  in  the  simple  but  pithy  expression,  "  family 
quarrels  should  be  kept  in  the  family." 

Another  anecdote  shows  him  as  the  vigilant  shepherd  watching 
over  the  safety  of  his  flock.  As  he  sat  down  to  dinner,  tidings 
arrived  of  an  invasion  of  the  Malwa  Pathans,  who  had  rifled  several 
villages  at  Mandasor,  carrying  the  inhabitants  into  captivity. 
Pushing  the  platter  from  him,  he  ordered  his  armour,  and  the 
nakkara  to  beat  the  assemblage  of  his  chieftains.  With  all  speed 
a  gallant  band  formed  on  the  terrace  below,  but  they  prevailed 
on  the  Rana  to  leave  the  punishment  of  the  desultory  aggression 
to  them,  as  imworthy  of  his  personal  interference.  They  de- 
she  stood  to  hira,  but  I  think  she  must  have  been  his  wife,  and  the  sister  of 
Jai  Singh  : 

"  To  Siddh  Sri  Sangrara  Singh,  happiness  !  the  Kachhwaha  Rani  (queen) 
writes,  read  her  asi^  *  (blessing).  Here  all  is  well ;  the  welfare  of  the  Sri 
Diwanji  is  desired.  You  are  very  dear  to  me  ;  you  are  great,  the  sun  of 
Hindustan  ;  if  you  do  not  thus  act,  who  else  can  ?  the  action  is  worthy  of 
you  ;  with  your  house  is  my  entire  friendship.  From  ancient  times  we  are 
the  Rajputs  of  your  house,  from  which  both  Rajas  f  have  had  their  conse- 
quence increased,  and  I  belong  to  it  of  old,  and  expect  always  to  be  fostered 
by  it,  nor  will  the  Sri  Diwanji  disappoint  us.  My  intention  was  to  proceed 
to  the  feet  of  the  Sri  Diwanji,  but  the  wet  weather  has  prevented  me  ;  but 
I  shall  soon  make  my  appearance."     S.  1778  (a.d.  1722). 


*  Asis  is  benediction,  which  only  ladies  and  holy  men  employ  in  epistolary 
writing  or  in  verbal  coraphment. 

t  Amber  and  Marwar  ;  this  expression  denotes  the  letter  to  have  been 
written  on  intermarriage  with  the  Rana's  house,  and  shows  her  sense  of  sucli 
honour. 


ANECDOTES  OF  RANA  SANGRAM  SINGH  II.        481 

parted  :  several  hours  after,  the  chief  of  Kanor  arrived,  having 
left  a  sick-bed,  and  with  a  tertian  come  in  obedience  to  his  sove- 
reign's summons.  Vain  was  his  prince's  dissuasion  to  keep  him 
back,  and  he  joined  the  band  as  they  came  up  with  the  invaders. 
The  foe  was  defeated  and  put  to  flight,  but  the  sick  chieftain  fell 
in  the  charge,  and  his  son  was  severely  wounded  by  his  side.  On 
the  young  chief  repairing  to  court  he  was  honoured  with  a  bira  ^ 
from  the  Rana's  own  hand,  a  distinction  which  he  held  to  be  an 
ample  reward  for  his  wounds,  and  testimonial  of  the  worth  of  his 
father.  The  existence  of  such  sentiments  are  the  strongest  tests 
of  character. 

On  another  occasion,  some  parasite  had  insinuated  suspicions 
against  the  chief  of  the  nobles,  the  Rawat  of  Salumbar,  who  had 
just  returned  victorious  in  action  with  the  royal  forces  at  Malwa, 
and  had  asked  permission  to  visit  his  family  on  his  way  to  court. 
The  Rana  spurned  the  suspicion,  and  to  show  his  reliance  on  the 
chief,  he  dispatched  a  messenger  for  Salumbar  to  wait  his  arrival 
and  summon  him  to  the  presence.  He  had  reached  his  domain, 
given  leave  to  his  vassals  as  they  passed  their  respective  abodes, 
dismounted,  and  reached  the  door  of  the  Rawala,  when  the 
herald  called  aloud,  "  The  Rana  salutes  you,  Rawatji,  and 
commands  this  letter."  With  his  hand  on  the  door  where  his 
wife  and  children  awaited  him,  he  demanded  his  horse,  and  simply 
leaving  his  '  duty  for  his  mother,'  he  [414]  mounted,  with  half 
a  dozen  attendants,  nor  loosed  the  rein  until  he  reached  the 
capital.  It  was  midnight  :  his  house  empty  ;  no  servants  ;  no 
dinner  ;  but  his  sovereign  had  foreseen  and  provided,  and  when 
his  arrival  was  announced,  provender  for  his  cattle,  and  vessels 
of  provision  prepared  in  the  royal  kitchen,  were  immediately  sent 
to  his  abode.  Next  morning  Salumbar  attended  the  court.  The 
Rana  was  unusually  gracious,  and  not  only  presented  him  with 
the  usual  tokens  of  regard,  a  horse  and  jewels,  but  moreover  a 
grant  of  land.  With  surprise  he  asked  what  service  he  had 
performed  to  merit  such  distinction,  and  from  a  sentiment  becom- 
ing the  descendant  of  Chonda  solemnly  refused  to  accept  it  ; 
observing,  that  even  if  he  had  lost  his  head,  the  reward  was 

^  The  bira  is  the  betel  or  pan-leaf  folded  up,  containing  aromatic  spices, 
and  presented  on  taking  leave.  The  Kanor  chieftain,  being  of  the  second 
grade  of  nobles,  was  not  entitled  to  the  distinction  of  having  it  from  the 
sovereign's  own  hand. 

VOL.  I  2  I 


482  ANNATES  OF  MEWAR 

excessive  ;  but  if  his  prince  would  admit  of  his  preferring  a 
request,  it  would  be,  that  in  remembrance  of  his  sovereign's 
favour,  when  he,  or  his,  in  after  times,  should  on  the  summons 
come  from  their  estate  to  the  capital,  the  same  number  of  dishes 
from  the  royal  kitchen  should  be  sent  to  his  abode  :  it  was 
granted,  and  to  this  day  his  descendants  enjoy  the  distinction. 
These  anecdotes  paint  the  character  of  Sangram  far  more  forcibly 
than  any  laboured  effort.  His  reign  was  as  honourable  to  himself 
as  it  was  beneficial  to  his  country,  in  whose  defence  he  had  fought 
eighteen  actions  ;  but  though  his  policy  was  too  circumscribed, 
and  his  country  would  have  benefited  more  by  a  surrender  of 
some  of  those  antique  prejudices  which  kept  her  back  in  the 
general  scramble  for  portions  of  the  dilapidated  monarchy  of  the 
Moguls,  yet  he  was  respected  abroad,  as  he  was  beloved  by  his 
subjects,  of  whose  welfare  he  was  ever  watchful,  and  to  whose 
wants  ever  indulgent.  Rana  Sangram  was  the  last  prince  who 
upheld  the  dignity  of  the  gaddi  of  Bappa  Rawal ;  with  his  death 
commenced  Mahratta  ascendancy,  and  with  this  we  shall  open 
the  reign  of  his  son  and  successor. 

Rana  Jagat  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1734-51.  Difficulties  of  Rajput 
Combination. — Jagat  Singh  II.,  the  eldest  of  the  four  sons  of 
Sangram,  succeeded  S.  1790  (a.d.  1734).  The  commencement  of 
his  reign  was  signalized  by  a  revival  of  the  triple  alliance  formed 
by  Rana  Amra,  and  broken  by  Raja  Ajit's  connexion  with  the 
Say y ids  and  the  renewal  of  matrimonial  ties  with  the  empire, 
the  abjuration  whereof  was  the  basis  of  the  treaty.  The  present 
engagement,  which  included  all  the  minor  states,  was  formed  at 
Hurra,  a  town  in  Mewar  on  the  Ajmer  frontier,  where  the  con- 
federate princes  met  at  the  head  of  their  vassals.  To  insure 
unanimity,  the  Rana  was  invested  with  paramount  control,  and 
headed  the  forces  which  were  [415]  to  take  the  field  after  the 
rains,  already  set  in.^     Unity  of  interests  was  the  chief  character 

1  Treaty. 

Seal  of  Rana. 


Sri  Eklinga.  (a) 


Agreed.  Agreed. 


Sita  Rama  jayati.  (c)  Vraj  Adhis.  (6)  Abhai  Singh,  (d) 


(o)  (6)  (c).     All  these  seals  of  Mewar,  Marwar,  and  Amber  bear  respec- 
tively the  names  of  the  tutelary  divinity  of  each  prince  and  his  tribe 


ACCESSION  OF  RANA  JAGAT  SINGH  II.  483 

of  the  engagement,  liad  thej'  adhered  to  which,  not  only  the 
independence,  but  the  aggrandisement,  of  Rajasthan,  was  in 
their  power,  and  they  might  have  ahke  defied  the  expiring  efforts 
of  Mogul  tyranny,  and  the  Parthian-like  warfare  of  the  Mahratta. 
They  were  indeed  the  most  formidable  power  in  India  at  this 
juncture  ;  but  difficult  as  it  had  ever  proved  to  coalesce  the 
Rajputs  for  mutual  preservation,  even  when  a  paramount  superi- 
ority of  power,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  belonged  to  the 
Ranas,  so  now,  since  Amber  and  Marwar  had  attained  an  equality 
with  Mewar,  it  was  found  still  less  practicable  to  prevent  the 
operation  of  the  principles  of  disunion.  In  fact,  a  moment's 
reflection  must  discover  that  the  component  parts  of  a  great 
feudal  federation,  such  as  that  described,  must  contain  too  many 
discordant  particles — too  many  rivalries  and  national  antipathies 
— ever  cordially  to  amalgamate.  Had  it  been  otherwise,  the 
opportunities  were  many  and  splendid  for  the  recovery  of  Rajput 
freedom  ;  but  though  individually  enamoured  of  liberty,  the 
universality  of  the  sentiment  prevented  its  realization  :  they 
never  would  submit  to  the  control  required  to  work  it  out,  and 
this,  the  best  opportunity  which  had  ever  occurred,  was  lost. 
A  glance  at  the  disordered  fragments  of  the  throne  of  Akbar  will 
show  the  comparative  strength  of  the  Rajputs. 

League    of   Nizamu-1-mulk   with   Rajputs    and   Marathas. — 

Swasti  Sri !     By  the  united  chiefs  the  under-written  has  been  agreed  to, 

from  which  no  deviation  can  take  place.     Sawan  sudi  13,  S.  1791  (a.d. 

1735),  Camp  Hurra. 

^   1.  All  are  united,  in  good  and  in  evil,  and  none  will  withdraw  therefrom, 

on  which  oaths  have  been  made,  and  faith  pledged,  which  will  be 

lost  by  whoever  acts  contrary  thereto.     The  honour  and  shame  of 

one  is  that  of  all,  and  in  this  everything  is  contained. 

2.  No  one  shall  countenance  the  traitor  of  another. 

3.  After  the  rains  the  affair  shall  commence,  and  the  chiefs  of  each 

party  assemble  at  Rampura ;  and  if  from  any  cause  the  head 
cannot  come,  he  will  send  his  Kunwar  (heir),  or  some  personage  of 
weight. 

4.  Should  from  inexperience  such  Kunwar  commit  error,  the  Rana 

alone  shall  interfere  to  correct  it. 

5.  In  every  enterprise  aU  shall  unite  to  effect  it. 


(a)  ilklinga,  or  Mahadeva  of  the  Sesodias  of  Mewar ;  (6)  Vraj  Adhis,  the  lord 
of  Vraj,  the  coimtry  round  Mathura  ;  the  epithet  of  Krishna  ;  seal  of  the 
Hara  prince  ;  (c)  Victory  to  Sita  and  Rama,  the  demi-god,  ancestor  of  the 
princes  of  Amber ;    {d}  Abhai  Singh,  prince  of  Marwar. 


484  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Nizamu-1-mulk  had  completely  emancipated  himself  from  his 
allegiance,  and  signalized  his  independence,  by  sending  the  head 
of  the  imperial  general,  who  [416]  ventured  to  oppose  it,  as  that 
of  a  traitor,  to  the  emperor.  He  leagued  with  the  Rajputs,  and 
instigated  Bajirao  to  plant  the  Mahratta  standard  in  Malwa  and 
Gujarat.  In  defending  the  former,  Dayya  Bahadur  fell ;  ^  and 
Jai  Singh  of  Amber,  being  nominated  to  the  trust,  delegated  it 
to  the  invader,  and  Malwa  was  lost.  The  extensive  province  of 
Gujarat  soon  shared  the  same  fate  ;  for  in  the  vacillating  policy 
of  the  court,  the  promise  of  that  government  to  the  Rathors  had 
been  broken,  and  Abhai  Singh,  son  of  Ajit,  who  had  expelled 
Sarbuland  Khan  ^  after  a  severe  contest,  following  the  example 
of  his  brother  prince  of  Amber,  connived  with  the  invaders,  while 
he  added  its  most  northern  districts  to  Marwar.  In  Bengal, 
Behar,  and  Orissa,  Shujau-d-daula,  and  his  deputy  Allah wirdi 
Khan,^  were  supreme,  and  Safdar  Jang  *  (son  of  Saadat  Khan) 
was  established  in  Oudh.  The  basest  disloyalty  marked  the  rise 
of  this  family,  which  owed  everything  to  Muhammad  Shah.  It 
was  Saadat  Khan  who  invited  Nadir  Shah,  whose  invasion  gave 
the  final  stab  to  the  empire  ;  and  it  was  his  son,  Safdar  Jang,  who, 
when  commandant  of  the  artillery  (mir-i-atish),  turned  it  against 
his  sovereign's  palace,  and  then  conveyed  it  to  Oudh.  Of  the 
Diwans  of  Bengal  we  must  speak  only  with  reverence  ;  but, 
whether  they  had  any  special  dispensation,  their  loyalty  to  the 
descendant  of  Farrukhsiyar  has  been  very  little  more  distinguished 
than  that  of  the  satraps  enumerated,  though  the  original  tenure 
of  Bengal  is  still  apparent,  and  the  feudal  obligation  to  the 
suzerain  of  Delhi  manifested,  in  the  homage  of  petite  serjanterie, 
in  transmitting  with  the  annual  fine  of  relief  (one  hundred  mohars) 
the  spices  of  the  eastern  archipelago.  Yet  of  all  those  who 
gloried  in  the  title  oifidwi  padshah-i-ghazi,  the  only  '  slave  of  the 
victorious  king,'  who  has  been  generous  to  hiin  in  the  day  of  his 
distress,  is  the  Diwan  of  Bengal,  better  known  as  the  English 

^  [Subahdar  of  Malwa,  killed  in  battle  at  Tala  near  Dhar  iu  1732  (Grant 
Duff  227).] 

2  [Sarbuland  Khan  was  superseded  by  Abhai  Singh  {ibid.  226).] 

^  [Mahabat  Jang,  in  1740  usurped  the  Government  of  Bengal,  over 
which  he  reigned  for  sixteen  years,  died  April  10,  1756  N.S.,  buried  at 
Murshidabad  (Beale,  sv.).] 

*  [Nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Burhanu-1-mulk,  Saadat  Khan,  was 
appointed  Wazlr  in  1748,  died  October  17,  1754.] 


MARATHA  raids  485 

East  India  Company.  In  the  hour  of  triumph  they  rescued  the 
blind  and  aged  descendants  of  the  illustrious  Babur  from  a  state 
of  degradation  and  penury,  and  secured  to  him  all  the  dignity 
and  comfort  which  his  circumstances  could  lead  him  to  hope  ; 
and  the  present  state  of  his  family,  contrasted  with  the  thraldom 
and  misery  endured  while  fortune  favoured  the  Mahratta,  is 
splendid.  Yet  perhaps  the  most  acute  stroke  of  fortune  to  this 
fallen  monarch  was  when  the  British  governor  of  India  lent  his 
aid  to  the  descendant  of  the  rebellious  Safdar  Jang  to  mount  the 
throne  of  Oudh,  and  to  assume,  in  lieu  of  the  title  of  wazir  of  the 
empire,  that  of  king.  We  can  [417]  appreciate  and  commiserate 
the  feeling  ;  for  the  days  of  power  were  yet  too  recent  ^  for  Akbar 
Sani  (the  second)  to  receive  such  intelligence  without  a  shoclc, 
or  without  comparing  his  condition  with  him  whose  name  he  bore. 
It  is  well  to  pause  upon  this  page  of  eastern  history,  which  is  full 
of  instruction  ;  since  by  weighing  the  abuses  of  power,  and  its 
inevitable  loss  through  placing  a  large  executive  trust  in  the 
hands  of  those  who  exercised  it  without  sympathy  towards  the 
governed,  we  may  at  least  retard  the  day  of  our  decline. 

Maratha  Raids.  The  Campaign  of  Nadir  Shah. — The  Mahratta 
establishments  in  Malwa  and  Gujarat  constituted  a  nucleus  for 
others  to  form  upon,  and  like  locusts,  they  crossed  the  Nerbudda 
in  swarms  ;  when  the  Holkars,  the  Sindhias,  the  Puars,  and  other 
less  familiar  names,  emerged  from  obscurity  ;  when  the  plough  ^ 
was  deserted  for  the  sword,  and  the  goat-herd  *  made  a  lance  of 
his  crook.  They  devastated,  and  at  length  settled  upon,  the 
lands  of  the  indigenous  Rajputs.  For  a  time  the  necessity  of 
imity  made  them  act  under  one  standard,  and  hence  the  vast 
masses  under  the  first  Bajirao,  which  bore  down  all  opposition, 
and  afterwards  dispersed  themselves  over  those  long-oppressed 
regions.  It  was  in  a.d.  1735  that  he  first  crossed  the  Chambal  * 
and  appeared  before  Delhi,  which  he  blockaded,  when  his  retreat 
was  purchased  by  the  surrender  of  the  chauth,  or  fourth  of  the 

1  [Akbar  Shah  II.,  King  of  Delhi,  reigned  from  1806  to  1827.]  I  have 
conversed  with  an  aged  Shaikh  who  recollected  the  splendour  of  Muhammad 
Shah's  reign  before  Nadir's  invasion.  He  was  darogah  (superintendent)  to 
the  Duab  canal,  and  described  to  me  the  fete  on  its  opening. 

^  Sindhia's  family  were  husbandmen. 

'  Holkar  was  a  goat-herd. 

*  The  ford  near  Dholpur  stiU  is  called  Bhaoghat.  [Bajirao  appeared  at 
Delhi  in  1736  (Grant  Duff  226).] 


486  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

gross  revenues  of  the  empire.  The  Nizam,  dreading  the  influence 
such  pusillanimous  concession  might  exert  upon  his  rising  power, 
determined  to  drive  the  Mahrattas  from  Malwa,  where,  if  once 
fixed,  they  would  cut  off  his  communications  with  the  north. 
He  accordingly  invaded  Malwa,  defeated  Bajirao  in  a  pitched 
battle,  and  was  only  prevented  from  following  it  up  by  Nadir 
Shah's  advance,  facilitated  by  the  Afghans,  who,  on  becoming 
independent  in  Kabul,  laid  open  the  frontiers  of  Hindustan.^  In 
this  emergency,  "  great  hopes  were  placed  on  the  valour  of  the 
Rajputs  "  ;  but  the  spirit  of  devotion  in  this  brave  race,  by  whose 
aid  the  Mogul  power  was  made  and  maintained,  was  irretrievably 
alienated,  and  not  one  of  those  high  families,  who  had  throughout 
been  so  lavish  of  their  blood  in  its  defence,  would  obey  the  sum- 
mons to  the  royal  standard,  when  the  fate  of  India  was  decided 
on  the  plains  of  Karnal.^  A  sense  [418]  of  individual  danger 
brought  together  the  great  home  feudatories,  when  the  Nizam 
and  Saadat  Khan  (now  Wazir)  united  their  forces  vmder  the 
imperial  commander ;  but  their  demoralized  levies  were  no 
match  for  the  Persian  and  the  northern  mountaineer.  The 
Amiru-l-umara  was  slain,  the  Wazir  made  prisoner,  and  Muham- 
mad Shah  and  his  kingdom  were  at  Nadir's  disposal.  The 
disloyalty  of  the  Wazir  filled  the  capital  with  blood,  and  subjected 
his  sovereign  to  the  condition  of  a  captive.  Jealous  of  the 
Nizam,  whose  diplomatic  success  had  obtained  him  the  office  of 
Amiru-1-imiara,  he  stimulated  the  avarice  of  the  conqueror  by 
exaggerating  the  riches  of  Delhi,  and  declared  that  he  alone  could 
furnish  the  ransom  negotiated  by  the  Nizam.  Nadir's  love  of 
gold  overpowered  his  principle  ;  the  treaty  was  broken,  the  keys 
of  Delhi  were  demanded,  and  its  humiliated  emperor  was  led  in 
triumph  through  the  camp  of  the  conqueror,  who,  on  March  8, 
A.D.  1739,  took  possession  of  the  palace  of  Timur,  and  C9ined 
money  bearing  this  legend  : 

Iving  over  the  kings  of  the  world 

Is  Nadir,  king  of  kings,  and  lord  of  the  period. 

Plunder  and  Massacre  at  Delhi. — The  accumulated  wealth  of 
India  contained  in  the  royal  treasury,  notwithstanding  the  lavish 
expenditure   during   the   civil   wars,    and   the   profuse   rewards 

^  A.D.  1740. 
2  [Near  Panipat,  February  13.  1739  (Elphinstone  717).] 


PLUNDER  AND  MASSACRE  AT  DELHI  487 

scattered  by  each  competitor  for  dominion,  was  yet  sufficient  to 
gratify  even  avarice  itself,  amounting  ii\  gold,  jewels,  and  plate 
to  forty  millions  sterling,  exclusive  of  equipages  of  every  denomi- 
nation. But  this  enormous  spoil  only  kindled  instead  of  satiating 
the  appetite  of  Nadir,  and  a  fine  of  two  millions  and  a  half  was 
exacted,  and  levied  with  such  unrelenting  rigour  and  cruelty  on 
the  inhabitants,  that  men  of  rank  and  character  could  find  no 
means  of  escape  but  by  suicide.  A  rumour  of  this  monster's 
death  excited  an  insurrection,  in  which  several  Persians  were 
killed.  The  provocation  was  not  lost  :  the  conqueror  ascended 
a  mosque,^  and  conmianded  a  general  massacre,  in  which  thou- 
sands were  slain.  Pillage  accompanied  murder ;  whilst  the 
streets  streamed  with  blood,  the  city  was  fired,  and  the  dead 
were  consumed  in  the  conflagration  of  their  late  habitations.  If 
a  single  ray  of  satisfaction  could  be  felt  amidst  such  a  scene  of 
horror,  it  must  have  been  when  Nadir  commanded  the  minister 
of  the  wretch  who  was  the  author  of  [419]  this  atrocity,  the 
infamous  Saadat  Khan,  to  send,  on  pain  of  death,  an  inventory 
of  his  own  and  his  master's  wealth  ;  demanding  meanwhile  the 
two  millions  and  a  half,  the  original  composition  settled  by  the 
Nizam,  from  the  Wazir  alone.  Wliether  his  '  coward  conscience  ' 
was  alarmed  at  the  mischief  he  had  occasioned,  or  mortification 
at  discovering  that  his  ambition  had  '  o'erleaped  itself,'  and 
recoiled  with  vengeance  on  his  own  head,  tempted  the  act,  it  is 
impossible  to  discover,  but  the  guilty  Saadat  became  his  own 
executioner.  He  swallowed  poison  ;  '^  an  example  followed  by 
his  diwan,  Raja  Majlis  Rae,  in  order  to  escape  the  rage  of  the 
offended  Nadir.  By  the  new  *i*eaty,  all  the  western  provinces, 
Kabul,  Tatta,  Sind,  and  Multan,  were  surrendered  and  united  to 
Persia,  and  on  the  vernal  equinox,  Nadir,  gorged  with  spoil, 
commenced  his  march  from  the  desolated  Delhi.*     The  pliilo- 

^  It  is  yet  pointed  out  to  the  visitor  of  tliis  famed  city.  [The  Golden 
Mosque  of  Roshanu-d-daula  (Fanshawe,  Delhi  Past  and  Present,  50).] 

^  [This  is  not  certain.  Many  officials  committed  suicide,  and  Sa'adat 
Khan  was  beheved  to  have  been  among  these  :  it  is  certain  that  he  died  the 
night  before  the  massacre  (Keene,  Sketch  Hist.  Hindustan,  ,324).] 

^  As  the  hour  of  departure  approached,  the  cruelties  of  the  ruthless  in- 
vaders increased,  to  which  the  words  of  the  narrator,  an  eye-witness,  can 
alone  do  justice  :  "A  type  of  the  last  day  afflicted  the  inhabitants  of  this 
once  happy  city  ;  hitherto  it  was  a  general  massacre,  but  now  came  the 
murder  of  individuals.     In  every  house  was  heard  the  cry  of  afHictiou. 


488  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

sophic  comment  of  the  native  historian  on  these  events  is  so 
just,  that  we  shall  transcribe  it  verbatim.  "  The  people  of 
Hindustan  at  this  period  thought  only  of  personal  safety  and 
gratification  ;  misery  was  disregarded  by  those  who  escaped  it, 
and  man,  centred  wholly  in  self,  felt  not  for  his  kind.  This 
selfishness,  destructive  of  public  and  private  virtue,  was  universal 
in  Hindustan  at  the  invasion  of  Nadir  Shah  ;  nor  have  the  people 
become  more  virtuous  since,  and  consequently  neither  more 
happy  nor  more  independent." 

Results  to  the  Rajputs. — At  this  eventful  era  in  the  political 
history  of  India,  the  Rajput  nation  had  not  only  maintained 
their  ground  amidst  the  con\nilsions  of  six  centuries  under  the 
paramount  sway  of  the  Islamite,  but  two  of  the  three  chief 
States,  Marwar  and  [420]  Amber,  had  by  policy  and  valour 
created  substantial  States  out  of  pettj^  principaUties,  junior 
branches  ^  from  which  had  established  their  independence,  and 

Basant  Rae,  agent  for  pensions,  killed  his  family  and  himseK ;  Khalik 
Yar  Khan  stabbed  himself ;  many  took  poison.  The  venerable  chief 
magistrate  was  dishonoured  by  stripes ;  sleep  and  rest  forsook  the  city. 
The  officers  of  the  court  were  beaten  without  mercy,  and  a  fire  broke  out  in 
the  imperial  farash-khana,  and  destroyed  effects  to  the  amount  of  a  crore 
(a  million  sterling).  There  was  a  scarcity  of  grain,  two  seers  of  coarse  rice 
sold  for  a  rupee,  and  from  a  pestilential  disorder  crowds  died  daily  in  every 
street  and  lane.  The  inhabitants,  hke  the  affrighted  animals  of  the  desert, 
sought  refuge  in  the  most  concealed  corners.  Yet  four  or  five  crores 
(miUions)  more  were  thus  extracted."  On  the  5th  April,  Nadir's  seals  were 
taken  off  the  imperial  repositories,  and  his  farmans  sent  to  aU  the  feudatories 
of  the  empire  to  notify  the  place  and  to  inculcate  obedience  '  to  his  dear 
brother,'  which,  as  a  specimen  of  eastern  diplomatic  phraseology,  is  worth 
insertion.  It  was  addressed  to  the  Rana,  the  Rajas  of  Marwar  and  Amber, 
Nagor,  Satara,  the  Peshwa  Bajirao,  etc  "  Between  us  and  our  dear  brother, 
Muhammad  Shah,  in  consideration  of  the  regard  and  aUiances  of  the  two 
sovereigns,  the  connexions  of  regard  and  friendship  have  been  renewed,  so 
that  we  may  be  esteemed  as  one  soul  in  two  bodies.  Now  our  dear  brother 
has  been  replaced  on  the  tlirone  of  this  extensive  empire,  and  we  are  moving 
to  the  conquest  of  other  regions,  it  is  incumbent  that  ye,  like  your  fore- 
fathers, walk  in  the  path  of  submission  and  obedience  to  our  dear  brother, 
as  they  did  to  former  sovereigns  of  the  house  of  Timur.  God  forbid  it ; 
but  if  accounts  of  your  rebelling  should  reach  our  ears,  we  will  blot  you  out 
of  the  pages  of  the  book  of  creation"  ('Memoirs  of  Iradat  Khan,'  Scotfs 
History  of  Dekhan,  vol.  ii.  p.  213). 

^  Bikaner  and  Kishangarh  arose  out  of  Marwar,  and  Macheri  from 
Amber ;  to  which  we  might  add  Shaikhavati,  which,  though  not  separate, 
is  tributary  to  Amber  (now  Jaipur). 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  MARATHAS  489 

still  enjoy  it  under  treaty  with  the  British  Government.  Mewar 
at  this  juncture  was  defined  by  nearly  the  same  boundaries  as 
when  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  invaded  her  in  the  tenth  century, 
though  her  influence  over  many  of  her  tributaries,  as  Bimdi, 
Abu,  Idar,  and  Deolia,  was  destroyed.  To  the  west,  the  fertile 
district  of  Godwar  carried  her  beyond  her  natural  barrier,  the 
AravaUi,  into  the  desert  ;  while  the  Chambal  was  her  limit  to 
the  east.  The  Khari  separated  her  from  Ajmer,  and  to  the 
south  she  adjoined  Malwa.  These  limits  comprehended  one 
hundred  and  thirty  miles  of  latitude  and  one  hundred  and  forty 
of  longitude,  containing  10,000  towns  and  villages,  with  upwards 
of  a  million  sterling  of  revenue,  raised  from  a  fertile  soil  by  an 
excellent  agricultural  population,  a  wealthy  mercantile  com- 
munity, and  defended  by  a  devoted  vassalage.  Such  was  this  little 
patriarchal  State  after  the  protracted  strife  which  has  been  related  ; 
we  shall  have  to  exliibit  her,  in  less  than  half  a  century,  on  the 
verge  of  annihilation  from  the  predatory  inroads  of  the  Mahrattas. 

The  Coming  of  the  Marathas. — In  order  to  mark  with  exactitude 
the  introduction  of  the  Mahrattas  into  Rajasthan,  we  must  revert 
to  the  period  ^  when  the  dastardly  intrigues  of  the  advisers  of 
Muhammad  Shah  surrendered  to  them  as  tribute  the  chauth,  or 
fourth  of  his  revenues.  Whether  in  the  full  tide  of  successful 
invasion,  these  spoilers  deemed  any  other  argument  than  force 
to  be  requisite  in  order  to  justify  their  extortions,  they  had  in 
this  surrender  a  concession  of  which  the  subtle  Mahrattas  were 
well  capable  of  availing  themselves  ;  and  as  the  Mogul  claimed 
sovereignty  over  the  whole  of  Rajasthan,  they  might  plausibly 
urge  their  right  of  chauth,  as  applicable  to  all  the  territories 
subordinate  to  the  empire. 

The  Rajput  Coalition.— The  rapidity  with  which  these  desultory 
bands  flew  from  conquest  to  conquest  appears  to  have  alarmed 
the  Rajputs,  and  again  brought  about  a  coalition,  which,  with 
the  characteristic  peculiarity  of  all  such  contracts,  was  com- 
menced by  matrimonial  alliances.  On  this  occasion,  Bijai  Singh, 
the  heir  of  Marwar,  was  affianced  to  the  Rana's  daughter,  who 
at  the  same  time  reconciled  the  princes  [421]  of  Marwar  and 
Amber,  whose  positions  at  the  court  of  the  Mogul  often  brought 
their  national  jealousies  into  conflict,  as  they  alternately  took 
the  lead  in  his  councils  :   for  it  was  rare  to  find  both  in  the  same 

1  A.D.  1735. 


490  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

line  of  politics.     These  matters  were  arranged  at  Udaipur.^     But 
as  we  have  often  had  occasion  to  observe,  no  public  [422]  or 

^  These  documents  are  interesting,  if  merely  showing  the  high  respect 
paid  by  every  Rajput  prince  to  the  Ranas  of  Mewar,  and  illustrating  what 
is  recorded  in  the  reign  of  Partap,  who  abjured  all  intercourse  with  them. 

No.  1. 
"  From  Kunwar  Bijai  Singh  of  Marwar  to  the  Maharana  Sri-Sri-Sri. 

"  Jagat  Singh's  Presence — let  my  mujra  (obedience)  be  known.  You 
honoured  me  by  sending  Rawat  Kesari  Singh  and  Biharidas,  and  command- 
ing a  marriage  connexion.  Your  orders  are  on  your  child's  head.  You  have 
made  me  a  servant.  To  everything  I  am  agreed,  and  now  I  am  your  child  ; 
while  I  live  I  am  yours.  If  a  true  Rajput,  my  head  is  at  your  disposal. 
You  have  made  20,000  Rathors  your  servants.  If  I  fail  in  this,  the  Almighty 
is  between  us.  Whoever  is  of  my  blood  wiU  obey  your  commands,  and  the 
fruit  of  this  marriage  shall  be  sovereign,  and  if  a  daughter,  should  I  bestow 
her  on  the  Turkana,  I  am  no  true  Rajput.  She  shall  be  married  to  a  proper 
connexion,  and  not  without  your  advice  ;  and  even  should  Sri  Bavaji  (an 
epithet  of  respect  to  his  father),  or  others  of  our  elders,  recommend  such 
proceeding,  I  swear  by  God  I  shall  not  agree.  I  am  the  Diwan's,  let  others 
approve  or  disapprove.  Asarh  Sudi  Punim,  Full  Moon,  Thursday,  S.  1791 
(A.D.  1735-36)." 

"  N.B.— This  deed  was  executed  in  the  balcony  of  the  Kishanbilas  by 
Rawat  Kesari  Singh  and  Pancholi  Biharidas,  and  written  by  Pancholi 
Lalji — namely,  marriage-deed  of  Kunwar  Bijai  Singh,  son  of  Bakht  Singh." 

No.  2. 
"  From  Bijai  Singh  to  Rana  Jagat  Singh. 
"  Here  all  is  well.  Preserve  your  friendship  and  favour  for  me,  and  give 
me  tidings  of  your  weKare.  That  day  I  shall  behold  you  wiU  be  without 
price  {amolah).  You  have  made  me  a  thorough  Rajput — never  shall  I  fail 
in  whatever  service  I  can  perform.  You  are  the  father  of  all  the  tribes,  and 
bestow  gifts  on  each  according  to  his  worth — the  support  and  preservation 
of  all  around  you — to  your  enemy  destruction  ;  great  in  knowledge,  and 
wise  like  Brahma.  May  the  Lord  of  the  world  keep  the  Rana  happy. 
Asarh  13." 

No.  3. 
"  Raja  Bakht  Singh  to  the  Rana. 
"  To  Maharana  Sri-Sri-Sri  Jagat  Singh,  let  Bakht  Singh's  respects  [mujra) 
be  made  known.  You  have  made  me  a  thorough  Rajput,  and  by  such  your 
favour  is  known  to  the  world.  What  service  I  can  perform,  you  will  never 
find  me  backward.  The  day  I  shall  see  you  I  shall  be  happy,  my  heart 
yearns  to  be  with  you.     Asarh  11." 

No.  4. 

"  Sawai  Jai  Singh  to  the  Rana. 

"  May  the  respects  of  Sawai  Jai  Singh  be  known  to  the  Maharana. 

According  to  the  Sri  Diwan's  commands  (hukm),  I  have  entered  into  terms 

of  friendship  with  you  (Abhai  Singh  of  Marwar).     For  neither  Hindu  nor 


BAJIRAO  visits  MEWAR  491 

general  benefit  ever  resulted  from  these  alliances,  which  were 
obstructed  by  the  multitude  of  petty  jealousies  inseparable  from 
clanship  ;  even  while  this  treaty  was  in  discussion,  the  fruit  of 
the  triple  league  formed  against  the  tyranny  of  Aurangzeb  was 
about  to  show  its  baneful  influence,  as  will  presently  appear. 

Bajirao  visits  Mewar.  Negotiations  with  the  Marathas. — When 
Malwa  was  acquired  by  the  Mahrattas,  followed  by  the  cession  of 
the  chauth,  their  leader,  Bajirao,  repaired  to  Mewar,  where  his 
visit  created  great  alarm.^     The  Rana  desired  to  avoid  a  personal 

Musalman  shaU  I  swerve  therefrom.  To  this  engagement  God  is  between 
us,  and  the  Sri  Diwanji  is  witness.     Asarh  Sucli  7." 

No.  5. 
"  Raja  Bakht  Singh  to  the  Rana. 
"  Your  Ehas  ruqa"  (note  in  the  Rana's  own  hand)  I  received,  read,  and 
was  happy.  Jai  Singh's  engagement  you  will  have  received,  and  mine  also 
will  have  reached  you.  At  your  commands  I  entered  into  friendship  with 
him,  and  as  to  my  preserving  it  have  no  doubts,  for  havmg  given  you  as 
my  guarantee,  no  deviation  can  occur  ;  do  you  secure  his.  Whether  you 
may  be  accounted  my  father,  brother,  or  friend,  I  am  yours ;  besides  you  I 
care  for  neither  connexion  nor  kin.     Asarh  6." 

No.  6.  • 

"  From  Raja  Abhai  Singh  to  the  Rana. 

"  To  the  Presence  of  Maharana  Jagat  Singh,  Maharaja  Abhai  Singh 
writes — read  his  respects  (mujra).  God  is  witness  to  our  engagement, 
whoever  breaks  it  may  he  fai'e  ill.  In  good  and  in  evil  we  are  joined  ;  with 
one  mind  let  us  remain  united,  and  let  no  selfishness  disunite  us.  Your 
chiefs  are  witnesses,  and  the  true  Rajput  wiU  not  deviate  from  his  engage- 
ment.    Asoj  3,  Thursday." 

Abhai  Singh  and  Bakht  Singh  were  brothers,  sons  of  Raja  Ajit  of  Marwar, 
to  whom  the  former  succeeded,  wliile  Bakht  Singh  held  Nagor  independently. 
His  son  was  Bijai  Singh,  with  whom  this  marriage  was  contracted.  He 
ultimately  succeeded  to  the  government  of  Marwar  or  Jodhpur.  He  wiU 
add  another  example  of  pohtical  expediency  counteracting  common  grati- 
tude, in  seizing  on  domestic  convulsions  to  deprive  the  Rana's  grandson  of 
the  province  of  Godwar.  Zahm  Singh  was  the  fruit  of  this  marriage,  who 
resided  during  his  elder  brother's  (Fateh  Singh)  lifetime  at  Udaipur.  He 
was  brave,  amiable,  and  a  distinguished  poet.  The  Yati  (priest),  who 
attended  me  during  twelve  years,  my  assistant  in  these  researches,  was 
brought  up  under  the  eye  of  tiiis  prince  as  liis  amanuensis,  and  from  him  he 
imbibed  his  love  of  history  and  poetry,  in  reading  which  he  excelled  aU  the 
bards  of  Rajwara. 

^  Letters  from  Rana  Jagat  Singh  to  Biharidas  Panchoh. 

No.  1. 
"  Swasti  Sri,  chief  of  ministers,  PanchoUji,  read  my  Juhar.*'     The  remem- 

*  A.comphment  used  from  a  suiierior  to  any  inferior. 


492  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

interview,  and  sent  as  his  ambassadors  [423],  the  chief  of  Salumbar 
and  his  prime  minister,  Biharidas.     Long  discussions  followed  as 

brance  of  you  never  leaves  me.  The  Deccani  question  you  have  settled 
well,  but  if  a  meeting  is  to  take  place,*  let  it  be  beyond  Deolia — nearer  is  not 
advisable.  Lessen  the  number  of  your  troops,  by  God's  blessing  there  will 
be  no  want  of  funds.  Settle  for  Rampura  according  to  the  preceding  year, 
and  let  Daulat  Singh  know  the  opportunity  will  not  occur  again.  The 
royal  mother  is  unwell.  Gararao  and  Gaj  Manik  fought  nobly,  and  Sundar 
Gaj  played  a  thousand  pranks,  f  I  regretted  your  absence.  How  shall  I 
send  Sobharam  ?     Asoj  6,  S.  1791  (a.d.  1735)." 

No.  2.— To  tfie  Same. 
"  I  will  not  credit  it,  therefore  send  witnesses  and  a  detail  of  their  de- 
mands. Bajirao  is  come,  and  he  wiU  derive  reputation  from  having  com- 
pelled a  contribution  from  me,  besides  his  demand  of  land.  Ho  has  com- 
menced with  my  country,  and  wiU  take  twenty  times  more  from  me  than 
other  Rajas — if  a  proportionate  demand,  it  might  be  complied  with.  Malhar 
came  last  year,  but  this  was  nothing — Bajirao  this,  and  he  is  powerful.  But 
if  God  hears  me  he  wiU  not  get  my  land.     From  Devichand  learn  particulars. 

"  Thursday.  S.  1792, 

"  At  the  Holi  aU  was  joy  at  the  Jagmandir,J  but  what  is  food  without 
salt  ?  what  Udaipur  without  Biharidas  ?  " 

No.  3. — Same  to  the  Same. 
"  With  such  a  man  as  you  in  my  house  I  have  no  fears  for  its  stability ; 
but  why  this  appearance  of  poverty  ?  perhaps  you  will  ask,  what  fault  have 
you  committed,  that  you  sit  and  move  as  I  direct  ?  The  matter  is  thus  : 
money  is  all  in  all,  and  the  troubles  on  foot  can  only  be  settled  by  you,  and 
all  other  resolutions  are  useless.  You  may  say,  you  have  got  nothing,  and 
how  can  you  settle  them — but  already  two  or  three  difficulties  have  occurred, 
in  getting  out  of  which,  both  your  pinions  and  mine,  as  to  veracity,  have 
been  broken,  so  that  neither  scheming  nor  wisdom  is  any  longer  available. 
Though  you  have  been  removed  from  me  for  some  time,  I  have  always 
considered  you  at  hand  ;  but  now  it  will  be  well  if  you  approach  nearer  to 
me,  that  we  may  raise  supplies,  for  in  the  act  of  hiding  you  are  celebrated, 
and  the  son  ||  {beta)  hides  none  :  therefore  your  hoarding  is  useless,  and 
begets  suspicions.  Therefore,  unless  you  have  a  mind  to  efface  all  regard 
for  your  master  and  your  own  importance  at  my  court,  you  will  get  ready 
some  jewels  and  bonds  under  good  security  and  bring  them  to  me.     There 

*  To  the  Peshwa  is  the  allusion. 

if  As  the  Rana  never  expected  his  confidential  notes  to  be  translated 
into  Enghsh,  perhaps  it  is  iUiberal  to  be  severe  on  them  ;  or  we  might  say, 
his  elephants  are  mentioned  more  con  amore  than  his  sick  mother  or  state 
affairs.  I  obtained  many  hundreds  of  these  autograph  notes  of  this  prince 
to  his  prime  minister. 

X  The  Hindu  saturnaha  held  in  the  island,  '  The  Minster  of  the  world.' 

II  The  Rana  always  styled  him  '  father.' 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  MARATHAS  493 

to  the  mode  of  Bajirao's  reception,  which  was  settled  to  be  on  the 
same  footing  as  the  Raja  of  Banera/  and  that  he  should  be  seated 
in  front  of  the  throne.     A  treaty  followed,  stipulating  an  annual 

is  no  way  but  this  to  allay  these  troubles  :  but  should  you  think  you  have 
got  ever  so  much  time,  and  that  I  will  send  for  you  at  all  events,  then  have  I 
thrown  away  mine  in  writing  you  this  letter.  You  are  wise — look  to  the 
future,  and  be  assured  I  shall  write  no  second  letter.      S.  1792." 

This  letter  will  show  that  the  office  of  prime  minister  is  not  a  bed  of  roses. 
The  immediate  descendants  of  Biharidas  are  in  poverty  like  their  prince, 
though  some  distant  branches  of  the  family  are  in  situations  of  trust ;  his 
ambassador  to  Delhi,  and  who  subsequently  remained  with  me  as  medium 
of  communication  with  the  Rana,  was  a  worthy  and  able  man — Kishandas 
Pancholi. 

I  shall  subjoin  another  letter  from  the  Satara  prince  to  Rana  Jagat 
Singh,  though  being  without  date  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  not  addressed  to 
Jagat  Singh  the  First ;  this  is,  however,  unimportant,  as  it  is  merely  one  of 
comphment,  but  showing  the  high  respect  paid  bj'^  the  sovereign  of  the 
Peshwas  to  the  house  whence  they  originally  sprung. 

"  Swasti  Sri,  worthy  of  all  praise  (opma),  from  whose  actions  credit 
results  ;  the  worshipper  of  the  remover  of  troubles  ;  the  ambrosia  of  the 
ocean  of  the  Rajput  race  *  (amrita  ratnalcara  kshatriya  kula) ;  resplendent 
as  the  sun  ;  who  has  made  a  river  of  tears  from  the  eyes  of  the  wives  of  your 
warhke  foes ;  in  deeds  munificent.  Sriman  Maharaja  dhiraj  Maharana 
Sri  Jagat  Singhji,  of  all  the  princes  chief,  Sriman  Sahu  Chatarpati  Raja 
writes,  read  his  Ram,  Ram  !  Here  all  is  well ;  honour  me  by  good  accounts, 
which  I  am  always  expecting,  as  the  source  of  happiness. 

"  Your  favour  was  received  by  the  Pandit  Pardhan)  ■\  with  great  respect ; 
and  from  the  period  of  the  arrival  of  Raj  Sri  Rawat  Udai  Singh  to  this  time 
my  goodwill  has  been  increasing  towards  him  :  let  your  favour  between  us 
be  enlarged  :   what  more  can  I  write  ?  " 

^  The  descendant  of  Bhim,  son  of  Rana  Raj  Singh.  The  seat  assigned 
to  Bajirao  was  made  the  precedent  for  the  position  of  the  representative 
of  the  British  Government.  [The  Rawat  of  Ban  era,  on  succession,  has  the 
right  of  receiving  a  sword,  on  the  arrival  of  which  he  goes  to  Udaipur  to  be 
installed  (Erskine  ii.  A.- 92).] 

*  The  ocean  has  the  poetical  appellation  of  ratnakara,  or  '  house  of 
gems  '  ['  mine  of  jewels  '] ;  the  fable  of  the  churning  of  the  ocean  is  well 
known,  when  were  yielded  many  bounties,  of  which  the  amrita  or  '  immortal 
food  '  of  the  gods  was  one,  to  which  the  Rana,  as  head  of  all  the  Rajput 
tribes,  is  hkened. 

f  This  expression  induces  the  behef  that  the  letter  is  written  by  the 
Peshwa  in  his  sovereign's  name,  as  they  had  at  this  time  commenced  their 
usurpation  of  his  power.  It  was  to  the  second  Jagat  Singh  that  an  offer 
was  made  to  fill  the  Satara  throne  by  a  branch  of  his  family,  then  occupied 
by  an  imbecile.  A  younger  brother  of  the  Rana,  the  ancestor  of  the  present 
heir  presumptive,  Sheodan  Singh,  was  chosen,  but  intrigues  prevented  it, 
the  Rana  dreading  a  superior  from  his  own  family. 


494  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

tribute,  which  remained  in  force  during  ten  years/  when  grasping 
at  the  whole  they  despised  a  part,  and  tlie  treaty  became  a 
nulHty.^  The  dissensions  which  arose  soon  after,  in  consequence 
of  the  Rajput  engagements,  afforded  the  opportunity  sought  for 
to  mix  in  tlieir  internal  concerns. 

Right  of  Primogeniture. — It  may  be  recollected  that  in  the 
family  engagements  formed  by  Rana  Amra  there  was  an  obliga- 
tion to  invest  the  issue  of  such  marriage  with  the  rights  of  primo- 
geniture ;  and  the  death  of  Sawai  Jai  Singh  ^  of  Amber,  two 
years  after  Nadir's  invasion,  brought  that  stipulation  into  effect. 
His  eldest  son,  Isari  Singh,  was  proclaimed  Raja,  but  a  strong 
party  supported  Madho  Singh,  the  Rana's  nephew,  and  the 
stipulated,  against  the  natural  order  of  succession.  We  are 
[424]  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  designs  of  Jai  Singh  in  maintaining 
his  guarantee,  which  was  doubtless  inconvenient  ;  but  that 
Madho  Singh  was  not  brought  up  to-  the  expectation  is  evident, 
from  his  holding  a  fief  of  the  Rana  Sangram,  who  appropriated 
the  domain  of  Rampura  for  his  support,  subject  to  the  service 
of  one  thousand  horse  and  two  thousand  foot,  formally  sanctioned 
by  his  father,  who  allowed  the  transfer  of  his  services.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  letter  of  permission  entitles  him  Kshema,  '  pros- 
perous,' an  epithet  only  applied  to  the  heir-apparent  of  Jaipur. 
Five  years,  however,  elapsed  before  any  extraordinary  exertions 
were  made  to  annul  the  rights  of  Isari  Singh,  who  led  his  vassals 
to  the  Sutlej  in  order  to  oppose  the  first  invasion  of  the  Duranis.* 
It  would  be  tedious  to  give  even  an  epitome  of  the  intrigues  for 
the  development  of  this  object,  which  properly  belong  to  the 
annals  of  Amber,  and  whence  resulted  many  of  the  troubles  of 
Rajputana.  The  Rana  took  the  field  with  his  nephew,  and  was 
met  by  Isari  Singh, ^  supported  by  the  Mahrattas  ;  but  the 
Sesodias  did  not  evince  in  the  battle  of  Rajmahall  that  gallantry 
which  must  have  its  source  in  moral  strength  :  they  were  defeated 
and  fled.     The  Rana  vented  his  indignation  in  a  galling  sarcasm  ; 

^  The  amount  was  160,000  rupees,  divided  into  three  shares  of  53,333  0  4J 
assigned  to  Holkar,  Sindhia,  and  the  Puar.  The  management  was  entrusted 
to  Holkar  ;  subsequently  Sindhia  acted  as  receiver-general.  This  was  the 
only  regular  tributary  engagement  Mewar  entered  into. 

2  See  letter  No.  2,  in  note,  p.  492. 

s  A.D.  1743.  *  A.D.  1747. 

^  The  great  Jai  Singh  built  a  city  which  he  called  after  himself,  and 
henceforth  Jaipur  will  supersede  the  ancient  appellation.  Amber. 


DEATH  OF  RANA  JAGAT  SINGH  II.  495 

he  gave  the  sword  of  state  to  a  common  courtesan  to  carry  in 
procession,  observing  "  it  was  a  woman's  weapon  in  these  de- 
generate times  "  :  a  remark  the  degrading  severity  of  which 
made  a  lasting  impression  in  the  dechne  of  ?.Iewar.  Elated  with 
this  success,  Isari  Singh  carried  his  resentments  and  his  auxiliaries, 
under  Sindhia,  against  the  Haras  of  Kotah  and  Bundi,  who 
supported  the  cause  oWiis  antagonist.  Kotah  stood  a  siege  and 
was  gallantly  defended,  and  Sindhia  (Apaji)  lost  an  arm  :  ^  on 
this  occasion  both  the  States  suffered  a  diminution  of  territory, 
and  were  subjected  to  tribute.  The  Rana,  following  the  example 
of  the  Kachhwahas,  called  in  as  auxiliary  Malhar  Rao  Holkar, 
and  engaged  to  pay  sixty-four  lakhs  of  rupees  (£800,000)  on  the 
deposal  of  Isari  Singh.  To  avoid  degradation  this  unfortunate 
prince  resolved  on  suicide,  and  a  dose  of  poison  gave  Madho  Singh 
the  gaddi,  Holkar  his  bribe,  and  the  Mahrattas  a  firm  hold  upon 
Rajasthan.  Such  Avas  the  cause  of  Rajput  abasement  ;  the 
moral  force  of  the  vassals  was  lost  in  a  contest  unjust  in  all  its 
associations,  and  froin  this  period  we  have  only  the  degrading 
spectacle  of  civil  strife  and  predatory  spoliation  till  the  existing 
treaty  of  a.d.  1817  [425]. 

Death  of  Rana  Jagat  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1751.— In  S.  1808  (a.d. 
1752)  Rana  Jagat  Singh  died.  Addicted  to  pleasure,  his  habits 
of  levity  and  profusion  totally  unfitted  him  for  the  task  of  govern- 
ing his  country  at  such  a  juncture  ;  he  considered  his  elephant 
fights  ^  of  more  importance  than  keeping  down  the  Mahrattas. 
Like  all  his  family,  he  patronized  the  arts,  greatly  enlarged  the 
palace,  and  expended  £250,000  in  embellishing  the  islets  of  the 
Pichola.  The  villas  scattered  over  the  valley  were  all  erected 
by  him,  and  many  of  those  festivals  devoted  to  idleness  and 
dissipation,  and  now  firmly  rooted  at  Udaipur,  were  instituted  by 
Jagat  Singh  II. 

^  [Apaji  was  one  of  Sindhia's  best  ofificers.  Suffering  from  a  painful 
disease,  he  committed  suicide  in  1797  by  drowning  himseK  in  the  Jumna 
(Compton,  European  Military  Adventurers,  132).] 

2  See  letters  from  Rana  Jagat  Singh  to  Biharidas,  p   492. 


496  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 


CHAPTER  16 

Bana  Partap  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1751-54.— Partap  II.  succeeded  in 
A.D.  1752.  Of  the  history  of  this  prince,  who  renewed  the  most 
ilhistrious  name  in  the  annals  of  Mewar,  tliere  is  nothing  to  record 
beyond  the  fact,  that  the  three  years  he  occupied  the  throne  were 
marked  by  so  many  Mahratta  invasions  ^  and  war  contributions. 
By  a  daughter  of  Raja  Jai  Singh  of  Amber  he  had  a  son,  who 
succeeded  him. 

Rana  Raj  Singh  II.,  a.d,  1754-61. — Rana  Raj  Singh  II.  was 
as  Httle  entitled  to  the  name  he  bore  as  his  predecessor.  During 
the  seven  years  he  held  the  dignity  at  least  seven  shoals  of  the 
Southrons  overran  Mewar,^  and  so  exhausted  this  country,  that 
the  Rana  was  compelled  to  ask  pecuniary  aid  from  the  Brahman 
collector  of  the  tribute,  to  enable  him  to  marry  the  Rathor 
chieftain's  daughter.  On  his  death  the  order  of  succession  retro- 
graded, devolving  on  his  uncle  [426], 

Rana  Ari  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1761-73.— Rana  Arsi,  in  S.  1818, 
A.D.  1762.  The  levity  of  Jagat  Singh,  the  inexperience  of  his 
successors  Partap  and  Raj  Singh,  with  the  ungovernable  temper 
of  Rana  Arsi,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  he  succeeded 
to  power,  introduced  a  train. of  disorders  which  proved  fatal  to 
Mewar.  Until  this  period  not  a  foot  of  territory  had  been  alien- 
ated. The  wisdom  of  the  Pancholi  ministers,  and  the  high 
respect  paid  by  the  organ  of  the  Satara  government,  for  a  while 
preserved  its  integrity  ;  but  when  the  country  was  divided  by 
factions,  and  the  Mahrattas,  ceasing  to  be  a  federate  body, 
prowled  in  search  of  prey  under  leaders,  each  having  an  interest 
of  his  own,  they  formed  political  combinations  to  suit  the  ephe- 
meral purposes  of  the  former,  but  from  which  they  alone  reaped 
advantage.  An  attempt  to  depose  Partap  and  set  up  his  uncle 
Nathji  introduced  a  series  of  rebellions,  and  constituted  Malhar 
Rao  Holkar,  who  had  already  become  master  of  a  considerable 

^  The  leaders  of  these  invasions  were  Satwaji,  Jankoji,  and  Raghunath 
Bao. 

2  In  S.  1812,  Raja  Bahadur;  in  1813,  Malhar  Rao  Holkar  and  Vitthal 
Rao;  in  1814,  Ranaji  Burtia  :  in  1813  three  war  contributions  were  levied, 
namely,  by  Sudasheo  Rao,  Govind  Rao,  and  Kanaji  Jadon. 


MALHAR  RAO  HOLKAR  invades  MEWAR        497 

portion  of  the  domain  of  Mewar,  the  umpire  in  their  family- 
disputes. 

Malhar  Rao  Holkar  invades  Mewar.  Famine,  a.d.  1764. — The 
ties  of  blood  or  of  princely  gratitude  are  feeble  bonds  if  political 
expediency  demands  their  dissolution  ;  and'Madho  Singh,  when 
firmly  established  on  the  throne  of  Amber,  repaid  the  immense 
sacrifices  by  which  the  Rana  had  effected  it  by  assigning  his  jftef 
of  Rampura,  which  he  had  not  a  shadow  of  right  to  alienate,  to 
Holkar  :  this  was  the  first  limb  severed  from  Mewar.^  Holkar 
had  also  become  the  assignee  of  the  tribute  imposed  by  Bajirao, 
but  from  which  the  Rana  justly  deemed  himself  exempt,  when 
the  terms  of  all  further  encroachment  in  Mewar  were  set  at  nought. 
On  the  plea  of  recovering  these  arrears,  and  the  rent  of  some 
districts  ^  on  the  Chambal,  Malhar,  after  many  threatening 
letters,  invaded  Mewar,  and  his  threats  of  occupying  the  capital 
were  only  checked  by  draining  their  exliausted  resources  of  six 
hundred  thousand  pounds.^  In  the  same  year  *  a  famine  afflicted 
them,  when  flour  and  tamarinds  were  equal  in  value,  and  were 
sold  at  the  rate  of  a  rupee  for  one  pound  and  a  half.  Four  years 
subsequent  to  this,  civil  war  broke  out  and  continued  to  influence 
all  posterior  proceedings,  rendering  [427]  the  inhabitants  of  this 
unhappy  country  a  prey  to  every  invader  until  1817,  when  they 
tasted  repose  under  British  protection. 

Civil  War  in  Mewar.  Revolt  of  Ratan  Singh. — The  real  cause 
of  this  rebellion  must  ever  remain  a  secret :  for  while  some 
regard  it  as  a  patriotic  effort  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  redeem 
themselves  from  foreign  domination,  others  discover  its  motive 
in  the  selfishness  of  the  hostile  clans,  who  supported  or  opposed 
the  succession  of  Rana  Arsi.  This  prince  is  accused  of  having 
unfairly  acquired  the  crown,  by  the  removal  of  his  nephew  Raj 
Singh  ;  but  though  the  traditional  anecdotes  of  the  period  furnish 

^  This  was  in  S.  1808  (a.d.  1752) ;  portions,  however,  remained  attached 
to  the  fisc  of  Mewar  for  several  years,  besides  a  considerable  part  of  the  feudal 
lands  of  the  Chandarawat  chief  of  Am  ad.  Of  the  former,  the  Rana  retained 
Hinglajgarh  and  the  Tappas  of  Jarda  Kinjera,  and  Budsu.  These  were 
surrendered  by  Raj  Singh,  who  rented  Budsu  under  its  new  appellation  of 
Malhargarh. 

^  Budsu,  etc. 

^  Holkar  advanced  as  far  as  Untala,  where  Arjun  Singh  of  Kurabar  and 
the  Rana's  foster-brothers  met  him,  and  negotiated  the  payment  of  fifty-one 
lakhs  of  rupees.  *  S.  1820,  a.d.  1764. 

VOL.  I  2  K 


498  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

strong  grounds  of  suspicion,  there  is  nothing  which  affords  a 
direct  confirmation  of  the  crime.  It  is,  however,  a  public  mis- 
fortune when  the  Hne  of  succession  retrogrades  in  Mewar  :  Arsi 
had  no  right  to  expect  the  inheritance  he  obtained,  having  long 
held  a  seat  below  the  sixteen  chief  nobles  ;  and  as  one  of  the 
'  infants  '  (babas)  he  was  incorporated  with  the  second  class  of 
nobles  with  an  appanage  of  only  £3000  per  annum.  His  defects 
of  character  had  been  too  closely  contemplated  by  his  compeers, 
and  had  kindled  too  many  enmities,  to  justify  expectation  that 
the  adventitious  dignity  he  had  attained  would  succeed  in  obliter- 
ating the  memory  of  them  ;  and  past  familiarity  alone  destroyed 
the  respect  which  was  exacted  by  sudden  greatness.  His  insolent 
demeanour  estranged  the  first  of  the  home  nobility,  the  Sadri 
chieftain,^  whose  ancestor  at  Haldighat  acquired  a  claim  to  the 
perpetual  gratitude  of  the  Sesodias,  while  to  an  unfeeling  pun  on 
a  personal  defect  of  Jaswant  Singh  of  Deogarh  is  attributed  the 
hatred  and  revenge  of  this  powerful  branch  of  the  Chondawats. 
These  chiefs  formed  a  party  which  eventually  entrained  many  of 
lesser  note  to  depose  their  sovereign,  and  immediately  set  up  a 
youth  called  Ratna  Singh,  declared  to  be  the  posthumous  son  of 
the  last  Rana  by  the  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Gogunda,  though 
to  this  hour  disputes  run  high  as  to  whether  he  was  really  the  son 
of  Raj  Singh,  or  merely  the  puppet  [428]  of  a  faction.  Be  the 
fact  as  it  may,  he  was  made  a  rallying  point  for  the  disaffected, 
who  soon  comprehended  the  greater  portion  of  the  nobles,  while 
out   of  the   '  sixteen  '   greater   chiefs   five '   only   withstood   the 

^  An  autograph  letter  of  this  chief's  to  the  minister  of  the  day  I  obtained, 
with  other  pubhc  documents,  from  the  descendant  of  the  PanchoH  : 

"  To  Jaswant  Rao  Pancholi,  Raj  Rana  Raghudeo  writes.  After  compli- 
ments. I  received  your  letter — from  old  times  you  have  been  my  friend, 
and  have  ever  maintained  faith  towards  me,  for  I  am  of  the  loyal  to  the 
Rana's  house.  I  conceal  nothing  from  you,  therefore  I  write  that  my  heart 
is  averse  to  longer  service,  and  it  is  my  purpose  in  Asarh  to  go  to  Gaya.* 
When  I  mentioned  this  to  the  Rana,  he  sarcastically  told  me  I  might  go  to 
Dwarka.")*  If  I  stay,  the  Rana  will  restore  the  villages  in  my  fief,  as  during 
the  time  of  Jethji.  My  ancestors  have  performed  good  service,  and  I  have 
served  since  I  was  fourteen.  If  the  Darbar  intends  me  any  favour,  this  is 
the  time." 

^  Salumbar  (Chondawat),  Bijolia,  Amet,  Ghanerao,  and  Radnor. 

*  Gaya  is  esteemed  the  proper  pilgrimage  for  the  Rajputs. 
■]■  Dwarka,  the  resort  for  religious  and  unwarlike  tribes. 


REVOLT  OF  RATAN  SINGH  499 

defection  :  of  these,  Salumbar,  the  hereditary  premier,  at  first 
espoused,  but  soon  abandoned,  the  cause  of  the  Pretender  ;  not 
from  the  principle  of  loyalty  which  his  descendants  take  credit 
for,  but  from  finding  the  superiority  of  intellect  of  the  heads  of 
the  rebellion  ^  (which  now  counted  the  rival  Saktawats)  too 
powerful  for  the  supremacy  he  desired.  Rasant  Pal,  of  the 
Depra  tribe,  was  invested  with  the  office  of  Pardhan  to  the 
Pretender.  The  ancestor  of  this  man  accompanied  Samarsi  in 
the  twelfth  century  from  Delhi,  where  he  held  a  high  office  in  the 
household  of  Prithiraj,  the  last  emperor  of  the  Hindus,  and  it  is  a 
distinguished  proof  pf  the  hereditary  quality  of  official  dignity 
to  find  his  descendant,  after  the  lapse  of  centuries,  still  holding 
office  with  the  nominal  title  of  Pardhan.  The  Futuri  ^  (by  which 
name  the  court  still  designates  the  Pretender)  took  post  with  his 
faction  in  Kumbhalmer  ;  where  he  was  formally  installed,  and 
whence  he  promulgated  his  decrees  as  Rana  of  Mewar.  With 
that  heedlessness  of  consequences  and  the  political  debasement 
which  are  invariable  concomitants  of  civil  dissension,  they  had 
the  meanness  to  invite  Sindhia  to  their  aid,  with  a  promise  of  a 
reward  of  more  than  one  million  sterling  '  on  the  dethronement 
of  Arsi. 

Zalim  Singh  of  Kotah. — This  contest  first  brought  into  notice 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  Rajput  chiefs  of  India,  Zalim  Singh 
of  Kotah,  who  was  destined  to  fill  a  distinguished  part  in  the 
annals  of  Rajasthan,  but  more  especially  in  Mewar,  where  his 
political  sagacity  first  developed  itself.  Though  this  is  not  the 
proper  place  to  delineate  his  history,  which  will  occupy  a  subse- 
quent portion  of  the  work,  it  is  impossible  to  trace  the  events 
with  which  he  was  so  closely  connected  without  adverting  slightly 
to  the  part  he  acted  in  these  scenes.  The  attack  on  Kotah,  of 
which  his  father  was  military  governor  (during  the  struggle  to 
place  Madho  Singh  on  the  throne  of  Amber),  by  Isari  Singh,  in 
conjunction  with  Sindhia,  was  the  first  avenue  to  his  distinguished 
career,  leading  to  an  acquaintance  with  the  Mahratta  chiefs, 
which  linked  him  with  their  policy  for  more  than  half  a  century 
[429].     Zalim  having  lost  his  prince's  favour,  whose  path  in  love 

1  Bhindir  (Saktawat),  Deogarh,  Sadri,  Gogunda,  Delwara,  Bedla,  Koth- 
aria,  and  Kanor. 

^  Agitator,  or  disturber. 

^  One  crore  and  twenty-five  lakhs. 


500  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

he  had  dared  to  cross,  repaired,  on  his  banishment  from  Kotah, 
to  the  Rana,  who,  observing  his  talents,  enrolled  him  amongst 
his  chiefs,  and  conferred  on  him,  with  the  title  of  Raj  Rana,  the 
lands  of  Chitarkhera  for  his  support.  By  his  advice  the  Mahratta 
leaders,  Raghu  Paigawala  and  Daula  Miyan,  with  their  bands, 
were  called  in  by  the  Rana,  who,  setting  aside  the  ancient  Pan- 
choli  ministry,  gave  the  seals  of  office  to  Agarji  Mehta.  At  this 
period  (S.  1824,  a.i>.  1768),  Mahadaji  Sindhia  was  at  Ujjain, 
whither  the  conflicting  parties  hastened,  each  desirous  of  obtaining 
the  chieftain's  support.  But  the  Pretender's  proposals  had  been 
already  entertained,  and  he  was  then  encamped  with  Sindhia  on 
the  banks  of  the  Sipra.^ 

Battle  at  the  Sipra,  and  Siege  o£  Udaipur,  a.d.  1769. — The 
Rana's  force,  conducted  by  the  chief  of  Salumbar,  the  Rajas  of 
Shahpura  and  Banera,  with  Zalim  Singh  and  the  Mahratta 
auxiliaries,  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the  combined  camp,  and 
for  a  moment  they  were  victorious,  driving  Mahadaji  and  the 
Pretender  from  the  field,  with  great  loss,  to  the  gates  of  Ujjain. 
Here,  however,  they  rallied,  and  being  joined  by  a  fresh  body  of 
troops,  the  battle  was  renewed  with  great  disadvantage  to  the 
Rajputs,  who,  deeming  the  day  theirs,  had  broken  and  dispersed 
to  plunder.  The  chiefs  of  Salumbar,  Shahpura,  and  Banera 
were  slain,  and  the  auxiliary  Daula  Miyan,  Raja  Man  (ex-prince 
of  Narwar),  and  Raj  Kalyan,  the  heir  of  Sadri,  severely  wounded . 
Zalim  Singh  had  his  horse  killed  under  him,  and  being  left  wounded 
on  the  field,  was  made  prisoner,  but  hospitably  treated  by  Trimbak 
Rao,  father  to  the  celebrated  Ambaji.  The  discomfited  troops 
retreated  to  Udaipur  while  the  Pretender's  party  remained  with 
Sindhia,  inciting  him  to  invest  that  capital  and  place  Ratna  on 
the  throne.  Some  time,  however,  elapsed  before  he  could  carry 
this  design  into  execution  ;  when  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  the 
Mahratta  chief  gained  the  passes  and  besieged  the  city.  The 
Rana's  cause  now  appeared  hopeless.  Bhim  Singh  of  Salumbar, 
uncle  and  successor  to  the  chief  slain  at  Ujjain,  with  the  Rathor 
chief  of  Radnor  (descendant  of  Jaimall),  were  the  only  nobles  of 
high  rank  who  defended  their  prince  and  capital  in  this  emergency  ; 
but  the  energies  of  an  individual  saved  both. 

Amar  Chand,  Minister  oJ  Mewar. — Amra  Chand  Barwa,  of  the 

^  [The  Sipra  iliver  in  Malwa,  passes  Ujjain,  and  finally  joins  the  Chambal 
{IGl,  xxiii.  U  f.).] 


AMAR  CHAND,  MINISTER  OF  MEWAR  501 

mercantile  class,  had  held  office  in  the  preceding  reigns,  when  his 
influence  retarded  the  progress  of  evils  which  no  human  means 
could  avert.  He  was  now  displaced,  and  little  solicitous  of 
recovering  his  [430]  transient  power,  amidst  hourly  increasing 
difficulties,  with  a  stubborn  and  unpopular  prince,  a  divided 
aristocracy,  and  an  impoverished  country.  He  was  aware  also 
of  his  own  imperious  temper,  which  was  as  imgovernable  as  his 
sovereign's,  and  which  experienced  no  check  from  the  minor 
Partap,  wiio  regarded  him  as  his  father.  During  the  ten  years 
he  had  been  out  of  office,  inercenaries  of  Sind  had  been  entertained 
and  established  on  the  forfeited  lands  of  the  clans,  perpetuating 
discontent  and  stifling  every  latent  spark  of  patriotism.  Even 
those  who  did  not  join  the  Pretender  remained  sullenly  at  their 
castles,  and  thus  all  confidence  was  annihilated.  A  casual 
incident  brought  Amra  forward  at  this  critical  juncture.  Udaipur 
had  neither  ditch  nor  walls  equal  to  its  defence.  Arsi  was 
engaged  in  fortifying  Eklinggarh,  a  lofty  hill  south  of  the  city,^ 
which  it  commanded,  and  attempting  to  place  thereon  an  enor- 
mous piece  of  ordnance,  but  it  baffled  their  mechanical  skill  to 
get  it  over  the  scraggy  ascent.  Amra  happened  to  be  present 
when  the  Rana  arrived  to  inspect  the  proceedings.  Excuses 
were  made  to  avert  his  displeasure,  when  turning  to  the  ex- 
minister,  he  inquired  what  time  and  expense  ought  to  attend  the 
completion  of  such  an  undertaking.  The  reply  was,  "  A  few 
rations  of  grain  and  some  days  "  :  and  he  offered  to  accomplish 
the  task,  on  condition  that  his  orders  should  be  supreme  in  the 
vaUey  during  its  performance.  He  collected  the  whole  working 
population,  cut  a  road,  and  in  a  few  days  gave  the  Rana  a  salute 
from  Eklinggarh.  The  foster-brother  of  the  Rana  had  succeeded 
the  Jhala  chieftain,  Raghu  Deo,  in  the  ministerial  functions.  The 
city  was  now  closely  invested  on  every  side  but  the  west,  where 
conununications  were  still  kept  open  by  the  lake,  across  which 
the  faithful  mountaineers  of  the  Aravalli,  who  in  similar  dangers 
never  failed,  supplied  them  with  provisions.  All  defence  rested 
on  the  fidelity  of  the  mercenary  Sindis,  and  they  were  at  this 
very  moment  insolent  in  their  clamours  for  aiTcars  of  pay.  Nor 
were  the  indecisive  measures  daily  passing  before  their  eyes 
calculated  to  augment  their  respect,  or  stimulate  their  courage. 
Not  satisfied  with  demands,  .they  had  the  audacity  to  seize  the 
^  [Eklinggarh,  two  miles  south  of  Udaipur  city ;  2469  feet  above  sea-level.] 


502  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Rana  by  the  skirt  of  his  robe  as  he  entered  the  palace,  which  was 
torn  in  the  effort  to  detain  him.  The  haughtiness  of  his  temper 
gave  way  to  this  humihating  proof  of  the  hopelessness  of  his 
condition  ;  and  while  the  Dhabhai  (foster-brother)  counselled 
escape  by  water  to  the  mountains,  whence  he  might  gain  Mandal- 
garh,  the  Salumbar  chief  confessed  his  inability  to  offer  any 
advice  [431]  save  that  of  recourse  to  Amra  Chand,  He  was 
summoned,  and  the  uncontrolled  charge  of  their  desperate  affairs 
offered  to  his  guidance.  He  replied  that  it  was  a  task  of  which 
no  man  could  be  covetous,  more  especially  himself,  whose  ad- 
ministration had  formerly  been  marked  by  the  banishment  of 
corruption  and  disorder,  for  that  he  must  now  call  in  the  aid  of 
these  vices,  and  assimilate  the  means  to  the  times.  "You  know 
also,"  he  added,  "  my  defect  of  temper,  which  admits  of  no 
control.  Wherever  I  am,  I  must  be  absolute — no  secret  advisers, 
no  counteraction  of  measures.  With  finances  ruined,  troops 
mutinous,  provisions  expended,  if  you  desire  me  to  act,  swear 
that  no  order,  whatever  its  purport,  shall  be  countermanded, 
and  I  may  try  what  can  be  done  :  but  recollect,  Amra  '  the  just ' 
will  be  the  unjust,  and  reverse  his  former  character."  The  Rana 
pledged  himself  by  the  patron  deity  to  comply  with  all  his  de- 
mands, adding  this  forcible  expression  :  "  Should  you  even  send 
to  the  queen's  apartment  and  demand  her  necklace  or  nathna,^ 
it  shall  be  granted."  The  advice  of  the  Dhabhai  encountered  the 
full  flood  of  Amra's  wrath.  "  The  counsel  is  such  as  might  be 
expected  from  your  condition.  Wliat  will  preserve  your  prince 
at  Mandalgarh  if  he  flies  from  Udaipur,  and  what  hidden  resources 
have  you  there  for  your  support  ?  The  project  would  suit  you, 
who  might  resume  your  original  occupation  of  tending  buffaloes 
and  selling  milk,  more  adapted  to  your  birth  and  understanding 
than  state  affairs  ;  but  these  pursuits  your  prince  has  yet  to 
learn."  The  Rana  and  his  chiefs  bent  their  heads  at  the  bold 
bearing  of  Amra.  Descending  to  the  terrace,  where  the  Sindi 
leaders  and  their  bands  were  assembled,  he  commanded  them  to 
follow  him,  exclaiming,  "  Look  to  me  for  your  arrears,  and  as  for 
your  services,  it  will  be  my  fault  if  you  fail."  The  mutineers, 
who  had  just  insulted  their  sovereign,  rose  without  reply,  and  in 
a  body  left  the  palace  with  Amra,  who  calculated  their  arrears 

^  The  nose-jewel,  which  even  to  mention  is  considered  a   breach  of 
delicacy. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  UDAIPUR  503 

and  promised  payment  the  next  day.  Meanwhile  he  commanded 
the  bhandars  (repositories)  to  be  broken  open,  as  the  keeper  of 
each  fled  when  the  keys  of  their  trust  were  demanded.  All  the 
gold  and  silver,  whether  in  bullion  or  in  vessels,  were  converted 
into  money — ^jewels  were  pledged — ^the  troops  paid  and  satisfied, 
ammunition  and  provisions  laid  in — a  fresh  stimulus  supplied, 
the  enemy  held  at  defiance,  and  the  siege  prolonged  during  six 
months  [432]. 

The  Pretender's  party  had  extended  their  influence  over  a 
great  part  of  the  crown  domain,  even  to  the  valley  of  Udaipur  ; 
but  unable  to  fulfil  the  stipulation  to  Suidhia,  the  baffled  Mah- 
ratta,  to  whom  time  was  treasure,  negotiated  with  Amra  to  raise 
the  siege,  and  abandon  the  Pretender  on  the  payment  of  seventy 
lakhs.  But  scarcely  was  the  treaty  signed,  when  the  reported 
disposition  of  the  auxiliaries,  and  the  plunder  expected  on  a 
successful  assault,  excited  his  avarice  and  made  him  break  his 
faith,  and  twenty  lakhs  additional  were  imposed.  Amra  tore 
up  the  treaty,  and  sent  back  the  fragments  to  the  faitliless  Mah- 
ratta  with  defiance.  His  spirit  increased  with  his  difficulties,  and 
he  infused  his  gallantry  into  the  hearts  of  the  most  despairing. 
Assembling  the  Sindis  and  the  home-clans  who  were  yet  true  to 
their  prince,  he  explained  to  them  the  transaction,  and  addressed 
them  in  that  language  which  speaks  to  the  souls  of  all  mankind, 
and  to  give  due  weight  to  his  exliortation,  he  distributed  amongst 
the  most  deserving,  many  articles  of  cumbrous  ornament  lying 
useless  in  the  treasury.  The  stores  of  grain  in  the  city  and 
neighbourhood,  whether  pubhc  or  private,  were  collected  and 
sent  to  the  market,  and  it  was  proclaimed  by  beat  of  drum  that 
every  fighting  man  should  have  six  months'  provision  on  applica- 
tion. Hitherto  grain  had  been  selling  at  httle  more  than  a  pound 
for  the  rupee,  and  these  unexpected  resources  were  matter  of 
universal  surprise,  more  especially  to  the  besiegers.^  The  Sindis, 
having  no  longer  cause  for  discontent,  caught  the  spirit  of  the 
brave  Amra,  and  went  in  a  body  to  the  palace  to  swear  in  public 
never  to  abandon  the  Rana,  whom  their  leader,  Adil  Beg,^  thus 

^  To  Amra's  credit  it  is  related,  that  his  own  brother-in-law  was  the  first 
and  principal  sufferer,  and  that  to  his  remonstrance  and  hope  that  family 
ties  would  save  his  grain  pits,  he  was  told,  that  it  was  a  source  of  great 
satisfaction  that  he  was  enabled  through  him  to  evince  his  disinterestedness. 

^  See  grant  to  this  chief's  son,  p.  233. 


504  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

addressed  :  "  We  have  long  eaten  your  salt  and  received  numerous 
favours  from  your  house,  and  we  now  come  to  swear  never  to 
abandon  you.  Udaipur  is  our  home,  and  we  will  fall  with  it. 
We  demand  no  further  pay,  and  when  our  grain  is  exhausted,  we 
will  feed  on  the  beasts,  and  when  these  fail  we  will  thin  the  ranks 
of  the  Southrons  and  die  sword  in  hand."  Sucli  were  the  senti- 
ments that  Amra  had  inspired,  the  expression  of  which  extorted 
tears  from  the  Rana — a  sight  so  unusual  with  this  stern  prince, 
as  to  raise  frantic  shouts  from  the  Sindis  and  his  Rajputs.  The 
enthusiasm  spread  and  was  announced  to  Sindhia  with  all  its 
circumstances  by  a  general  discharge  of  cannon  on  his  advanced 
[433]  posts.  Apprehensive  of  some  desperate  display  of  Rajput 
valour,  the  wary  Mahratta  made  overtures  for  a  renewal  of  the 
negotiation.  It  was  now  Amra's  turn  to  triumph,  and  he  replied 
that  he  must  deduct  from  the  original  terms  the  expense  they 
had  incurred  in  sustaining  another  six  months'  siege.  Thus 
outwitted,  Sindhia  was  compelled  to  accept  sixty  lakhs,  and 
three-and-a-half  for  official  expenses.^ 

Cessions  made  to  Sindhia. — Thirty-three  lakhs  in  jewels  and 
specie,  gold  and  silver  plate,  and  assignments  on  the  chiefs,  were 
immediately  made  over  to  Sindhia,  and  lands  mortgaged  for  the 
liquidation  of  the  remainder.  For  this  object  the  districts  of 
Jawad,  Jiran,  Nimach,  and  Morwan  were  set  aside  to  be  superin- 
tended by  joint  officers  of  both  governments,  with  an  annual 
investigation  of  accounts.  From  S.  1825  to  S.  1831  [a.d.  1768-74) 
no  infringement  took  place  of  this  arrangement  ;  but  in  the  latter 
year  Sindhia  dismissed  the  Rana's  officers  from  the  management, 
and  refused  all  further  settlement  ;  and  with  the  exception  of  a 
temporary  occupation  on  Sindhia's  reverse  of  fortune  in  S.  1851 
[a.d.  1794],  these  rich  districts  have  remained  severed  from 
Mewar.  In  S.  1831  [a.d.  1774]  the  great  officers  of  the  Mahratta 
federation  began  to  shake  off  the  trammels  of  the  Peshwa's 
authority  ;  and  Sindhia  retained  for  the  State  of  which  he  was 
the  founder,  all  these  lands  except  Morwan,  which  was  made 
over  to  Holkar,  who  the  year  after  the  transaction  demanded  of 
the  Rana  the  surrender  of  the  district  of  Nimbahera,  threatening, 
in  the  event  of  non-compliance,  to  repeat  the  part  his  predatory 

^  Mutasadi  kharch  [rmitasadi,  '  a  clerk,  accountant '  ;  kharch,  '  expenses  '] 
or  douceur  to  the  officers  of  government,  was  an  authorized  article  of  every 
Mahratta  miCamala,  or  war  contribution. 


RATAN  SINGH  DEFEATED  505 

coadjutor   Sindliia   had  just   performed.     The   cession   was   un- 
avoidable. 

Thus  terminated,  in  S.  1826  [a.d.  1769],  the  siege  of  Udaipur, 
with  the  dislocation  of  these  fine  districts  from  Mewar.  But  let 
it  be  remembered  that  they  were  only  mortgaged  :  ^  and  although 
the  continued  degradation  of  the  country  from  the  same  causes 
has  prevented  their  redemption,  the  claim  to  them  has  never 
been  abandoned.  Their  recovery  was  stipulated  by  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  Rana  in  the  treaty  of  a.d.  1817  with  the  British 
Government  ;  but  our  total  ignorance  of  the  past  transactions 
of  these  countries,  added  to  our  amicable  relations  with  Sindhia 
[434],  prevented  any  pledge  of  the  reunion  of  these  districts  ;  and 
it  must  ever  be  deeply  lamented  that,  when  the  treacherous  and 
hostile  conduct  of  Sindhia  gave  a  noble  opportunity  for  their 
restoration,  it  was  lost,  from  policy  difficult  to  imderstand,  and 
which  must  be  subject  to  the  animadversions  of  future  historians 
of  that  important  period  in  the  history  of  India.  It  yet  remains 
for  the  wisdom  of  the  British  Government  to  decide  whether  half 
a  century's  abeyance,  and  the  inability  to  redeem  them  by  the 
sword,  render  the  claim  a  dead  letter.  At  all  events,  the  facts 
here  recorded  from  a  multiplicity  of  public  documents,  and 
corroborated  by  living  actors  ^  in  the  scene,  may  be  useful  at 
some  future  day,  when  expedience  may  admit  of  their  being 
reannexed  to  Mewar. 

Ratan  Singh  defeated. — Amra's  defence  of  the  capital,  and 
the  retreat  of  the  Mahrattas,  was  a  deathblow  to  the  hopes  of 
the  Pretender,  who  had  obtained  not  only  many  of  the  strong- 
holds, but  a  footing  in  the  valley  of  the  capital.  Rajnagar, 
Raepur,  and  Untala  were  rapidly  recovered  ;  many  of  the  nobles 
returned  to  the  Rana  and  to  their  allegiance  ;  and  Ratna  was 
left  in  Kumbhalmer  with  the  Depra  minister,  and  but  three  of  the 
sixteen  principal  nobles,  namely  Deogarh,  Bhindir,  and  Amet. 
These  contentions  lasted  till  S.  1831  [a.d.  1774],  when  the  chiefs 
above  named  also  abandoned  him,  but  not  until  their  rebellion 
had  cost  the  feather  in  the  crown  of  Mewar.  The  rich  province 
of  Godwar,  the  most  fruitful  of  all  her  possessions,  and  containing 

^  Little  Maloni,  now  Gangapur,  with  its  lands,  was  the  only  place  de- 
cidedly alienated,  being  a  voluntary  gift  to  Sindhia,  to  endow  the  establish- 
.  ment  of  his  wife,  Ganga  Bai,  who  died  there. 

^  Zalim  Singh  of  Kotah,  and  Lalaji  Belal,  both  now  dead. 


506  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

the  most  loyal  of  her  vassalage,  the  Ranawats,  Rathors,  and 
Solankis,  was  nearly  all  held  on  tenure  of  feudal  service,  and 
furnished  three  thousand  horse  besides  foot,  a  greater  number 
than  the   aggregate  of  the   Choudawats.     This   district,   which 
was  won  with  the  title  of  Rana  from  the  Parihara  prince  of 
Mandor,  before  Jodhpur  was  built,  and  whose  northern  boundary 
was  confirmed  by  the  blood  of  the  Chondawat  chief  in  the  reign 
of  Jodha,  was  confided  by  the  Rana  to  the  care  of  Raja  Bijai 
Singh  of  Jodhpur,  to  prevent  its  resources  being  available  to 
the  Pretender,  whose  residence,   Kumbhalmer,  commanded  the 
approach  to  it  :    and  the  original  treaty  yet  exists  in  which  the 
prince  of  Marwar  binds  himself  to  provide  and  support  a  body 
of  three  thousand  men  for  the  Rana's  service,  from  its  revenues. 
Assassination  oS  Rana  Ari  Singh,  a.d.  1773. — This  province 
might  have  been  recovered  ;   but  the  evil  genius  of  Arsi  Rana  at 
this  time  led  him  to  Bundi  to  [435]  hunt  at  the  spring  festival  (the 
Alieria),  with  the  Hara  prince,  in  spite  of  the  prophetic  warning 
of  the  suttee,  who  from  the  funeral  pile  denoimced  a  practice 
which  had  already  thrice  proved  fatal  to  the  princes  of  Mewar.^ 
Rana  Arsi  fell  by  the  hand  of  the  Bundi  prince,  and  Godwar, 
withheld  from  his  minor  successor,  has  since  remained  severed. 
The  Bundi  heir,  who  perpetrated  this  atrocious  assassination,  was 
said  to  be  prompted  by  the  Mewar  nobles,  who  detested  their 
sovereign,  and  with  whom,  since  the  late  events,  it  was  impossible 
they  could  ever  unite  in  confidence.     Implacable  in  his  disposition, 
he  brooded  over  injuries,  calmly  awaiting  the  moment  to  avenge 
them.     A  single  instance  will  suffice  to  evince  this,  as  well  as  the 
infatuation   of   Rajput   devotion.     The    Salumbar   chief,    whose 
predecessor  had  fallen  in  support  of  the  Rana's  cause  at  the  battle 
of  Ujjain,  having  incurred  his  suspicions,  the  Rana  commanded 
him  to  eat  the  pan  (betel  leaf)  presented  on  taking  leave.    Startled 
at  so  unusual  an  order,  he  remonstrated,  but  in  vam  ;   and  with 
the  conviction  that  it  contained  his  death-warrant  he  obeyed, 
observing  to  the  tyrant,  "  My  compliance  will  cost  you  and  your 
family  dear  "  :    words  fulfilled  with  fearful  accuracy,  for  to  this 
and  similar  acts  is  ascribed  the  murder  of  Arsi,  and  the  completion 

^  [In  1382  Rana  Kliet  Singh  was  murdered  by  Lai  Singh  of  Banbaoda, 
brother  of  Bar  Singh,  Rao  of  Biindi.  Rana  Ratan  Singh  II.  and  Rao  Siirajmall 
killed  each  other  while  shooting  at  Bundi  in  1531.  The  feud  between  the 
two  houses  is  not  yet  forgotten  (Erskine  ii.  A.  25).] 


RANA  HAMIR  SINGH  II.  507 

of  the  ruin  of  the  country.  A  colour  of  pretext  was  afforded  to 
the  Bundi  chief  m  a  boundary  dispute  regarding  a  patch  of  land 
yielding  only  a  few  good  mangoes  ;  but,  even  admitting  this  as  a 
paUiative,  it  could  not  justify  the  inhospitable  act,  which  in  the 
mode  of  execution  added  cowardice  to  barbarity  :  for  while  both 
were  pursuing  the  boar,  the  Bundi  heir  drove  his  lance  through 
the  heart  of  the  Rana.  The  assassin  fell  a  victim  to  remorse,  the 
deed  being  not  only  disclaimed,  but  severely  reprobated  by  his 
father,  and  all  the  Hara  tribe.  A  cenotaph  stUl  stands  on  the 
site  of  the  murder,  where  the  body  of  Arsi  was  consumed,  and 
the  feud  between  the  houses  remains  unappeased. 

Bana  Hamir  Singh  II.,  a.d.  1773-78. — Rana  Arsi  left  two  sons, 
Hamir  and  Bhim  Singh.  The  former,  a  name  of  celebrity  in  their 
annals,  succeeded  in  S.  1828  (a.d.  1772)  to  the  little  en\dable  title 
of  Rana.  With  an  ambitious  mother,  determined  to  control 
affairs  during  his  minority,  a  state  pronomiced  by  the  bard 
l^eculiarly  dangerous  to  a  Rajput  dynasty, — and  the  vengeful 
competition  of  the  Salumbar  chief  (successor  to  the  murdered 
noble),  who  was  equally  resolved  to  take  the  lead,  combined  with 
an  unextinguishable  enmity  to  the  Saktawats,  who  supported 
the  policy  of  the  queen-mother  [436],  the  demoralization  of  Mewar 
was  complete  :  her  fields  were  deluged  with  blood,  and  her  soil 
was  the  prey  of  every  paltry  marauder. 

Outbreak  of  the  Sindis. — The  mercenary  Sindis,  who,  won  by 
the  enthusiasm  of  Amra,  had  for  a  moment  assumed  the  garb  of 
fideUty,  threw  it  off  at  their  prince's  death,  taking  possession  of 
the  capital,  which  it  will  be  remembered  had  been  committed  to 
the  charge  of  the  Salumbar  chief,  whom  they  confined  and  were 
about  to  subject  to  the  torture  of  the  hot  iron  ^  to  extort  their 
arrears  of  pay,  when  he  was  rescued  from  the  indignity  by  the 
unlooked-for  return  of  Amra  from  Bimdi.  This  faithful  minister 
determined  to  establish  the  rights  of  the  infant  prince  against  all 
other  claimants  for  power.  But  he  knew  mankind,  and  had 
attained,  what  is  still  more  difficult,  the  knowledge  of  liimself. 
Aware  that  his  resolution  to  maintain  his  post  at  all  hazards, 
and  against  every  competitor,  would  incur  the  imputation  of 
self-interest,  he,  like  our  own  Wolsey,  though  from  far  different 
motives,  made  an  inventory  of  his  wealth,  in  gold,  jewels,  and 
plate,  even  to  his  wardrobe,  and  sent  the  whole  in  trays  to  the 
^  A  heated  platter  used  for  baking  bread,  on  which  they  place  the  culprit. 


508  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

queen-mothef .  Suspicion  was  shamed  and  resentment  disarmed 
by  this  proceeding  ;  and  to  repeated  entreaties  that  he  would 
receive  it  back  he  was  inflexible,  with  the  exception  of  articles  of 
apparel  that  had  already  been  in  use.  This  imperious  woman 
was  a  daughter  of  Gogunda.  She  possessed  considerable  talents, 
but  was  ruled  by  an  artful  intrigante,  who,  in  her  turn,  was 
governed  by  a  yomig  homme  d'affaires,  then  holding  an  inferior 
office,  but  who  subsequently  acted  a  conspicuous  part ;  slew  and 
was  slain,  like  ahnost  all  who  entered  into  the  politics  of  this 
tempestuous  period.  The  queen-mother,  now  supported  by  the 
Chondawats,  opposed  the  minister,  who  maintained  himself  by 
aid  of  the  Sindis,  kept  the  Mahrattas  from  the  capital,  and  iDro- 
tected  the  crown  land  ;  but  the  ungrateful  return  made  to  his 
long-tried  fidelity  rendered  his  temper  ungovernable.  Ram- 
piyari  ^  (such  the  name  of  the  intrigante)  repaired  on  one  occasion 
to  the  office  of  the  minister,  and  in  the  name  of  the  regent  queen 
reviled  him  for  some  supposed  omission.  Amra,  losing  all  temper 
at  this  intrusion,  applied  to  the  fair  abigail  the  coarsest  epithets 
used  to  her  sex,  bidding  her  begone  as  a  Kothi  ki  Rand  (a  phrase 
we  shall  not  translate),  which  was  reported  with  exaggeration  to 
the  queen,  who  threw  herself  into  a  litter  and  set  off  to  the  Salum- 
bar  chief.  Amra,  anticipating  [437]  an  explosion,  met  the 
cavalcade  in  the  street,  and  enjoined  her  instant  return  to  the 
palace.  Who  dared  disobey  ?  Arrived  at  the  door  of  the 
Rawala,  he  made  his  obeisance,  and  told  her  it  was  a  disgrace  to 
the  memory  of  her  lord  that  she  should  quit  the  palace  under 
any  pretext ;  that  even  the  potter's  wife  did  not  go  abroad  for 
six  months  after  her  husband's  death,  while  she,  setting  decorum 
at  defiance,  had  scarcely  permitted  the  period  of  mourning  to 
elapse.  He  concluded  by  saying  he  had  a  duty  to  perform,  and 
that  he  would  perform  it  in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  in  which,  as  it 
involved  her  own  and  her  children's  welfare,  she  ought  to  co- 
operate, instead  of  thwarting  him.  But  Baiji  Raj  (the  royal 
mother)  was  young,  artful,  and  ambitious,  and  persevered  in  her 
hostility  till  the  demise  of  this  uncompromising  minister  shortly 
after,  surmised  to  be  caused  by  poison.  His  death  yielded  a 
flattering  comment  on  his  life  :  he  left  not  funds  sufficient  to 
cover  the  funeral  expenses,  and  is,  and  will  probably  contmue, 
the  sole  instance  on  record  in  Indian  history  of  a  minister 
^  '  Tlio  beloved  of  Rama.' 


REVOLT  OF  THE  CHIEF  OF  BEGDN  509 

having  his  obsequies  defrayed  by  subscription  among  his  fellow- 
citizens. 

The  man  who  thus  lived  and  thus  died  would  have  done  honour 
to  any,  even  the  most  civilized,  country,  where  the  highest  in- 
centives to  public  virtue  exist.  \Miat,  therefore,  does  not  his 
memory  merit,  when  amongst  a  people  who,  through  long  oppres- 
sion, were  likely  to  hold  such  feelings  in  little  estimation,  he 
pursued  its  dictates  from  principle  alone,  his  sole  reward  that 
which  the  world  could  not  bestow,  the  applause  of  the  monitor 
within  ?  But  they  greatly  err  who,  in  the  application  of  their 
own  overweening  standard  of  merit,  imagine  there  is  no  public 
opinion  in  these  countries  ;  for  recollections  of  actions  like  this  (of 
which  but  a  small  portion  is  related)  they  yet  love  to  descant 
upon,  and  an  act  of  vigour  and  integrity  is  still  designated  Amra- 
chanda  ;  ^  evincing  that  if  virtue  has  few  imitators  in  this  country, 
she  is  not  without  ardent  admirers. 

Revolt  of  the  Chief  of  Begiin.— In  S.  1831  (a.d.  1775)  the 
rebellion  of  the  Begun  chief,  head  of  a  grand  di^dsion  of  the 
Chondawats,  the  Meghawat,  obliged  the  queen-mother  to  call 
upon  Sindhia  for  his  reduction,  who  recovered  the  crown  lands 
he  had  usurped,  and  imposed  on  this  refractor}^  noble  a  fine  of 
twelve  lakhs  of  rupees,  or  £100,000  [438]  sterling.^  But  instead 
of  confining  himself  to  punishing  the  guilty,  and  restoring  the 
lands  to  the  young  Rana,  he  inducted  his  own  son-in-law  Berji 
Tap  into  the  districts  of  Ratangarh  Kheri  and  Singoli  ;  and  at 
the  same  time  made  over  those  of  Imia,  Jath,  Bichor,  and  Nadwai 
to  Holkar,  the  aggregate  revenue  of  which  amounted  to  six  lakhs 
annually.  Besides  these  alienations  of  territory,  the  Mahrattas 
levied  no  less  than  four  grand  war  contributions  in  S.  1830-31,* 
while  in  S.  1836  *  their  rapacity  exacted  three  more.     Inability 

^  Amra  Chand,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  the  name  of  the  minister. 

-  The  treaty  by  which  Sindhia  holds  these  districts  yet  exists,  which 
stipulates  their  surrender  on  the  Hquidation  of  the  contribution,  The  Rana 
still  holds  this  as  a  responsible  engagement,  and  pleaded  his  rights  in  the 
treaty  with  the  British  Government  in  a.d.  1817-18.  But  half  a  century's 
possession  is  a  strong  bond,  which  we  dare  not  break ;  though  the  claim  now 
registered  may  hereafter  prove  of  service  to  the  family. 

^  1830,  Mahadaji  Sindhia's  contribution  (mu'dmala)  on  account  of 
Begun  ;  1831,  Berji  Tap's  mu'amala  through  Govind  and  Ganpat  Rao  ; 
1831,  Ambaji  Inglia,  Bapu  Holkar,  and  Daduji  Pandit's  joint  mu'dmala. 

*  1.  Apaji  and  Makaji  Getia,  on  Holkar's  account;  2.  Tukuji  Holkar's, 
through  Somji ;    3.  Ah  Bahadur's,  through  Somji. 


510  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

to  liquidate  these  exorbitant  demands  was  invariably  a  signal 
for  further  sequestration  of  land.  Amidst  such  scenes  of  civil 
strife  and  external  spoliation,  one  Mahratta  following  another 
in  the  same  track  of  rapine,  Hamir  died  before  he  had  attained 
even  Rajput  majority,^  in  S.  1834  (a.d.  1778). 

Recapitulation. — We  may  here  briefly  recapitulate  the  diminu- 
tion of  territory  and  wealth  in  Mewar  from  the  period  of  the  first 
Mahratta  visitation  in  a.d.  1736,  to  the  death  of  Hamir.  It  were 
a  waste  of  time  to  enumerate  the  rapacious  individuals  who 
shared  in  the  spoils  of  this  devoted  country.  We  may  be  content 
to  say  their  name  was  '  legion.'  These  forty  years  were  sur- 
charged with  evil.  The  Mogul  princes  observed  at  least  the  forms 
of  government  and  justice,  which  occasionally  tempered  their 
aggressions  ;  the  Mahrattas  were  associations  of  vampires,  who 
drained  the  very  life-blood  wherever  the  scent  of  spoil  attracted 
them.  In  three  payments  we  have  seen  the  enormous  sum  of  one 
crore  and  eighty-one  lakhs,^  upwards  of  two  millions  English 
money,  exacted  from  Mewar,  exclusive  of  individual  contributions 
levied  on  chiefs,  ministers,  and  the  Pretender's  party  :  and  a 
schedule  drawn  up  by  the  reigning  prince  of  contributions  levied 
up  to  his  own  time,  amounts  to  £5,000,000  sterling.  Yet  the 
land  would  eventually  have  reimbursed  [439]  these  sums,  but  the 
penalty  inflicted  for  deficiencies  of  payment  renders  the  evil 
irremediable  ;  for  the  alienated  territory  which  then  produced 
an  annual  revenue  of  twenty-eight  lalchs,^  or  £323,000  sterling, 
exceeds  in  amount  the  sum-total  now  left,  whether  fiscal  or  feudal, 
in  the  present  impoverished  state  of  the  country. 

^  The  age  of  eighteen. 

^  Namely,  S.  1808,  by  Rana  Jagat  Singh  to  Holkar  .  .   Lakhs  66 

1820,  Partap  and  Arsi  Rana  to  Holkar  .  51 

1826,  Arsi  Rana  to  Mahadaji  Sindhia    .  .  64 

Total     .  181 

3  S.  1808,  Ranipura,  Bhanpura   .....     Lakhs  9 
1826,  Jawad,  Jiran,  Nimach,  Nimbahera              .            .  4^ 

1831,  Rataugarh  Kheri,  Singoli,  Irnia,  Jath,  Nadwai,  etc.  etc.  6 

1831,  Godwar 9 

Total  •  28J. 


RAN  A  BHiM  SINGH  511 


CHAPTER  17 

Rana  Bhim  Singh,  a.d.  1778-1828.— Rana  Bhim  Singh  (the 
reigning  prince),  who  succeeded  his  brother  in  S.  1834  (a.d.  1778), 
was  the  fourth  minor  in  the  space  of  forty  years  who  inherited 
Mewar  ;  and  the  half  century  during  which  he  has  occupied  the 
tlirone  has  been  as  fruitful  in  disaster  as  any  period  of  her  history 
already  recorded.  He  was  but  eight  years  of  age  on  his  accession, 
and  remained  under  his  mother's  tutelage  long  after  his  minority 
had  expired.  This  subjection  fixed  his  character  ;  naturally  de- 
fective in  energy,  and  impaired  by  long  misfortune,  he  continued 
to  be  swayed  by  faction  and  intrigue.  The  cause  of  the  Pretender, 
though  weakened,  was  yet  kept  alive  ;  but  his  insignificance 
eventually  left  him  so  unsupported,  that  his  death  is  not  even 
recorded  [440]. 

Feud  of  Chondawats  and  Saktawats.— In  S.  1840  (a.d.  1784) 
the  Chondawats  reaped  the  harvest  of  their  allegiance  and  made 
the  power  thus  acquired  subservient  to  the  indulgence  of  ancient 
animosities  against  the  rival  clan  of  Saktawat.  Salumbar  with 
his  relatives  Arjun  Singh  ^  of  Kurabar  and  Partap  Singh  -  of 
Amet,  now  ruled  the  councils,  having  the  Sindi  mercenaries  under 
their  leaders  Chandan  and  Sadik  at  their  command.  Mustering 
therefore  all  the  strength  of  their  kin  and  clans,  they  resolved  on 
the  prosecution  of  the  feud,  and  invested  Bhindar,  the  castle  of 
Mohkam  the  chief  of  the  Saktawats,  against  which  they  placed 
their  batteries. 

Sangram  Singh,  a  junior  branch  of  the  Saktawats,  destined  to 
play  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  future  events  of  Mewar,  was  then 
rising  into  notice,  and  had  just  completed  a  feud  with  his  rival 
the  Purawat,  whose  abode,  Lawa,*  he  had  carried  by  escalade  ; 
and  now,  determined  to  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of  his  chief, 
he  invaded  the  estate  of  Kurabar,  engaged  against  Bliindar,  and 

^  Brother  of  A  jit,  the  negotiator  of  the  treaty  with  the  British. 

^  Chief  of  the  Jagawat  clan,  also  a  branch  of  the  Chondawats ;  he  was 
killed  hi  a  battle  with  the  Mahrattas. 

^  It  is  yet  held  by  the  successor  of  Sangram,  whose  faithful  services 
merited  the  grant  he  obtained  from  his  prince,  and  it  was  in  consequence 
left  unmolested  in  the  arrangement  of  1817,  from  the  knowledge  of  his 
merits. 


512  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

was  driving  off  the  cattle,  when  Sahm  Singh  the  heir  of  Kurabar 
intercepted  his  retreat,  and  an  action  ensued  in  which  Salim^ 
was  slain  by  the  lance  of  Sangrani.  The  afflicted  father,  on 
hearing  the  fate  of  his  son,  '  threw  the  turban  off  his  head,' 
swearing  never  to  replace  it  till  he  had  tasted  revenge.  Feigning 
a  misunderstanding  with  his  own  party  he  withdrew  from  the 
siege,  taking  the  road  to  his  estate,  but  suddenly  abandoned  it 
for  Sheogarh,  the  residence  of  Lalji  the  father  of  Sangram.  The 
castle  of  Sheogarh,  placed  amidst  the  mountains  and  deep  forests 
of  Chappan,  was  from  its  difficulty  of  access  deemed  secure 
against  surprise  ;  and  here  Sangram  had  placed  the  females  and 
children  of  his  family.  To  this  point  Arjun  directed  his  revenge, 
and  found  Sheogarh  destitute  of  defenders  save  the  aged  chief  ; 
but  though  seventy  summers  had  whitened  his  head,  he  bravely 
met  the  storm,  and  fell  in  opposing  the  foe  ;  when  the  children 
of  Sangram  were  dragged  [441]  out  and  inhumanly  butchered, 
and  the  widow  ^  of  Lalji  ascended  the  pyre.  This  barbarity 
aggravated  the  hostility  which  separated  the  clans,  and  together 
with  the  minority  of  their  prince  and  the  yearly  aggressions  of 
the  Mahrattas,  accelerated  the  ruin  of  the  coiuitry.  But  Bhim 
Singh,  the  Chondawat  leader,  was  governed  by  insufferable 
vanity,  and  not  only  failed  in  respect  to  his  prince,  but  offended 
the  queen  regent.  He  parcelled  out  the  crown  domain  from 
Chitor  to  Udaipur  amongst  the  Sindi  bands,  and  whilst  his 
sovereign  was  obliged  to  borrow  money  to  defray  his  marriage  at 
Idar,  this  ungrateful  noble  had  the  audacity  to  disburse  upwards 
of  £100,000  on  the  marriage  of  his  own  daughter.  Such  conduct 
determined  the  royal  mother  to  supplant  the  Chondawats,  and 
calling  in  the  Saktawats  to  her  aid,  she  invested  with  power  the 
chiefs  of  Bhindar  and  Lawa.  Aware,  however,  that  their  isolated 
authority  was  insufficient  to  withstand  their  rivals,  they  looked 
abroad  for  support,  and  made  an  overture  to  Zalim  Singh  of 
Kotah,  whose  political  and  personal  resentments  to  the  Chonda- 

^  The  father  of  Rawat  Jawan  Singh,  whom  I  found  at  Udaipur  as  mihtary 
minister,  acting  for  his  grand-uncle  Ajit  the  organ  of  the  Chondawats,  whose 
head,  Padam  Singh,  was  just  emerging  from  his  minority.  It  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  get  to  the  very  root  of  all  these  feuds,  when  as  envoy  and 
mediator  I  had  to  settle  the  disputes  of  half  a  century,  and  make  each  useful 
to  detect  thoir  joint  usurpations  of  the  crown  domain. 

^  She  was  the  graudmother  of  Man  Singh,  a  fine  specimen  of  a  Saktawat 
cavalier. 


MAHARAJA  BHIM   SINGH,  PRINCE   OF  UDAIPUR. 


To  face  page  512. 


BATTLE  OF  LALSOT  513 

wats,  as  well  as  his  connexion  by  marriage  with  their  opponents, 
made  him  readily  listen  to  it.  With  his  friend  the  Mahratta, 
Lalaji  Belal,  he  joined  the  Saktawats  with  a  body  of  10,000  men. 
It  was  determined  to  sacrifice  the  Salumbar  chief,  who  took  post 
in  the  ancient  capital  of  Chitor,  where  the  garrison  was  composed 
chiefly  of  Sindis,  thus  effacing  his  claim  to  his  prince's  gratitude, 
whom  he  defied,  while  the  pretender  still  had  a  party  in  the  other 
principal  fortress,  Kumbhalmer. 

Battle  of  Lalsot,  May  1787. — Such  was  the  state  of  things, 
when  the  ascendancy  of  Mahadaji  Sindhia  received  a  signal  check 
from  the  combined  forces  of  Marwar  and  Jaipur  ;  and  the  battle 
of  Lalsot,  in  which  the  Mahratta  chief  was  completely  defeated, 
was  tlie  signal  for  the  Rajputs  to  resume  their  alienated  territory.^ 
Nor  was  the  Rana  backward  on  the  occasion,  when  there  appeared 
a  momentary  gleam  of  the  active  virtue  of  past  days.  Maldas 
Mehta  was  civil  minister,  with  Mauji  Ram  as  his  deputy,  both 
men  of  talent  and  energy.  They  first  effected  the  reduction  of 
Nimbahera  and  the  smaller  garrisons  of  Mahrattas  in  its  vicinity, 
who  from  a  sense  of  common  danger  assembled  their  detachments 
in  Jawad,  which  was  also  invested.  Sivaji  Nana,  the  governor, 
capitulated,  and  was  allowed  to  march  out  with  his  [442]  effects. 
At  the  same  time,  the  '  sons  of  the  black  cloud  '  ^  assembling, 
drove  the  Mahrattas  from  Begun,  Singoli,  etc.,  and  the  districts 
on  the  plateau  ;  while  the  Chondawats  redeemed  their  ancient 
fief  of  Rampura,  and  thus  for  a  while  the  whole  territory  was 
recovered.  Elated  by  success,  the  united  chiefs  advanced  to 
Chardu  on  the  banks  of  the  Rarkia,  a  streamlet  dividing  Mewar 
from  Malwa,  preparatory  to  further  operations.  Had  these  been 
confined  to  the  maintenance  of  the  places  they  had  taken,  and 
which  had  been  withheld  in  violation  of  treaties,  complete  success 
might  have  crowned  their  efforts  ;  but  in  including  Nimbahera 
in  their  capture  they  drew  upon  them  the  energetic  Ahalya  Bai, 
the  regent-queen  of  the  Holkar  State,  who  unluckily  for  them 
was  at  hand  and  who  coalesced  with  Sindhia's  partisans  to  check 

^  [Lalsot,  about  40  miles  south  of  Jaipur  city.  For  an  account  of  the 
battle  see  Compton,  European  Military  Adventurers,  346  f.] 

^  Megh  Singh  was  the  chief  of  Begun,  and  founder  of  that  subdivision 
of  the  Chondawats  called  after  him  Meghawat,  and  his  complexion  being 
very  dark  {kola),  he  was  called  '  Kala  Megh,'  the  '  black  cloud.'  His 
•descendants  were  very  numerous  and  very  refractory. 

vol..  I  2  L 


514  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

this  reaction  of  the  Rajputs.  Tulaji  Sindhia  and  Sri  Bhai,  with 
five  thousand  horse,  were  ordered  to  support  the  discomfited 
Siva  Nana,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Mandasor,  where  he  ralUed 
all  the  garrisons  whom  the  Rajputs  had  unwisely  permitted  to 
capitulate. 

Defeat  oJ  the  Rajputs.  Murder  o$  Somji. — On  Tuesday,  the 
4th  of  Magh  S.  1844,^  the  Rana's  troops  were  surprised  and 
defeated  with  great  slaughter,  the  minister  slain,  the  chiefs  of 
Kanor  and  Sadri  with  many  others  severely  wounded,  and  the 
latter  made  prisoner.^  The  newly  made  conquests  were  all 
rapidly  lost,  with  the  exception  of  Jawad,  which  was  gallantly 
maintained  for  a  month  by  Dip  Chand,  who,  with  his  guns  and 
rockets,  effected  a  passage  through  the  Mahrattas,  and  retired 
with  his  garrison  to  Mandalgarh.  Thus  terminated  an  enterprise 
which  might  have  yielded  far  different  results  but  for  a  misplaced 
security.  All  the  chiefs  and  clans  were  united  in  this  patriotic 
struggle  except  the  Chondawats,  against  whom  the  queen-mother 
and  the  new  minister,  Somji,  had  much  difficulty  to  contend  for 
the  establishment  of  the  ininor's  authority.  At  length  overtures 
were  made  to  Salumbar,  when  the  fair  Rampiyari  was  employed 
to  conciliate  the  obdurate  chief,  who  condescended  to  make  his 
appearance  at  Udaipur  and  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  prince. 
He  pretended  to  enter  into  the  views  of  the  minister  and  to 
coalesce  in  his  plans  ;  but  this  was  only  a  web  to  ensnare  his 
victim,  whose  talent  had  diminished  his  authority,  and  was  a 
bar  to  the  prosecution  of  [443]  his  ambitious  views.  Somji  was 
seated  in  his  bureau  when  Arjun  Singh  of  Kurabar  and  Sardar 
Singh '  of  Badesar  entered,  and  the  latter,  as  he  demanded  how 
he  dared  to  resume  his  fief,  plunged  his  dagger  into  the  minister's 
breast.  The  Rana  was  passing  the  day  at  one  of  the  villas  in 
the  valley  called  the  Sahelia  Bari,  '  the  garden  of  nymphs,' 
attended  by  Jeth  Singh  of  Badnor,  when  the  brothers  *  of  the 

^  A.D.  1788. 

*  He  did  not  recover  his  liberty  for  two  years,  nor  till  he  had  surrendered 
four  of  the  best  towns  in  his  fief. 

^  Father  of  the  present  Hamir  Singh,  the  only  chief  with  whom  I  was 
compelled  to  use  severity ;  but  he  was  incorrigible.  He  was  celebrated 
for  his  raids  in  the  troubles,  and  from  his  red  whiskers  bore  with  us  the  name 
of  the  '  Red  Riever  '  of  Badesar — more  of  him  by  and  by. 

*  Sheodas  and  Satidas,  with  their  cousin  Jaichand.  They  revenged 
their  brother's  death  by  that  of  his  murderer,  and  were  both  in  turn  slain. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  RAJPUTS  515 

minister  suddenly  rushed  into  the  presence  to  claim  protection 
against  the  murderers.  They  were  followed  by  Arjun  of  Kurabar, 
who  had  the  audacity  to  present  himself  before  his  sovereign  with 
his  hands  yet  stained  with  the  blood  of  Somji.  The  Rana,  unable 
to  pimish  the  insolent  chief,  branding  him  as  a  traitor,  bade  him 
begone  ;  when  the  whole  of  the  actors  in  this  nefarious  scene, 
with  their  leader  Salumbar,  returned  to  Chitor.  Sheodas  and 
Satidas,  brothers  to  the  murdered  minister,  were  appointed  to 
succeed  him,  and  with  the  Snktawats  fought  several  actions 
against  the  rebels,  and  gained  one  decisive  battle  at  Akola,  in 
which  Arjun  of  Kurabar  commanded.  This  was  soon  balanced 
by  the  defeat  of  the  Saktawats  at  Kheroda.  Every  triumph  was 
attended  with  ruin  to  the  country.  The  agriculturist,  never 
certain  of  the  fruits  of  his  labour,  abandoned  his  fields,  and  at 
length  his  country  ;  mechanical  industry  found  no  recompense, 
and  commerce  was  at  the  mercy  of  unlicensed  spoliation.  In  a 
very  few  years  Mewar  lost  half  her  population,  her  lands  lay 
waste,  her  mines  were  unworked,  and  her  looms,  which  formerly 
supplied  all  around,  forsaken.  The  prince  partook  of  the  general 
penury  ;  instead  of  protecting,  he  required  protection  ;  the 
bonds  which  united  him  with  his  subjects  were  snapped,  and  each 
individual  or  petty  community  provided  for  itself  that  defence 
which  he  could  not  give.  Hence  arose  a  train  of  evils  :  every 
cultivator,  whether  fiscal  or  feudal,  sought  out  a  patron,  and 
[444]  entered  into  engagements  as  the  price  of  protection.  Hence 
every  Rajput  who  had  a  horse  and  lance,  had  his  clients  ;  and 
not  a  camel-load  of  merchandise  could  pass  the  abode  of  one  of 
tliese  cavaliers  without  paying  fees.     The  effects  of  such  disorder 

Such  were  these  times  !  The  author  more  than  once,  when  resuming  the 
Chondawat  lands,  and  amongst  them  Badesar,  the  fief  of  the  son  of  Sardar, 
was  told  to  recollect  the  fate  of  Somji ;  the  advice,  however,  excited  only  a 
smile ;  he  was  deemed  more  of  a  Saktawat  than  a  Chondawat,  and  there 
was  some  truth  in  it,  for  he  found  the  good  actions  of  the  former  far  out- 
weigh the  other,  who  made  a  boast  and  monopoly  of  their  patriotism.  It 
was  a  curious  period  in  his  hfe  ;  the  stimulus  to  action  was  too  high,  too 
constant,  to  think  of  self ;  and  having  no  personal  views,  being  influenced 
solely  by  one  feeling,  the  prosperity  of  all,  he  despised  the  very  idea  of 
danger,  though  it  was  said  to  exist  in  various  shapes,  even  in  the  hospitable 
plate  put  before  him  !  But  he  deemed  none  capable  of  such  treachery, 
though  once  he  was  within  a  few  minutes'  march  to  the  other  world ;  but 
the  cause,  if  the  right  one,  came  from  his  own  cuuinier,  or  rather  boulanger, 
whom  he  discharged. 


516  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

were  felt  long  after  the  cause  ceased  to  exist,  and  claims  difficult 
to  adjust  arose  out  of  these  licentious  times,  for  the  having 
prescriptive  right  was  deemed  sufficient  to  authorize  their  con- 
tinuance.^ Here  were  displayed  the  effects  of  a  feudal  association, 
where  the  powers  of  government  were  enfeebled.  These  feuds 
alone  were  sufficient  to  ruin  the  country  ;  but  when  to  such 
internal  ills  shoals  of  Mahratta  plunderers  were  added,  no  art  is 
required  to  describe  the  consequences. 

Aid  sought  from  Sindhia. — The  Rana  and  his  advisers  at 
length  determined  to  call  in  Sindhia  to  expel  the  rebellious 
Chondawats  from  the  ancient  capital  ;  a  step  mainly  prompted 
by  Zalim  Singh  (now  Regent  of  Kotah),  who  with  the  Rana's 
ministers  was  deputed  to  the  Mahratta  chieftain,  then  enjoying 
himself  at  the  sacred  lake  of  Pushkar.^  Since  the  overthrow  of 
Lalsot  he  had  reorganized  his  brigades  under  the  celebrated  De 
Boigne,^  through  whose  conduct  he  had  redeemed  his  lost  influence 
in  Rajputana  by  the  battles  of  Merta  and  Patau,  in  which  the 
brave  Rathors,  after  acts  of  the  most  devoted  gallantry,  were 
completely  overthrown.  Sindhia' s  plans  coincided  entirely  with 
the  object  of  the  deputation,  and  he  readily  acquiesced  in  the 
Rana's  desire.  This  event  introduced  on  the  political  stage 
some  of  the  most  celebrated  men  of  that  day,  whose  actions  offer 
a  fair  picture  of  manners,  and  may  justify  our  entering  a  little 
into  details.* 

Negotiations  by  Zalim  Singh. — Zalim  Singh  had  for  some  years 
become  regent  of  Kotah,  and  though  to  maintain  himself  in 
power,  and  the  State  he  controlled  in  an  attitude  to  compel  the 
respect  of  surrounding  foes,  was  no  slight  task,  yet  he  found  the 
field  too  contracted  for  his  ambition,  and  his  secret  views  had 
long  been  directed  to  permanent  influence  in  Mewar.  His  skill 
in  reading  character  convinced  him  that  the  Rana  would  be  no 

^  See  the  Essay  on  a  Feudal  System. 

2  S.  1847  (a.d.  1791). 

3  [Count  Benoit  de  Boigne,  a  Savoyard,  born  at  Chambery,  1751 : 
served  under  Mahadaji  Sindhia,  and  won  for  him  his  battles  of  Patan  and 
Merta  in  1790  :  defeated  Holkar  at  Lakheri  in  1793  :  resigned  his  command 
in  1795,  and  left  India  in  the  next  year  :  died  June  21,  1830  (Compton, 
European  Military  Adventurers,  15  ff.  ;  Buckland,  Diet,  of  Indian  Biography, 

8.V.).] 

*  Acquired  from  the  actors  in  those  scenes  :  the  prince,  his  ministers, 
Zahm  Singh  and  the  rival  chiefs  have  all  contributed. 


ZALIM  SINGH  NEGOTIATES  WITH  MARATHAS     517 

bar  to  his  wishes,  the  attainment  of  which,  by  giving  him  the 
combined  resources  of  Haraoti  and  Mewar,  would  bestow  the 
lead  in  Rajasthan.  The  Jaipur  court  he  disregarded,  whose 
effeminate  army  he  had  himself  defeated  single-handed  [445] 
with  the  Kotah  troops,  and  the  influence  he  established  amongst 
the  leading  chiefs  of  Marwar  held  out  no  fear  of  counteraction 
from  that  quarter.  The  stake  was  high,  the  game  sure,  and 
success  would  have  opened  a  field  to  his  genius  which  might  have 
entirely  altered  the  fate  of  Hindustan  ;  but  one  false  move  was 
irretrievable,  and  instead  of  becoming  the  arbitrator  of  India, 
he  left  only  the  reputation  of  being  the  Nestor  of  Rajputana. 

The  restriction  of  the  Rana's  power  was  the  cloak  under  which 
he  disguised  all  his  operations,  and  it  might  have  been  well  for 
the  country  had  his  plans  succeeded  to  their  full  extent.  To 
re-establish  the  Rana's  authority,  and  to  pay  the  charges  of  the 
reduction  of  Chitor,  he  determined  that  the  rebels  chiefly  should 
furnish  the  means,  and  that  from  them  and  the  fiscal  lands, 
mostly  in  their  hands,  sixty-four  lakhs  should  be  levied,  of  which 
three-fifths  should  be  appropriated  to  Sindhia,  and  the  remainder 
to  replenish  the  Rana's  treasury.  Preliminaries  being  thus 
arranged,  Zalim  was  furnished  with  a  strong  corps  under  Ambaji 
Inglia  ;  while  Sindhia  followed,  hanging  on  the  iNIarwar  frontier, 
to  realize  the  contributions  of  that  State.  Zalim  Singh  and 
Ambaji  moved  towards  Chitor,  levying  from  the  estates  of  those 
obnoxious  to  Zalim's  views.  Hamirgarh,  whose  chief,  Dhiraj 
Singh,  a  man  of  talent  and  courage,  was  the  principal  adviser  of 
Bhim  Singh,  the  Salumbar  chief,  was  besieged,  and  stood  several 
assaults  during  six  weeks'  vigorous  operations,  when  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  springs  of  the  wells  from  the  concussion  of  the  guns 
compelled  its  surrender,  and  the  estate  was  sequestrated.  The 
force  continued  their  progress,  and  after  a  trifling  altercation  at 
Basai,  a  Chondawat  fief,  also  taken,  they  took  up  a  position  at 
Chitor,  and  were  soon  after  joined  by  the  main  body  under 
Sindhia. 

Zalim  Singh  and  Sindhia  at  Udaipur. — Zalim,  to  gratify 
Mahadaji's  vanity,  who  was  desirous  of  a  visit  from  the  Rana, 
which  even  the  Peshwa  considered  an  honour,  proceeded  to 
Udaipur  to  effect  this  object  ;  when  the  Rana,  placing  himself 
imder  his  guidance,  marched  for  this  purpose,  and  was  met  at 
the  Tiger  Momit,  within  a  few  miles  of  his  capital,  by  Sindhia, 


518  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

who  received  the  Rana,  and  escorted  him  to  the  besieging  army. 
But  in  this  short  interval,  Ambaji,  who  remained  with  the  army 
at  Chitor,  intrigued  with  the  rebel  Chondawat  to  supplant  the 
predominant  influence  of  his  friend  Zalim  Singh,  and  seized  the 
opportunity  of  his  absence  to  counteract  him,  by  [446]  communi- 
cating his  plans  to  Salvmibar  ;  aware  that,  unless  he  broke  with 
Zalim,  he  could  only  hope  to  play  a  secondary  part  under  him. 
Though  the  ulterior  views  of  Zalim  were  kept  to  his  own  breast, 
they  could  not  escape  the  penetration  of  the  crafty  Mahratta  ; 
his  very  anxiety  to  hide  them  furnished  Ambaji  with  the  means 
of  detection.  Had  Zalim  possessed  an  equal  share  of  meanness 
with  his  political  antagonist,  he  might  have  extricated  himself 
from  the  snare  ;  but  once  overreached,  he  preferred  sinking  to 
grasping  at  an  unworthy  support.  Bhim  Singh  (Salumbar) 
privately  negotiated  with  Ambaji  the  surrender  of  Chitor,  engaging 
to  himible  himself  before  the  Rana,  and  to  pay  a  contribution  of 
twenty  lakhs,  levied  on  the  clans,  provided  Zalim  Singh  was 
ordered  to  retire.  This  suggestion,  apparently  founded  on  the 
rebellious  chief's  antipathy  to  Zalim,  but  in  reality  prompted  by 
Ambaji,  ensured  the  approbation,  as  it  suited  the  views,  of  all 
parties,  but  especially  Sindhia,  who  was  desirous  of  repairing  to 
Poona.  Zahm,  the  sole  obstacle  to  this  arrangement,  furnished 
to  his  enemies  the  means  of  escape  from  the  dilemma,  and  lost 
the  opportiuiity  of  realizing  his  long-cherished  scheme  of  wielding 
the  united  resources  of  Mewar  and  Haraoti.  Zalim  had  always 
preserved  a  strict  amity  with  Ambaji  wherever  their  interests  did 
not  clash,  and  his  regard  had  the  cement  of  gratitude  to  the 
Mahratta,  whose  father  Trimbakji  had  saved  Zalim's  life  and 
procured  his  liberty,  when  left  woimded  and  a  prisoner  at  the 
battle  of  Ujjain.  On  Zalim's  return  with  the  Rana,  Ambaji 
touched  on  the  terms  of  Bhim  Suigh's  surrender,  hinting  that 
Zalim's  presence  was  the  sole  obstacle  to  tliis  desirable  result ; 
who,  the  more  to  mask  his  views,  wliich  any  expressed  reluctance 
to  the  measure  might  expose,  went  beyond  probability  in  assevera- 
tions of  readiness  to  be  no  bar  to  such  arrangement,  even  so  far 
as  to  affirm  that,  besides  being  tired  of  the  business  from  the 
heavy  expense  it  entailed  on  liim,  he  had  his  prince's  wish  for 
his  return  to  Kotah.  There  is  one  ingredient  in  Zalim's  char- 
acter, which  has  never  been  totally  merged  in  the  vices  acquired 
from  the  tortuous  policy  of  a  long  life,  and  which  in  the  vigour 


ZAlIM  SINGH  NEGOTIATES  WITH  IMARATHAS    519 

of  youth  had  full  sway — namely,  pride,  one  of  the  few  virtues 
left  to  the  Rajput,  defrauded  of  many  others  by  long  oppression. 
But  Zalim's  pride  was  legitimate,  being  allied  to  honour,  and  it 
has  retained  him  an  evident  superiority  through  all  the  mazes  of 
ambition.  Ambaji  skilfully  availed  himself  of  this  defect  in  his 
friend's  political  character.  "  A  pretty  [447]  story,  indeed  ! — 
you  tell  this  to  me  !  it  might  find  credit  with  those  who  did  not 
know  you."  The  sarcasm  only  plunged  him  deeper  into  assevera- 
tion. "  Is  it  then  really  your  wish  to  retire  ?  "  "  Assuredly." 
"  Then,"  retorted  the  crafty  Ambaji,  "  your  wish  shall  be  gratified 
in  a  few  minutes."  Giving  him  no  time  to  retract,  he  called  for 
his  horse  and  galloped  to  Sindliia's  tent.  Zalim  relied  on  Sindhia 
not  acceding  to  the  proposition  ;  or  if  he  did,  that  the  Rana,  over 
whom  he  imagined  he  had  complete  influence,  would  oppose  it. 
His  hopes  of  Sindhia  rested  on  a  promise  privately  made  to  leave 
troops  under  his  authority  for  the  restoration  of  order  in  Mewar  ; 
and  a  yet  stronger  claim,  the  knowledge  that  without  Zalim  he 
could  not  realize  the  stipulated  sums  for  the  expulsion  of  the 
Chondawat  from  Chitor.  Ambaji  had  foreseen  and  prepared  a 
remedy  for  these  difficulties,  and  upon  their  being  urged  offered 
hunself  to  advance  the  amount  by  bills  on  the  Deccan.  This 
argument  was  irresistible  ;  money,  and  the  consequent  prosecu- 
tion of  his  journey  to  Poona,  being  attained,  Sindhia's  engage- 
ments with  Zalim  and  the  Rana  ceased  to  be  a  matter  of  import- 
ance. He  nominated  Ambaji  his  lieutenant,  with  the  command 
of  a  large  force,  by  whose  aid  he  would  reimburse  himself  for  the 
sums  thus  advanced.  Having  carried  his  object  with  Sindhia, 
Ambaji  proceeded  direct  from  his  tent  to  that  of  the  Rana's 
ministers,  Sheodas  and  Satidas,  with  whom,  by  the  promise  of 
co-operation  in  their  views,  and  perfect  subserviency  to  the 
Rana's  interests,  he  was  alike  successfvd.  Ambaji,  with  the 
rapidity  necessarj^  to  ensure  success,  having  in  a  few  hours  accom- 
plished his  purpose,  hastened  back  to  Zalun,  to  acquamt  him 
that  his  wish  to  retire  had  met  with  general  acquiescence  ;  and 
so  well  did  he  manage,  that  the  Rana's  mace-bearer  arrived  at 
the  same  moment  to  announce  that  the  khilat  of  leave  awaited 
his  acceptance.  Zalim  being  thus  outwitted,  the  Salumbar  chief 
•descended  from  Chitor,  and  touched  the  Rana's  feet.  Sindhia 
pursued  his  march  to  the  Deccan,  and  Ambaji  was  left  sole 
arbiter  of  Mewar.     The  Saktawats  maintained  the  lead  at  court, 


520  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  were  not  backward  in  consigning  the  estates  of  their  rivals 
to  the  incubus  now  settled  on  the  country  :  while  the  mortified 
Zalim,  on  his  retreat,  recorded  his  expenses,  to  be  produced  on 
some  fitting  occasion. 

Sindhia's  Instructions  to  Ambaji. — Ambaji  remained  eight 
years  in  Mewar,  reaping  its  revenues  and  amassing  those  hoards 
of  wealth  which  subsequently  gave  him  the  lead  in  Hindustan, 
and  enabled  him  nearly  to  assert  his  independence.  Yet,  although 
he  accumulated  [448]  £2,000,000  sterling  from  her  soil,^  exacting 
one-half  of  the  produce  of  agricultural  industry,  the  suppression 
of  feuds  and  exterior  aggressions  gave  to  Mewar  a  degree  of 
tranquillity  and  happiness  to  which  she  had  long  been  a  stranger. 
The  instructions  delivered  to  Ambaji  were — 

1.  The  entire  restoration  of  the  Rana's  authority  and  resump- 

tion of  the  crown-lands  from  rebellious  chiefs  and  mer- 
cenary Sindis. 

2.  The  expulsion  of  the  pretender  from  Kumbhalmer. 

3.  The  recovery  of  Godwar  from  the  Raja  of  Marwar. 

4.  To  settle  the  Bundi  feud  for  the  murder  of  Rana  Arsi. 

A  schedule  (pandhri)  ^  for  the  twenty  lakhs  stipulated  was 
made  and  levied  ;  twelve  from  the  Chondawat  estates  and  eight 
from  the  Saktawats  ;  and  the  sum  of  sixty  lakhs  was  awarded, 
besides  the  expense  of  Ambaji's  army,  when  the  other  specified 
objects  should  be  attained.  Within  two  years  the  pretender 
was  expelled  Kumbhalmer,  Jahazpur  was  recovered  from  a 
rebellious  Ranawat,  and  the  crown-lands  ^  were  redeemed  from 

^  It  was  levied  as  follows  : 


Saluuibar 

Lakhs  3 

Deogarh 

„      3 

Singingir  Gosain,  their  adviser 

„      2 

Kosital 

„       1 

Amet 

„      2 

Kurabar 

„       1 

Lakhs       .  12 

^  [Pandhri,  Pandharapatti,  a  tax  on  shops,  artisans,  traders,  and  persons 
not  engaged  in  agriculture,  levied  on  their  persons,  implements,  places  of 
work,  or  traffic  ;   the  same  as  the  Mahtarafa  (Wilson,  Glossary,  s.v.).] 

^  Raepur  Rajnagar  from  the  Sindis  ;  Guria  and  Gadarraala  from  the 
Purawats ;  Hamirgarh  from  Sardar  Singh,  and  Kur j  Kawaria  from  Salunibar. 


ANARCHY  IN  MEWAR  521 

the  nobles  ;  the  personal  domain  of  the  Rana,  agricultural  and 
commercial,  still  realized  nearly  fifty  lakhs  of  rupees.  After 
these  services,  though  Godwar  was  still  unredeemed,  the  Bundi 
feud  unappeased,  and  the  lands  mortgaged  to  the  Mahrattas 
were  not  restored,  Ambaji  assumed  the  title  of  Subahdar  of 
Mewar,  and  identified  himself  with  the  parties  of  the  day.  Yet 
so  long  as  he  personally  upheld  the  interests  of  the  Rana,  his 
memorj^  is  done  justice  to,  notwithstanding  he  never  conformed 
to  the  strict  letter  of  his  engagements.  The  Rana's  ministers, 
fearing  lest  their  brother's  fate  should  be  theirs  in  the  event  of  the 
Chondawats  again  attaining  power,  and  deeming  their  own  and 
their  sovereign's  security  dependent  on  Ambaji's  presence,  made 
a  subsidiary  engagement  with  him,  and  lands  to  the  amount  of 
75,000  rupees  monthly,  or  eight  lakhs  annually,  were  appropriated 
for  his  force  ;  but  so  completely  were  the  resources  of  the  [449] 
country  diverted  from  their  honest  use,  that  when,  in  S.  1851,  a 
marriage  was  negotiated  between  the  Rana's  sister  and  the  prince 
of  Jaipur,  the  Rana  was  obliged  to  borrow  £50,000  from  the 
Mahratta  commander  to  purchase  the  nuptial  presents.  The 
following  year  was  marked  by  a  triple  event^the  death  of  the 
queen-mother,  the  birth  of  a  son  and  heir  to  the  Rana,  and  the 
bursting  of  the  embankment  of  the  lake,  which  swept  away  a 
third  of  the  city  and  a  third  of  its  inhabitants.  Superstition 
attributed  this  catastrophe  to  the  Rana's  impiety,  in  establishing 
a  new  festival  ^  to  Gauri,  the  Isis  of  Rajasthan. 

Anarchy  in  Mewar. — Ambaji,  who  was  this  year  nominated 
by  Sindhia  his  viceroy  in  Hindustan,  left  Ganesh  Pant  as  his 
lieutenant  in  Mewar,  with  whom  acted  the  Rana's  officers,  Sawai 
and  Shirji  Mehta  ;  ^  who  applied  themselves  to  make  the  most  of 
their  ephemeral  power  with  so  rapacious  a  spirit,  that  Ambaji 
was  compelled  to  displace  Ganesh  Pant  and  appoint  the  celebrated 
Rae  Chand.  To  him  they  would  not  yield,  and  each  party  formed 
a  nucleus  for  disorder  and  misrule.     It  would  be  iminteresting 

^  In  Bhadon,  the  third  month  of  the  rainy  season.  An  account  of  this 
festival  will  hereafter  be  given. 

*  The  first  of  these  is  now  the  manager  of  Prince  Jawan  Singh's  estates, 
a  man  of  no  talent ;  and  the  latter,  his  brother,  was  one  of  the  ministers  on 
my  arrival  at  Udaipur.  He  was  of  invincible  good  humour,  yet  full  of  the 
spirit  of  intrigue,  and  one  of  the  bars  to  returning  prosperity.  The  cholera 
carried  off  this  Falstaff  of  the  court,  not  much  to  mj'  sorrow. 


522  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

and  nauseating  to  the  reader  to  carry  him  through  all  the  scenes 
of  villainy  which  gradually  desolated  this  country  ;  for  whose 
spoil  pilfering  Mahrattas,  savage  Rohillas,  and  adventurous 
Franks  were  all  let  loose.  The  now  humbled  Chondawats,  many 
of  whose  fiefs  were  confiscated,  took  to  horse,  and  in  conjunction 
with  lawless  Sindis  scoured  the  coiuitiy.  Their  estates  were 
attacked,  Kurabar  was  taken,  and  batteries  were  placed  against 
Salumbar,  whence  the  Sindis  fled  and  found  refuge  in  Deogarh. 
In  this  exigence,  the  Chondawats  determined  to  send  an  envoy 
to  Ambaji,  who  was  then  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Datia  ;  and 
Ajit  Singh,  since  prominent  in  the  intrigues  of  Mewar,  was  the 
organ  of  liis  clan  on  this  occasion.  For  the  sum  of  ten  lakhs  the 
avaricious  Mahratta  agreed  to  recall  his  deputy  from  Mewar,^ 
to  renounce  Sheodas  and  the  Saktawats,  and  lend  his  support  to 
the  Chondawats.  The  Salumbar  chief  again  took  the  lead  at 
court,  and  with  Agarji  Mehta  ^  as  minister,  the  Saktawats  [450] 

1  S.  1853,  A.D.  1797. 

^  This  person  was  nominated  the  chief  civil  minister  on  the  author's 
arrival  at  Udaipur,  an  office  to  which  he  was  every  way  unequal.  The 
affairs  of  Mewar  had  never  prospered  since  the  faithful  Panchohs  were 
deprived  of  power.  Several  productions  of  the  descendants  of  Biharidas 
have  fallen  into  my  hands ;  their  quaint  mode  of  conveying  advice  may 
authorize  their  insertion  here. 

The  Panchohs,  who  had  performed  so  many  services  to  the  country,  had 
been  for  some  time  deprived  of  the  office  of  prime  minister,  which  was  dis- 
posed of  as  it  suited  the  views  of  the  factious  nobles  who  held  power  for  the 
time  being  ;  and  who  bestowed  it  on  the  Mehtas,  Depras,  or  Dhabhais. 
Amongst  the  papers  of  the  Panchohs,  several  addressed  to  the  Rana  and  to 
Agarji  Mehta,  the  minister  of  the  day,  are  valuable  for  the  patriotic  senti- 
ments they  contain,  as  well  as  for  the  general  Ught  they  throw  upon  the 
period.  In  S.  1853  (a.d.  1797)  Amrit  Rao  devised  a  plan  to  remedy  the 
evils  that  oppressed  the  country.  He  inculcated  the  necessity  of  dispensing 
with  the  interference  of  the  Saktawats  and  Chondawats  in  the  affairs  of 
government,  and  strengthening  the  hands  of  the  civil  administration  by 
admitting  the  foreign  chieftains  to  the  power  he  proposed  to  deprive  the 
former  of.     He  proceeds  in  the  following  quaint  style  : 

"  Disease  fastened  on  the  country  from  the  following  causes,  envy  and 
party  spirit.  With  the  Turks  disease  was  introduced  ;  but  then  the  prince, 
his  ministers,  and  chiefs,  were  of  one  mind,  and  medicine  was  ministered 
and  a  cure  effected.  During  Rana  Jai  Singh's  time  the  disorder  returned, 
which  his  son  Amra  put  down.  He  recovered  the  affairs  of  government 
from  confusion,  gave  to  every  one  his  proper  rank  and  dignity,  and  rendered 
all  prosperous.  But  Maharana  Sangram  Singh  put  from  under  his  wing  the 
Chandarawat  of  Rampura,  and  thus  a  pinion  of  Mewar  was  broken.  The 
calamity  of  Biharidas,  whose  son  committed  suicide,  increased  the  diffi- 


ANARCHY  IN  MEWAR  523 

were  attacked,  the  stipulated  ten  lakhs  raised  from  their  estates, 
and  two  fiefs  of  note,  Hintha  and  Semari,  confiscated  [451]. 

culties.  The  arrival  of  the  Deccanis  under  Bajirao,  the  Jaipur  affair  *  and 
the  defeat  at  Rajmahall,  with  the  heavy  expenditure  thereby  occasioned, 
augmented  the  disorder.  Add  to  this  in  Jagat  Singh's  time  the  enmity  of 
the  Dhabhais  towards  the  Panchohs,  which  lowered  their  dignities  at  home 
and  abroad,  and  siiice  which  time  every  man  has  thought  himself  equal  to 
the  task  of  government.  Jagat  Singh  was  also  afflicted  by  the  rebellious 
conduct  of  his  son  Partap,  when  Shyama  Solanki  and  several  other  chiefs 
were  treacherously  cut  off.  Since  which  time  the  minds  of  the  nobles  have 
never  been  loyal,  but  black  and  not  to  be  trusted.  Again,  on  the  accession 
of  Partap,  Maharaja  Nathji  allowed  his  thoughts  to  aspire,  from  which  all 
Ills  kin  suffered.  Hence  animosities,  doubts,  and  deceits,  arose  on  all  sides. 
Add  to  this  the  haughty  proceeding  of  Amra  Chand  now  in  office  ;  and 
besides  the  strife  of  the  Pancholis  with  each  other,  their  enmity  to  the 
Depras.  Hence  parties  were  formed  which  completely  destroyed  the  credit 
of  aU.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  they  abated  none  of  their  strife,  which  was 
the  acme  to  the  disease.  The  feud  between  Kuman  Singh  and  the  Sak- 
tawats  for  the  possession  of  Hintha,  aggravated  the  distresses .  The  treacher- 
ous murder  of  Maharaja  Nathji,  and  the  consequent  disgust  and  retreat  of 
Jaswant  Singh  of  Deogarh  ;  the  setting  up  the  impostor  Ratna  Singh  and 
Jhala  Raghiideo's  struggle  for  office,  with  Amra  Chand's  entertaining  the 
mercenaries  of  Sind,  brought  it  to  a  crisis.  The  neghgence  arising  out  of 
luxury,  and  the  intrigues  of  the  Dhabhais  of  Rana  Arsi,  made  it  spread  so 
as  to  defeat  all  attempt  at  cure.  In  S.  1829,  on  the  treacherous  murder 
of  the  Rana  by  the  Bundi  prince,  and  the  accession  of  the  minor  Hamir, 
every  one  set  up  his  own  authority,  so  that  there  was  not  even  the  semblance 
of  government.  And  now  you  (to  the  Rana),  hstening  to  the  advice  of 
Bhim  Singh  (Salumbar),  and  his  brother,  Arjun,  have  taken  foreigners  "j" 
into  pay,  and  thus  riveted  all  the  former  errors.  You  and  Sri  Baiji  Raj 
(the  royal  mother),  putting  confidence  in  foreigners  and  Deccanis,  have 
rendered  the  disease  contagious ;  besides,  your  mind  is  gone.  What  can 
be  done  ?  Medicine  may  yet  be  had.  Let  us  unite  and  struggle  to  restore 
the  duties  of  the  minister  and  we  may  conquer,  or  at  least  check  its  progress. 
If  now  neglected,  it  will  hereafter  be  beyond  human  power.  The  Deccanis 
are  the  great  sore.  Let  us  settle  their  accounts,  and  at  all  events  get  rid 
of  them,  or  we  lose  the  land  for  ever.  At  this  time  there  are  treaties  and 
engagements  in  every  corner.  I  have  touched  on  every  subject.  Forgive 
whatever  is  improper.  Let  us  look  the  future  in  the  face,  and  let  chiefs, 
ministers,  and  all  unite.  With  the  welfare  of  the  country  all  will  be  well. 
But  this  is  a  disease  which,  if  not  now  conquered,  wiU  conquer  us." 

A  second  paper  as  follows  : 

"  The  disease  of  the  country  is  to  be  considered  and  treated  as  a  remittent. 

*  The  struggle  to  place  the  Rana's  nephew.  Mad  ho  Singh,  on  the  throne 
of  Jaipur. 

f  The  Panchoh  must  allude  to  the  Mahratta  subsidiary  force  under 
Ambaji. 


524  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Death  o!  Mahadaji  Sindhia,  January  12,  1794. — The  death  of 
Mahadaji  Sindhia,^  and  the  accession  of  his  nephew  Daulatrao, 
his  murder  of  the  Shenvi  Brahmans,  and  his  quarrels  with  the 
Bais  ('  princesses,'  wives  of  the  deceased  Sindhia),  all  occurred  at 
this  time,  and  materially  influenced  the  events  in  Mewar.  The 
power  of  Ainbaji  as  Subahdar  of  Hindustan  was  strengthened  by 
the  minority  of  Sindhia,  although  contested  by  Lakwa  and  the 
Bais,  supported  by  the  Khichi  prince,  Durjan  Sal,  and  the  Datia 
Raja,  who  fought  and  died  for  the  princesses.  Lakwa  wrote  to 
the  Rana  to  throw  off  Ambaji's  yoke  and  expel  his  lieutenant  ; 
while  Ambaji  commanded  his  deputy  to  eject  the  Shenvi  ^  Brah- 

"  Amra  Singh  cured  it  and  laid  a  complete  system  of  government  and 
justice. 

"  In  Sangram's  time  it  once  more  gained  ground. 

"  In  Jagat  Singh's  time  the  seed  was  thrown  into  the  ground  thus  obtained. 

"  In  Partap's  time  it  sprung  up. 

"  In  Raj  Singh's  time  it  bore  fruit. 

"  In  Rana  Arsi's  time  it  was  ripe. 

"  In  Hamir's  time  it  was  distributed,  and  all  have  had  a  share. 

"  And  you,  Bhini  Singh  (the  present  Rana),  have  eaten  jjlentifully 
thereof.  Its  virtues  and  flavour  you  are  acquainted  with,  and  so  likewise  is 
the  country  ;  and  if  you  take  no  medicine  you  will  assuredly  suffer  much 
pain,  and  both  at  home  and  abroad  you  will  be  lightly  thought  of.  Be  not 
therefore  negligent,  or  faith  and  land  will  depart  from  you." 

A  tliird  paper  to  Agarji  Mehta  (then  minister)  : 

"  If  the  milk  is  curdled  it  does  not  signify.  Where  there  is  sense  butter 
may  yet  be  extracted  ;  and  if  the  butter-milk  {chhackh)  is  thrown  away  it 
matters  not.  But  if  the  milk  be  curdled  and  black  it  will  require  wisdom 
to  restore  its  purity.  This  wisdom  is  now  wanted.  The  foreigners  are  the 
black  in  the  curdled  milk  of  Mewar.  At  all  hazards  remove  them.  Trust 
to  them  and  the  land  is  lost. 

"  In  moonhght  what  occasion  for  a  blue  hght  ?   (Chandra  jot).* 

"  Who  looks  to  the  false  coin  of  the  juggler  ? 

"  Do  not  credit  him  who  tells  you  he  will  make  a  pigeon  out  of  a  feather. 

■'  Abroad  it  is  said  there  is  no  wisdom  left  in  Mewar,  which  is  a  disgrace 
to  her  reputation." 

^  [Mahadaji  Sindhia,  commonly  and  erroneously  called  Madhava  Rao, 
died  near  Poona,  January  12,  1794.  See  his  life  by  H.  G.  Keene, 
'  Rulers  of  India  '  series ;  Grant  Duff,  Hist,  of  Mahrattas,  343  ff. ;  W. 
Franklin,  Hist,  of  Shah-Aulum,  119  ff.] 

*  There  are  three  classes  of  Mahratta  Brahmans  :  Shenvi,  Prabhu, 
and  Mahratta.  Of  the  first  was  Lakwa,  Balabha  Tantia,  Jiwa  Dada,  Sivaji 
Nana,  Lalaji  Pandit,  and  Jaswant  Rao  Bhao,  men  who  held  the  mortgaged 


*  Literally,  a  'moonlight.'     The  particular  kind  of  firework  which  we 
call  a  '  blue  hght.' 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  CHONDAWATS  525 

mans,  supporters  of  Lakwa,  from  all  the  lands  in  Mewar.  To 
this  end  Ganesh  Pant  called  on  the  Rana's  ministers  and  chiefs, 
who,  consulting  thereon,  determined  to  play  a  deep  game  ;  and 
while  they  apparently  acquiesced  in  the  schemes  of  Ganesh,  they 
wrote  the  Shenvis  to  advance  from  Jawad  and  attack  him, 
promising  them  support.  They  met  at  Sawa  ;  Nana  was  defeated 
Avith  the  loss  of  his  guns,  and  retired  on  Chitor.  With  a  feint  of 
support,  the  Chondawats  made  him  again  call  in  his  garrison  and 
try  another  battle,  which  he  also  lost  and  fled  to  Hamirgarh  ; 
then,  uniting  with  his  enemies^  they  invested  the  place  with 
15,000  men.  Nana  bravely  maintained  himself,  making  many 
sallies,  in  one  of  which  both  the  sons  of  Dhiraj  Singh,  the  chief 
of  Hamirgarh,  Avere  slain.  Shortly  after.  Nana  was  relieved  by 
some  battalions  of  the  new  raised  regulars  sent  by  Ambaji  under 
Gulab  Rao  Kadam,  upon  which  he  commenced  his  retreat  on 
Ajmer.  At  Musamusi  he  was  forced  to  action,  and  success  had 
nearly  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  clans,  when  a  horseman,  en- 
deavouring to  secure  a  mare,  calling  out  [452],  "  Bhagi  !  bhagi  !  " 
"  She  flies  !  she  flies  !  "  the  word  spread,  while  those  who  caught 
her,  exclaiming  "  Milgayi  !  milgayi  !  "  "  She  is  taken  !  ''  but 
equally  significant  with  '  going  over  '  to  the  enemy,  caused  a 
general  panic,  and  the  Chondawats,  on  the  verge  of  victory, 
disgraced  themselves,  broke  and  fled.  Several  were  slain,  among 
whom  was  the  Sindi  leader  Chandan.  Shahpura  opened  its  gates 
to  the  fugitives  led  by  the  Goliath  of  the  host,  the  chief  of  Deo- 
garh.^  It  was  an  occasion  not  to  be  lost  by  the  bards  of  the 
rival  clan,  and  many  a  ribald  stanza  records  this  day's  disgrace. 
Ambaji' s  lieutenant,  however,  was  so  roughly  handled  that 
several  chiefs  redeemed  their  estates,  and  the  Rana  much  of  the 
fisc,  from  Mahratta  control. 

Contest  of  Ambaji  and  Lakwa. — Mewar  now  became  the  arena 
on  which  the  rival  satraps  Ambaji  and  Lakwa  contested  the 

lands  of  Mewar.  [There  are  four  groups  of  Maratlia  Brahmans  :  Konkan- 
asthas,  Deshasthas,  Karhadas,  and  Kanvas.  The  Prabhus  are  not  Brahmans, 
but  the  writer  caste,  like  the  Kayasths  of  Hindustan  (J.  Wilson,  Indian 
Caste,  1877,  ii.  17  flf.).  The  word  Shenvi  is  a  corruption  of  chhhjanave, 
'  ninety-six,'  from  the  supposed  number  of  their  sections.] 

^  I  knew  him  well.  He  stood  six  feet  six  inches,  and  was.  bulky  in  pro- 
portion. His  limbs  rivalled  those  of  the  Hercules  Farnese.  His  father 
was  nearly  seven  feet,  and  died  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-two,  in  a  vain 
attempt  to  keep  down,  by  regimen  and  medicine,  his  enormous  bulk. 


526  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

exalted  office  of  Sindhia's  lieutenancy  in  Hindustan.  Lakwa  was 
joined  by  all  the  chiefs  of  Mewar,  his  cause  being  their  own ;  and 
Hamirgarh,  still  held  by  Nana's  party,  Was  reinvested.  Two 
thousand  shot  had  made  a  practicable  breach,  when  Bala  Rao 
Inglia,  Bapu  Sindhia,  Jaswant  Rao  Sindhia,  a  brigade  under  the 
European  '  Mutta  field,'  ^  with  the  auxiliary  battalions  of  Zalim 
Singh  of  Kotah,  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Ambaji's  son, 
arrived  to  relieve  the  lieutenant.  Lakwa  raised  the  siege,  and 
took  post  with  his  allies  under  the  walls  of  Chi  tor  ;  whilst  the 
besieged  left  the  untenable  Hamirgarh,  and  joined  the  relief  at 
Gosunda.  The  rival  armies  were  separated  only  by  the  Berach 
river,  on  whose  banks  they  raised  batteries  and  cannonaded  each 
other,  when  a  dispute  arose  in  the  victor  camp  regarding  the  pay 
of  the  troops,  between  Bala  Rao  (brother  of  Ambaji)  and  Nana, 
and  the  latter  withdrew  and  retreated  to  Sanganer,  Thus 
disunited,  it  might  have  been  expected  that  these  congregated 
masses  would  have  dissolved,  or  fallen  upon  each  other,  when 
the  Rajputs  might  have  given  the  coup  de  grdce  to  the  survivors  ; 
but  they  were  Mahrattas,  and  their  politics  were  too  complicated 
to  end  in  simple  strife  :  almost  all  the  actors  in  these  scenes  lived 
to  contest  with,  and  be  humiliated  by,  the  British. 

George  Thomas. — The  defection  of  Nana  equalized  the  parties  ; 
but  Bala  Rao,  never  partial  to  fighting,  opportunely  recollected 
a  debt  of  gratitude  to  Lakwa,  to  whose  clemency  he  owed  his 
life  when  taken  by  storm  in  Gugal  Chapra.  He  also  wanted 
money  [453]  to  pay  his  force,  which  a  private  overture  to  Lakwa 
secured.  They  met,  and  Bala  Rao  retired  boasting  of  his  grati- 
tude, to  which,  and  the  defection  of  Nana,  soon  followed  by  that 
of  Bapu  Sindhia,  the  salvation  of  Lakwa  was  attributed.  Suther- 
land ^  with  a  brigade  was  detached  by  Ambaji  to  aid  Nana  :  but 
a  dispute  depriving  him  of  this  reinforcement,  he  called  in  a 
partisan  of  more  celebrity,  the  brave  George  Thomas.'     Ambaji's 

^  [This  is  perhaps  Captain  Butterfield,  who  served  in  Sindhia's  force  under 
Colonel  Sutherland.  He  behaved  gallantly  in  action  against  Lakwa  Dada, 
for  which  he  received  a  flattering  letter  from  Perron  :  no  further  mention  of 
him  has  been  traced  (Compton,  Military  Adventurers,  344).] 

"  [For  Colonel  Robert  Sutherland,  known  to  natives  as  '  Sutlej  Sahib,' 
see  Compton,  410  ff.] 

'  [For  the  remarkable  career  of  George  Thomas,  who  nearly'  succeeded 
in  forming  a  kingdom  of  his  own  on  the  ruins  of  the  Empire  in  N.  India,  see 
Compton,  109  f.  ;   W.  Franklin,.  Military  Memoirs  of  Mr.  G.  Thomas,  1803.] 


PILLAGE  IN  MEWAR  527 

lieutenant  and  Lakwa  were  once  more  equal  foes,  and  the  Rana, 
liis  chiefs  and  subjects  being  distracted  between  these  conflicting 
bands,  whose  leaders  alternately  paid  their  respects  to  him,  were 
glad  to  obtain  a  little  repose  by  espousing  the  cause  of  either 
combatant,  whose  armies  during  the  monsoon  encamped  for  six 
weeks  within  sight  of  each  other. ^ 

Pillage  in  Mewar. — ^Durjan  Sal  (Khichi),  with  the  nobles  of 
Mewar,  hovered  round  Nana's  camp  with  five  thousand  horse 
to  cut  off  his  supplies  ;  but  Thomas  escorted  the  convoys  from 
Shahpura  with  his  regulars,  and  defied  all  their  efforts.  Thomas 
at  length  advanced  his  batteries  against  Lakwa,  on  whose  position 
a  general  assault  was  about  taking  place,  when  a  tremendous 
storm,  with  torrents  of  rain  which  filled  the  stream,  cut  off  his 
batteries  from  the  main  body,  burst  the  gates  of  Shahpura,  his 
point  d'appui,  and  laid  the  town  in  ruins.^  Lakwa  seized  the 
moment,  and  with  the  Mewar  chiefs  stormed  and  carried  the 
isolated  batteries,  capturing  fifteen  pieces  of  cannon  ;  and  the 
Shahpura  Raja,  threatened  at  once  by  his  brother-nobles  and 
the  vengeance  of  heaven,  refused  further  provision  to  Nana,  who 
was  compelled  to  abandon  his  position  and  retreat  to  Sanganer. 
The  discomfited  lieutenant  vowed  vengeance  against  the  estates 
of  the  Mewar  chieftains,  and  after  the  rains,  being  reinforced  by 
Ambaji,  again  took  the  field.  Then  commenced  a  scene  of 
carnage,  pillage,  and  individual  defence.  The  whole  of  the 
Chondawat  estates  under  the  Aravalli  range  were  laid  waste, 
their  castles  assaulted,  some  taken  and  destroyed,  and  heavy 
sums  levied  on  all.  Thomas  besieged  Deogarh  and  Amet,  and 
both  fought  and  paid.  Kasital  and  Lasani  were  captured,  and 
the  latter  razed  for  its  gallant  resistance.  Thus  they  were  pro- 
ceeding in  the  work  of  destruction,  when  Ambaji  [454]  was 
dispossessed  of  the  government  of  Hindustan,  to  which  liakwa 
was  nominated,'  and  Nana  was  compelled  to  surrender  all  the 
fortresses  and  towns  he  held  in  Mewar. 

^  Both  camps  were  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Banas :  Lakwa's  at  Amh,  about 
ten  miles  south  of  Shahpura,  and  Nana's  at  Kadera,  between  these  towns. 

*  Lakwa  at  this  time  [S.  1856,  a.d.  1799]  put  the  Shahpura  Raja  in  pos- 
session of  the  important  fortress  and  district  of  Jahazpur,  which,  although 
the  Rana  consented  to  it,  covertly  receiving  from  the  Raja  two  lakhs  of 
rupees,  disgusted  the  nobles  with  Lakwa. 

*  Balabha  Tantia  and  Bakhshu  Narayan  Rao  were  Sindhia's  ministers  at 
this  period,  of  the  same  tribe  (the  Shenvi)  as  Lakwa. 


528  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Daulat  Rao  Sindhia  reduces  Mewar. — From  this  period  must 
be  dated  the  pretensions  of  Sindhia  to  consider  Mewar  as  tributary 
to  him.  We  have  traced  the  rise  of  the  Mahrattas,  and  the 
progress  of  their  baneful  influence  in  Mewar.  The  abstractions 
of  territory  from  S.  1826  to  1831  [a.d.  1769-74],  as  pledges  for 
contributions,  satisfied  their  avarice  till  1848  [a.d.  1791],  when 
the  Salumbar  rebellion  brought  the  great  Sindhia  to  Chitor, 
leaving  Ambaji  as  his  lieutenant,  with  a  subsidiary  force,  to 
recover  the  Rana's  lost  possessions.  We  have  related  how  these 
conditions  were  fulfilled  ;  how  Ambaji,  inflated  with  the  wealth 
of  Mewar,  assumed  almost  regal  dignity  in  Hindustan,  assigning 
the  devoted  land  to  be  governed  by  his  deputies,  whose  contest 
with  other  aspirants  made  this  unhappy  region  the  stage  for 
constant  struggles  for  supremacy  ;  and  while  the  secret  policy 
of  Zalim  Singh  stimulated  the  Saktawats  to  cling  to  Ambaji,  the 
Chondawats  gave  their  influence  and  interest  to  his  rival  Lakwa. 
The  unhappy  Rana  and  the  peasantry  paid  for  this  rivalry  ;  while 
Sindhia,  whose  power  was  now  in  its  zenith,  fastened  one  of  his 
desultory  armies  on  Mewar,  in  contravention  of  former  treaties, 
without  any  definite  views,  or  even  instructions  to  its  commander. 
It  was  enough  that  a  large  body  should  supply  itself  without 
assailing  him  for  prey,  and  whose  services  were  available  when 
required. 

Lakwa  Dada  Maratha  Viceroy. — Lakwa,  the  new  viceroy, 
marched  to  Mewar  :  Agarji  Mehta  was  appointed  minister  to 
the  Rana,  and  the  Chondawats  again  came  into  power.  For  the 
sum  of  six  lakhs  Lakwa  dispossessed  the  Shahpura  of  Jahazpur, 
for  the  liquidation  of  which  thirty-six  of  its  towns  were  mortgaged. 
Zalim  Singh,  who  had  long  been  manoeuvring  to  obtain  Jahazpur, 
administered  to  the  necessities  of  the  Mahratta,  paid  the  note  of 
hand,  and  took  possession  of  the  city  and  its  villages.  A  contri- 
bution of  twenty-four  lakhs  was  imposed  throughout  the  country, 
and  levied  by  force  of  arms,  after  which  first  act  of  the  new 
viceroy  he  quitted  Mewar  for  Jaipur,  leaving  Jaswant  Rao  Bhao 
as  his  deputy.  Mauji  Ram,  the  deputy  of  Agarji  (the  Rana's 
minister),  determined  to  adopt  the  European  mode  of  discipline, 
now  become  general  amongst  all  the  native  powers  of  India.  But 
when  the  chiefs  were  [455]  called  upon  to  contribute  to  the 
support  of  mercenary  regulars  and  a  field-artillery,  they  evinced 
their  patriotism  by  confining  this  zealous  minister.     Satidas  was 


THE  BATTLE  OF  INDORE  529 

once  more  placed  in  power,  and  his  brother  Sheodas  recalled 
from  Kotah,  whither  he  had  fled  from  the  Chondawats,  who  now 
appropriated  to  themselves  the  most  valuable  portions  of  the 
Rana's  personal  doinain. 

Holkar  defeated  at  Indore.  Plunder  of  Nathdwara  :  image 
removed. — The  battle  of  Indore,^  in  a.d.  1802,  where  at  least 
150,000  men  assembled  to  dispute  the  claim  to  predatory  empire, 
wrested  the  ascendancy  from  Holkar,  who  lost  his  guns,  equipage, 
and  capital,  from  which  he  fled  to  Mewar,  pursued  by  Sindhia's 
victorious  army  led  by  Sadasheo  and  Bala  Rao.  In  his  flight  he 
plundered  Ratlam,  and  passing  Bhindar,  the  castle  of  the  Sakta- 
wat  chief,  he  demanded  a  contribution,  from  which  and  his 
meditated  visit  to  Udaipur,  the  Rana  and  his  vassal  were  saved 
by  the  activity  of  the  purstiit.  Failing  in  these  objects,  Holkar 
retreated  on  Nathdwara,  the  celebrated  shrine  of  the  Hindu 
Apollo.^  It  was  here  this  active  soldier  first  showed  symptoms 
of  mental  derangement.  He  upbraided  Krishna,  while  prostrate 
before  his  image,  for  the  loss  of  his  victory  ;  and  levied  three 
lakhs  of  rupees  on  the  priests  and  inhabitants,  several  of  whom 
he  carried  to  his  camp  as  hostages  for  the  payment.  The  portal 
(dwara)  of  the  god  (Nath)  proving  no  bar  either  to  Turk  or  equally 
impious  Mahratta,  Damodarji,  the  high  priest,  removed  the  god 
of  Vraj  from  his  pedestal  and  sent  him  with  his  establishment  to 
Udaipur  for  protection.  The  Chauhan  chief  of  Kotharia  (one  of 
the  sixteen  nobles),  in  whose  estate  was  the  sacred  fane,  undertook 
the  duty,  and  with  twenty  horsemen,  his  vassals,  escorted  the 
shepherd  god  by  intricate  passes  to  the  capital.  On  his  return 
he  was  intercepted  by  a  band  of  Holkar's  troops,  who  insultingly 
desired  the  surrender  of  their  horses.  But  the  descendant  of  the 
illustrious  Prithiraj  preferred  death  to  dishonour  :  dismounting, 
he  hamstrung  his  steed,  commanding  his  vassals  to  follow  his 
example  ;  and  sword  in  hand  courted  his  fate  in  the  unequal 
conflict,  in  which  he  fell,  with  most  of  his  gallant  retainers. 
There  are  many  such  isolated  exploits  in  the  records  of  this 
eventful  period,  of  which  the  Chauhans  of  Kotharia  had  their  full 
share.  Spoil,  from  whatever  source,  being  welcome  to  these  depre- 
dators, Nathdwara  ^  remained  long  abandoned  ;  and  Apollo,  after 

1  [October  U,  1801  (Grant  Duff  555).]  ^  [Krishna.] 

*  Five-and-twenty  [about  thirty]  miles  north  of  Udaipur.  On  this  sub- 
ject we  shall  have  much  to  say  hereafter. 

VOL.  I  2  M 


530  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

six  months'  residence  at  Udaipur,  finding  [456]  insufiRcient  protec- 
tion, took  another  flight  to  the  mountains  of  Ghasyar,  where  the 
high  priest  threw  up  fortifications  for  his  defence  ;  and  spiritual 
thunders  being  disregarded,  the  pontiff  henceforth  buckled  on 
the  armour  of  flesh,  and  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  cavaliers 
with  lance  and  shield,  visited  the  minor  shrines  in  his  extensive 
diocese. 

The  Inroad  o£  Holkar. — To  return  to  Holkar.  He  pursued  his 
route  by  Banera  and  Shahpura,  levying  from  both,  to  Ajmer, 
where  he  distributed  a  portion  of  the  offerings  of  the  followers  of 
Krishna  amongst  the  priests  of  Muham.mad  at  the  mosque  of 
Khwaja  Pir.  Thence  he  proceeded  towards  Jaipur,  Sindhia's 
leaders  on  reaching  Mewar  renounced  the  pursuit,  and  Udaipur 
was  cursed  with  their  presence,  when  three  lakhs  of  rupees  were 
extorted  from  the  unfortunate  Rana,  raised  by  the  sale  of  house- 
hold effects  and  the  jewels  of  the  females  of  his  family.  Jaswant 
Rao  Bhao,  the  Subahdar  of  Mewar,  had  prepared  another  schedule 
(pandhri),  which  he  left  with  Tantia,  his  deputy,  to  realize.  Then 
followed  the  usual  scene  of  conflict — the  attack  of  the  chieftain's 
estates,  distraining  of  the  husbandman,  seizure  of  his  cattle,  and 
his  captivity  for  ransom,  or  his  exile. 

Mewar  Quarrels. — -The  celebrated  Lakwa,  disgraced  by  his 
prince,  died  at  this  time  ^  in  sanctuary  at  Salumbar  ;  and  Bala 
Rao,  brother  to  Ambaji,  returned,  and  was  joined  by  the  Sakta- 
wats  and  the  minister  Satidas,  who  expelled  the  Chondawats  for 
their  control  over  the  prince.  Zalim  Singh,  in  furtherance  of  his 
schemes  and  through  hatred  of  the  Chondawats,  united  himself 
to  this  faction,  and  Devi  Chand,  minister  to  the  Rana,  set  up 
by  the  Chondawats,  was  made  prisoner.  Bala  Rao  levied  and 
destroyed  their  estates  with  unexampled  ferocity,  which  produced 
a  bold  attempt  at  deliverance.  The  Chondawat  leaders  assembled 
at  the  Chaugan  (the  Champ  de  Mars)  to  consult  on  their  safety. 
The  insolent  Mahratta  had  preceded  them  to  the  palace,  demand- 
ing the  surrender  of  the  minister's  deputy,  Mauji  Ram.  The 
Rana  indignantly  refused  them  —  the  Mahratta  importuned, 
threatened,  and  at  length  commanded  his  troops  to  advance  to 
the  palace,  when  the  intrepid  minister  pinioned  the  audacious 
plunderers,  and  secured  his  adherents  (including  their  old  enemy. 
Nana  Ganesh),  Janialkar,  and  Uda  Kunwar.  The  latter,  a 
1  S.  1859  (a.d.  1803). 


HOLKAR  PLUNDERS  UDAIPUR  531 

notorious  villain,  had  an  elephant's  chain  put  round  his  neck, 
while  Bala  Rao  was  confined  in  a  bath.  The  [457]  leaders  thus 
arrested,  the  Chondawats  sallied  forth  and  attacked  their  camp 
in  the  valley,  which  surrendered  ;  though  the  regulars  under 
Hearsey  ^  retreated  in  a  hollow  square,  and  reached  Gadarmala  in 
safety.  Zalim  Singh  determined  to  liberate  his  friend  Bala  Rao 
from  peril ;  and  aided  by  the  Saktawats  under  the  chiefs  of 
Bhindar  and  Lawa,  advanced  to  the  Chaija  Pass,  one  of  the 
defiles  leading  to  the  capital.  Had  the  Rana  put  these  chiefs  to 
instant  death,  he  would  have  been  justified,  although  he  would 
have  incurred  the  resentment  of  the  whole  Mahratta  nation. 
Instead  of  this,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  motley  le\y  of 
six  thousand  Sindis,  Arabs,  and  Gosains,  with  the  brave  Jai 
Singh  and  a  band  of  his  gallant  Khichis,  ever  ready  to  poise  the 
lance  against  a  Mahratta.  They  defended  the  pass  for  five  days 
against  a  powerful  artillery.  At  length  the  Rana  was  compelled 
to  liberate  Bala  Rao,  and  Zalim  Singh  obtained  by  this  inter- 
ference possession  of  the  fortress  and  entire  district  of  Jahazpur. 
A  schedule  of  war  contribution,  the  usual  finale  to  these  events, 
followed  Bala's  liberation,  and  no  means  were  left  untried  to 
realize  the  exaction,  before  Holkar,  then  approaching,  could 
contest  the  spoil. 

Eolkar  plunders  Udaipur. — This  chief,  having  recruited  his 
shattered  forces,  again  left  the  south.^  Bhindar  felt  his  resent- 
ment for  non-compliance  with  his  demands  on  his  retreat  after  the 
battle  of  Indore  ;  the  town  was  nearly  destroyed,  but  spared  for  two 
lakhs  of  rupees,  for  the  payment  of  which  villages  were  assigned. 
Thence  he  repaired  to  Udaipur,  being  met  by  Ajit  Singh,  the 
Rana's  ambassador,  when  the  enormous  sum  of  forty  lakhs,  or 
£500,000,  was  demanded  from  the  country,  of  which  one-third 
was  commanded  to  be  instantly  forthcoming.  The  palace  was 
denuded  of  everything  which  could  be  converted  into  gold  ;  the 
females  were  deprived  of  every  article  of  luxury  and  comfort  :  by 
which,  with  contributions  levied  on  the  city,  twelve  lakhs  were 

^  [Hyder  Young  Hearsey  (1782-3-1840),  son  of  Captain  Harry  Thomas 
Hearsey  by  a  Jat  lady,  served  Sindhia  under  Perron,  and  also  George  Thomas, 
joined  Lord  Lake  at  Dig  in  1804  :  taken  prisoner  in  the  Nepal  war  of  1815  : . 
present  at  the  siege  of  Bharatpur  :    died  near  Budaun  (Buckland,  Diet. 
Indian  Biography,  s.v.).] 

2  In  S.  1860  (A.D.  1804). 


532  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

obtained  ;  while  hostages  from  the  household  of  the  Rana  and 
chief  citizens  were  delivered  as  security  for  the  remainder,  and 
immured  in  the  Mahratta  camp.  Holkar  then  visited  the  Rana. 
Lawa  and  Radnor  were  attacked,  taken,  and  restored  on  large 
payments.  Deogarh  alone  was  mulcted  four  and  a  half  lakhs. 
Having  devastated  Mewar  during  eight  months,  Holkar  [458] 
marched  to  Hindustan,^  Ajit  Singh  accompanying  him  as  the 
Rana's  representative  ;  while  Bala  Ram  Seth  was  left  to  levy 
the  balance  of  the  forty  lakhs.  Holkar  had  reached  Shahpura 
when  Sindhia  entered  Mewar,  and  their  camps  formed  a  junction 
to  allow  the  leaders  to  organize  their  mutual  plans  of  hostility 
to  the  British  Government.  These  chieftains,  in  their  efforts  to 
cope  with  the  British  power,  had  been  completely  humiliated, 
and  their  resources  broken.  But  Rajasthan  was  made  to  pay 
the  penalty  of  British  success,  which  riveted  her  chains,  and  it 
would  be  but  honest,  now  we  have  the  power,  to  diminish  that 
penalty. 

Sindhia  and  Holkar  in  Mewar. — The  rainy  season  of  a.d.  1805 
found  Sindhia  and  Holkar  encamped  in  the  plains  of  Badnor, 
desirous,  but  afraid,  to  seek  revenge  in  the  renewal  of  war.  De- 
prived of  all  power  in  Hindustan,  and  of  the  choicest  territory 
north  and  south  of  the  Nerbudda,  with  numerous  discontented 
armies  now  let  loose  on  these  devoted  countries,  their  passions 
inflamed  by  defeat,  and  blind  to  every  sentiment  of  humanity, 
they  had  no  alternative  to  pacify  the  soldiery  and  replenish  their 
own  ruined  resources  but  indiscriminate  pillage.  It  would 
require  a  pen  powerful  as  the  pencil  of  Salvator  Rosa  to  paint 
the  horrors  which  filled  up  the  succeeding  ten  years,  to  which 
the  author  was  an  eye-witness,  destined  to  follow  in  the  train  of 
rapine,  and  to  view  in  the  traces  of  Mahratta  camps  ^  the  desola- 

^  At  this  juncture  an  officer  of  Holkar's,  Harnatli  Chela,  on  passing 
through  Bansain,  had  some  camels  carried  off  by  the  Bliils  of  the  Satola 
estate.  Harnath  summoned  Gulab  Singh  Chondawat,  who  came  with  eight 
of  his  relatives,  when  he  was  told  he  should  be  detained  till  the  cattle  were 
restored  ;  and  in  the  morning,  as  the  Mahratta  momted  his  elephant,  he 
commanded  the  Raghaut  chieftain  to  be  seized.  Gulab  drew  his  sword 
and  made  at  Harnath,  but  his  sword  broke  in  the  howda,  when  he  plunged 
his  dagger  into  the  elephant ;  but  at  length  he  and  all  his  relations,  who 
nobly  pUed  their  swords  on  the  Mahrattas,  were  cut  to  pieces. 

*  [For  a  graphic  account  of  these  camps  see  T.  D.  Broughton,  Letters 
written  in  a  Mahratta  Camp  during  the  year  1809,  ed.  1892.] 


HOLKAR  SAVES  MEWAR  FROM  SINDHIA        533 

tion  and  political  anniliilation  of  all  the  central  States  of  India/ 
several  of  which  aided  the  British  in  their  early  struggle  for 
dominion,  but  were  now  allowed  to  fall  without  a  helping  hand, 
the  scapegoats  of  our  successes.  Peace  between  the  Mahrattas 
and  British  was,  however,  doubtful,  as  Sindhia  made  the  restora- 
tion of  the  rich  provinces  of  Gohad  and  Gwalior  a  sine  qua  non  : 
and  unhappily  for  their  legitimate  ruler,  who  [459]  had  been 
inducted  into  the  seat  of  his  forefathers,  a  Governor- General 
(Lord  Cornwallis)  of  ancient  renown,  but  in  the  decline  of  life, 
with  views  totally  unsuited  to  the  times,  abandoned  our  allies, 
and  renounced  all  for  peace,  sending  an  ambassador  "^  to  Sindhia 
to  reunite  the  bonds  of  '  perpetual  friendship.' 

Holkar  saves  Mewar  from  Sindhia.  —  The  Mahratta  leaders 
were  anxious,  if  the  war  should  be  renewed,  to  shelter  their 
families  and  valuables  in  the  strongholds  of  Mewar,  and  their 
respective  camps  became  the  rendezvous  of  the  rival  factions. 
Sardar  Singh,  the  organ  of  the  Chondawats,  represented  the 
Rana  at  Sindhia's  court,  at  the  head  of  whose  councils  Ambaji 
had  just  been  placed.^  His  rancour  to  the  Rana  was  implacable, 
from  the  support  given  in  self-defence  to  his  political  antagonist, 
Lakwa,  and  he  agitated  the  partition  of  Mewar  amongst  the  great 
Mahratta  leaders.  But  whilst  his  baneful  influence  was  pre- 
paring this  result,  the  credit  of  Sangram  Saktawat  with  Holkar 
counteracted  it.  It  would  be  unfair  and  ungallant  not  to  record 
that  a  fair  suitor,   the   Baiza  Bai,*   Sindhia's  wife,   powerfully 

^  The  Rana  of  Gohad  and  GwaUor,  the  Khichi  chiefs  of  Raghugarh  and 
Bahadurgarh,  and  the  Nawab  of  Bhopal,  made  common  cause  with  us  in 
Warren  Hastings'  time.  The  first  throe  possess  not  a  shadow  of  independ- 
ence ;  the  last  fortunately  formed  a  Unk  in  our  own  pohcy,  and  Lord 
Hastings,  in  1818,  repaid  with  liberal  interest  the  services  rendered  to  the 
government  of  Warren  Hastings  in  1782.  It  was  in  his  power,  with  equal 
facihty,  to  have  rescued  all  the  other  States,  and  to  have  claimed  the  same 
measure  of  gratitude  which  Bhopal  is  proud  to  avow.  But  there  was  a 
fatahty  in  the  desire  to  maintain  terms  with  Sindhia,  whose  treachery  to 
our  power  was  overlooked. 

^  The  author,  then  a  subaltern,  was  attached  to  the  suite  of  the  ambas- 
sador, Mr.  Graeme  Mercer.  He  left  the  subsidiary  force  at  Gwahor  in 
December  1805,  and  the  embassy  reached  Sindhia's  court  in  the  spring  of 
1800,  then  encamped  amidst  the  ruins  of  Mewar. 

'  The  ministers  of  Sindhia  Avere  Ambaji,  Bapu  Chitnavis,  Madhuba 
Huzuria,  ancfAnaji  Bhaskar. 

*  [Baiza  Bai,  widow  of  Daulat  Rao  Sindhia,  who  died  in  1827,  was  an 


534  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

contributed  to  the  Rana's  preservation  on  this  occasion.  This 
lady,  the  daughter  of  the  notorious  Sarji  Rao,  had  unboxuided 
power  over  Sindhia.  Her  sympathies  were  awakened  on  behalf 
of  the  supreme  head  of  the  Rajput  nation,  of  which  blood  she 
had  to  boast,  though  she  was  now  connected  with  the  Mahrattas. 
Even  the  hostile  clans  stifled  their  animosities  on  this  occasion, 
and  Sardar  Singh  Chondawat  left  Sindhia's  camp  to  join  his  rival 
Sangram  with  Holkar,  and  aided  by  the  upright  Kishandas 
Pancholi,  united  in  their  remonstrances,  asking  Holkar  if  he  had 
given  his  consent  to  sell  Mewar  to  Ambaji.  Touched  by  the 
picture  of  the  Rana's  and  their  country's  distresses,  Holkar  swore 
it  should  not  be  ;  advised  unity  amongst  themselves,  and  caused 
the  representatives  of  the  rival  clans  '  to  eat  opiiun  together.' 
Nor  did  he  stop  here,  but  with  the  envoys  repaired  to  Sindhia's 
tents,  descanted  on  the  Rana's  high  descent,  '  the  master  of  their 
master's  master,'  ^  urging  that  it  did  not  become  them  to  over- 
whelm him,  and  that  they  should  even  renounce  the  mortgaged 
lands  which  their  fathers  had  too  long  unjustly  held,  himself 
setting  the  example  by  the  restitution  of  [460]  Nimbahera.  To 
strengthen  his  argument,  he  expatiated  with  Sindhia  on  the 
policy  of  conciliating  the  Rana,  whose  strongholds  might  be 
available  in  the  event  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities  with  the  British. 
Sindliia  appeared  a  convert  to  his  views,  and  retained  the  envoys 
in  his  camp.  The  Mahratta  camps  were  twenty  miles  apart, 
and  incessant  torrents  of  rain  had  for  some  days  prevented  all 
intercourse.  In  this  interim,  Holkar  received  intelligence  that 
Bhairon  Bakhsh,  as  envoy  from  the  Rana,  was  in  Lord  Lake's 
camp  negotiating  for  the  aid  of  British  troops,  then  at  Touk,  to 
drive  the  Mahrattas  from  Mewar.  The  incensed  Holkar  sent 
for  the  Rana's  ambassadors,  and  assailed  them  with  a  torrent  of 
reproach  ;  accusing  them  of  treachery,  he  threw  the  newspaper 
containing  the  information  at  Kishandas,  asking  if  that  were 
the  way  in  which  the  Mewaris  kept  faith  with  him  ?  "I  cared 
not  to  break  with  Sindhia  in  support  of  your  master,  and  while 
combating  the  Farangis  (Franks),  when  all  the  Hindus  should  be 

unscrupulous,  designing  woman,  whose  intrigues  at  Gwalior  forced  her  to 
take  refuge  in  British  territory.  She  returned  after  an  interval  and  lived 
at  Gwahor  until  her  death  in  1862  {IGI,  xii.  424).] 

^  That  is,  chief  of  the  race  from  which  issued  the  Satara  sovereigns, 
whose  minister,  the  Peshwa,  accounted  Sindhia  and  Holkar  his  feudatories. 


HOLKAR  PROTECTS  MEWAR  INTERESTS  535 

as  brothers,  your  sovereign  the  Rana,  who  boasts  of  not  acknow- 
ledging the  supremacy  of  Delhi,  is  the  first  to  enter  into  arms 
with  them.  ^Vas  it  for  this  I  prevented  Ambaji  being  fastened 
on  you  ? "  Kishandas  here  interrupted  and  attempted  to 
pacify  him,  when  Alikar  Tantia,  Holkar's  minister,  stopped  hina 
short,  observing  to  his  prince,  "  You  see  the  faith  of  these  Ran- 
gras  ;  ^  they  would  disimite  you  and  Smdhia,  and  ruin  both. 
Shake  them  off  :  be  reconciled  to  Sindhia,  dismiss  Sarji  Rao,  and 
let  Ambaji  be  Subahdar  of  Mewar,  or  I  will  leave  you  and  take 
Sindhia  into  Malwa."  The  other  councillors,  with  the  exception 
of  Bhao  Bhaskar,  seconded  this  advice  :  Sarji  Rao  was  dismissed  ; 
and  Holkar  proceeded  northward,  where  he  was  encoiuitered  and 
pursued  to  the  Panjab  by  the  British  under  the  intrepid  and 
enterprising  Lake,  who  dictated  terms  to  the  Mahratta  at  the 
altars  of  Alexander.^ 

Holkar  protects  Mewar  Interests. — Holkar  had  the  generosity 
to  stipulate,  before  his  departure  from  Mewar,  for  the  security  of 
the  Rana  and  his  country,  telling  Sindhia  he  should  hold  him 
personally  amenable  to  him  if  Ambaji  were  permitted  to  violate 
his  guarantee.  But  in  his  misfortunes  this  threat  was  disregarded, 
and  a  contribution  of  sixteen  lakhs  was  levied  immediately  on 
Mewar  ;  Sadasheo  Rao,  with  Baptiste's  '  brigade,  was  detached 
from  the  camp  in  June  1806,  for  the  double  purpose  of  levying  it, 
and  driving  from  [461]  Udaipur  a  detachment  of  the  Jaipur 
prince's  troops,  bringing  proposals  and  preliminary  presents  for 
this  prince's  marriage  with  the  Rana's  daughter. 

The  Tragedy  of  Krishna  Kunwari. — It  would  be  imagined  that 
the  miseries  of  Rana  Bhim  were  not  susceptible  of  aggravation, 
and  that  fortvme  had  done  her  worst  to  humble  him  ;    but  his 

^  Rangra  is  an  epithet  appKed  to  the  Rajputs,  implying  turbulent,  from 
rana, '  strife.'  [Rangar  is  the  title  of  a  body  of  turbulent,  predatory  Muham- 
madans,  who  claim  Rajput  descent,  occupying  parts  of  the  E.  Panjab  and 
W.  districts  of  the  Ganges-Jumna  Duab.  The  derivation  suggested  is  very 
doubtful  (Crooke,  Tribes  and  Castes,  N.W.P.  and  Oudh,  v.  227  £f.).] 

2  [In  October  1805  (Grant  Duff  601).] 

^  [Jean  Baptiste  de  la  Fontaine  Filoze  (1775-1840)  assisted  in  the  cam- 
paign against  Thomas  in  1801.  In  the  war  with  the  Enghsh,  part  of  his 
brigade  under  Dupont  was  defeated  at  Assaye.  He  was  afterwards  ill- 
treated  by  Sindhia,  but  was  reinstated.  Some  of  his  descendants  are  still 
in  Sindhia's  service  (Compton,  European  Military  Adveriturers,  352  ff.  ; 
Sleeman,  Rambles,  115,  note).  He  is  frequently  mentioned  in  Broughton, 
Letters  written  in  a  Mahratta  Camp.] 


536  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

pride  as  a  sovereign  and  his  feelings  as  a  parent  were  destined  to 
be  yet  more  deeply  wounded.  The  Jaipur  cortege  had  encamped 
near  the  capital,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand  men,  while  the 
Rana's  acknowledgments  of  acceptance  were  dispatched,  and 
had  reached  Shahpura.  But  Raja  Man  of  Marwar  also  advanced 
pretensions,  founded  on  the  princess  having  been  actually  be- 
trothed to  his  predecessor  ;  and  urging  that  the  throne  of  Marwar, 
and  not  the  individual  occupant,  was  the  object,  he  vowed 
resentment  and  opposition  if  his  claims  were  disregarded.  These 
were  suggested,  it  is  said,  by  his  nobles  to  cloak  their  own  views  ; 
and  promoted  by  the  Chondawats  (then  ift  favour  with  the  Rana), 
whose  organ,  Ajit,  was  bribed  to  further  them,  contrary  to  the 
decided  wishes  of  their  prince. 

Krislma  Kimwari  (the  Virgin  Krisluia)  was  the  name  of  the 
lovely  object,  the  rivalry  for  whose  hand  assembled  under  the 
banners  of  her  suitors  (Jagat  Singh  of  Jaipur  and  Raja  Man  of 
Marwar),  not  only  their  native  chivalry,  but  all  the  predatory 
powers  of  India ;  and  who,  like  Helen  of  old,  involved  in  destruc- 
tion her  own  and  the  rival  houses.  Sindhia  having  been  denied 
a  pecuniary  demand  by  Jaipur,  not  only  opposed  the  nuptials, 
but  aided  the  claims  of  Raja  Man,  by  demanding  of  the  Rana  the 
dismissal  of  the  Jaipur  embassy  :  which  being  refused,  he  ad- 
vanced his  brigades  and  batteries,  and  after  a  fruitless  resistance, 
in  which  the  Jaipur  troops  joined,  forced  the  pass,  threw  a  corps 
of  eight  thousand  men  into  the  valley,  and  following  in  person, 
encamped  within  cannon-range  of  the  city.  The  Rana  had  now 
no  alternative  but  to  dismiss  the  nuptial  cortege,  and  agree  to 
whatever  was  demanded.  Sindliia  remained  a  month  in  the 
valley,  during  which  an  interview  took  place  between  him  and 
the  Rana  at  the  shrine  of  Eklinga  [462].^ 

1  To  increase  his  importance,  Sindhia  invited  the  British  envoy  and  suite 
to  be  present  on  the  occasion,  when  the  princely  demeanour  of  the  Rana 
and  his  sons  was  advantageously  contrasted  with  that  of  the  Mahratta  and 
his  suite.  It  was  in  this  visit  that  the  regal  abode  of  this  ancient  race,  its 
isles  and  palaces,  acted  with  irresistible  force  on  the  cupidity  of  this  scion 
of  the  plough,  who  aspired  to,  yet  dared  not  seat  himself  in,  '  the  halls  of  the 
Caesars.'  It  was  even  surmised  that  his  hostihty  to  Jaipur  was  not  so 
much  from  the  refused  war-contribution,  as  from  a  mortifying  negative  to 
an  audacious  desire  to  obtain  the  hand  of  this  princess  himself.  The  impres- 
sion made  on  the  author  upon  this  occasion  by  the  miseries  and  noble  appear- 
ance of  '  this  descendant  of  a  hundred  kings,'  was  never  allowed  to  weaken. 


BATTLE  OF  PARBATSAR  537 

Battle  of  Parbatsar.  Defeat  of  the  Marwar  Forces.— The  heralds 
of  Hymen  bemg  thus  rudely  repulsed  and  its  symbols  intercepted, 
the  Jaipur  prince  prepared  to  avenge  his  insulted  pride  and 
disappointed  hopes,  and  accordingly  arrayed  a  force  such  as  had  " 
not  assembled  since  the  empire  was  in  its  glory.  Raja  Man 
eagerly  took  up  the  gauntlet  of  his  rival,  and  headed  '  the  swords 
of  Maru.'  But  dissension  prevailed  in  Marwar,  where  rival 
claimants  for  the  throne  had  divided  the  loyalty  of  the  clans, 
introducing  there  also  the  influence  of  the  Mahrattas.  Raja 
Man,  who  had  acquired  the  sceptre  by  party  aid;  was  obliged  to 
maintain  himself  by  it,  and  to  pursue  the  demoralizing  policy  of 
the  period  by  ranging  his  vassals  against  each  other.  These 
nuptials  gave  the  malcontents  an  opportunity  to  display  their 
long-curbed  resentments,  and  following  the  example  of  Mewar, 
they  set  up  a  pretender,  whose  interests  were  eagerly  espoused, 
and  whose  standard  was  erected  in  the  array  of  Jaipur  ;  the 
prince  at  the  head  of  120,000  men  advancing  against  his  rival, 
who  with  less  than  half  the  number  met  him  at  Parbatsar,  on 
their  mutual  frontier.  The  action  was  short,  for  while  a  heavy 
cannonade  opened  on  either  side,  the  majority  of  the  Marwar 
nobles  went  over  to  the  pretender.  Raja  Man  turned  his  poniard 
against  himself  :  but  some  chiefs  yet  faithful  to  him  wrested  the 
weapon  from  his  hand,  and  conveyed  him  from  the  field.  He 
was  pursued  to  his  capital,  which  was  invested,  besieged,  and 
gallantly  defended  during  six  months.  The  town  was  at  length 
taken  and  plundered,  but  the  castle  of  Jodha  '  laughed  a  siege 
to  scorn  '  ;  in  time  with  the  aid  of  finesse,  the  mighty  host  of 
Jaipur,  which  had  consumed  the  forage  of  these  arid  plains  for 
twenty  miles  around,  began  to  crumble  away  ;  intrigue  spread 
through  every  rank,  and  the  siege  ended  in  pusillanimity  and 
flight.  The  Xerxes  of  Rajwara,  the  effeminate  Kachhwaha, 
alarmed  at  length  for  his  personal  safety,  sent  on  the  spoUs  of 

but  kindled  an  enthusiastic  desire  for  the  restoration  of  his  fallen  condition, 
which  stimulated  his  perseverance  to  obtain  that  knowledge  by  which  alone 
he  might  be  enabled  to  benefit  him.  Then  a  young  Sub.,  his  hopes  of  success 
were  more  sanguiiae  than  wise  ;  but  he  trusted  to  the  rapid  march  of  events, 
and  the  discordant  elements  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  to  elfect  the 
redemption  of  the  prince  from  thraldom.  It  was  a  long  dream — but  after 
ten  years  of  anxious  hope,  at  length  reaUzed — and  he  had  the  gratification 
of  being  instrumental  in  snatching  the  family  from  destruction,  aiad  subse- 
■  quently  of  raising  the  country  to  comparative  prosperity. 


538  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

Parbatsar  and  Jodhpur  to  his  capital  ;  but  the  brave  nobles  of 
Marwar,  drawing  the  line  between  loyalty  and  patriotism,  and 
determined  that  no  trophy  of  Rathor  degradation  should  be 
conveyed  by  the  Kachhwahas  from  Marwar,  attacked  the  cortege 
and  redeemed  the  symbols  of  their  disgrace.  The  colossal  array 
of  the  invader  was  soon  dismeinbered,  and  the  '  lion  of  the 
world '  (Jagat  Singh),  humbled  and  crestfallen  [463],  skulked 
from  the  desert  retreat  of  his  rival,  indebted  to  a  partisan  corps 
for  safety  and  convoy  to  his  capital,  around  whose  walls  the 
wretched  remnants  of  this  ill-starred  confederacy  long  lagged 
in  expectation  of  their  pay,  while  the  bones  of  their  horses  and 
the  ashes  of  their  riders  whitened  the  plain,  and  rendered  it  a 
Golgotha.^ 

Nawab  Amir  Khan. — By  the  aid  of  one  of  the  most  notorious 
villains  India  ever  produced,  the  Nawab  Amir  lOian,^  the  pre- 
tender's party  was  treacherously  anniliilated.  This  man  with 
his  brigade  of  artUlery  and  horse  was  amongst  the  most  efficient 
of  the  foes  of  Raja  Man  ;  but  the  auri  sacra  fames  not  only  made 
him  desert  the  side  on  which  he  came  for  that  of  the  Raja,  but 
for  a  specific  sum  offer  to  rid  him  of  the  pretender  and  all  his 
associates.  Like  Judas,  he  kissed  whom  he  betrayed,  took 
service  with  the  pretender,  and  at  the  shrine  of  a  saint  of  his  own 
faith  exchanged  turbans  with  their  leaders  ;  and  while  the  too 
credulous  Rajput  chieftains  celebrated  this  acquisition  to  their 
party  in  the  very  sanctuary  of  hospitality,  crowned  by  the  dance 
and  the  song,  the  tents  were  cut  down,  and  the  victims  thus 
enveloped,  slaughtered  in  the  midst  of  festivity  by  showers  of 
grape. 

Thus  finished  the  under-plot  ;  but  another  and  more  noble 
victim  was  demanded  before  discomfited  ambition  could  repose, 
or   the   curtain   drop   on   this   eventful   drama.     Neither   party 

^  I  witnessed  the  commencement  and  the  end  of  this  drama,  and  have 
conversed  with  actors  in  all  the  intermediate  scenes.  In  June  1806  the 
passes  of  Udaipur  were  forced  ;  and  in  January  1808,  when  I  passed  through 
Jaipur  in  a  solitary  ramble,  the  fragments  of  this  contest  were  scattered  over 
its  sandy  plabas. 

"  [Amir  Khan,  ally  of  the  Pindaris  and  ancestor  of  the  present  Nawabs 
of  Tonk.  A  treaty  between  him  and  the  British  was  signed  on  December 
19,  1817,  by  which  his  State  was  recognized.  He  died  in  1834.  See  his 
Life  by  Basawan  Lai,  translated  by  Thoby  Prinsep ;  Malcolm,  Memoirs  of 
Central  India,  2nd  ed.  ii.  325  ff.J 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  KRISHNA  KUNWARI  539 

would  relinquish  his  claim  to  the  fair  object  of  the  war  ;  and  the 
torch  of  discord  could  be  extinguished  only  in  her  blood.  To 
the  same  ferocious  Klian  is  attributed  the  tmhallowed  suggestion, 
as  well  as  its  compulsory  execution.  The  scene  was  now  changed 
from  the  desert  castle  of  Jodha  to  the  smiling  valley  of  Udaipur, 
soon  to  be  filled  with  funereal  lamentation. 

The  Tragedy  of  Krishna  Kunwari. — Krishna  Kimwari  Bai,  the 
'  Virgin  Princess  Krishna,'  was  in  her  sixteenth  year :  her 
mother  was  of  the  Chawara  race,  the  ancient  kings  of  Anliilwara. 
Sprung  froin  the  noblest  blood  of  Hind,  she  added  beauty  of  face 
and  person  to  an  engaging  demeanour,  and  was  justly  proclaimed 
the  '  flower  of  Rajasthan.'  When  the  Roman  father  pierced 
the  bosom  of  the  dishonoured  Virginia,  appeased  virtue  applauded 
the  deed.  When  Iphigenia  was  led  to  the  sacrificial  altar,  the 
salvation  of  her  coimtry  yielded  a  noble  consolation.  The  votive 
victim  of  Jephthah's  success  had  [464]  the  triumph  of  a  father's 
fame  to  sustain  her  resignation,  and  in  the  meeloiess  of  her 
sufferings  we  have  the  best  parallel  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  lovely 
Krislma  :  though  years  have  passed  since  the  barbarous  inunola- 
tion,  it  is  never  related  but  with  a  faltering  tongue  and  moistened 
eyes,  '  albeit  imused  to  the  melting  mood.' 

The  rapacious  and  bloodthirsty  Pathan,  covered  with  infamy, 
repaired  to  Udaipur,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  phant  and  subtle 
Ajit.  Meek  in  his  demeanour,  unostentatious  in  his  habits  ; 
despismg  honours,  yet  covetous  of  power, — religion,  wliich  he 
followed  with  the  zeal  of  an  ascetic,  if  it  did  not  serve  as  a  cloak, 
was  at  least  no  liindrance  to  an  immeasurable  ambition,  in  the 
attamment  of  which  he  woiUd  have  sacrificed  all  but  himself. 
When  the  Pathan  revealed  his  design,  that  either  the  princess 
should  wed  Raja  Man,  or  by  her  death  seal  the  peace  of  Rajwara, 
whatever  arguments  were  used  to  point  the  alternative,  the  Rana 
was  made  to  see  no  choice  between  consigning  his  beloved  child 
to  the  Rathor  prince,  or  witnessing  the  effects  of  a  m.ore  extended 
dishonour  from  the  vengeance  of  the  Pathan,  and  the  storm  of 
his  palace  by  his  licentious  adherents— the  fiat  passed  that 
Krishna  Kunwari  should  die. 

But  the  deed  was  left  for  women  to  accomplish — the  hand  of 
man  refused  it.  The  Rawala^  of  an  Eastern  prince  is  a  world 
witliin  itself  ;   it  is  the  labyrinth  containing  the  strmgs  that  move 

^  Harem. 


540  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

the  puppets  which  alarm  mankind.  Here  intrigue  sits  entlironed, 
and  hence  its  influence  radiates  to  the  world,  always  at  a  loss  to 
trace  effects  to  their  causes.  Maharaja  Daulat  Singh,"^  descended 
four  generations  ago  from  one  common  ancestor  with  the  Rana, 
was  first  sounded  '  to  save  the  honour  of  Udaipur '  ;  but, 
horror-struck,  he  exclaimed,  "  Accursed  the  tongue  that  com- 
mands it !  Dust  on  my  allegiance,  if  thus  to  be  preserved  !  " 
The  Maharaja  Jawandas,  a  natural  brother,  was  then  called 
upon  ;  the  dire  necessity  was  explained,  and  it  was  urged  that  no 
common  hand  could  be  armed  for  the  purpose.  He  accepted  the 
poniard,  but  when  in  youthful  loveliness  Krislina  appeared 
before  him,  the  dagger  fell  from  his  hand,  and  he  returned  more 
wretched  than  the  victim.  The  fatal  purpose  thus  revealed, 
the  shrieks  of  the  frantic  inother  reverberated  through  the  palace, 
as  she  implored  mercy,  or  execrated  the  murderers  of  her  child, 
who  alone  was  resigned  to  her  fate.  But  death  was  arrested,  not 
averted  [465].  To  use  the  phrase  of  the  narrator,  "  she  was 
excused  the  steel — the  cup  was  prepared," — and  prepared  by 
female  hands  !  As  the  messenger  presented  it  in  the  name  of 
her  father,  she  bowed  and  drank  it,  sending  up  a  prayer  for  his 
life  and  prosperity.  The  raving  mother  poured  imprecations  on 
his  head,  while  the  lovely  victim,  who  shed  not  a  tear,  thus 
endeavoured  to  console  her  :  "  Why  afllict  yourself,  my  mother, 
at  this  shortening  of  the  sorrows  of  life  ?  I  fear  not  to  die  !  Am 
I  not  your  daughter  ?  Wliy  should  I  fear  death  ?  We  are 
marked  out  for  sacrifice  ^  from  our  birth  ;  we  scarcely  enter  the 
world  but  to  be  sent  out  again  ;  let  me  thank  my  father  that  I 
have  lived  so  long  !  "  *     Thus  she  conversed  till  the  nauseating 

^  I  knew  him  well — a  plain  honest  man. 

2  Alluding  to  the  custom  of  infanticide — here,  very  rare  ;  indeed,  almost- 
unknown.  * 

*  With  my  mind  engrossed  with  the  scenes  in  which  I  had  passed  the 
better  part  of  my  life,  I  went  two  months  after  my  return  from  Rajputana, 
in  1823,  to  York  Cathedral,  to  attend  the  memorable  festival  of  that  year. 
The  sublime  recitations  of  Handel  in  '  Jephtha's  Vow,'  the  sonorous  woe  of 
Sapio's  '  Deeper  and  deeper  still,'  powei-fully  recalled  the  sad  exit  of  the 
Rajputni ;  and  the  representation  shortly  after  of  Racine's  tragedy  of 
'  Iphigcnie,'  with  Talma  as  Achille,  Duchesnois  as  Clytemnestre,  and  a 
very  interesting  personation  of  the  victim  daughter  of  Agamemnon,  again 
served  to  waken  the  remembrance  of  this  sacrifice.  The  following  passage, 
embodying  not  only  the  sentiments,  but  couched  in  the  precise  language  in 
which  the  '  Virgin  Krishna  '  addressed   her  father — proving   that   human 


DEATH  OF  KRISHNA  KUNWARI  541 

draught  refused  to  assimilate  with  her  blood.  Again  the  bitter 
potion  was  prepared.  She  drained  it  off,  and  again  it  was  re- 
jected ;  but,  as  if  to  try  the  extreme  of  human  fortitude,  a  third 
was  administered  ;  and,  for  the  third  time,  Nature  refused  to 
aid  the  horrid  purpose.  It  seemed  as  if  the  fabled  charm,  which 
guarded  the  life  of  the  founder  of  her  race,^  was  inherited  by  the 
Virgin  Krishna.  But  the  blood-hounds,  the  Pathan  and  Ajit, 
were  impatient  till  their  victim  was  at  rest  ;  and  cruelty,  as  if 
gathering  strength  from  defeat,  made  another  and  a  fatal  attempt. 
A  powerful  opiate  was  presented — the  kusumbha  draught.''^  She 
received  it  with  a  smile,  wished  the  scene  over,  and  drank  it.  The 
desires  [466]  of  barbarity  were  accomplished.  '  She  slept  !  '  *  a 
sleep  from  which  she  never  awoke. 

The  wretched  mother  did  not  long  survive  her  child  ;  nature 
was  exhausted  in  the  ravings  of  despair  ;  she  refused  food  ;  and 
her  remains  in  a  few  days  followed  those  of  her  daughter  to  the 
funeral  pyre. 

Even  the  ferocious  Ivlian,  when  the  instrument  of  his  infamy, 
Ajit,  reported  the  issue,  received  him  with  contempt,  and  spurned 
him  from  his  presence,  tauntingly  asking  "  if  this  were  the  boasted 
Rajput  valour  ?  "  But  the  wily  traitor  had  to  encounter  lan- 
guage far  more  bitter  from  his  political  adversary,  whom  he 
detested.  Sangram  Saktawat  reached  the  capital  only  four  days 
after  Ae  catastrophe— a  man  in  every  respect  the  reverse  of 
Ajit  ;    audaciously   brave,   he   neither  feared  the   frown   of  his 

nature  was  but  one  mode  of  expression  for  the  same  feelings — I  am  tempted 

to  transcribe  : 

..."  Mon  pere, 
Cessez  de  vous  troubler,  vous  n'etes  point  trahi. 
Quand  vous  commanderez,  vous  serez  obei : 
Ma  vie  est  votre  bien.     Vous  voulez  le  reprendre, 
Vos  ordres,  sans  detour,  pouvaient  se  faire  entendre  ; 
D'un  oeil  aussi  content,  d'un  coeur  aussi  soumis, 
Que  j'acceptais  I'epoux  que  vous  m'aviez  promis, 
Je  saurai,  s'il  le  faut,  victinie  obeissante 
Tendi-e  au  fer  de  Cakhas  une  tete  innocente ; 
Et  respectant  le  coup  par  vous-menie  ordonne, 
Vous  rendre  tout  le  sang  que  vous  m'avez  donne." 

^  Bappa  Rawal. 

^  The  kusumbha  draught  is  made  of  flowers  and  herbs  of  a  cooling  quality  ; 
into  this  an  opiate  was  introduced. 

^  The  simxjle  but  powerful  expression  of  the  narrator. 


542  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

sovereign  nor  the  sword  of  his  enemy.  Without  introduction  he 
rushed  into  the  presence,  where  he  found  seated  the  traitor  Ajit. 
"  Oh  dastard  !  who  hast  thrown  dust  on  the  Sesodia  race,  whose 
blood  which  has  flowed  in  purity  through  a  hundred  ages  has  now 
been  defiled  !  this  sin  will  check  its  course  for  ever  ;  a  blot  so 
foul  in  our  annals  that  no  Sesodia  ^  will  ever  again  hold  up  his 
head  !  A  sin  to  which  no  punishment  were  equal.  But  the  end 
of  our  race  is  approaching !  The  line  of  Bappa  Rawal  is  at  an 
end  !  Heaven  has  ordained  this,  a  signal  of  our  destruction." 
The  Rana  hid  his  face  with  his  hands,  when  turning  to  Ajit,  he 
exclaimed,  "  Thou  stain  on  the  Sesodia  race,  thou  impure  of 
Rajput  blood,  dust  be  on  thy  head  as  thou  hast  covered  us  all 
with  shame.  May  you  die  childless,  and  your  name  die  with 
you  !  ^  Why  this  indecent  haste  ?  Had  the  Pathan  stormed 
the  city  ?  Had  he  attempted  to  violate  the  sanctity  of  the 
Rawala  ?  And  though  he  had,  could  you  not  die  as  Rajputs, 
like  your  ancestors  ?  Was  it  thus  they  gained  a  name  ?  Was 
it  thus  our  race  became  renowned — ^thus  they  opposed  the  might 
of  kings  ?  Have  you  forgotten  the  Sakhas  of  Chitor  ?  But 
whom  do  I  address — not  Rajputs  ?  Had  the  honour  of  your 
females  been  endangered,  had  you  sacrificed  them  all  and  rushed 
sword  in  hand  on  the  enemy,  your  name  would  have  lived,  and 
the  Almighty  would  have  secured  the  seed  of  Bappa  Rawal.  But 
to  owe  preservation  [467]  to  this  unhallowed  deed  !  Tou  did 
not  even  await  the  threatened  danger.  Fear  seems  to  have 
deprived  you  of  every  faculty,  or  you  might  have  spared  the 
blood  of  Sriji,^  and  if  you  did  not  scorn  to  owe  your  safety  to 
deception,  might  have  substituted  some  less  noble  victim  !  But 
the  end  of  our  race  approaches  1  " 

Fate  of  the  Murderers. — The  traitor  to  manhood,  his  sovereign, 
and  lunuanity,  durst  not  reply.  The  brave  Sangram  is  now  dead, 
but  the  prophetic  anathema  has  been  fulfilled.  Of  ninety-five 
children,  sons  and  daughters,  but  one  son  (the  brother  of  Krishna)  * 
is  left  to  the  Rana  ;  and  though  his  two  remaining  daughters 
have  been  recently  married  to  the  princes  of  Jaisalmer  and 
Bikaner,  the   Salic  law,  which  is  in  full  force  in  these  States, 

^  The  tribe  of  the  Rana. 

2  That  is,  without  adoption  even  to  perpetuate  it. 

'  A  respectful  epithet  to  the  prince — sire. 

*  By  the  same  mother. 


AMiR  KHAN  REWARDED  BY  THE  BRITISH      543 

precludes  all  honour  through  female  descent.  His  hopes  rest 
solely  on  the  prince,  Javana  Singh/  and  though  in  the  flower  of 
yoxith  and  health,  the  marriage  bed  (albeit  boasting  no  less  than 
four  yoimg  princesses)  has  been  blessed  with  no  progeny.^ 

The  elder  brother  of  Javana  *  died  two  years  ago.  Had  he 
lived  he  would  have  been  Amra  the  Third.  With  regard  to  A  jit, 
the  curse  has  been  fully  accomplished.  Scarcely  a  month  after, 
his  wife  and  two  sons  were  numbered  with  the  dead  ;  and  the 
hoary  traitor  has  since  been  wandering  from  shrine  to  shrine, 
performing  penance  and  alms  in  expiation  of  his  sins,  yet  unable 
to  fling  from  him  ambition  ;  and  with  his  beads  in  one  hand, 
Rama  !  Rama  !  ever  on  his  tongue,  and  subdued  passion  in  his 
looks,  his  heart  is  deceitful  as  ever.  Enough  of  him  :  let  us 
exclaim  with  Sangram,  "  Dust  on  his  head,"  *  which  all  the  waters 
of  the  Ganges  could  not  purify  from  the  blood  of  the  virgin 
Krishna,  but 

rather  would  tlic  multitudinous  sea  incarnadine  [468]. 

Amir  Khan  rewarded  by  the  British.  — His  coadjutor.  Amir 
Khan,  is  now  linked  by  treaties  "  in  amity  and  unity  of  interests  " 

^  He  was  nearly  carried  off  by  that  awful  scourge,  the  cholera,  and, 
singular  to  remark,  was  the  first  person  attacked  at  Udaipur.  I  remained 
by  his  bedside  during  the  progress  of  this  terrible  visitation,  and  never  shall 
I  forget  his  grateful  exclamation  of  surprise,  when  after  a  salutary  sleep  he 
opened  his  eyes  to  health.  Shirji  Mehta,  his  chief  adviser  and  manager  of 
his  estates,  merry  as  ever,  though  the  heir  of  Mewar  was  given  over,  was 
seized  with  the  complaint  as  his  master  recovered — was  dead  and  his  ashes 
blanching  on  the  sands  of  the  streandet  of  Ar  within  twelve  hours  !  Jovial 
and  good-humoured  as  he  was,  "  we  could  have  better  spared  a  better  man." 
He  was  an  adept  in  intrigue  ;  of  Ambaji's  school ;  and  till  death  shall  ex- 
tinguish the  whole  of  this,  and  better  morals  are  born,  the  country  will  but 
slowly  improve.  [Maharana  Jawan  Singh  (1828-38)  succeeded  on  the  death 
of  his  father,  Bhim  Singh,  on  March  31,  1828.  He  gave  himself  up  to  de- 
bauchery, and  died  without  issue  on  August  30,  1838,  being  succeeded  by 
his  adopted  son,  Sardar  Singh.] 

^  Since  this  work  has  gone  to  press,  the  author  has  been  rejoiced  to  find 
that  an  heir  has  been  born  from  the  last  marriage  by  a  princess  of  Riwa  of 
the  Baghela  tribe. 

*  See  genealogical  descendants  of  Rana  Jagat  Singh.  Appendix,  No. 
VIII. 

*  This  was  written  at  Udaipur  in  1820.  This  old  intriguer  then  attempted 
to  renew  the  past,  as  the  organ  of  the  Chondawats,  but  his  scheme  ended  in 
exile  to  the  sacred  city  of  Benares  ;  and  there  he  may  now  be  seen  with  his 
rosary  on  the  consecrated  ghat  of  the  Ganges. 


544  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

with  the  sovereigns  of  India  ;  and  though  he  has  carried  mourning 
into  every  house  of  Rajasthan,  yet  charity  might  hope  forgiveness 
would  be  extended  to  him,  could  he  cleanse  himself  from  this 
deed  of  horror — '  throwing  this  pearl  away,  richer  than  all  his 
tribe  !  '  His  career  of  rapine  has  terminated  with  the  caresses  of 
the  blind  goddess,  and  placed  him  on  a  pinnacle  to  which  his 
sword  would  never  have  traced  the  path.  Enjoying  the  most 
distinguished  post  amongst  the  foreign  chieftians  of  Holkar's 
State,  having  the  regulars  and  park  under  his  control,  with  large 
estates  for  their  support,  he  added  the  epithet  of  traitor  to  his 
other  titles,  when  the  British  Government,  adopting  the  leading 
maxim  of  Asiatic  policy,  divide  et  inipera,  guaranteed  to  him  the 
sovereignty  of  these  districts  on  his  abandoning  the  Mahrattas, 
disbanding  his  legions,  and  surrendering  the  park.  But  though 
he  personally  fulfilled  not,  nor  could  fulfil,  one  single  stipulation, 
this  man,  whose  services  were  not  worth  the  pay  of  a  single 
sepoy — who  fled  from  his  camp  ^  unattended,  and  sought  personal 
protection  in  that  of  the  British  commander — claimed  and 
obtained  the  full  price  of  our  pledge,  the  sovereignty  of  about 
one-third  of  his  master's  dominions  ;  and  the  districts  of  Sironj , 
Tonk,  Rampura,  and  Nimbahera,  form  the  domain  of  the  Nawab 
Amir  Khan,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.  !  !  This  was  in  the  fitful  fever  of 
success,  when  our  arms  were  everywhere  triumphant.  But  were 
the  viceroy  of  Hind  to  summon  the  forty  tributaries  ^  now  covered 
by  the  aegis  of  British  protection  to  a  meeting,  the  murderer  of 
Krishna  would  still  occupy  a  place  (though  low)  in  this  illustrious 
divan.  Let  us  hope  that  his  character  being  known,  he  would 
feel  himself  ill  at  ease  ;  and  let  us  dismiss  him  likewise  in  the 
words  of  Sangram,  "  Dust  on  his  head  !  " 

The  mind  sickens  at  the  contemplation  of  these  unvarying 
scenes  of  atrocity  ;  but  this  unhappy  State  had  yet  to  pass 
through  two  more  lustres  of  aggravated  sufferings  (to  which  the 
author  of  these  annals  was  an  eye-witness)  before  their  [469] 
termination,  upon  the  alliance  of  Mewar  with  Britain.     From  the 

^  Brigadier-General  Alexander  Knox  had  the  honour  of  dissolving  these 
bands  in  the  only  way  worthy  of  us.  He  marched  his  troops  to  take  their 
guns  and  disperse  their  legions ;  and,  when  in  order  of  battle,  the  gallant 
General  taking  out  his  watch,  gave  them  half  an  hour  to  reflect,  their  com- 
mander Jamshid,  second  only  in  villainy  to  his  master,  deeming  '  dis- 
cretion the  better  part  of  valour,'  surrendered. 

2  There  are  full  this  number  of  princes  holding  under  the  British. 


RUIN  OF  MEWAR  by  THE  MARATHAS  545 

period  of  the  forcing  of  the  passes,  the  dismissal  of  the  Jaipur 
embassy  by  Sindhia,  and  the  murder  of  Krishna  Kunwari,  the 
embassy  of  Britain  was  in  the  train  of  the  Mahratta  leader,  a 
witness  of  the  e%als  described — a  most  painful  predicament — 
when  the  hand  was  stretched  out  for  succour  in  vain,  and 
the  British  flag  waved  in  the  centre  of  desolation,  unable 
to  afford  protection.  But  this  day  of  humiliation  is  past, 
thanks  to  the  predatory  hordes  who  goaded  us  on  to  their  des- 
truction ;  although  the  work  was  incomplete,  a  nucleus  being 
imprudently  left  in  Sindhia  for  the  scattered  particles  again 
to  form. 

Ruin  of  Mewar  by  the  Marathas. — In  the  spring  of  1806,  when 
the  embassy  entered  the  once-fertile  Mewar,  from  whose  native 
wealth  the  monuments  the  pencil  will  portray  were  erected, 
nothing  bvit  ruin  met  the  eye — deserted  towns,  roofless  houses, 
and  uncultured  plains.  Wlierever  the  Mahratta  encamped, 
annihilation  was  ensured  ;  it  was  a  habit  ;  and  twenty-four  hours 
sufficed  to  give  to  the  most  flourishing  spot  the  aspect  of  a  desert. 
The  march  of  destruction  was  always  to  be  traced  for  days  after- 
wards by  burning  villages  and  destroyed  cultivation.  Some 
satisfaction  may  result  from  the  fact,  that  there  was  scarcely  an 
actor  in  these  unhallowed  scenes  whose  end  was  not  fitted  to  his 
career.  Ambaji  was  compelled  to  disgorge  the  spoils  of  Mewar, 
and  his  personal  sufferings  made  some  atonement  for  the  ills  he 
had  inflicted  upon  her.  This  satrap,  who  had  almost  established 
his  independence  in  the  fortress  and  territory  of  Gwalior,  suffered 
every  indignity  from  Sindhia,  whose  authority  he  had  almost 
thrown  off.  He  was  confined  in  a  mean  tent,  manacled,  suffered 
the  torture  of  small  lighted  torches  applied  to  his  fingers,  and  even 
attempted  suicide  to  avoid  the  surrender  of  his  riches  ;  but  the 
instrument  (an  English  penknife)  was  inefficient :  the  surgeon  to 
the  British  embassy  sewed  up  the  wounds,  and  his  coffers  were 
eased  of  fifty-five  lakhs  of  rupees  !  Mewar  was,  however,  once 
more  delivered  over  to  him  ;  he  died  shortly  after.  If  report  be 
correct,  the  residue  of  his  treasures  was  possessed  by  his  ancient 
ally,  ZaUm  Smgh.  In  this  case,  the  old  politician  derived  the 
chief  advantage  of  the  intrigues  of  S.  1848,  without  the  crimes 
attendant  on  the  acquisition. 

Sindhia's  father-in-law,  when  expelled  that  chief's  camp, 
according  to  the  treaty,  enjoyed  the  ephemeral  dignity  of  minister 

VOL.  I  2  N 


546  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

to  the  Rana,  when  he  abstracted  the  most  vahiable  records, 
especially  those  of  the  revenue  [470]. 

Kumbhalmer  was  obtained  by  the  minister  Satidas  from 
Jaswant  Rao  Bhao  for  seventy  thousand  rupees,  for  which 
assignments  were  given  on  this  district,  of  which  he  retained 
possession.  Amir  Khan  in  a.d.  1809  led  his  myrmidons  to  the 
capital,  threatening  the  demolition  of  the  temple  of  Eklinga  if 
refused  a  contribution  of  eleven  lakhs  of  rupees.  Nine  were 
agreed  to,  but  which  by  no  effort  could  be  raised,  upon  which 
the  R  ana's  envoys  were  treated  with  indignity,  and  Kishandas  ^ 
wounded.  The  passes  were  forced.  Amir  Khan  entering  by 
Debari,  and  his  coadjutor  and  son-in-law,  the  notorious  Jamshid, 
by  the  Chirwa,  which  made  but  a  feeble  resistance.  The  ruffian 
Pathans  were  billeted  on  the  city,  subjecting  the  Rana  to  personal 
humiliation,  and  Jamshid  ^  left  with  his  licentious  Rohillas  in  the 
capital.  The  traces  of  their  barbarity  are  to  be  seen  in  its  ruins. 
No  woman  could  safely  venture  abroad,  and  a  decent  garment  or 
turban  was  sufficient  to  attract  their  cupidity. 

Bapu  Sindhia  Siibahdar  of  Mewar.— In  S.  1867  (a.d.  1811) 
Bapu  Sindhia  arrived  with  the  title  of  Subahdar,  and  encamped 
in  the  valley,  and  from  this  to  1814  these  vampires,  representing 
Sindhia  and  Amir  Khan,  possessed  themselves  of  the  entire  fiscal 
domain,  with  many  of  the  fiefs,  occasionally  disputing  for  the 
spoils  ;  to  prevent  which  they  came  to  a  conference  at  the  Dhaula 
Magra  (the  white  hill),  attended  by  a  deputation  ^  from  the 
Rana,  when  the  line  of  demarcation  was  drawn  between  the 
spoilers.  A  schedule  was  formed  of  the  towns  and  villages  yet 
inhabited,  the  amount  to  be  levied  from  each  specified,  and  three 
and  a  half  lakhs  adjudged  to  Jamshid,  with  the  same  sum  to 
Sindhia  ;  but  this  treaty  was  not  better  kept  than  the  former 
ones.     Mewar  was  rapidly  approaching  dissolution,  and  every 

^  This  veteran  attended  me  during  all  these  troubles,  as  the  medium  of 
communication  with  the  Rana.  Though  leagued  with  the  Chondawats,  he 
was  a  loyal  subject  and  good  servant.  I  saw  him  expire,  and  was  of  opinion, 
as  well  as  the  doctor  who  accompanied  me,  that  his  death  was  caused  by 
poison.  The  general  burst  of  sorrow  from  hundreds  collected  around  his 
house,  when  the  event  was  announced,  is  the  best  encomium  on  his  public 
character. 

^  This  monstrous  villain  (for  he  was  a  Goliath)  died  soon  after  Mewar  was 
rescued,  from  a  cancer  in  his  back. 

^  Satidas,  Kishandas,  and  Rup  Ram. 


DEGRADED  CONDITION  OF  THE  RAJPUTS        547 

sign  of  civilization  fast  disappearing ;  fields  laid  waste,  cities  in 
ruins,  inhabitants  exiled,  chieftains  demoralized,  the  prince  and 
his  family  destitute  of  common  comforts.  Yet  had  Sindhia  the 
audacity  to  demand  compensation  for  the  loss  of  his  tribute 
stipulated  to  Bapu  Sindhia  [471],^  who  rendered  Mewar  a  desert, 
carrying  her  chiefs,  her  merchants,  her  farmers,  into  captivity 
and  fetters  in  the  dungeons  of  Ajmer,  where  many  died  for  want 
of  ransom,  and  others  languished  till  the  treaty  with  the  British, 
in  A.D.  1817,  set  them  free. 


CHAPTER  18 

Degraded  Condition  of  the  Rajputs. — The  history  of  the  Rana's 
family  has  now  been  traced  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  its 
fortunes,  fi-om  the  second  to  the  nineteenth  century,  whilst 
contendmg  for  existence,  alternately  with  Parthians,  Bhils, 
Tartars,  and  Mahrattas,  till  at  length  it  has  become  tributary 
to  Britain.  The  last  chapter  portrays  the  degraded  condition 
of  their  princes,  and  the  utter  desolation  of  their  country,  in  a 
picture  which  embodied  the  entire  Rajput  race.  An  era  of  repose 
at  length  dawned  upon  them.  The  destruction  of  that  vast 
predatory  system,  under  the  weight  of  which  the  prosperity  of 
these  regions  had  so  long  been  repressed,  was  effected  by  one 
short  campaign  in  1817  ;  which  if  less  brilliant  than  that  of  1803, 
is  inferior  to  none  in  political  results.  The  tardy  policy  of  the 
last-named  period,  at  length  accomplished,  placed  the  power  of 
Britain  in  the  East  on  an  expugnable  position,  and  rescued  the 
Rajputs  from  a  progressing  destruction. 

Alliances  with  the  British. — To  prevent  the  recurrence  of  this 
predatory  system  it  was  deemed  politic  to  unite  all  these  settled 
States,  alike  interested  with  ourselves  in  its  overthrow,  in  one 
grand     confederation.     Accordingly    the    Rajput     States    were 

^  Bapu  Sindhia  shortly  outhved  his  expulsion  from  Ajmer,  and  as  he  had 
to  pass  through  Mewar  in  his  passage  to  his  future  residence,  he  was  hooted 
by  the  population  he  had  plundered.  While  I  was  attending  the  Rana's 
court,  some  one  reporting  Bapu  Sindhia's  arrival  at  his  destination,  men- 
tioned that  some  pieces  of  ordnance  formerl)^  taken  from  Udaipur  had,  after 
saluting  him,  exuded  a  quantity  of  water,  which  was  received  with  the  utmost 
gravity  by  the  court,  until  I  remarked  they  were  crying  because  they  should 
never  again  be  employed  in  plunder  :  an  idea  which  caused  a  little  mirth. 


548  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

invited  to  shelter  [472]  imder  our  protecting  alliance  ;  and  with 
one  exception  (Jaipur),  they  eagerly  embraced  the  invitation. 
The  ambassadors  of  the  various  governments  followed  each  other 
in  quick  succession  to  Delhi,  where  the  treaties  were  to  be  negoti- 
ated, and  in  a  few  weeks  all  Rajputana  was  united  to  Britain  by 
compacts  of  one  uniform  character  ;  ^  insuring  to  them  external 
protection  with  internal  independence,  as  the  price  of  acknow- 
ledged supremacy,  and  a  portion  of  revenue  to  the  protecting 
government.  By  this  comprehensive  arrangement,  we  placed  a 
most  powerful  barrier  between  our  territories  and  the  strong 
natural  frontier  of  India  ;  and  so  long  as  we  shall  respect  their 
established  usages,  and  by  contributing  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
people  preserve  our  motives  from  distrust,  it  will  be  a  barrier 
impenetrable  to  invasion. 

Treaty  with  Mewar. — Of  all  the  princes  who  obtained  succour 
at  this  momentous  crisis  in  the  political  history  of  India,  none 
stood  more  in  need  of  it  than  the  Rana  of  Udaipur.  On  January 
16,  1818,  the  treaty  was  signed,  and  in  February  an  envoy  was 
nominated  ;  who  immediately  proceeded  to  the  Rana's  court, 
to  superintend  and  maintain  the  newly  formed  relations.^  The 
right  wing  of  the  grand  army  ^  had  already  preceded  him  to 
compel  the  surrender  of  such  territory  as  was  unjustly  held  by 
the  lawless  partisans  of  Sindhia,  and  to  reduce  to  obedience  the 
refractory  nobles,  to  whom  anarchy  was  endeared  from  long 
familiarity.  The  strongholds  in  the  plains  as  Raepur,  Rajnagar, 
etc.,  soon  surrendered  ;  and  the  payment  of  the  arrears  of  the 
garrison  of  Kumbhalmer  put  this  important  fortress  in  our 
possession. 

In  his  passage  from  Jahazpur,  which  guards  the  range  on  the 
east  to  Kumbhalmer  on  the  Aravalli  west,  a  space  of  140  miles, 
the  limits  of  Mewar,  only  two  thinly  peopled  towns  were  seen 

^  See  Appendix,  No.  VIII.,  for  treaty  with  the  Rana. 

2  Commanded  by  Major-General  Sir  R.  Donkin,  K.C.B. 

^  The  author  had  the  honour  to  be  selected  by  the  Marquess  of  Hastings  to 
represent  him  at  the  Rana's  court,  with  the  title  of  '  Pohtical  Agent  to  the 
Western  Rajput  States.'  During  the  campaign  of  1817-18  he  was  placed 
as  the  point  of  communication  to  the  various  divisions  of  jthe  ^northern 
army ;  at  the  same  time  being  intrusted  with  the  negotiations  with  Holkar 
(previous  to  the  rupture),  and  with  those  of  Kotah  and  Bundi.  He  con- 
cUided  the  treaty  with  the  latter  State  en  route  to  Udaipur,  where,  as  at  the 
latter,  there  were  only  the  benefits  of  moral  and  political  existence  to  confer. 


CESSION  OF  KUMBHALMER  549 

which  acknowledged  the  Rana's  authority.  All  was  desolate  ; 
even  the  traces  of  the  footsteps  of  man  were  effaced.  The  babul 
{mimosa  [acacia]  Arabica),  and  gigantic  reed,  which  harboured 
the  boar  and  the  tiger,  grew  upon  the  highways  ;  and  every 
rising  ground  displayed  a  mass  of  ruin.  Bhilwara,  the  commercial 
entrepot  of  Rajputana,  which  ten  years  before  contained  six 
thousand  [473 J  famihes,  showed  not  a  vestige  of  existence.  All 
was  silent  in  her  streets  —  no  living  thing  was  seen  except  a 
sohtary  dog,  that  fled  in  dismay  from  his  lurking-place  in  the 
temple,  scared  at  the  imaccustomed  sight  of  man.^ 

Cession  of  Kumbhalmer. — ^An  envoy  was  dispatched  by  the 
Rana  to  congratulate  the  Agent,  who  joined  him  in  the  British 
camp  at  Nathdwara  ;  and  while  he  returned  to  arrange  the 
formalities  of  reception,  the  Agent  obtained  the  cession  of  Kum- 
bhalmer ;  wliicii,  with  the  acquisitions  before  mentioned,  paved 
the  way  for  a  joyful  reception.  The  prmce,  Javan  Singh,  with 
all  the  State  insignia,  and  a  munerous  cortege,  advanced  to 
receive  the  mission,  and  conduct  it  to  the  capital.  A  spot  was 
fixed  on  in  a  grove  of  palmyras,  about  two  miles  from  the  city, 
where  carpets  were  spread,  and  where  the  prince  received  the 
Agent  and  suite  in  a  manner  at  once  courteous  and  dignified.^ 
Of  him  it  might  iiave  been  said,  in  the  language  applied  by 
Jahangir  to  the  son  of  Rana  Amra — "  His  countenance  carried 
the  impression  of  his  illustrious  extraction." 

Arrival  o£  the  Author  as  Agent. — We  entered  the  city  *  by  the 
gate  of  the  sun  ;  and  through  a  vista  of  ruin  the  mission  was 
inducted  into  its  future  residence,  once  the  abode  of  the  fair 
Ramijiyari.*  Like  all  the  mansions  of  Rajputana,  it  was  a 
quadrangular  pile,  with  an  opefi  paved  area,  the  suites  of  apart- 
ments carried  round  the  sides,  with  latticed  or  open  corridors 

^  The  author  had  passed  through  Bhilwara  in  May  1806,  when  it  was 
comparatively  flourishing.  On  this  occasion  (Feb.  1818)  it  was  entirely 
deserted.  It  excited  a  smUe,  in  the  midst  of  regrets,  to  observe  the  practical 
wit  of  some  of  the  soldiers,  who  had  supphed  the  naked  representative  of 
Adinath  with  an  apron— not  of  leaves,  but  scarlet  cloth. 

^  The  Agent  had  seen  him  when  a  boy,  at  a  meeting  already  described  ; 
but  he  could  scarcely  have  hoped  to  find  in  one,  to  the  formation  of  whose 
character  the  times  had  been  so  unfavourable,  such  a  specimen  as  this 
descendant  of  Partap. 

^  A  description  of  the  city  and  valley  will  be  more  appropriate  elsewhere. 

*  See  p.  508. 


550  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

extending  parallel  to  each  suite.  Another  deputation  with  the 
mehmani,  consisting  of  a  hundred  trays  of  sweetmeats,  dried 
fruits,  and  a  purse  of  one  thousand  rupees  for  distribution  amongst 
the  domestics,  brought  the  Rana's  welcome  upon  our  arrival  in 
his  capital,  and  fixed  the  next  day  for  our  introduction  at  court. 

At  four  in  the  afternoon,  a  deputation,  consisting  of  the 
officiating  prime  minister,  the  representative  of  the  Chondawats, 
with  mace-bearers  and  a  numerous  escort,  came  to  announce  the 
Rana's  readiness  to  receive  the  mission  ;  which,  with  all  the 
'  pomp  and  circumstance '  peculiar  to  these  countries,  was 
marshalled  in  front  of  the  residency,  thronged  by  crowds  of 
well-dressed  [474]  inhabitants,  silently  gazing  at  the  unusual 
sight.*  The  grand  Nakkaras  having  announced  the  Rana  in 
court,  the  mission  proceeded  through  streets  which  everywhere 
presented  marks  of  rapine,  hailed  by  the  most  enthusiastic 
greetings.  "  Jai !  jai  !  Farangi  ka  Raj  !  "  "  Victory,  victory 
to  the  English  Government !  "  resounded  from  every  tongue.  The 
bards  were  not  idle  ;  and  the  unpoetic  name  of  the  Agent  was 
hitched  into  rhyme.  Groups  of  musicians  were  posted  here  and 
there,  who  gave  a  passing  specimen  of  the  tappas  ^  of  Mewar  ; 
and  not  a  few  of  the  fair,  with  brazen  ewers  of  water  on  their 
heads,  welcomed  us  with  the  suhelia,  or  songs  of  joy.  Into  each 
of  these  vessels  the  purse-bearer  dropped  a  piece  of  sUver  ;  for 
neither  the  songs  of  the  suhelia,  the  tappas  of  the  minstrel,  nor 
encomiastic  stave  of  the  bard,  are  to  be  received  without  some 
acknowledgement  that  you  appreciate  their  merit  and  talents, 
however  you  may  doubt  the  value  they  put  upon  your  own.  As 
we  ascended  the  main  street  leading  to  the  Tripolia,  or  triple 
portal,  which  guards  the  sacred  eficlosure,  dense  masses  of  people 
obstructed  our  progress,  and  even  the  walls  of  the  temple  of 
Jagannath  were  crowded.  According  to  etiquette,  we  dismoimted 
at  the  Porte,  and  proceeded  on  foot  across  the  ample  terrace  ;  on 
which  were  drawn  up  a  few  elephants  and  horse,  exercising  for 
the  Rana's  amusement. 

The  Palace  at  Udaipur. — The  palace  is  a  most  imposing  pile, 

^  The  escort  consisted  of  two  companies  of  foot,  each  of  one  hundred  men, 
with  half  a  troop  of  cavalry.  The  gentlemen  attached  to  the  mission  were 
Captain  Waugh  (who  was  secretary  and  commandant  of  the  escort),  with 
Lieutenant  Carey  as  his  subaltern.     Dr.  Duncan  was  the  medical  officer. 

*  [Modes  in  music] 


THE  PALACE  AT  UDAIPUR  S51 

of  a  regular  form,  built  of  oranite  and  marble,  rising  at  least  a 
hundred  feet  from  the  ground,  and  flanked  with  octagonal  towers, 
crowned  with  cupolas.  Although  built  at  various  periods, 
uniformity  of  design  has  been  very  well  preserved  ;  nor  is  there 
in  the  East  a  more  striking  or  majestic  structure.  It  stands  upon 
the  very  crest  of  a  ridge  running  parallel  to,  but  considerably 
elevated  above,  the  margin  of  the  lake.  The  terrace,  which  is 
at  the  east  and  chief  front  of  the  palace,  extends  throughout  its 
length,  and  is  supported  by  a  triple  row  of  arches  from  the  de- 
clivity of  the  ridge.  The  height  of  this  arcaded  wall  is  fully 
fifty  feet  ;  and  although  all  is  hollow  beneath,  yet  so  admirably 
is  it  constructed,  that  an  entire  range  of  stables  is  built  on  the 
extreme  verge  of  the  terrace,  on  which  the  whole  personal  force 
of  the  Rana,  elephants,  horse,  and  foot,  are  often  assembled. 
From  this  terrace  the  city  and  the  valley  lay  before  the  spectator, 
whose  vision  is  bounded  only  by  the  [475]  hills  shutting  out  the 
plains  ;  while  from  the  summit  of  the  palace  nothing  obstructs 
its  range  over  lake  and  mountain. 

A  band  of  Sindis  guarded  the  first  entrance  to  the  palace  ; 
and  being  Saturday,  the  Saktawats  were  on  duty  in  the  great  hall 
of  assembly.  Through  lines  of  Rajputs  we  proceeded  till  we 
came  to  the  marble  staircase,  the  steps  of  which  had  taken  the 
form  of  the  segment  of  an  ellipse,  from  the  constant  friction  of 
the  foot ;  an  image  of  Ganesha  guarded  the  ascent  to  the  interior 
of  the  palace,  and  the  apartment,  or  landing,  is  called  Ganesha 
deori,  from  the  Rajput  Janus.  After  proceeding  through  a 
suite  of  saloons,  each  filled  with  spectators,  the  herald's  voice 
amiounced  to  '  the  lord  of  the  world  '  that  the  English  envoy 
was  in  his  presence  ;  on  which  he  arose,  and  advanced  a  few  paces 
in  front  of  the  throne,  the  chieftains  standing  to  receive  the 
mission.  Everything  being  ruled  by  precedent,  the  seat  allotted 
for  the  envoy  was  immediately  in  front  and  touching  the  royal 
cushion  (gaddi)  :  being  that  assigned  to  the  Peshwa  in  the  height 
of  Mahratta  prosperity,  the  arrangement,  which  was  a  subject 
of  regular  negotiation,  could  not  be  objected  to.  The  apartment 
chosen  for  the  initiatory  visit  was  the  Surya  mahall,  or  '  hall  of 
the  sun,'  so  called  from  a  medaUion  of  the  orb  in  basso-rilievo 
which  decorates  the  wall.  Close  thereto  is  placed  the  Rana's 
throne,  above  which,  supported  by  slender  silver  columns,  rises 
a  velvet  canopy.     The  Gaddl  or  throne,  in  the  East  is  but  a  huge 


552  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

cushion,  over  which  is  thrown  an  embroidered  velvet  mantle. 
The  chiefs  of  the  higher  grade,  or  '  the  Sixteen,'  were  seated, 
according  to  their  rank,  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  Rana  ;  next 
and  below  these  were  the  princes  Amra  and  Javan  Singh  ;  and  at 
right  angles  (by  which  the  court  formed  three  sides  of  a  square), 
the  chiefs  of  the  second  rank.  The  civil  officers  oi  the  State  were 
near  the  Rana  in  front,  and  the  seneschal,  butler,  keeper  of  the 
wardrobe,  and  other  confidential  officers  and  inferior  chieftains, 
formed  a  group  standing  on  the  extreme  edge  of  the  carpet. 

The  Rana's  congratulations  were  hearty  and  sincere  :  in  a  few 
powerful  expressions  he  depicted  the  miseries  he  had  experienced, 
the  fallen  condition  of  his  State,  and  the  gratitude  he  felt  to  the 
British  Government  which  had  interposed  between  him  and 
destruction  ;  and  which  for  the  first  moment  of  his  existence 
allowed  him  to  sleep  in  peace.  There  was  an  intense  earnestness 
in  every  word  he  uttered,  which,  delivered  with  great  fluency  of 
speech  and  dignity  of  manner,  inspired  deep  respect  and  sympathy. 
The  Agent  said  that  the  Governor- General  was  no  stranger  to 
the  [476]  history  of  his  illustrious  family,  or  to  his  own  immediate 
sufferings  ;  and  that  it  was  his  earnest  desire  to  promote,  by 
every  means  in  his  power,  the  Rana's  personal  dignity  and  the 
prosperity  of  his  dominions.  After  conversing  a  few  minutes, 
the  interview  was  closed  with  presents  to  the  Agent  and  suite  : 
to  the  former  a  caparisoned  elephant  and  horse,  jewelled  aigrette, 
and  pearl  necklace,  with  shawls  and  brocades  ;  and  with  the 
customary  presentation  of  essence  of  rose  and  the  pan  leaf  the 
Rana  and  court  rising,  the  envoy  made  his  salaam  and  retired. 
In  a  short  time  the  Rana,  attended  by  his  second  son,  ministers, 
and  a  select  number  of  the  chiefs,  honoured  the  envoy  with  a 
visit.  The  latter  advanced  beyond  his  residence  to  meet  the 
prince,  who  was  received  with  presented  arms  by  the  guard,  the 
officers  saluting,  and  conducted  to  his  throne,  which  had  been 
previously  arranged.  Conversation  was  now  imrestrained,  and 
questions  were  demanded  regarding  everything  which  appeared 
unusual.  After  sitting  half  an  hour,  the  Agent  presented  the 
Rana  with  an  elephant  and  two  horses,  caparisoned  with  silver 
and  gilt  ornaments  and  velvet  embroidered  housings,  with  twenty- 
one  shields  ^  of  shawls,  brocades,  muslins,  and  jewels  ;  to  prince 
Amra,  finable  from  sickness  to  attend  his  father,  a  horse  and 
^  The  buckler  is  the  tray  in  which  gifts  are  presented  by  the  Rajputs. 


POLITICAL  DIVISIONS  OF  IVIEWAR  553 

eleven  shields  ;  and  to  his  brother,  the  second  prmce,  Javan 
Singh,  a  horse  and  nine  shields  ;  to  the  ministers  and  chiefs 
according  to  rank  :  the  whole  entertainment  costing  about  20,000 
rupees,  or  £2000.  Amidst  these  ceremonials,  receiving  and 
retiuning  visits  of  the  Rana,  his  chiefs,  his  ministers,  and  men 
of  influence  and  information  commercial  and  agricultural,  some 
weeks  passed  in  silent  observation,  and  in  the  acquisition  of 
materials  for  action.^ 

Political  Divisions  of  Mewar. — For  the  better  comprehension 
of  the  internal  relations,  past  and  present,  of  Mewar  [477],  a 
sketch  is  presented,  showing  the  political  divisions  of  the  tribes 
and  the  fiscal  domain,  from  which  a  better  idea  may  be  formed 
of  Rajput  feudal  economy  than  from  a  chapter  of  dissertation. 
The  princes  of  Mewar  skUfully  availed  themselves  of  their  natural 
advantages  in  the  partition  of  the  country.  The  mountain- 
barriers  east  and  west  were  allotted  to  the  chiefs  to  keep  the 
mountaineers  and  foresters  in  subjection,  whose  leading  passes 

^  If  we  dare  compare  the  moral  economy  of  an  entire  people  to  the 
physical  economy  of  the  individual,  we  should  liken  this  period  in  the  history 
of  Mewar  to  intermittent  pulsation  of  the  heart — a  pause  in  moral  as  in 
physical  existence  ;  a  consciousness  thereof,  inertly  awaiting  the  propelling 
power  to  restore  healthful  action  to  a  state  of  langxiid  repose ;  or  what 
the  Rajput  would  better  comprehend,  his  own  condition  when  the  opiate 
stimulant  begins  to  dissipate,  and  mind  and  body  are  alike  abandoned  to 
helpless  imbecihty.  Who  has  hved  out  of  the  circle  of  mere  vegetation,  and 
not  experienced  this  temporary  deprivation  of  moral  vitality  ?  for  no  other 
simile  would  suit  the  painful  pause  in  the  sympathies  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  once  fertile  region,  where  experience  could  point  out  but  one  page  in 
their  annals,  one  period  in  their  history,  when  the  clangour  of  the  war 
trumpet  was  suspended,  or  the  sword  shut  up  in  its  scabbard.  The  portals 
of  Janus  at  Rome  were  closed  but  twice  in  a  period  of  seven  hundred  years  ; 
and  in  exactly  the  same  time  from  the  conquest  by  Shihabu-d-din  to  the 
great  pacification,  but  twice  can  we  record  peace  in  Mewar — the  reign  of 
Numa  has  its  type  in  Shah  Jahan,  while  the  more  appropriate  reign  of 
Augustus  belongs  to  Britain.  Are  we  to  wonder  then  that  a  chilling  void  now 
occupied  (if  the  solecism  is  admissible)  the  place  of  interminable  action  ? 
when  the  mind  was  released  from  the  anxiety  of  daily,  hourly,  devising 
schemes  of  preservation,  to  one  of  perfect  security — that  enervating  calm,  in 
which,  to  use  their  own  homely  phrase,  Bher  aur  bakri  ekhi  thali  se  x>iy^> '  The 
wolf  and  the  goat  drank  from  the  same  vessel.'  [Another,  and  more  usual 
form  is — Aj  kal,  sher  bakri  ek  ghat  pani  pile  liain,  '  Nowadays  the  tiger  and 
the  goat  drink  from  the  same  stream.']  But  this  unruflBed  torpidity  had  its 
limit :  the  Agrarian  laws  of  Mewar  were  but  mentioned,  and  the  national 
pulse  instantly  rose. 


554  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

were  held  by  a  lord -marcher,  and  the  quotas  of  his  quarter  ;  and 
while  strong  forts  guarded  the  exposed  northern  and  southern 
entrances,  the  crown-land  lay  in  the  centre,  the  safest  and  the 
richest.  The  exterior,  thus  guarded  by  a  cordon  of  feudal  levies 
composed  of  the  quotas  of  the  greater  fiefs  ;  the  minor  and  most 
numerous  class  of  vassals,  termed  gol,  literally  '  the  mass,'  and 
consisting  of  ten  thousand  horse,  each  holding  directly  of  the 
crown  independent  of  the  greater  chiefs,  formed  its  best  security 
against  both  external  aggression  and  internal  commotions. 

Desolation  of  Mewar. — Such  is  a  picture  of  the  feudal  economy 
of  Mewar  in  the  days  of  her  renown  ;  but  so  much  had  it  been 
defaced  through  time  and  accident,  that  with  difficulty  could  the 
lineaments  be  traced  with  a  view  to  their  restoration  :  her  in- 
stitutions a  dead  letter,  the  prince's  authority  despised,  the  nobles 
demoralized  and  rebellious,  internal  commerce  abandoned,  and 
the  peasantry  destroyed  by  the  combined  operation  of  war, 
pestilence,  and  exile.  Expression  might  be  racked  for  phrases 
which  could  adequately  delineate  the  miseries  all  classes  had 
endured.  It  is  impossible  to  give  more  than  a  sketch  of  the  state 
of  the  das  sahas  Mewar,  '  the  ten  thousand  townships  '  which 
once  acknowledged  her  princes,  and  of  which  above  three  thousand 
still  exist.  All  that  remained  to  them  was  the  valley  of  the 
capital ;  and  though  Chitor  and  Mandalgarh  were  maintained 
by  the  fidelity  of  the  Rana's  servants;  their  precarious  revenues 
scarcely  sufficed  to  maintain  their  garrisons.  The  Rana  was 
mainly  indebted  to  Zalim  Singh  of  Kotah  for  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence ;  for  in  the  struggle  for  existence  his  chiefs  thought  only 
of  themselves,  of  defending  their  own  estates,  or  buying  off  their 
foes  ;  while  those  who  had  succumbed  took  to  horse,  scoured  the 
country,  and  plundered  without  distinction.  Inferior  clanships 
declared  themselves  independent  of  their  superiors,  who  in  their 
turn  usurped  the  crown  domain,  or  by  bribing  the  necessities  of 
their  prince,  obtained  his  patent  for  lands,  to  which,  as  they 
yielded  him  nothing,  he  became  indifferent.  The  crown-tenants 
purchased  of  these  chiefs  the  protection  (rakhwali)  which  the 
[478]  Rana  could  not  grant,  and  made  alienations  of  the  crown 
taxes,  besides  private  rights  of  the  community,  which  were  often 
extorted  at  the  point  of  the  lance.  Feuds  multiplied,  and  the 
name  of  each  clan  became  the  watchword  of  alarm  or  defiance 
to  its  neighbour  :    castles  were  assaulted,  and  their  inmates,  as 


THE  CONDITION  OF  UDAIPUR  555 

at  Sheogarh  and  I^awa,  put  to  the  sword  ;  the  Meras  and  Bhils 
descended  from  their  hills,  or  emerged  from  their  forests,  and 
planted  ambuscades  for  the  traveller  or  merchant,  whom  they 
robbed  or  carried  to  their  retreats,  where  they  languished  in 
durance  till  ransomed.  Marriage  processions  were  thus  inter- 
cepted, and  the  honeymoon  was  passed  on  a  cliff  of  the  Aravalli, 
or  in  the  forests  on  the  Mahi.  The  Rajput,  whose  moral  energies 
were  blunted,  scrupled  not  to  associate  and  to  divide  the  spoil 
with  these  lawless  tribes,  of  whom  it  might  be  said,  as  of  the 
children  of  Ishmael,  ''  Their  hands  were  against  every  man,  and 
every  man's  hand  against  them."  Yet  notwithstanding  such 
entire  disorganization  of  society,  external  commerce  was  not 
stagnant  ;  and  in  the  midst  of  this  rapine,  the  produce  of  Europe 
and  Kashmir  would  pass  each  other  in  transit  through  Mewar, 
loaded  it  is  true  by  a  multiplicity  of  exactions,  but  guarded  by 
those  who  scorned  all  law  but  the  point  of  honour,  which  they  were 
paid  for  preserving. 

The  Condition  of  Udaipur. — The  capital  will  serve  as  a  specimen 
of  the  country.  Udaipur,  which  formerly  reckoned  fifty  thousand 
houses  within  the  walls,  had  not  now  three  thousand  occupied, 
the  rest  were  in  ruin,  the  rafters  being  taken  for  firewood.  The 
realization  of  the  spring  harvest  of  1S18,  from  the  entire  fiscal 
land,  was  about  £4000  !  Grain  sold  for  seven  sers  the  rupee, 
though  thrice  the  quantity  was  procurable  within  the  distance 
of  eighty  miles.  Insurance  from  tiie  capital  to  Nathdwara 
(twenty-five  miles)  was  eight  per  cent.  The  Kotharia  chief, 
whose  ancestors  are  immortalized  for  fidelity,  had  not  a  horse 
to  conduct  him  to  his  prince's  presence,  though  his  estates  were 
of  fifty  thousand  rupees  annual  value.  All  were  in  ruins  ;  and 
the  Rana,  the  descendant  of  those  patriot  Rajputs  who  opposed 
Babur,  Akbar,  and  Aurangzeb,  in  the  days  of  Mogul  splendour, 
had  not  fifty  horse  to  attend  him,  and  was  indebted  for  all  the 
comforts  he  possessed  to  the  liberality  of  Kotah. 

Reorganization  o£  the  State.— Such  was  the  chaos  from  which 
order  was  to  be  evoked.  But  the  elements  of  prosperity,  though 
scattered,  were  not  extinct ;  and  recollections  of  the  past,  deeply 
engraved  in  the  national  mind,  became  available  to  reanimate 
their  moral  and  physical  existence.  To  call  these  forth  demanded 
only  the  exertion  of  moral  [479]  interference,  and  every  other  was 
rejected.     The  lawless  freebooter,  and  even  the  savage  Bhil,  felt 


656  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

awed  at  the  agency  of  a  power  never  seen.  To  him  moral  opinion 
(compared  with  which  the  strength  of  armies  is  nought)  was 
inexphcable,  and  he  substituted  in  its  stead  another  invisible 
power — that  of  magic  :  and  the  belief  was  ciurent  throughout 
the  intricate  region  of  the  West,  that  a  single  individual  could 
carry  an  army  in  his  pocket,  and  that  our  power  could  animate 
slips  of  paper  cut  into  the  figures  of  armed  men,  from  which  no 
precaution  could  guard  their  retreats.  Accordingly,  at  the  mere 
name  of  the  British  power,  rapine  ceased,  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  wilds  of  the  West,  the  '  forest  lords,'  who  had  hitherto 
laughed  at  subjection,  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred  vUlages, 
put  each  the  sign  of  the  dagger  to  a  treaty,  promising  abstinence 
from  plunder  and  a  return  to  industrious  life — a  single  individual 
of  no  rank  the  negotiator.  Moreover,  the  treaty  was  religiously 
kept  for  twelve  months  ;  when  the  peace  was  broken,  not  by 
them,  but  against  them. 

To  the  Rajput,  the  moral  spectacle  of  a  Peshwa  marched  into 
exile  with  all  the  quietude  of  a  pilgrimage,  effected  more  than 
twenty  thousand  bayonets,  and  no  other  auxiliary  was  required 
than  the  judicious  use  of  the  impressions  from  this  and  other 
passing  events,  to  relay  the  foundations  of  order  and  prosperity — 
by  never  doubting  the  issue,  success  was  insured.  The  British 
force,  therefore,  after  the  reduction  of  the  plans  enumerated,  was 
marched  to  cantonments  ;  the  rest  was  left  for  time  and  reason 
to  accomplish. 

Form  of  Civil  Government. — Before  proceeding  further,  it 
may  be  convenient  to  sketch  the  form  of  civil  government  in 
Mewar,  and  the  characters^  of  its  most  conspicuous  members  : 
the  former  we  shall  describe  as  it  was  when  the  machine  was  in 
regular  action  ;  it  will  be  found  simple,  and  i^erfectly  suited  to 
its  object. 

There  are  four  grand  officers  of  the  government : 

1.  The  Pardhan,  or  prime  minister. 

2.  Bakhshi,  commander  of  the  forces. 

3.  Suratnama,  keeper  of  the  records. 

4.  Sahai,  keeper  of  the  signet.^ 

The  first,  the  Pardhan,  or  civil  premier,  must  be  of  the  non- 

^  Or  rather,  who  makes  the  monogrammatic  signet  Sahi  ('correct')  to 
all  deeds,  grants,  etc. 


FORM  OF  CIVIL  GOVERNMENT  557 

militant  tribe.  The  whole  of  the  territorial  and  financial  arrange- 
ments are  vested  in  him.  He  [480]  nominates  the  civil  governors 
of  districts,  and  the  collectors  of  the  revenue  and  custom  ;  and 
has  fourteen  thuas,  or  departments,  under  him,  which  embrace 
all  that  relates  to  expenditure. 

2.  The  Bakhshi  must  also  be  of  a  non-militant  tribe,  and  one 
different  from  the  Pardhan.  His  duties  are  mixed  civil  and 
military.  He  takes  the  musters,  and  pays  mercenaries,  or  rations, 
to  the  feudal  tenants  when  on  extra  service,  and  he  appoints  a 
deputy  to  accompany  all  expeditions,  or  to  head  frontier-posts, 
with  the  title  of  Faujdar,  or  commander.  The  royal  insignia, 
the  standard,  and  kettle-drums  accompany  him,  and  the  highest 
nobles  assemble  under  the  general  control  of  this  civil  officer, 
never  under  one  of  their  own  body.  From  the  Bakhshi's  bureau 
all  patents  are  issued,  as  also  all  letters  of  sequestration  of  feudal 
land. 

The  Bakhshi  has  four  secretaries  : 

1.  Draws  out  deeds. 

2.  Accountant. 

3.  Recorder  of  all  patents  or  grants. 

4.  Keeps  duplicates. 

3.  The  Suratnama  ^  is  the  auditor  and  recorder  of  all  the 
household  expenditure  and  establishments,  which  are  paid  by 
his  cheques.  He  has  four  assistants  also,  who  make  a  daily  report, 
and  give  a  daily  balance  of  accounts. 

4.  The  Sahai.  He  is  secretary  both  for  home  and  foreign 
correspondence.  He  draws  out  the  royal  grants  or  patents  of 
estates,  and  superintends  the  deeds  of  grant  on  copper-plate  to 
religious  establishments.  Since  the  privilege  appertaining  to 
Salumbar,  of  confirming  all  royal  grants  with  his  signet  the  lance, 
has  fallen  into  desuetude,  the  Sahai  executes  this  military  auto- 
graph.^ 

To  all  decrees,  from  the  daily  stipend  to  the  patta,  or  patent  of 
an  estate,  each  minister  must  append  his  seal,  so  that  there  is  a 
complete  system  of  check.  Besides  these,  the  higher  officers  of 
government,  there  are  thirty-six  karkhanas,  or  inferior  officers, 

^  [Properly  Suratnavls,  '  statement-writer.'] 

*  The  Salumbar  chief  had  his  deputy,  who  resided  at  court  for  this  sole 
duty,  for  which  he  held  a  village.     See  p.  235. 


558  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

appointed  directly  by  the  Rana,  the  most  conspicuous  of  which 
are  the  justiciary,^  the  keepers  of  the  register-office,  of  the  mint, 
of  the  armoury,  of  the  regaha,  of  the  jewels,  of  the  wardrobe, 
of  the  stables,  of  the  kitchen,  of  the  band,  of  the  seneschalsy, 
and  of  the  seraglio. 

There  was  no  want  of  aspirants  to  office,  here  hereditary  ;  but 
it  was  vain  to  look  [481]  amongst  the  descendants  of  the  virtuous 
Pancholi,  or  the  severe  Amrachand,  and  the  prediction  of  the 
former,  "  Dust  will  cover  the  head  of  Me  war  when  virtue  wanders 
in  rags,"  was  strictly  fulfilled.  There  appeared  no  talent,  no 
influence,  no  honesty  ;  yet  the  deficiency  was  calculated  to  excite 
sorrow  rather  than  surprise  ;  to  stimulate  exertion  on  their 
behalf,  rather  than  damp  the  hope  of  improvement  ;  though  all 
scope  for  action,  save  in  the  field  of  intrigue,  was  lost,  and  talent 
was  dormant  for  want  of  exercise. 

Incapacity  of  the  Rana. — The  Rana's  character  was  little  cal- 
culated to  supply  his  minister's  deficiencies.  Though  perfectly 
versed  in  the  past  history  of  his  country,  its  resources,  and  their 
management ;  though  able,  wise,  and  amiable,  his  talents  were 
nullified  by  numerous  weak  points.  Vain  shows,  frivolous 
amusements,  and  an  ill-regulated  liberality  alone  occupied  him  ; 
and  so  long  as  he  could  gi'atify  these  propensities,  he  trusted 
complacently  to  the  exertions  of  others  for  the  restoration  of 
order  and  his  proper  authority.  He  had  little  steadiness  of 
purpose,  and  was  particularly  obnoxious  to  female  influence.  It 
is  scarcely  to  be  wondered  that  he  coveted  repose,  and  was  little 
desirous  to  disturb  the  only  moment  his  existence  had  presented 
of  enjoying  it,  by  inviting  the  turmoils  of  business.  No  man, 
however,  was  more  capable  of  advising  :  his  judgment  was  good, 
but  he  seldom  followed  its  dictates  ;  in  short,  he  was  an  adept 
in  theory,  and  a  novice  in  practice.  The  only  man  about  the 
court  at  once  of  integrity  and  efficiency  was  Kishandas,  who  had 
long  acted  as  ambassador,  and  to  whose  assiduity  the  sovereign 
and  the  country  owed  much  ;  but  his  services  were  soon  cut  off 
by  death. 

Such  were  the  materials  with  which  the  work  of  reform  com- 
menced. The  aim  was  to  bring  back  matters  to  a  correspondence 
with  an  era  of  their  history,  when  the  rights  of  the  prince,  the 

^  Niyao,  Daftar,  Taksala,  Silah,  Gaddi,  Gahna,  Kapra-bandar,  Ghora, 
Rasora,  Nakkar-khana,  JalelD,  Rawala. 


RELATIONS  OF  THE  RANA  WITH  HIS  NOBLES       559 

vassal,  and  the  cultivator,  were  alike  well  defined — that  of  Anira 
Singh. 

Relations  o£  the  Rana  with  his  Nobles.^ — The  fust  point  to  effect 
was  the  recognition  of  the  prince's  authority  by  his  nobles  ;  the 
surest  sign  of  which  was  their  presence  at  the  capital,  where  some 
had  never  been,  and  others  only  when  it  suited  their  convenience 
or  their  views.  In  a  few  weeks  the  Rana  saw  himself  surrounded 
by  a  court  such  as  had  not  been  known  for  half  a  century.  It 
created  no  small  curiosity  to  learn  by  what  secret  power  they  were 
brought  into  each  other's  presence.  Even  the  lawless  Hamira, 
who  but  a  short  while  before  had  plundered  the  marriage  dower 
of  the  Hari  queen  [482]  coming  from  Kotah,  and  the  chief  of  the 
Sangawat  clan,  who  had  sworn  "  he  might  bend  his  head  to  woman, 
but  never  to  his  sovereign,"  left  their  castles  of  Badesar  and 
Deogarh,  and  "  placing  the  royal  rescript  on  their  heads,"  hastened 
to  his  presence  ;  and  in  a  few  weeks  tlie  whole  feudal  association 
of  Mewar  was  embodied  m  the  capital. 

Return  of  the  Exiles. — To  recall  the  exiled  population  was  a 
measure  simultaneous  with  the  assembling  of  the  nobles  ;  but 
this  was  a  work  requiring  time  :  they  had  formed  ties,  and  in- 
curred obligations  to  the  societies  which  had  sheltered  them, 
which  could  not  at  once  be  disengaged  or  annulled.  But  wherever 
a  subject  of  Mewar  existed,  proclamations  penetrated,  and  satis- 
factory assurances  were  obtained,  and  realized  to  an  extent  which 
belied  in  the  strongest  manner  the  assertion  that  patriotism  is 
unknown  to  the  natives  of  Hindustan.  The  most  enthusiastic 
and  cheering  proofs  were  afforded  that  neither  oppression  from 
without,  nor  tyranny  within,  could  expel  the  feeling  for  the 
bapota,  the  land  of  their  fathers.  Even  now,  though  time  has 
chastened  the  impressions,  we  should  fear  to  pen  but  a  tithe  of 
the  proofs  of  devotion  of  the  husbandman  of  Mewar  to  the  solum 
natale  :  it  would  be  deemed  romance  by  those  who  never  con- 
templated humanity  in  its  reflux  from  misery  and  despair  to  the 
'  sweet  influences  '  of  hope  ;  he  alone  who  had  witnessed  the  day 
of  trouble,  and  beheld  the  progress  of  desolation — the  standing 
corn  grazed  by  Mahratta  horse — the  rifled  towns  devoted  to  the 
flaines — the  cattle  driven  to  the  camp,  and  the  chief  men  seized 
as  hostages  for  money  never  to  be  realized— could  appreciate 
their  deliverance.  To  be  permitted  to  see  these  evils  banished,  to 
behold  the  survivors  of  oppression  congregated  from  the  most 


560  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

distant  provinces,  many  of  them  strangers  to  each  other,  and 
the  aged  and  the  helpless  awaiting  the  lucky  day  to  take  possession 
of  their  ruined  abodes,  was  a  sight  which  memory  will  not  part 
with.  Thus  on  the  3rd  of  Sawan  (July)/  a  favourite  day  with 
the  husbandman,  three  hundred  of  all  conditions,  with  their 
waggons  and  implements  of  labour,  and  preceded  by  banners  and 
music,  marched  into  Kapasan  ;  ^  and  Ganesha  was  once  again 
invoked  as  they  reconsecrated  their  dwellings,  and  placed  his 
portrait  as  the  Janus  of  the  portals.  On  the  san\e  day,  and  within 
eight  months  subsequent  to  the  signature  of  the  treaty,  above 
three  hundred  towns  and  villages  were  simultaneously  reinhabited  ; 
and  the  land,  which  for  many  years  had  been  a  stranger  to  the 
plough-share,  was  broken  up.  Well  might  [483]  the  superstitious 
fancy  that  miracles  were  abroad  ;  for  even  to  those  who  beheld 
the  work  in  progression  it  had  a  magical  result,  to  see  the  waste 
covered  with  habitations,  and  the  verdant  corn  growing  in  the 
fields  where  lately  they  had  roused  the  boar  from  his  retreat ! 
It  was  a  day  of  pride  for  Britain  !  By  such  exertions  of  her  power 
in  these  distant  lands  her  sway  is  hallowed.  By  Britain  alone 
can  this  fair  picture  be  defaced  ;  the  tranquillity  and  independ- 
ence she  has  conferred,  by  her  alone  may  be  disturbed  ! 

Attraction  of  Capital.  — •  To  these  important  preliminary 
measures,  the  assembly  of  the  nobles  and  recall  of  the  population, 
was  added  a  third,  without  which  the  former  would  have  been 
nugatory.  There  was  no  wealth,  no  capital,  to  aid  their  patriotism 
and  industry.  Foreign  merchants  and  bankers  had  abandoned 
the  devoted  land  ;  and  those  who  belonged  to  it  partook  of  her 
poverty  and  her  shame.  Money  was  scarce,  and  want  of  faith  and 
credit  had  increased  the  usury  on  loans  to  a  ruinous  extent.  The 
Rana  borrowed  at  thirty-six  per  cent ;  besides  twenty-five  to 
forty  per  cent  discount  for  his  barats,  or  patents  empowering 
collection  on  the  land  ;  a  system  pursued  for  some  time  even 
after  his  restoration  to  authority.  His  profusion  exceeded  even 
the  rapidity  of  renovation  ;  and  the  husbandman  had  scarcely 
broken  up  his  long-waste  fields,  when  a  call  was  made  by  the 
harpies  of  the  State  for  an  advance  on  their  produce,  while  he 
himself  had  been  compelled  to  borrow  at  a  like  ruinous  rate  for 

^  [Sawan  sudi  tij,  third  of  the  bright  half  of  the  month  Sawan  (July 
to  August),  a  festival  celebrated  throughout  North  India.] 
^  [About  45  miles  north  of  Udaipur  city.] 


FINANCIAL  REORGANIZATION  561 

seed  and  the  means  of  support,  to  be  paid  by  expectations.  To 
have  hoped  for  the  revival  of  prosperity  amidst  such  destitution, 
moral  and  pecuniary,  would  have  been  visionary.  It  was  as 
necessary  to  improve  the  one  as  to  find  the  other  ;  for  poverty 
and  virtue  do  not  long  associate,  and  certainly  not  in  Mewar. 
Proclamations  were  therefore  prepared  by  the  Rana,  inviting 
foreign  merchants  and  bankers  to  establish  connexions  in  the 
chief  towns  throughout  the  country  ;  but  as  in  the  days  of 
demoralization  little  faith  was  placed  in  the  words  of  princes, 
similar  ones  were  prepared  by  the  Agent,  guaranteeing  the  stipula- 
tions, and  both  were  distributed  to  everj'^  commercial  city  in  India. 
The  result  was  as  had  been  foreseen  :  branch  banks  were  every- 
where formed,  and  mercantile  agents  fixed  in  every  town  in  the 
country,  whose  operations  were  only  limited  by  the  slow  growth 
of  moral  improvement.  The  shackles  which  bound  external 
commerce  were  at  once  removed,  and  the  multifarious  posts  for 
the  collections  of  transit  duties  abolished  ;  in  lieu  of  which  chain 
of  stations,  all  levies  on  goods  in  transit  were  confined  to  the 
frontiers.  The  scale  of  duties  [484]  was  revised  ;  and  by  the 
abolition  of  intermediate  posts,  they  underwent  a  reduction  of 
from  thirty  to  fifty  per  cent.  By  this  system,  which  could  not 
for  some  time  be  comprehended,  the  transit  and  custom  duties 
of  Mewar  made  the  most  certain  part  of  the  revenue,  and  in  a 
few  years  exceeded  in  amount  what  had  ever  been  known. 

Trade  at  Bhilwara. — The  chief  commercial  mart,  Bhilwara, 
which  showed  not  a  vestige  of  humanity,  rapidly  rose  from  ruin, 
and  in  a  few  months  contained  twelve  hundred  houses,  half  of 
which  were  occupied  by  foreign  merchants.  Bales  of  goods,  the 
produce  of  the  most  distant  lands,  were  piled  up  in  the  streets 
lately  overgrown  with  grass,  and  a  weekly  fair  was  established 
for  the  home  manufactures.  A  charter  of  privileges  and  im- 
munities was  issued,  exempting  them  from  all  taxation  for  the 
first  year,  and  graduating  the  scale  for  the  future  ;  calculated 
with  the  same  regard  to  improvement,  by  giving  the  mind  the  full 
range  of  enjoying  the  reward  of  its  exertions.  The  right  of 
electing  their  own  chief  magistrates  and  the  assessors  of  justice, 
was  above  all  things  indispensable,  so  as  to  render  them  as  in- 
dependent as  possible  of  the  needy  servants  of  the  court.  A 
guard  was  provided  by  the  government  for  their  protection,  and 
a  competent  authority  nominated  to  see  that  the  full  extent  of 
VOL.  I  .  2  o 


562  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

their  privileges,  and  the  utmost  freedom  of  action,  were  religiously 
maintained.  The  entire  success  of  this  plan  may  at  once  be 
recorded  to  prevent  repetition.  In  1822,  Bhilwara  contained 
nearly  three  thousand  dwellings,  which  were  chiefly  inliabited  by 
merchants,  bankers,  or  artisans.  An  entire  new  street  had  been 
constructed  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  from  the  duties  levied, 
and  the  shops  and  houses  were  rented  at  a  moderate  rate  ;  while 
many  were  given  up  to  the  proprietors  of  their  sites,  returning 
from  exile,  on  their  paying  the  price  of  construction.  But  as 
there  is  no  happiness  without  alloy,  so  even  this  pleasing  picture 
had  its  dark  shades  to  chasten  the  too  sanguine  expectation  of 
imparting  happiness  to  all.  Instead  of  a  generous  emulation,  a 
jealous  competition  checked  the  prosperity  of  Bhilwara  :  the  base 
spirit  of  exclusive  monopoly  desired  a  distinction  between  the 
native  and  the  stranger-merchant,  for  which  they  had  a  precedent 
in  the  latter  paying  an  addition  to  the  town-duty  of  metage 
{mapa).  The  unreasonableness  of  this  was  discussed,  and  it  was 
shown  to  be  more  consonant  to  justice  that  he  who  came  from 
Jaisalmer,  Surat,  Benares,  or  Delhi,  should  pay  less  than  the 
merchant  whose  domicile  was  on  the  spot.  When  at  length  the 
parties  acquiesced  in  this  opinion,  and  were  intreated  and  promised 
to  know  [485]  none  other  distinction  than  that  of  '  inhabitant  of 
Bhilwara,'  sectarian  differences,  which  there  was  less  hope  of 
reconciling,  became  the  cause  of  disunion.  All  the  Hindu  mer- 
chants belong  either  to  the  Vaishnava  or  Jain  sects  ;  consequently 
each  had  a  representative  head,  and  '  the  Five  '  for  the  adjudica- 
tion of  their  internal  arrangements  ;  and  these,  the  wise  men  of 
both  parties,  formed  the  general  council  for  the  affairs  of  Bhilwara. 
But  they  carried  their  religious  differences  to  the  judgement-seat, 
where  each  desired  pre-eminence.  Whether  the  point  in  dispute 
hinged  on  the  interpretation  of  law,  which  with  all  these  sects  is 
of  divine  origin,  or  whether  the  mammon  of  unrighteousness  was 
the  lurking  cause  of  their  bickerings,  they  assuredly  did  much 
harm,  for  their  appeals  brought  into  play  what  of  all  things  was 
least  desired,  the  intrigues  of  the  profligate  dependents  of  the 
court.  It  will  be  seen  hereafter,^  in  visits  to  Bhilwara,  how  these 
disputes  were  in  some  degree  calmed.  The  leaders  on  both  sides 
were  distinctly  given  to  understand  they  would  be  made  to  leave 
the  place.  Self-interest  prevented  this  extremity  ;  but  from  the 
^  In  the  Personal  Narrative. 


REFORM  OF  THE  NOBILITY  563 

withdrawing  of  that  active  interference  (which  the  state  of  the 
aUiance  did  not  indeed  warrant,  but  which  humanity  interposed 
for  their  benefit)  together  with  the  effect  of  appeals  to  the  court, 
it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  Bhilwara  may  fail  to  become  what 
it  was  intended  to  be,  the  chief  commercial  mart  of  Central  India.^ 
Reform  of  the  Nobility. — Of  the  three  measures  simultaneously 
projected  and  pursued  for  the  restoration  of  prosperity,  the 
industrious  portion  has  been  described.  The  feudal  interest 
remains,  which  was  found  the  most  difficult  to  arrange.  The 
agricultural  and  commercial  classes  required  only  protection  and 
stimulus,  and  we  could  repay  the  benefits  their  industry  conferred 
by  the  lowest  scale  of  taxation,  which,  though  in  fact  equally 
beneficial  to  the  government,  was  constructed  as  a  boon.  But 
with  the  feudal  lords  there  was  no  such  equivalent  to  offer  in 
return  for  the  sacrifices  many  had  to  make  for  the  re-establishment 
of  society.  Those  who  were  well  inclined,  like  Kotharia,  had 
everything  to  gain,  and  nothing  left  to  surrender  ;  while  those 
who,  like  Deogarh,  Salumbar,  or  Badnor,  had  preserved  their 
power  by  foreign  aid,  intrigue,  or  j)rowess,  dreaded  the  high  price 
they  might  be  called  upon  to  pay  [486]  for  the  benefit  of  security 
which  the  new  alliance  conferred.  All  dreaded  the  word  '  restitu- 
tion,' and  the  audit  of  half  a  century's  political  accounts  ;  yet  the 
adjustment  of  these  was  the  corner-stone  of  the  edifice,  which 
anarchy  and  oppression  had  dismantled.  Feuds  were  to  be 
appeased,  a  difficult  and  hazardous  task  ;  and  usurpations,  both 
on  the  crown  and  each  other,  to  be  redeemed.  '  To  bring  the 
wolf  and  the  goat  to  drink  from  the  same  vessel,'  was  a  task  of 
less  difficulty  than  to  make  the  Chondawat  and  Saktawat  labour 
in  concert  for  the  welfare  of  the  prince  and  the  country.  In  fine, 
a  better  idea  cannot  be  afforded  of  what  was  deemed  the  hopeless- 

^  Although  Bhilwara  has  not  attained  that  high  prosperity  my  enthusiasm 
anticipated,  yet  the  philanthropic  Heber  records  that  in  1825  (three  years 
after  I  had  left  the  country)  it  exhibited  "  a  greater  appearance  of  trade, 
industry,  and  moderate  but  widely  diffused  wealth  and  comfort,  than  he 
had  witnessed  since  he  left  DehU"  [Diary,  ed.  1861,  ii.  56  f.].  The  record 
of  the  sentiments  of  the  inhabitants  towards  me,  as  conveyed  by  the  bishop, 
was  gratifying,  though  their  expression  could  excite  no  surprise  in  any 
one  acquainted  with  the  characters  and  sensibilities  of  these  people.  [The 
author's  anticipation  of  the  prosperity  of  this  town  have  not  been  com- 
pletely realized  ;  but  it  is  still  an  important  centre  of  trade,  noted  for  the 
manufacture  of  cooking  utensils,  and  possessing  a  ginning  factory  and  a 
cotton-press  (Erskine  ii.  A.  97  f.)-l 


564  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

ness  of  success  than  the  opinion  of  Zorawar  Singh,  the  chief  of 
the  latter  clan,  who  had  much  to  relinquish  :  "  Were  Parameswara 
(the  Almighty)  to  descend,  he  could  not  reform  Mewar."  We 
judged  better  of  them  than  they  did  of  each  other. 

Negotiations  with  the  Chiefs. — It  were  superfluous  to  detail  all 
the  preparatory  measures  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  grand 
object  ;  the  meetings  and  adjournments,  which  only  served  to 
keep  alive  discontent.  On  the  27th  of  April,  the  treaty  with  the 
British  Government  was  read,  and  the  consequent  change  in  their 
relations  explained.  MeanwhilC;  a  charter,  defining  the  respective 
rights  of  the  crown  and  of  the  chiefs,  with  their  duties  to  the 
community,  was  prepared,  and  a  day  named  for  a  general  assembly 
of  the  chieftains  to  sanction  and  ratify  this  engagement.  The 
1st  of  May  was  fixed  :  the  chiefs  assembled  ;  the  articles,  ten  in 
number,  were  read  and  warmly  discussed  ;  when  with  unmeaning 
expressions  of  duty,  and  objections  to  the  least  prominent,  they 
obtained  through  their  speaker,  Gokuldas  of  Deogarh,  permission 
to  reassemble  at  his  house  to  consider  them,  and  broke  up  with 
the  promise  to  attend  next  day.  The  delay,  as  apprehended,  only 
generated  opposition,  and  the  2nd  and  3rd  passed  in  inter-com- 
munications of  individual  hope  and  fear.  It  was  important  to 
put  an  end  to  speculation.  At  noon,  on  the  4th  of  May,  the  grand 
hall  was  again  filled,  when  the  Rana,  with  his  sons  and  ministers, 
took  their  seats.  Once  more  the  articles  were  read,  objections 
raised  and  combated,  and  midnight  had  arrived  without  the 
object  of  the  meeting  being  advanced,  when  an  adjournment, 
proposed  by  Gokuldas,  till  the  arrival  of  the  Rana's  plenipotentiary 
from  Delhi,  met  with  a  firm  denial  ;  and  the  Rana  gave  him  liberty 
to  retire,  if  he  refused  his  testimony  of  loyalty.  The  Begun 
chief,  who  had  much  to  gain,  at  length  set  the  example,  followed 
by  the  chiefs  of  Amet  and  Deogarh,  and  in  succession  by  all  the 
sixteen  nobles,  who  also  signed  as  the  proxies  of  their  [487] 
relatives,  unable  from  sickness  to  attend.  The  most  powerful 
of  the  second  grade  also  signed  for  themselves  and  the  absent  of 
their  clans,  each,  as  he  gave  in  his  adhesion,  retiring  ;  and  it  was 
three  in  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  May  ere  the  ceremony  was  over. 
The  chief  of  the  Saktawats,  determined  to  be  conspicuous,  was 
the  last  of  his  own  class  to  sign.  During  this  lengthened  and 
painful  discussion  of  fifteen  hours'  continuance,  the  Rana  con- 
ducted himself  with  such  judgment  and  firmness,  as  to   give 


ENFORCEMENT  OF  THE  TREATY       565 

sanguine  hopes  of  his  taking  the  lead  in  the  settlement  of  his 
affairs. 

Enforcement  of  the  Treaty. — This  prehminary  adjusted,  it  was 
important  that  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  ^  should  be  rigidly 
if  not  rapidly  effected.  It  will  not  be  a  matter  of  surprise,  that 
some  months  passed  away  before  the  complicated  arrangements 
arising  out  of  this  settlement  were  completed  ;  but  it  may  afford 
just  grounds  for  gratulation,  that  they  were  finally  accomplished 
without  a  shot  being  fired,  or  the  exhibition  of  a  single  British 
soldier  in  the  country,  nor,  indeed,  within  one  hundred  miles  of 
Udaipur.  '  Opinion  '  was  the  sole  and  all-sufficient  ally  effecting 
this  political  reform.  The  Rajputs,  in  fact,  did  not  require  the 
demonstration  of  our  physical  strength  ;  its  influence  had  reached 
far  beyond  Mewar.  When  the  few  firelocks  defeated  hundreds  of 
the  foes  of  public  tranquillity,  they  attributed  it  to  '  the  strength 
of  the  Company's  salt,'  ^  the  inoral  agency  of  which  was  pro- 
claimed the  true  basis  of  our  power.  '  Sachha  Raj '  was  the 
proud  epithet  applied  by  our  new  allies  to  the  British  Government 
in  the  East  ;  a  title  which  distinguished  the  immortal  Alfred, 
'  the  upright.' 

It  will  readily  be  imagined  that  a  reform,  which  went  to  touch 

^  A  literal  translation  of  this  curious  piece  of  Hindu  legislation  wiU  be 
found  at  the  end  of  the  Appendix.  If  not  drawn  up  with  all  the  dignity 
of  the  legal  enactments  of  the  great  governments  of  the  West,  it  has  an 
important  advantage  in  conciseness  ;  the  articles  cannot  be  mismterpreted, 
and  require  no  lawyer  to  expound  them. 

^  "  Kampani  Sahib  ke  namak  ke  zor  se  "  is  a  common  phrase  of  our 
native  soldiery  ;  and  "  Dohai  !  Kampani  ki  !  "  is  an  invocation  or  appeal 
against  injustice ;  but  I  never  heard  this  watchword  so  powerfully  apphed 
as  when  a  Sub.  with  the  Resident's  escort  in  1812.  One  of  our  men,  a  noble 
young  Rajput  about  nineteen  years  of  age,  and  six  feet  high,  had  been  sent 
with  an  elephant  to  forage  in  the  wilds  of  Narwar.  A  band  of  at  least 
fifty  predatory  horsemen  assailed  him,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
elephant,  which  he  met  by  pointing  his  musket  and  givuig  them  defiance. 
Beset  on  aU  sides,  he  fired,  was  cut  down,  and  left  for  dead,  in  which  state 
he  was  found,  and  brought  to  camp  upon  a  litter.  One  sabre-cut  had  opened 
the  back  entirely  across,  exposing  the  action  of  the  viscera,  and  his  arms  and 
wrists  were  barbarously  hacked  :  yet  he  was  firm;  collected,  and  even  cheer- 
ful ;  and  to  a  kmd  reproach  for  his  rashness,  ho  said,  "  What  would  you 
have  said,  Captam  Sahib,  had  I  surrendered  the  Company's  musket  {Kam- 
pani ki  banduq)  without  fightmg  ?  "  From  their  temperate  habits,  the 
wound  in  the  back  did  well ;  but  the  severed  nerves  of  the  wrists  brought 
on  a  lockjaw  of  which  he  died.  The  Company  have  thousands  who  would 
alike  die  for  their  banduq.     It  were  wise  to  cherish  such  feelings. 


566  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

the  entire  feudal  association,  could  not  be  accomplished  without 
harassing  and  painful  discussions  [488],  when  the  object  was  the 
renunciation  of  lands,  to  wliich  in  some  cases  the  right  of  inherit- 
ance could  be  pleaded,  in  others,  the  cognisance  of  successful 
revenge,  while  to  many  prescriptive  possession  could  be  asserted. 
It  was  the  more  painful,  because  although  the  shades  which 
marked  the  acquisition  of  such  lands  were  varied,  no  distinction 
could  be  made  in  the  mode  of  settlement,  namely,  unconditional 
surrender.  In  some  cases,  the  Rana  had  to  revoke  his  own  grants, 
wrung  either  from  his  necessities  or  his  weakness  ;  but  in  neither 
predicament  could  arguments  be  adduced  to  soften  renunciation, 
or  to  meet  the  powerful  and  pathetic  and  often  angry  appeals  to 
justice  or  to  prejudice.  Counter-appeals  to  their  loyalty,  and 
the  necessity  for  the  re-establishment  of  their  sovereign's  just 
weight  and  influence  in  the  social  body,  without  which  their  own 
welfare  could  not  be  secured,  were  adduced  ;  but  individual  views 
and  passions  were  too  absorbing  to  bend  to  the  general  interest. 
Weeks  thus  passed  in  interchange  of  visits,  in  soothing  pride,  and 
in  flattering  vanity  by  the  revival  of  past  recollections,  which 
gradually  familiarized  the  subject  to  the  mind  of  the  chiefs,  and 
brought  them  to  compliance.  Time,  conciliation,  and  impartial 
justice,  confirmed  the  victory  thus  obtained  ;  and  when  they  were 
made  to  see  that  no  interest  was  overlooked,  that  party  views 
were  miknown,  and  that  the  system  included  every  class  of  society 
in  its  beneficial  operation,  cordiality  followed  concession.  Some 
of  these  cessions  were  alienations  from  the  crown  of  half  a  century's 
duration.  Individual  cases  of  hardship  were  unavoidable  without 
incurring  the  imputation  of  favouritism,  and  the  dreaded  revival 
of  ancient  feuds,  to  abolish  which  was  indispensable,  but  required 
much  circiunspection.  Castles  and  lands  in  this  predicament 
could  therefore  neither  be  retained  by  the  possessor  nor  returned 
to  the  ancient  proprietor  without  rekindling  the  torch  of  ci\al  war. 
The  sole  alternative  was  for  the  crown  to  take  the  object  of  con- 
tention, and  make  compensation  from  its  own  domain.  It  would 
be  alike  tedious  and  tminteresting  to  enter  into  the  details  of  these 
arrangements,  where  one  chief  had  to  relinquish  the  levy  of 
transit  duties  in  the  most  important  outlet  of  the  country,  asserted 
to  have  been  held  during  seven  generations,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
chief  of  Deogarh.  Of  another  (the  Bhindar  chief)  who  held  forty- 
three  towns  and  villages,  in  addition  to  his  grant ;   of  Amet,  of 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  CHIEFS  567 

Badesar,  of  Dabla,  of  Lawa,  and  many  others  who  held  important 
fortresses  of  the  crown  independent  of  its  will ;  and  other  claims, 
embracing  every  right  [489]  and  privilege  appertaining  to  feudal 
society  ;  suffice  it,  that  in  six  months  the  whole  arrangements 
were  effected. 

The  Case  of  Arja. — In  the  painful  and  protracted  discussions 
attendant  on  these  arrangements,  powerful  traits  of  national 
character  were  developed.  The  castle  and  domain  of  Arja  half 
a  century  agd  belonged  to  the  crown,  but  had  been  usurped  by 
the  Purawats,  from  whom  it  was  wrested  by  storm  about  fifteen 
years  back  by  the  Saktawats,  and  a  patent  sanctioning  possession 
was  obtained,  on  the  payment  of  a  fine  of  £1000  to  the  Rana. 
Its  surrender  was  now  required  from  Fateh  Singh,  the  second 
brother  of  Bhindar,  the  head  of  this  clan  ;  but  being  regarded  as 
the  victorious  completion  of  a  feud,  it  was  not  easy  to  silence  their 
prejudices  and  objections.  The  renunciation  of  the  forty-three 
towns  and  villages  by  the  chief  of  the  clan  caused  not  half  the 
excitation,  and  every  Saktawat  seemed  to  forgo  his  individual 
losses  in  the  common  sentiment  expressed  by  their  head  :  "  Arja 
is  the  price  of  blood,  and  with  its  cession  our  honour  is  surrendered." 
To  preserve  the  point  of  honour,  it  was  stipulated  that  it  should 
not  revert  to  the  Purawats,  but  be  incorporated  with  the  fisc, 
which  granted  an  equivalent  ;  when  letters  of  surrender  were 
signed  by  both  brothers,  whose  conduct  throughout  was  manly 
and  confiding. 

Badnor  and  Amet. — The  Badnor  and  Amet  chiefs,  both  of  the 
superior  grade  of  nobles,  were  the  most  formidable  obstacles  to 
the  operation  of  the  treaty  of  the  4th  of  May.  The  first  of  these, 
by  name  Jeth  Singh  {the  victoriowi  [chief]  lion),  was  of  the  Mertia 
clan,  the  bravest  of  the  brave  race  of  Rathor,  whose  ancestors 
had  left  their  native  abodes  on  the  plains  of  Marwar,  and  accom- 
panied the  celebrated  Mira  Bai  on  her  marriage  with  Rana 
Kmnbha.  His  descendants,  amongst  whom  was  Jaimall,  of 
immortal  memory,  enjoyed  honour  in  Mewar  equal  to  their  birth 
and  high  deserts.  It  was  the  more  difficult  to  treat  with  men 
like  these,  whose  conduct  had  been  a  contrast  to  the  general 
license  of  the  times,  and  who  had  reason  to  feel  offended,  when 
no  distinction  was  observed  between  them  and  those  who  had 
disgraced  the  name  of  Rajput.  Instead  of  the  submission  ex- 
pected from  the  Rathor,  so  overwhelmed  was  he  from  the  magni- 


568  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

tude  of  the  claims,  which  amounted  to  a  virtual  extinction  of  his 
power,  that  he  begged  leave  to  resign  his  estates  and  quit  the 
country.  In  prosecution  of  this  design,  he  took  post  in  the  chief 
hall  of  the  palace,  from  which  no  entreaties  could  make  him 
move  ;  ^  until  the  Rana,  to  [490]  escape  his  importimities,  and 
even  restraint,  obtained  his  promise  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the 
Agent.  The  forms  of  the  Rana's  court,  from  time  immemorial, 
prohibit  all  personal  communication  between  the  sovereign  and 
his  chiefs  in  matters  of  individual  interest,  by  which  indecorous 
altercation  is  avoided.  But  the  ministers,  whose  office  it  was  to 
obtain  every  information,  did  not  make  a  rigid  scrutiny  into  the 
title-deeds  of  the  various  estates  previous  to  advancing  the  claims 
of  the  crown.  This  brave  man  had  enemies,  and  he  was  too 
proud  to  have  recourse  to  the  common  arts  either  of  adulation  or 
bribery  to  aid  his  cause.  It  was  a  satisfaction  to  find  that  the 
two  principal  towns  demanded  of  him  were  embodied  in  a  grant 
of  Sangram  Singh's  reign  ;  and  the  absolute  rights  of  the  fisc, 
of  which  he  had  become  possessed,  were  cut  down  to  about 
fifteen  thousand  rupees  of  annual  revenue.  But  there  were  other 
points  on  which  he  was  even  more  tenacious  than  the  sm-render 
of  these.  Being  the  chief  noble  of  the  fine  district  of  Badnor, 
which  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  towns  and  villages, 
chiefly  of  feudal  allotments  (many  of  them  of  his  own  clan),  he 
had  taken  advantage  of  the  times  to  establish  his  influence  over 
them,  to  assume  the  right  of  wardship  of  minors,  and  secure  those 
services  which  were  due  to  the  prince,  but  which  he  wanted  the 
power  to  enforce.  The  holders  of  these  estates  were  of  the  third 
class  of  vassals  or  gol  (the  mass),  whose  services  it  was  important 
to  reclaim,  and  who  constituted  in  past  times  the  most  efficient 
force  of  the  Ranas,  and  were  the  preponderating  balance  of  their 
authority  when  mercenaries  were  unknown  in  these  patriarchal 
states.  Abundant  means  towards  a  just  investigation  had  been 
previously  prociu'ed  ;  and  after  some  discussion,  in  which  all 
admissible  claims  were  recognized,  and  argument  was  silenced  by 
incontrovertible  facts,  this  chieftain  relinquished  all  that  was 
demanded,  and  sent  in,  as  from  himself,  his  written  renunciation 
to  his  sovereign.  However  convincing  the  data  by  which  his 
proper  rights  and  those  of  his  prince  were  defined;  it  was  to  feeling 

^  [An  instance  of  the  practice  of  '  sitting  dharna  '  to  enforce  a  claim 
(Yule-Bumell,  Hobaon-Jobson,  2nd  ed.  315  f.).] 


HAMiRA  OF  BADESAR  569 

and  prejudice  that  we  were  mainly  indebted  for  so  satisfactory 
an  adjustment.  An  appeal  to  the  name  of  Jaimall,  who  fell 
defending  Chitor  against  Akbar,^  and  the  contrast  of  his  ancestor's 
loyalty  and  devotion  with  his  own  contumacy,  acted  as  a  talisman, 
and  wrung  tears  from  his  eyes  and  the  deed  from  his  hand.  It 
will  afford  some  idea  of  the  difficulties  encountered,  as  well  as  the 
invidiousness  of  the  task  of  arbitrating  such  matters,  to  give  his 
own  comment  verbatim  :  "I  remained  faithful  when  his  own 
kin  deserted  him,  and  was  [491]  one  of  four  chiefs  who  alone  of 
all  Mewar  fought  for  him  in  the  rebellion  ;  but  the  son  of  Jaimall 
is  forgotten,  while  the  '  plunderer '  is  his  boon  companion,  and 
though  of  inferior  rank,  receives  an  estate  which  elevates  him 
above  me  "  ;  alluding  to  the  chief  of  Badesar,  who  plundered 
the  queen's  dower.  But  while  the  brave  descendant  of  Jaimall 
returned  to  Badnor  with  the  marks  of  his  sovereign's  favour,  and 
the  applause  of  those  he  esteemed,  the  '  runner '  went  back  to 
Badesar  in  disgrace,  to  which  his  prince's  injudicious  favour 
further  contributed. 

Hamira  of  Badesar. — Hamira  of  Badesar  was  of  the  second 
class  of  nobles,  a  Chondawat  by  birth.  He  succeeded  to  his 
father  Sardar  Singh,  the  assassin  of  the  prime  minister  even  in 
the  palace  of  his  sovereign  ;  ^  into  whose  presence  he  had  the 
audacity  to  pursue  the  surviving  brother,  destined  to  avenge 
him.'  Hamira  inherited  all  the  turbulence  and  disaffection,  with 
the  estates,  of  his  father  ;  and  this  most  conspicuous  of  the  many 
lawless  chieftains  of  the  times  was  known  throughout  Rajasthan 
as  Hamira  '  the  runner  '  (daurayat).     Though  not  entitled  to  hold 

^  See  p.  380.  ^  See  p.  514  and  note. 

'  It  win  fill  up  the  picture  of  the  times  to  relate  the  revenge.  When 
Jauishid,  the  infamous  lieutenant  of  the  infamous  Amir  Khan,  established 
'  his  headquarters  at  Udaipur,  which  he  daily  devastated,  Sardar  Singh, 
then  in  power,  was  seized  and  confined  as  a  hostage  for  the  payment  of 
thirty  thousand  rupees  demanded  of  the  Rana.  The  surviving  brothers 
of  the  murdered  minister  Somji  '  purchased  their  foe  '  with  the  sum 
demanded,  and  anticipated  his  clansmen,  who  were  on  the  point  of  efi^ecting 
his  liberation.  The  same  sun  shone  on  the  head  of  Sardar,  which  was 
placed  as  a  signal  of  revenge  over  the  gateway  of  Ranipiyari's  palace.  I 
had  the  anecdotes  from  the  minister  Siyahal,  one  of  the  actors  in  these 
tragedies,  and  a  relative  of  the  brothers,  who  were  all  swept  away  by  the 
dagger.  A  similar  fate  often  seemed  to  him,  though  a  brave  man,  inevitable 
during  these  resumptions  ;  which  impression,  added  to  the  Rana's  known 
inconstancy  of  favour,  robbed  him  of  half  his  energies. 


570  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

lands  beyond  thirty  thousand  annually,  he  had  become  possessed 
to  the  amount  of  eighty  thousand,  chiefly  of  the  fisc  or  khalisa, 
and  nearly  all  obtained  by  violence,  though  since  confirmed  by 
the  prince's  patent.  With  the  chieftain  of  Lawa  (precisely  in  the 
same  predicament),  who  held  the  fortress  of  Kheroda  and  other 
valuable  lands,  Hamira  resided  entirely  at  the  palace,  and  obtain- 
ing the  Rana's  ear  by  professions  of  obedience,  kept  possession, 
while  chiefs  in  eveiy  respect  his  superiors  had  been  compelled  to 
surrender  ;  and  when  at  length  the  Saktawat  of  Lawa  was  forbid 
the  court  until  Kheroda  and  all  his  usurpations  were  yielded  up, 
the  son  of  Sardar  displayed  his  usual  turbulence,  '  curled  his 
moustache  '  at  the  minister,  and  hinted  at  the  fate  of  his  pre- 
decessor. Although  none  dared  to  imitate  him,  his  stubbornness 
was  not  without  admirers,  especially  among  his  own  clan  ;  and 
as  it  was  too  evident  that  fear  or  favour  swayed  the  Rana,  it  was 
a  case  for  the  Agent's  interference,  the  opportunity  for  which 
was  soon  afforded.  When  [492]  forced  to  give  letters  of  surrender, 
the  Rana's  functionaries,  who  went  to  take  possession,  were 
insulted,  refused  admittance,  and  compelled  to  return.  Not  a 
moment  could  be  lost  in  punishing  this  contempt  of  authority  ; 
and  as  the  Rana  was  holding  a  court  when  the  report  arrived,  the 
Agent  requested  an  audience.  He  found  the  Rana  and  his  chiefs 
assembled  in  '  the  balcony  of  the  sun,'  and  amongst  them  the 
notorious  Hamira.  After  the  usual  compliments,  the  Agent  asked 
the  minister  if  his  master  had  been  put  in  possession  of  Syana. 
It  was  evident  from  the  general  constraint,  that  all  were  acquainted 
with  the  result  of  the  deputation  ;  but  to  remove  responsibility 
from  the  minister,  the  Agent,  addressing  the  Rana  as  if  he  were 
in  ignorance  of  the  insult,  related  the  transaction,  and  observed 
that  his  government  would  hold  him  culpable  if  he  remained  at 
Udaipur  while  his  highness's  commands  were  disregarded.  Thus 
supported,  the  Rana  resumed  his  dignity,  and  in  forcible  language 
signified  to  all  present  his  anxious  desire  to  do  nothing  which  was 
harsh  or  ungracious  ;  but  that,  thus  compelled,  he  would  not 
recede  from  what  became  him  as  their  sovereign.  Calling  for  a 
bira,  he  looked  sternly  at  Hamira,  and  commanded  him  to  quit 
his  presence  instantly,  and  the  capital  in  an  hour  ;  and,  but  for 
the  Agent's  interposition,  he  would  have  been  banished  the 
country.  Confiscation  of  his  whole  estate  was  commanded,  until 
renunciation  was  completed.     He   departed   that  night ;    and, 


THE  CASE  OF  AMLI  5T1 

contrary  to  expectation,  not  only  were  all  the  usurpations  sur- 
rendered, but,  what  was  scarcely  contemplated  by  the  Agent, 
the  Rana's  flag  of  sequestration  was  quietly  admitted  into  the 
fortress  of  Badesar/ 

The  Case  of  Amli. — One  more  anecdote  may  suffice.  The 
lands  and  fortress  of  Amli  had  been  in  the  family  of  Amet  since 
the  year  27,  only  five  years  posterior  to  the  date  to  which  these 
arrangements  extended  ;  their  possession  verged  on  half  a  century. 
The  lords  of  Amet  were  of  the  Sixteen,  and  were  chiefs  of  the  clan 
Jagawat.  The  present  representative  enjoyed  a  fair  character  : 
he  could,  with  the  chief  of  Radnor,  claim  the  succession  of  the 
loyal  ;  for  Partap  and  Jaimall,  their  respective  ancestors,  were 
rivals  and  martyrs  on  that  memorable  day  when  the  genius  of 
Chitor  abandoned  the  Sesodias.  But  the  heir  of  Amet  had  not 
this  alone  [493]  to  support  his  claims  ;  for  his  predecessor  Partap 
had  lost  his  life  in  defending  his  country  against  the  Mahrattas, 
and  Amli  had  been  his  acquisition.  Fateh  Singh  (such  was  his 
name)  was  put  forward  by  the  more  artful  of  his  immediate  kin, 
the  Chondawat  interest  ;  but  his  disposition,  blunt  and  impetuous, 
was  Uttle  calculated  to  promote  their  views  :  he  was  an  honest 
Rajput,  who  neither  could  nor  cared  to  conceal  his  anger,  and  at 
a  ceremonious  visit  paid  him  by  the  Agent,  he  had  hardly  sufficient 
control  over  himself  to  be  courteous,  and  though  he  said  nothing, 
his  eyes,  inflamed  with  opium  and  disdain,  spoke  his  feelings. 
He  maintained  a  dogged  indifference,  and  was  inaccessible  to 
argument,  till  at  length,  following  the  example  of  Badnor,  he  was 
induced  to  abide  by  the  Agent's  mediation.  He  came  attended 
by  his  vassals,  who  anxiously  awaited  the  result,  which  an  un- 
premeditated* incident  facilitated.  After  a  long  and  fruitless 
expostulation,  he  had  taken  refuge  in  an  obstinate  silence  ;  and 
seated  in  a  chair  opposUe  to  the  envoy,  with  his  shield  in  front, 
placed  perpendicularly   »n  his  knees,   and  his   arms   and  head 

^  Nearly  twelve  months  after  this,  my  pubhc  duty  called  me  to  Nimbahera 
en  route  to  Kotah.  The  castle  of  Haraira  was  within  an  hour's  ride,  and 
at  night  he  was  reported  as  having  arrived  to  visit  me,  when  I  appointed 
the  next  day  to  receive  him.  Early  next  morning,  according  to  custom, 
I  took  my  ride,  with  four  of  Skinner's  Horse,  and  galloped  past  him,  stretched 
with  his  followers  on  the  ground  not  far  from  my  camp,  towards  his  fort. 
He  came  to  me  after  breakfast,  called  me  his  greatest  friend,  "  swore  by 
his  dagger  he  was  my  Rajput,"  and  that  he  would  be  in  future  obedient 
and  loyal ;  but  this,  I  fear,  can  never  be. 


572  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

reclined  thereon,  he  continued  vacantly  looking  on  the  ground. 
To  interrupt  this  uncourteous  silence  in  his  own  house,  the  envoy 
took  a  picture,  which  with  several  others  was  at  hand,  and  placing 
it  before  him,  remarked,  "  That  chief  did  not  gain  his  reputation 
for  swamidharma  ^  (loyalty)  by  conduct  such  as  yours."  His 
eyes  suddenly  recovered  their  animation  and  his  countenance 
was  lighted  with  a  smile,  as  he  rapidly  uttered,  "  How  did  you 
come  by  this — why  does  this  interest  you  ?  "  A  tear  started  in 
his  eye  as  he  added,  "  This  is  my  father  !  " — "  Yes,"  said  the 
Agent,  "  it  is  the  loyal  Partap  on  the  day  he  went  forth  to  meet 
his  death  ;  but  his  name  yet  lives,  and  a  stranger  does  homage  to 
his  fame." — "  Take  Amli,  take  Amli,"  he  hurriedly  repeated, 
with  a  suppressed  tone  of  exultation  and  sorrow,  "  but  forget  not 
the  extent  of  the  sacrifice."  To  prolong  the  visit  would  have 
been  painful  to  both,  but  as  it  might  have  been  trusting  too  much 
to  humanity  to  delay  the  resumption,  the  Agent  availed  himself 
of  the  moment  to  indite  the  chhorchitthi  ^  of  surrender  for  the 
lands. 

With  these  instances,  characteristic  of  individuals  and  the 
times,  this  sketch  of  the  introductory  measures  for  improving  the 
condition  of  Mewar  may  be  closed.  To  enter  more  largely  in 
detail  is  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  the  work  ;  nor  is  it  requisite 
for  the  comprehension  of  the  unity  of  the  object,  that  a  more 
minute  dissection  of  the  parts  should  be  afforded.  Before,  how- 
ever, we  exhibit  the  [494]  general  results  of  these  arrangements, 
we  shall  revert  to  the  condition  of  the  more  humble,  but  a  most 
important  part  of  the  community,  the  peasantry  of  Mewar  ;  and 
embody,  in  a  few  remarks,  the  fruits  of  observation  or  inquiry, 
as  to  their  past  and  present  state,  their  rights,  the  establishment 
of  them,  their  infringement,  and  restitution.  On  this  subject 
much  has  been  necessarily  introduced  in  the  sketch  of  the  feudal 
system,  where  landed  tenures  were  discussed  ;  but  it  is  one  on 
which  such  a  contrariety  of  opinion  exists,  that  it  may  be  desirable 
to  show  the  exact  state  of  landed  tenures  in  a  country,  where 
Hindu  manners  should  exist  in  greater  purity  than  in  any  other 
jjart  of  the  vast  continent  of  India. 

The  Landed  System. — ^The  ryot  (cultivator)  is  the  proprietor  of 
the  soil  in  Mewar.     He  compares  his  right  therein  to  the  akshay 

^  Literally  faith  (dharma)  to  his  lord  {swami). 
^  Paper  of  relinquishment. 


FACSIMILE   OF  NATIVE   DRAWING   OF  PARTAB   SINGH    AND   RAEMALL. 

To  J'aci  page  572. 


THE  LANDED  SYSTEM  573 

duha,^  which  no  vicissitudes  can  destroy.  IJe  calls  the  land  his 
bapota,  the  most  emphatic,  the  most  ancient,  the  most  cherished, 
and  the  most  significant  phrase  his  language  commands  for 
patrimonial^  inheritance.  He  has  nature  and  Manu  in  support 
of  his  claim,  and  can  quote  the  text,  alike  compulsory  on  prince 
and  peasant,  "  cultivated  land  is  the  property  of  him  who  cut 
away  the  wood,  or  who  cleared  and  tilled  it,"  *  an  ordinance 
binding  on  the  whole  Hindu  race,  and  which  no  international 
wars,  or  conquest,  could  overturn.  In  accordance  with  this 
principle  is  the  ancient  adage,  not  of  Mewar  only  but  all  Rajpu- 
tana,  Bhog  ra  dhanni  Raj  ho  :  bhum  ra  dhanni  ma  cho  :  '  the 
government  is  owner  of  the  rent,  but  I  am  the  master  of  the 
land.'  With  the  toleration  and  benevolence  of  the  race  the 
conqueror  is  conunanded  "  to  respect  the  deities  adored  by  the 
conquered,  also  their  virtuous  priests,  and  to  establish  the  laws 
of  the  conquered  nation  as  declared  in  their  books."  *  If  it  were 
deemed  desirable  to  recede  to  the  system  of  pure  Hindu  agrarian 
law,  there  is  no  deficiency  of  materials.  The  customary  laws 
contained  in  the  various  reports  of  able  men,  superadded  to  the 
general  ordinances  of  Manu,  would  form  a  code  at  once  simple 
and  efficient  :  for  though  innovation  from  foreign  conquest  has 
placed  niany  principles  in  abeyance,  and  modified  others,  yet  he 
has  observed  to  little  purpose  [495]  who  does  not  trace  a  uni- 
formity of  design,  which  at  one  time  had  ramified  wherever  the 

^  The  dub  grass  Cynodon  dactylon]  flourishes  in  all  seasons,  and  most  in 
the  intense  heats  ;  it  is  not  only  amara  or  '  immortal,'  but  akshay,  '  not  to 
be  eradicated  ' ;   and  its  tenacity  to  the  soil  deserves  the  distinction. 

2  From  bap,  '  father,'  and  the  termination  of,  or  belonging  to,  and  by 
which  clans  are  distinguished ;  as  Karansot,  '  descended  of  Karan  ' ; 
Mansinghgot,  '  descended  of  Mansingh.'  It  is  curious  enough  that  the 
mountain  clans  of  Albania,  and  other  Greeks,  have  the  same  distinguishing 
termination,  and  the  Mainote  of  Greece  and  the  Mairot  of  Rajputana  aUke 
signify  mountaineer,  or  '  of  the  mountain,'  maina  in  Albanian  ;  mairu  or 
7)ierii  in  Sanskrit.     [The  words  have  no  connexion.] 

^  Laws,  ix.  44. 

^  ["  When  he  [the  king]  has  gained  victory,  let  him  duly  worship  the 
gods  and  honour  righteous  Brahmanas,  let  him  grant  exemptions,  and 
let  him  cause  promises  of  safety  to  be  proclaimed.  But  having  fully  ascer- 
tained the  wishes  of  all  the  (conquered),  let  him  place  then  a  relation  of 
(the  vanquished  ruler  on  the  throne),  and  let  him  impose  his  conditions. 
Let  him  make  authoritative  the  lawful  customs  of  the  inhabitants,  just 
as  they  are  stated  to  be  "  (Manu,  Laws,  vii.  201  f.,  trans.  Biihler,  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East,  xxv.  248  f.).] 


674  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

name  of  Hindu  prevailed  :  language  has  been  modified,  and 
terms  have  been  corrupted  or  changed,  but  the  primary  pervading 
principle  is  yet  perceptible  ;  and  whether  we  examine  the  systems 
of  Khandesh,  the  Carnatic,  or  Rajasthan,  we  shall  discover  the 
elements  to  be  the  same. 

If  we  consider  the  system  from  the  period  described  by  Arrian, 
Curtius,  and  Diodorus,  we  shall  see  in  the  government  of  town- 
ships each  commune  an  '  imperium  in  imperio  '  ;  a  little  republic, 
maintaining  its  municipal  legislation  independent  of  the  monarchy, 
on  which  it  relies  for  general  support,  and  to  which  it  pays  the 
bhog,  or  tax  in  kind,  as  the  price  of  this  protection  ;  for  though 
the  prescribed  duties  of  kings  are  as  well  defined  by  Manu  ^  as 
by  any  jurisconsult  in  Europe,  nothing  can  be  more  lax  than  the 
mutual  relations  of  the  governed  and  governing  in  Hindu  mon- 
archies, which  are  resolved  into  unbounded  liberty  of  action.  To 
the  artificial  regulation  of  society,  which  leaves  all  who  depend 
on  manual  exertion  to  an  immutable  degradation,  must  be 
ascribed  these  multitudinous  governments,  unknown  to  the  rest 
of  mankind,  which,  in  spite  of  such  dislocation,  maintain  the 
bonds  of  mutual  sympathies.  Strictly  speaking,  every  State 
presents  the  picture  of  so  many  hundred  or  thousand  minute 
republics,  without  any  connexion  with  each  other,  giving  allegi- 
ance {an)  and  rent  (bhog)  to  a  prince,  who  neither  legislates  for 
them,  nor  even  forms  a  police  for  their  internal  protection.  It 
is  consequent  on  this  want  of  paramount  interference  that,  in 
matters  of  police,  of  justice,  and  of  law,  the  communes  act  for 
themselves  ;  and  from  this  want  of  paternal  interference  only 
have  arisen  those  courts  of  equity,  or  arbitration,  the  panchayats. 

But  to  return  to  the  freehold  ryot  of  Mewar,  whose  hapota  is 
the  ivatan  and  the  miras  of  the  peninsula — words  of  foreign 
growth,  introduced  by  the  Muhammadan  conquerors  ;  the  first 
(Persian)  is  of  more  general  use  in  Khandesh ;  the  other  (Arabic) 

^  ["  Let  him  [the  king]  cause  his  annual  revenue  in  his  kingdom  to  be 
collected  by  trusty  (officials),  let  him  obey  the  sacred  law  (in  his  trans- 
actions with)  the  people,  and  behave  as  a  father  to  all  men  "  (Manu,  Laws, 
vii.  80).  "  Not  to  turn  back  in  battle,  to  protect  the  people,  to  honour 
the  Brahmanas,  is  the  best  means  for  a  king  to  secure  happmess  "  {ib. 
vii.  88).  "  From  the  people  let  him  (the  king)  learn  (the  theory)  of  the 
(various)  trades  and  professions  "  {ib.  vii.  43).  "  But  (he  who  is  given) 
to  these  vices  (loses)  even  his  life "  {ib.  vii.  46),  trans.  Biihler,  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East,  xxv.] 


THE  LANDED  SYSTEM  575 

in  the  Carnatic.  Thus  the  great  Persian  moralist  Saadi  exempli- 
fies its  application  :  "  If  you  desire  to  succeed  to  your  father's 
inheritance  (miras),  first  obtain  his  wisdom  "  [496]. 

While  the  term  bapota  thus  implies  the  inheritance  or  patri- 
mony, its  holder,  if  a  military  vassal,  is  called  Bhumia,  a  term 
equally  powerful,  meaning  one  actually  identified  with  the  soil 
(bhum),  and  for  which  the  Muhammad  an  has  no  equivalent  but 
in  the  possessive  compound  watandar,  or  mirasdar.  The  Cani- 
atchi  ^  of  Malabar  is  the  Bhumia  of  Rajasthan. 

The  emperors  of  Delhi,  in  the  zenith  of  their  power,  bestowed 
the  epithet  zamindar  upon  the  Hindu  tributary  sovereigns  :  not 
out  of  disrespect,  but  in  the  true  application  of  their  own  term 
Bhumia  Raj,  expressive  of  their  tenacity  to  the  soil  ;  and  this 
fact  affords  additional  evidence  of  the  proprietary  right  being  in 
the  cultivator  {ri/ot),  namely,  that  he  alone  can  confer  the  freehold 
land,  which  gives  the  title  of  Bhumia,  and  of  which  both  past 
history  and  present  usage  will  furnish  us  with  examples.  When 
the  tenure  of  land  obtained  from  the  cultivator  is  held  more  valid 
than  the  grant  of  the  sovereign,  it  will  be  deemed  a  conclusive 
argument  of  the  proprietary  right  being  vested  in  the  ryot.  What 
should  induce  a  chieftain,  when  inducted  into  a  perpetual  fief,  to 
establish  through  the  ryot  a  right  to  a  few  acres  in  bhum,  but 
the  knowledge  that  although  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  or  of 
favour  may  deprive  him  of  his  aggregate  signiorial*  rights,  his 
claims,  derived  from  the  spontaneous  favour  of  the  commime, 
can  never  be  set  aside  ;  and  when  he  ceases  to  be  the  lord,  he 
becomes  a  member  of  the  commonwealth,  merging  his  title  of 
Thakur,  or  Signior,  into  the  more  humble  one  of  Bhumia,  the 
allodial  tenant  of  the  Rajput  feudal  system,  elsewhere  discussed.^ 
Thus  we  have  touched  on  the  method  by  which  he  acquires  this 
distinction,  for  protecting  the  conmiunity  from  violence  ;  and  if 
left  destitute  by  the  negligence  or  inability  of  the  government,  he 
is  vested  with  the  rights  of  the  crown,  in  its  share  of  the  bhog  or 
rent.  But  when  their  own  land  is  in  the  predicament  caUed 
galita,  or  reversions  from  lapses  to  the  commune,  he  is  '  seised '  in 

^  Cani,  '  land,'  and  atchi,  '  heritage  ' :  Report,  p.  289. — I  should  be  in- 
clined to  imagine  the  atchi,  Uke  the  ot  and  awat,  Rajput  terminations, 
implymg  clanship.  [Tamil  kdniydtchi,  '  that  which  is  held  in  free  and 
hereditary  property  ' ;  kdni,  '  land,'  atchi,  '  inheritance  '  (Wilson,  Glossary, 
s.v. ;   Madras  Manual  of  Administration,  iii.  58).] 

2  See  p.  195. 


576  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

all  the  rights  of  the  former  proprietor  ;  or,  by  internal  arrange- 
ments, they  can  convey  such  right  by  cession  of  the  commune. 

The  Bhumia. — The  privilege  attached  to  the  hhum,^  and 
acquired  from  tlie  community  by  the  protection  afforded  to  it, 
is  the  most  powerful  argument  for  the  recognition  of  its  original 
rights.  The  Bhumia,  thus  vested,  may  at  pleasure  drive  his  own 
plough  [497],  the  right  to  the  soil.  His  hhum  is  exempt  from  the 
jarib  (measuring  rod)  ;  it  is  never  assessed,  and  his  only  sign  of 
allegiance  is  a  quit-rent,  in  most  cases  triennial,  and  the  tax  of 
kharlakar,^  a  war  imposition,  now  commuted  for  money.  The 
State,  however,  indirectly  receives  the  services  of  these  allodial 
tenants,  the  yeomen  of  Rajasthan,  who  constitute,  as  in  the 
districts  of  Kumbhalmer  and  Mandalgarh,  the  landwehr,  or  local 
militia.  In  fact,  since  the  days  of  universal  repose  set  in,  and 
the  townships  required  no  protection,  an  arrangement  was  made 
with  the  Bhumias  of  Mewar,  in  which  the  crown,  foregoing  its 
claim  of  quit-rent,  has  obtained  their  services  in  the  garrisons 
and  frontier  stations  of  j^lice  at  a  very  slight  pecuniary  sacrifice. 

Such  are  the  rights  and  privileges  derived  from  the  ryot 
cultivator  alone.  The  Rana  may  dispossess  the  chiefs  of  Radnor, 
or  Salumbar,  of  their  estates,  the  grant  of  the  crown — he  could 
not  touch  the  rights  emanating  from  the  community  ;  and  thus 
the  descendants  of  a  chieftain,  who  a  few  years  before  might  have 
followed  his  sovereign  at  the  hpad  of  one  hundred  cavaliers, 
would  descend  into  the  humble  foot  militia  of  a  district.  Thou- 
sands are  in  this  predicament :  the  Kanawats,  Lunawats,  Kum- 
bhawats,  and  other  clans,  who,  like  the  Celt,  forget  not  their 
claims  of  birth  in  the  distinctions  of  fortune,  but  assert  their 
propinquity  as  "  brothers  in  the  nineteenth  or  thirtieth  degree 
to  the  prince  "  on  the  throne.  So  sacred  was  the  tenure  derived 
from  the  ryot,  that  even  monarchs  held  lands  in  hhum  from  their 
subjects,  for  an  instance  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  the  great 
poetic  historian  of  the  last  Hindu  king.  Chand  relates,  that 
when  his  sovereign,  the  Chauhan,  had  subjugated  the  kingdom  of 
Anhilwara  ^  from  the  Solanki,  he  returned  to  the  nephew  of  the 

1  See  p.  195. 

2  See  Sketch  of  Feudal  System,  p.  170. 

^  Nahrwala  of  D'Anville ;  the  Balhara  sovereignty  of  the  Arabian 
travellers  of  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries.  I  visited  the  remains  of  this 
city  on  my  last  journey,  and  from  original  authorities  shall  give  an  account 
of  this  ancient  emporium  of  commerce  and  literature. 


OCCUPIERS'  RIGHTS  IN  THE  LAND  577 

conquered  prince  several  districts  and  seaports,  and  all  the  bhum 
held  by  the  family.  In  short,  the  Rajput  vaunts  his  aristocratic 
distinction  derived  from  the  land  ;  and  opposes  the  title  of 
'  Bhumia  Raj,'  or  government  of  the  soil,  to  the  '  Bania  Raj,'  or 
commercial  government,  which  he  affixes  as  an  epithet  of  con- 
tempt to  Jaipur  :   where  "  wealth  accumulates  and  men  decay." 

In  the  great  '  register  of  patents  '  (jmtta  bald)  of  Mewar  we 
find  a  species  of  [498]  bhum  held  by  the  greater  vassals  on  par- 
ticular crown  lands  ;  whether  this  originated  from  inability  of 
ceding  entire  townships  to  complete  the  estate  to  the  rank  of  the 
incumbent,  or  whether  it  was  merely  in  confirmation  of  the  grant 
of  the  commune,  could  not  be  ascertained.  The  benefit  from 
this  bhum  is  only  pecuniary,  and  the  title  is  '  bhum,  rakhwali '  ^ 
or  land  [in  return  for]  '  preservation.'  Strange  to  say,  the  crown 
itself  holds  '  bhum,  rakhwali  '  on  its  own  fiscal  demesnes  consisting 
of  small  portions  in  each  village,  to  the  amount  of  ten  thousand 
rupees  in  a  district  of  thirty  or  forty  townships.  This  species, 
however,  is  so  incongruous  that  we  can  only  state  it  does  exist  : 
we  should  vainly  seek  the  cause  for  such  apparent  absurdity,  for 
since  society  has  been, unhinged,  the  oracles  are  mute  to  much 
of  antiquated  custom. 

Occupiers'  Rights  in  the  Land. — We  shall  close  these  remarks 
with  some  illustrative  traditions  and  yet  existing  customs,  to 
substantiate  the  ryot's  right  in  the  soil  of  Mewar,  After  one  of 
those  convulsions  described  in  the  annals,  the  prince  had  gone 
to  espouse  the  daughter  of  the  Raja  of  Mandor,  the  (then)  capital 
of  Marwar.  It  is  customary  at  the  moment  of  hathleva,  or  the 
junction  of  hands,  that  any  request  preferred  by  the  bridegroom 
to  the  father  of  the  bride  should  meet  compliance,  a  usage  which 
has  yielded  many  fatal  results  ;  and  the  Rana  had  been  prompted 
on  this  occasion  to  demand  a  body  of  ten  thousand  Jat  cultivators 
to  repeople  the  deserted  fisc  of  Mewar.  An  assent  was  given  to 
the  unprecedented  demand,  but  when  the  inhabitants  were  thus 
despotically  called  on  to  migrate,  they  denied  the  power  and 
refused.  "  Shall  we,"  said  they,  '•  abandon  the  lands  of  our 
inheritance  (bapota),  the  property  of  our  children,  to  accompany 
a  stranger  into  a  foreign  land,  there  to  labour  for  him  ?  Kill  us 
you  may,  but  never  shall  we  relinquish  our  inalienable  rights." 
The  Mandor  prince,  who  had  trusted  to  this  reply,  deemed  himself 
1  Salvamenta  of  fche  European  system. 

VOL.    I  2  P 


578  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

exonerated  from  his  promise,  and  secured  from  the  loss  of  so 
many  subjects  :  but  he  was  deceived.  The  Rana  held  out  to 
them  the  enjoyment  of  the  proprietary  rights  escheated  to  the 
crown  in  his  country,  with  the  lands  left  without  occupants  by 
the  sword,  and  to  all,  increase  of  property.  When  equal  and 
absolute  power  was  thus  conferred,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to 
exchange  the  arid  soil  of  Marwar  for  the  garden  of  Rajwara  ;  and 
the  descendants  of  these  Jats  still  occupy  the  fiats  watered  by 
the  Berach  and  Banas  [499]. 

In  those  districts  which  afforded  protection  from  innovation, 
the  proprietary  right  of  the  ryot  will  be  found  in  full  force  ;  of  this 
the  populous  and  extensive  district  of  Jahazpur,  consisting  of  one 
hundred  and  six  townships,  affords  a  good  specimen.  There  are 
but  two  pieces  of  land  throughout  the  whole  of  this  tract  the 
property  of  the  crown,  and  these  were  obtained  by  force  during 
the  occupancy  of  Zalim  Singh  of  Kotah.  The  right  thus  unjustly 
acquired  was,  from  the  conscientiousness  of  the  Rana's  civil 
governor,  on  the  point  of  being  annulled  by  sale  and  reversion, 
when  the  court  interfered  to  maintain  its  proprietary  right  to 
the  tanks  of  Loharia  and  Itaunda,  and  the  lands  which  they 
irrigate,  now  the  bhum  of  the  Rana.^  This  will  serve  as  an 
illustration  how  bhum  may  be  acquired,  and  the  annals  of  Kotah 
will  exhibit,  unhappily  for  the  ryots  of  that  country,  the  almost 
total  annihilation  of  their  rights,  by  the  same  summary  process 
which  originally  attached  liOharia  to  the  fisc. 

The  power  of  alienation  being  thus  proved,  it  would  be  super- 
fluous to  insist  further  on  the  proprietary  right  of  the  cultivator 
of  the  soil. 

Proprietary  Rights  in  Land. — Besides  the  ability  to  alienate  as 
demonstrated,  all  the  overt  symbols  which  mark  the  proprietary 
right  in  other  countries  are  to  be  found  in  Mewar  ;  that  of  entire 
conveyance  by  sale,  or  temporary  by  mortgage  ;  and  numerous 
instances  could  be  adduced,  especially  of  the  latter.  The  fertile 
lands  of  Horla,  along  the  banks  of  the  Khari,  are  almost  all 
mortgaged,   and   the   registers   of  these   transactions   form   two 

^  The  author  has  to  acknowledge  with  regret  that  he  was  the  cause  of 
the  Mina  proprietors  not  re-obtaining  theii"  bapota  :  this  arose,  partly  from 
ignorance  at  the  time,  partly  from  the  individual  claimants  being  dead, 
and  more  than  all,  from  the  representation  that  the  intended  sale  originated 
in  a  bribe  to  Sadaram  the  governor,  which,  however,  was  not  the  case. 


PROPRIETARY  RIGHTS  IN  LAND  57U 

considerable  volumes,  in  which  great  variety  of  deeds  may  be 
discovered  :  one  extended  for  one  hundred  and  one  years  ;  ^ 
when  redemption  was  to  follow,  without  regard  to  interest  on  the 
one  hand,  or  the  benefits  from  the  land  on  the  other,  but  merely 
by  repayment  of  the  sum  borrowed.  To  maintain  the  interest 
during  abeyance,  it  is  generally  stipulated  that  a  certain  portion 
of  the  harvest  shall  be  reserved  for  the  mortgagee — a  fourth,  a 
fifth,  or  gtigri — a  share  so  small  as  to  be  valued  only  as  a  mark  of 
proprietary  recognition.^  The  mortgagees  were  chiefly  of  the 
commercial  classes  of  the  large  frontier  towns  ;  in  [500]  many 
cases  the  proprietor  continues  to  cultivate  for  another  the  lands 
Ms  ancestor  mortgaged  four  or  five  generations  ago,  nor  does  he 
deem  his  right  at  all  impaired.  A  plan  had  been  sketched  to 
raise  money  to  redeem  these  mortgages,  from  whose  complex 
operation  the  revenue  was  sure  to  suffer.  No  length  of  time  or 
absence  can  affect  the  claim  to  the  bapota,  and  so  sacred  is  the 
right  of  absentees,  that  land  will  lay  sterile  and  unproductive 
from  the  penalty  which  Manu  denounces  on  all  who  interfere 
with  their  neighbour's  rights  :  "  for  unless  there  be  an  especial 
agreement  between  the  owner  of  the  land  and  the  seed,  the  fruits 
belong  clearly  to  the  land-owner  "  ;  even  "  if  seed  conveyed  by 
water  or  by  wind  should  germinate,  the  plant  belongs  to  the  land- 
owner, the  mere  sower  takes  not  the  fruit."  ^  Even  crime  and  the 
extreme  sentence  of  the  law  will  not  alter  succession  to  property, 
either  to  the  military  or  cultivating  vassal  ;  and  the  old  Kentish 
adage,  probably  introduced  by  the  Jats  from  Scandinavia,  who 
under  Hengist  established  that  kingdom  of  the  heptarchy, 
namely  : 

The  father  to  the  bough, 

And  the  son  to  the  plough 

^  Claims  to  the  bapota  appear  to  be  maintainable  if  not  alienated  longer 
than  one  hundred  and  one  years  ;  and  undisturbed  possession  (no  matter 
how  obtained)  for  the  same  period  appears  to  confer  this  right.  The  miras 
of  Khandesh  appears  to  have  been  on  the  same  footing.  See  Mr.  Elphin- 
stone's  Report,  October  25,  1819,  ed.  1872,  p.  17  f.,  quoted  in  BG,  xii.  266. 
[The  word  mirds  means  "  inherited  estate,'  the  right  of  disposal  of  which 
rests  with  the  holder.     The  Jats  certainly  did  not  bring  the  custom  to  Kent.] 

^  The  sawmy  begum  of  the  peninsula  in  Fifth  Report,  pp.  356-57  ;  correctly 
sivami  bhoga,  '  lord's  rent,'  in  Sanskrit. 

^  Manu,   Laws,   ix.    52-54,   on   the   Servile   Classes.     [Biihler's    version 
differs,  but  the  meaning  is  practically  the  same  as  that  of  the  text.] 
VOL.  I  2  p2 


580  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

is  practically  understood  by  the  Jats  and  Bhumias  ^  of  Mewar, 
whose  treason  is  not  deemed  hereditary,  nor  a  chain  of  noble  acts 
destroyed  because  a  false  link  was  thrown  out.  We  speak  of  the 
military  vassals — the  cultivator  cannot  aspire  to  so  dignified  a 
crime  as  treason. 

Village  Officials  :  the  Patel. — The  officers  of  the  townships  are 
the  same  as  have  been  so  often  described,  and  are  already  too 
familiar  to  those  interested  in  the  subject  to  require  illustration. 
From  the  Patel,  the  Cromwell  of  each  township,  to  the  village 
gossip,  the  ascetic  Sannyasi,  each  deems  his  office,  and  the  land 
he  holds  in  virtue  thereof  in  perpetuitj^  free  of  rent  to  the  State, 
except  a  small  triennial  quit-rent,^  and  the  liability,  like  every 
other  branch  of  the  State,  to  two  war  taxes.^ 

Opinions  are  various  as  to  the  origin  and  attributes  of  the 
Patel,  the  most  important  personage  in  village  sway,  whose 
office  is  by  many  deemed  foreign  to  the  pure  Hindu  system,  and 
to  which  language  even  his  title  is  deemed  alien.  But  there  is 
no  doubt  that  both  office  and  title  are  of  ancient  growth,  and  even 
etymological  rule  proves  the  Patel  to  be  head  (pati)  of  the  com- 
munity.* The  office  of  Patel  [.501]  of  Mewar  was  originally 
elective  ;  he  was  '  primus  inter  pares,'  the  constituted  attorney 
or  representative  of  the  commune,  and  as  the  medium  between 
the  cultivator  and  the  government,  enjoyed  benefits  from  both. 
Besides  his  bapota,  and  the  serano,  or  one-fortieth  of  all  produce 
from  the  ryot,  he  had  a  remission  of  a  third  or  fourth  of  the  rent 
from  such  extra  lands  as  he  might  cultivate  in  addition  to  his 
patrimony.  Such  was  the  Patel,  the  link  connecting  the  peasant 
with  the  government,  ere  predatory  war  subverted  all  order  : 

^  Patel.  ^  Patel  barar. 

*  The  Gharginti  barar,  and  Kharlakar,  or  wood  and  forage,  explained 
in  the  Feudal  System. 

*  In  copper-plate  grants  dug  from  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Ujjain  (pre- 
sented to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society),  the  prince's  patents  (patta)  conferring 
gifts  are  addressed  to  the  Patta-silas  and  Ryots.  I  never  heard  an  etymo- 
logy of  this  word,  but  imagine  it  to  be  from  patta,  '  grant,'  or  '  patent,' 
and  sila,  which  means  a  nail,  or  sharp  instrument;  [?  sila,  the  stone  on 
which  the  grant  is  engraved] ;  metaphorically,  that  which  bmds  or  unites 
these  patents  ;  all,  however,  having  pati,  or  chief,  as  the  basis  (see  Trans- 
actions of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i.  p.  237).  {Pati,  '  chief,'  has  no 
connexion  with  patta,  '  a  grant,'  the  latter  being  the  origin  of  patel.  For 
the  position  of  the  Patel  see  Baden-Powell,  The  Indian  Village  Community, 
10  ff.  ;   Malcolm,  Memoir  of  Central  India,  2nd  ed.  ii.  14  ff.] 


VILLAGE  OFFICIALS  :  THE  PATEL  581 

but  as  rapine  increased,  so  did  his  authority.  He  became  the 
plenipotentiary  of  the  community,  the  security  for  the  contribu- 
tion imposed,  and  often  the  hostage  for  its  payment,  remaining 
in  the  camp  of  the  predatory  hordes  till  they  were  paid  off.  He 
gladly  undertook  the  liquidation  of  such  contributions  as  these 
perpetual  invaders  imposed.  To  indemnify  himself,  a  schedule 
was  formed  of  the  share  of  each  ryot,  and  mortgage  of  land,  and 
sequestration  of  personal  effects  followed  till  his  avarice  was 
satisfied.  Who  dared  complain  against  a  Patel,  the  intimate  of 
Pathan  and  Mahratta  commanders,  his  adopted  patrons  ?  He 
thus  became  the  master  of  his  fellow-citizens  ;  and,  as  power 
corrupts  all  men,  their  tyrant  instead  of  their  mediator.  It  was 
a  system  necessarily  involving  its  own  decay  ;  for  a  while  glutted 
with  plenty,  but  failing  with  the  supply,  and  ending  in  desolation, 
exile,  and  death.  Nothing  was  left  to  prey  on  but  the  despoiled 
carcase  ;  yet  when  peace  returned,  and  in  its  train  the  exile  ryot 
to  reclaim  the  bapota,  the  vampire  Patel  was  resuscitated,  and 
evinced  the  same  ardour  for  supremacy,  and  the  same  cupidity 
which  had  so  materially  aided  to  convert  the  fertile  Mewar  to  a 
desert.  The  Patel  accordingly  proved  one  of  the  chief  obstacles 
to  returning  prosperity  ;  and  the  attempt  to  reduce  this  corrupted 
middle-man  to  his  original  station  in  society  was  both  difficult 
and  hazardous,  from  the  support  they  met  in  the  corrupt  officers 
at  court,  and  other  influences  '  behind  the  curtain.'  A  system 
of  renting  the  crown  lands  deemed  the  most  expedient  to  advance 
prosperity,  it  was  incumbent  to  find  a  remedy  for  this  evil.  The 
mere  name  of  some  of  these  petty  tyrants  inspired  such  terror 
as  to  check  all  desire  of  return  to  the  country  ;  but  the  origin  of 
the  institution  of  the  office  and  its  abuses  being  ascertained,  it 
was  imperative,  though  difficult,  to  restore  the  one  and  banish 
the  other.  The  original  elective  right  in  many  townships  was 
therefore  returned  to  the  ryot,  who  nominated  new  Patels  [502], 
his  choice  being  confirmed  by  the  Rana,  in  whose  presence  in- 
vestiture was  performed  by  binding  a  turban  on  the  elected,  for 
which  he  presented  his  nazar.  Traces  of  the  sale  of  these  offices 
in  past  times  were  observable  ;  and  it  was  deemed  of  primary 
importance  to  avoid  all  such  channels  for  corruption,  in  order 
that  the  ryot's  election  should  meet  with  no  obstacle.  That  the 
plan  was  beneficial  there  could  be  no  doubt  ;  that  the  benefit 
would  be  permanent,  depended,  unfortunately,  on  circumstances 


582  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

which  those  most  anxious  had  not  the  means  to  control  :  for  it 
must  be  recollected,  that  although  "  personal  aid  and  advice 
might  be  given  when  asked,"  all  internal  interference  was  by 
treaty  strictly,  and  most  justly,  prohibited. 

After  a  few  remarks  on  the  mode  of  levying  the  crown-rents, 
we  shall  conclude  the  subject  of  village  economy  in  Mewar,  and 
proceed  to  close  this  too  extended  chapter  with  the  results  of 
four  years  of  peace  and  the  consequent  improved  prosperity. 

Modes  of  Collecting  Rents. — There  are  two  methods  of  levying 
the  revenues  of  the  crown  on  every  description  of  corn — kankut 
and  batai,  for  on  sugar-cane,  poppy,  oil,  hemp,  tobacco,  cotton, 
indigo,  and  garden  stuffs,  a  money  payment  is  fixed,  varying 
from  two  to  six  rupees  per  bigha.  The  kankut  ^  is  a  conjectural 
assessment  of  the  standing  crop,  by  the  united  judgement  of  the 
officers  of  government,  the  Patel,  the  Patwari,  or  registrar,  and 
the  owner  of  the  field.  The  accuracy  with  which  an  accustomed 
eye  will  determine  the  quantity  of  grain  on  a  given  surface  is 
surprising  :  but  should  the  owner  deem  the  estimate  overrated, 
he  can  insist  on  batai,  or  division  of  the  corn  after  it  is  threshed  ; 
the  most  ancient  and  only  infallible  mode  by  which  the  dues 
either  of  the  government  or  the  husbandman  can  be  ascertained. 
In  the  batai  system  the  share  of  the  government  varies  from 
one-third  to  two-fifths  of  the  spring  harvest,  as  wheat  and  barley  ; 
and  sometimes  even  half,  which  is  the  invariable  proportion  of  the 
autumnal  crops.  In  either  case,  kankut  or  batai,  when  the  shares 
are  appropriated,  those  of  the  crown  may  be  commuted  to  a 
money  payment  at  the  average  rate  of  the  market.  The  kut  is 
the  most  liable  to  corruption.  The  ryot  bribes  the  collector, 
who  will  underrate  the  crop  ;  and  when  he  betrays  his  duty,  the 
shahnah,  or  watchman,  is  not  likely  to  be  honest  :  and  as  the 
makai,  or  Indian  corn,  the  grand  autumnal  crop  of  Mewar,  is 
eaten  green,  the  crown  may  be  defrauded  of  half  its  dues.  The 
system  is  one  of  uncertainty,  from  which  eventually  the  ryot 
derives  no  advantage,  though  it  [.503]  fosters  the  cupidity  of 
patels  and  collectors  ;  but  there  was  a  barar,  or  tax,  introduced 
to  make  up  for  this  deficiency,  which  was  in  proportion  to  the 
quantity  cultivated,  and  its  amount  at  the  mercy  of  the  officers. 
Thus  the  ryot  went  to  work  with  a  mill-stone  round  his  neck  ; 
instead  of  the  exhilarating  reflection  that  every  hour's  additional 
^  [Kan,  '  grain,'  kut,  '  valuation,'  batai  from  batand,  '  to  divide.'] 


IMPROVEMENT  IN  CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE    583 

labour  was  his  own,  he  saw  merely  the  advantage  of  these  harpies, 
and  contented  himself  with  raising  a  scanty  subsistence  in  a 
slovenly  and  indolent  manner,  by  which  he  forfeited  the  ancient 
reputation  of  the  Jat  cultivator  of  Mewar. 

Improvement  in  the  Condition  of  the  People. — Notwithstanding 
these  and  various  other  drawbacks  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country, 
in  an  impoverished  court,  avaricious  and  corrupt  officers,  dis- 
contented Patels,  and  bad  seasons,  yet  the  final  report  in  May 
1822  could  not  but  be  gratifying  when  contrasted  with  that  of 
February  1818.  In  order  to  ascertain  the  progressive  improve- 
ment, a  census  had  been  made  at  the  end  of  1821,  of  the  three 
central  fiscal  districts  ^  watered  by  the  Berach  and  Banas.  As 
a  specimen  of  the  whole,  we  may  take  the  lappa  or  subdivision  of 
Sahara.  Of  its  twenty-seven  villages,  six  were  inhabited  in  1818, 
the  number  of  families  being  three  hundred  and  sixty-nine,  three- 
fourths  of  whom  belonged  to  the  resumed  town  of  Amli.  In  1821 
nine  hundred  and  twenty-six  families  were  reported,  and  every 
village  of  the  twenty-seven  was  occupied,  so  that  population  had 
almost  trebled.  The  number  of  ploughs  was  more  than  trebled, 
and  cultivation  quadrupled  ;  and  though  this,  from  the  causes 
described,  was  not  above  one-third  of  what  real  industry  might 
have  effected,  the  contrast  was  abundantly  cheering.  The  same 
ratio  of  prosperity  applied  to  the  entire  crown  demesne  of  Mewar. 
By  the  recovery  of  Kumbhalmer,  Raepur,  Rajnagar,  and  Sadri- 
Kanera  from  the  Mahrattas  ;  of  Jahazpur  from  Kotah  ;  of  the 
usurpations  of  the  nobles  ;  together  with  the  resumption  of  all 
the  estates  of  the  females  of  his  family,  a  task  at  once  difficult  and 
delicate  ;  ^  and  by  the  subjugation  of  the  mountain  districts  of 
Merwara,  a  thousand  towns  and  villages  were  united  to  form  the 
fiscal  demesne  of  the  Rana,  composing  twenty-four  districts  of 
various  magnitudes,  di\aded,  as  in  ancient  timeS;  and  with  the 
primitive   [504]   appellations,   into   portions   tantamount   to  the 

^  Mui,  Barak,  and  Kapasan. 

2  To  effect  this,  indispensable  alike  for  unity  of  government  and  the 
establishment  of  a  police,  the  individual  statements  of  their  holders  were 
taken  for  the  revenues  they  had  derived  from  them,  and  money  payments 
three  times  the  amount  were  adjudged  to  them.  They  were  gainers  by 
this  arrangement,  and  were  soon  loaded  with  jewels  and  ornaments,  but 
the  numerous  train  of  harpies  who  cheated  them  and  abused  the  poor 
ryot  were  eternally  at  work  to  defeat  all  such  beneficial  schemes  ;  and 
the  counteraction  of  the  intrigues  was  painful  and  disgusting. 


584  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

tithings  and  hundreds  of  England,  the  division  from  time  im- 
memorial amongst  the  Hindus.^  From  these  and  the  commercial 
duties  2  a  revenue  was  derived  sufficient  for  the  comforts,  and  even 
the  dignities  of  the  prince  and  his  court,  and  promising  an  annual 
increase  in  the  ratio  of  good  government  :  but  profusion  scattered 
all  that  industry  and  ingenuity  could  collect  ;  the  artificial  wants 
of  the  prince  perpetuated  the  real  necessities  of  the  peasant,  and 
this,  it  is  to  be  feared,  will  continue  till  the  present  generation 
shall  sleep  with  their  forefathers. 

Abstract  of  the  Fiscal  Revenues  of  Mewar  in  the  years 
1818-19-20-21-22. 

Spring  harvest  of  1818      .  Rs.  40,000 

1819  .    451,281 

1820  .    659,100 

1821  .   1,018,478 

(    The  active  superintendence 
„  1822       .  936,640    of  the  British  Agent  being 

[  almost  entirely  withdrawn. 

Abstract  of  Commercial  Duties  included  in  the  above. 
In  1818     .  .  .     Nominal 


1819 
1820 
1821 
1822 


.  Rs.  96,683 
165,108 


220  000  (  Farmed  for  three  years, 
'  from  1822, for750,000rupees, 

217,000  -'  wliich  was  assigned  by  the 
I  Rana  for  the  liquidation  of 
I  tribute  fallen  La  arrear. 


Mines  and  Minerals. — There  are  sources  of  wealth  in  Mewar 
yet  untouched,  and  to  which  her  princes  owe  much  of  their 
power.  The  tin  mines  of  Jawara  and  Dariba  alone,  little  more 
than  half  a  century  ago,  yielded  above  three  lakhs  annually  ;  ^ 

^  Manu  [Larvs,  vii.  119]  ordains  the  division  into  tens,  hundreds,  and 
thousands. 

^  Farmed  for  the  ensuing  three  years,  from  1822,  for  seven  lakhs  of 
rupees. 

3  In  S.  1816,  Jawara  yielded  Rs.  222,000  and  Dariba  Rs.  80,000.  The 
tin  of  these  mines  contains  a  portion  of  silver.  [What  the  Author  calls 
the  tin  mines  are  probably  the  lead  and  zinc  mines  at  Jawar,  16  miles 
south  of  Udaipur  city.  They  seem  now  to  be  exhausted,  and  search  might  be 
made  for  other  untouched  pockets  of  ore.  Those  at  Dariba,  which  formerly 
yielded  a  considerable  revenue,  have  long  been  closed  (Erskine  ii.  A.  53).] 


THE  FEUDAL  LANDS 


585 


besides  rich  copper  mines  in  various  parts.  From  such f  beyond 
a  doubt,  much  of  the  wealth  of  Mewar  was  extracted,  but  the 
miners  are  now  dead,  and  the  mines  filled  with  water.  An 
attempt  was  made  to  work  them,  but  it  was  so  unprofitable  that 
the  design  was  soon  abandoned. 

Nothing  will  better  exemplify  the  progress  of  prosperity  than 
the  comparative  population  of  some  of  the  chief  towns  before, 
and  after,  four  years  of  peace  : 


No.  of  houses  in  1818. 

jNo.  of  houses  in  1822. 

Udaipur 

.      3,500       . 

.      10,000 

Bhilwara    . 

.    not  one     . 

2,700 

Pur   . 

200       . 

1,200 

Mandal 

80       . 

400 

Gosunda     . 

i-_   in j_i   T 

60       . 

j_          rriu„   a ]„i   i i„ r. 

350  [505] 

The  Feudal  Lands. — The  feudal  lands,  which  were  then  double 
the  fiscal,  did  not  exhibit  the  like  improvement,  the  merchant 
and  cultivator  residing  thereon  not  ha\ang  the  same  certainty 
of  reaping  the  fruits  of  their  industry  ;  still  great  amelioration 
took  place,  and  few  were  so  blind  as  not  to  see  their  account  in 
it.^  The  earnestness  with  which  many  requested  the  Agent  to 
back  their  expressed  intentions  with  his  guarantee  to  their 
communities  of  the  same  measure  of  justice  and  protection  as  the 
fiscal  tenants  enjoyed  was  proof  that  they  well  understood  the 
benefits  of  reciprocal  confidence  ;  but  this  could  not  be  tendered 
without  danger.  Before  the  Agent  left  the  country  he  greatly 
withdrew  from  active  interference,  it  being  his  constant,  as  it 
was  his  last  impressive  lesson,  that  they  should  rely  upon  them- 
selves if  they  desired  to  retain  a  shadow  of  independence.  To 
give  an  idea  of  the  improved  police,  insurance  which  has  been 
described  as  amounting  to  eight  per  cent  in  a  space  of  twenty-five 
miles  became  almost  nominal,  or  one-fourth  of  a  rupee  per  cent 
from  one  frontier  to  the  other.  It  would,  however,  have  been 
quite  Utopian  to  have  expected  that  the  lawless  tribes  would 
remain  in  that  stupid  subordination  which  the  unexampled  state 

^  There  are  between  two  and  three  thousand  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets, 
besides  the  fiscal  land  of  Mewar  ;  but  the  tribiite  of  the  British  Government 
is  derived  only  from  the  fiscal ;  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  collect 
from  the  feudal  lands,  which  are  burthened  with  service,  and  form  the 
army  of  the  State. 


586  ANNALS  OF  MEWAR 

of  society  imposed  for  a  time  (as  described  in  the  opening  of  these 
transactions),  when  they  found  that  real  restraints  did  not  follow 
imaginary  terrors.  Had  the  wild  tribes  been  under  the  sole 
influence  of  British  power,  nothing  would  have  been  so  simple  as 
effectually,  not  only  to  control,  but  to  conciliate  and  improve 
them  ;  for  it  is  a  mortifying  truth,  that  the  more  remote  from 
civilization,  the  more  tractable  and  easy  was  the  object  to  manage, 
more  especially  the  Bhil.^  But  these  children  of  nature  were 
incorporated  in  the  demesnes  of  the  feudal  chiefs,  who  when  they 
found  our  system  did  not  extend  to  perpetual  control,  returned  to 
their  old  habits  of  oppression  :  this  provoked  retaliation,  which 
to  subdue  requires  more  power  than  the  Rana  yet  possesses,  and, 
in  the  anomalous  state  of  our  alliances,  will  always  be  an  em- 
barrassing task  to  whosoever  may  exercise  political  control. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  years  of  oppression 
that  have  swept  the  land  will  be  held  in  remembrance  by  the 
protecting  power,  and  that  neither  petulance  nor  indolence  will 
lessen  the  benevolence  which  restored  life  to  Mewar.  or  mar  the 
picture  of  comparative  happiness  it  created. 

^  Sir  John  Malcolm's  wise  and  philanthropic  measures  for  the  reclama- 
tion of  this  race  in  Malwa  wiU  sup2:)ort  my  assertions  [Memoir  of  Central 
India,  2nd  ed.  i.  516  ff.,  ii.  179  ff.]- 


,    CO  TO  r^ 


0     o  m  fl 


"3 , 


o  0)  q; 
03  g  cS  o 


(C  Q  o 

'33ai'Sg'3      "33  P 
o  03  to  P  o      000 


■am  *jo 


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