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ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


TO THE 


SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


ls3 9-790 


Jae @ VW) Evins, TE, 


DIRECTOR 


WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
1894 


LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, 
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1890. 

Sir: [have the honor to submit my Eleventh Annual Report 
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

The first part presents an explanation of the plan and opera- 
tions of the Bureau; the second consists of a series of papers 
on anthropologic subjects, prepared by my assistants to illus- 
trate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. 

Allow me to express my appreciation of your earnest support 
and your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. 

I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 


Hon. 8. P. Lancuey, 


Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 
IiL 


CONTE NEES: 


Page 
Mniprod Ctl Oneepeert: a semerta sae see aak oe oA aca tna sett de cena sce sate Sate XXIII 
Io ORO N es sbo5 q sods cis OS OaOe DEB SOc APG Cee hance See aes eee ee XXIV 
Mieldieworlg eee aao2 eae ACCC HED OSO eB Dats ade Dace Gee pomp oe ahr ear aaa XXV 
Monmdvexiy Lonehl O08 seperate ates cer sony) Mees tee is cont eet eee XKV 
Generalifieldl studies peceeetetecieceecs eet e th cost soeeee sce ence ace XXVI 
WVOr ks ote Mirae shim Olia Osi se ete ects mice sa celmo Soe yet eee em XXVI 
WioDkzote Dr Wi. ds HOtmnaan eae os es = siamese tee so XXVI 
WorkcofeMirh VactorMaundeleth -. << 4202-2 s. 255.25 552--26 ee eae XXVIL 
Workioteiir-: Jamesy Money. - Sona ser tose ae he Pye See Oe sae XXVII 
Works ofsMirJ eromiabi@orbin) 2s <o2--cee coscee ME Soya hee oracte XXIX 
WiorkjofeMrs Te Neb blewlubis ceca cate sake sees te, oe xXx 
WVOrktofe Mrs MiG. SLC VeODSOD=<s- 0 ot oo Sade soak. cn eee XXX 
Oificenw orks pe eens ae ape ota eins re ac eee cba eee XXX 
WOE of che miIneCton a sebensterac = te cee eee Seen cic ee XXX 
Wrorkjof ColoneliGarrickiMalllery «~~ 226 2258s - <0 2 sieee a eee XXXI 
Wikerd lee) beads i/o Ls yn SS abated Benes Gee Sec nae ane eeee XXXI 
WorlkiofeMiryds Owen DOrse years ane e'oec ae teas = Sees eee tee XXXI 
Workvote MarwAnisn GQatschetn-raseeress oe eaocleiccicccescs se cedanacce XXXII 
Workxot Mra Jveremiahy Cuntinwasser enact eee -ce ane eee cece XXXIIL 
NiorcofeDrsi Wir esrotmaneoasrr cans acne steer oeeeeee ooo ees XXXIII 
Workcot: Mr-y James yMOooneyarser scee- © cieces 2 ees ee ee ee XXXII 
VOL KO fe MPS Wie ble MELO Lin @8 me trare: ele foe oro einy ia ee tala ats Bre inn acle XXXIV 
WorksofeMinrdiss Coiba in pe aye taice a osiaen oc selene se eeee XXXIV 
WiorkcofaMind de nNi tbs Ele Watt tere teas Sot eis Sete ys iota. mic cic a nee ele XXXV 
Work ofsbroty Cyrus homas: seetieesee sa. See. as ciieisencieenee asec XXXV 
Work-ofoMr-vHepl Reynolds -aaeesesa- es sce eon sn tea. aeceeeeee XXXV 
WoxrkvofebinmVicLore Mand ele lis 2sme eran nism ke Seco sasue acces cee XRT 
WiotksoteMirs Cosmos Mindeleticesescm > a eeeiceess occa ene Sees XXXVI 
Works feline elhanceyaWieiGill sasen acer ce atte eect soe ee eee es XXXVI 
Accompanyines papers sq cee = sere sae Sete oes ae See se eee sect eee XXXIX 
Sub] ectsstroaped meres sarc essa en ce toe eh cesta acest cee skces, ; OOK 
The Sia, by Matilda Coxe Stevenson..........-..-....-------+-------- XX XIX 
Ethnology of the Ungava district, by Lucien M. Turner. .---......---- XLI 
A study of Siouan cults, by J. Owen Dorsey .----..----.-------------- XLII 
inancialistatementie <7. aeci- toes sooo sen- cee cecee POC EOE eon ae eee XLVIL 
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. 

THE SIA, BY MATILDA COXE STEVENSON. 
Introd UC ONE et e- se gos ce See ocean e aces eee eects vase et eaGesee 9 
IMORMO ROM ype esate eee renee ee ee ciaie = ose a ees ae eae oe Pema ise coden saree 26 
Gnltisociehies=aseaeseccseeee-he BBS ODOUR GU CoS de CoC BASES CSS Re Sa eae oe 69 
PHO UNCIBD CurdbeNeesere pins See ers eae tate eae ceca ie Sans amtele waciesares'e ales 73 
Rain ceremonial of the Snake society -......-..-..... --..--2+-------e+--- 76 


VI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Theurgistic rites—Continued. 


Rain ceremonial of the Giantisociety, ---- 2. - 5 to-c- 2 fe. - ea -2 = eae eee 
Four-night ceremonial of the Giant society for the healing of asick boy -. 
Raimiceremonial! ofthe Knite society. -sssse-eeee eae oe a. = eee 
Society. of the: Quer'rannar. 5-225. . ns ees see eee e cece. - oe eee 
Rain ceremonial of the Quer’ranna society .............----.------------ 
Other'societies’ 2.2252 2245 Sos seiek oe eee ee ne ee 
Society, of-the Conran 2) pee. =e 2 5) eee eee SRBAREE oe cisckoetcce 
Society of Warriors 2: 2.. 2-2 hed tee eee ene eee - eee 
NODES 2. cfs. ie od aes oe eee see SOO eS eerste 2.5 een ee 
A rain song of the Sha’ wi Chai‘iin (Snake society). -.-....---.------.----- 
A song of the Shi’ wi Chai’iin (Snake society) for healing the sick -...--. 
A rain song of the Sko’yo Chai’an (Giant society) ---..--------..----.- -- 
A song of the Sko’yo Chai’iin (Giant society) for healing the sick ......-- 
A rain song of the His’tian Chai’iin (Knife society) ......----.-.--------- 
Portion of a rain song of the His’tiiin Chai/iin (Knife society) ....-...---- 
A Tair'songofithe Quer'ranna, Chaitine se. -ses> 6. =-e ee eee eee eee 
Prayer -forisickuntfants) 2-5-2. eee cee ee nee eee ee eee eae 
Childbinth: ..3.)3..0-2%, es eee Se ae ee Cae oe ee 
Mortuary, customs and!beliefs 222 = =2e 22 = ee os. =) 42-0 eee eee 
Myths = o-.-:-- 22 22.- s2sebe etic ccna eee eee coeds eae Ree eee 
The Coyote encounters disappointment...-.-.:--..---2-----2----=------- 
The Coyotesand the Cougars eaeoe. o_o ase ee 
The ‘Coy otevand ithe Ratblesnakeyes eens ee Se ee eee 
The Skatona 32 jp ao5 sce as eee oe eee = Dele cee eee aes eee eee 


ETHNOLOGY OF THE UNGAVA DISTRICT, BY LUCIEN M. TURNER. 


IntroductionS...* = sess. = cee e ac estes eee tase eee sone ee ee eee ee eee 
Fort Chimo and the surrounding region.-.............-..------.-+------- 
Climate sc. 2 2 te facets dares s 6 Hee oe eRe See Ra sae eee ere 
Atiroragl= on. sscsse esas sce oe eee eee A anes Ana oe Saban Oa EAE See 
Vegetation 205.202 cork cere See eee = Se ee oe ee 
Animal Wf6.s_ G2 t.sa-8 o2ccce ater eece ee = Senate ees ee see eee 


Birdsesh,2-. 2222 5e Js Soe Eee Soa nee te eee en 

The native inhabitants of the country—general sketeh ........---.----.----- 
The Eskimo .-.-..- nd See soe See ae at ee oe ee ee ee 
Dhe Indians 2: Ss. - 2k eses, = cases ees = eee te eee eee eee 
Special account of the people around Fort Chimo.-...-........-.--.-.-------- 
The Koksoapmyuts.. 52-9225 sea. cee eee ase eee 
Physical’ characteristics. ca... 35.5 see eee en eae eee ee ee 

DIS CASOB Sen oan fae =e A cow are nen RS eer hae eee 
Marriage) so. sees n-eecio ese oe oo ete? eee sae ete eee anne 
Childrens. eos hae. a eee ees ts aoe ees A eee eee eee 

Burial) customs \525s).22- 52 32, speeeee cisie cene sial=ee ee S ae eee eee 
Religione s: -ctsge 225. salsa eae Pe ma aieeienie eee ae eee eee eeeees 
Outdoor life s.<..252 222. nb ee ieee ON Se eee eee eee eee 
Tattooin gh, 25. So. ep Soe Sere ee ee nee ee ee ree 
Clothing... -.2¥e.25. ios foe Ree se see ee ee eee 
Dwellinos: 2. = 2.25225 oe a0. See eee ee eee Oe eee 
Honsehold/arti¢les 2225-032 sane = foseeiae ae aes ee eee eee 
Hood’and ats preparation a--s-s4- =P eee ae eee eee 
Tobaceoand ‘snufl .. -2.. fost sessewe soe Sees ae ee Se eee eee 


CONTENTS. VII 


Special account of the people around Fort Chimo—Continued. 
The Koksoagmyut—Continned. 
Means of transportation 


INP UO? 22c6sb0bed o aR SE eRe N SoS ete ee eee eee a ee eee 

Onan ee erase eas <istr==-oeeate eaten = eae Sebo noes cae ase 
Weapons and other hunting implements....-................._..-.-. 246 
ELEN GID Ope RU emer a ersten aya saeee ty ee ince me Soc See are 249 
Miscellaneous p lemenits == -eisac=2 e-em sean seen tke 2k 252 
PANITORGIN GN CS meme e ee Oeste ees a a-|- Pew Peete oan acter ee 254 
LNW fiseddehbebd co cods B25 5 Beep SEU Een etic ta Oa a See Cee Eee ee ae 259 
SLORY Tel Tn owen AetO URL OTe ™ mother orlstan eee see eee er sea PAG) 
Oniemnto fiihey boning. a. ee mat soho) ceei nese ese ee elas ses 261 
Mhercoming of the white people... - -=:. -:s-.---..22-=5,---2-<-5<- 261 
Origin of living things on the earth and in the water._......__.- 261 
Onioinvofiheyeuillempts! c=. -m-\se eee Sees eee <2 a 262 
Onipinto fit hemaeneae oes sant ac see aise cee ans eee sis save Ses 262 
Origin of the quadrangular spots on the loon’s back ............- 262 
Origin’ o fete sors eee meee eet eee ae ates oe en een 268 
Oripiniotiheghawikkerarme Caer Jalho- o seaneoaaraccs ence ota: ase 263 
Originjofsthe swallows a=: 2-52.55 86s seks Jose e+ 22a ec ele ances 263 
TMOG pase egcsccud bce sec acabes OoNar A BM aABaan ae Bees eee eermsone 363 
ANNO Oe te As AR cae ene Ie by cee a 263 
NAL CG ieee Nao tet Pee ne Rete eae ae sac tsk ee sacs oot ose 263 
(OLEH) CIAO MIMD aasa46 sonomess Sasa ee eee escomcocaesaneere 264 
Stor yon mhermanvandehismtoxswilosess esse see nonce ae Soe eee 264 
WG VO Samm mens coscdade oetiaade sasacet ad Goa eeeeasares Sede 264 
lien) ealousiman’ sae eee aan ce e-m-s ceee esse seas See 264 
Stonywot thesorpham NhOyeaa-- ssneses eos shoes sos ge ese eee 265 
Phejorigin of the sun, moon; ‘and stars =. --..-..........-.._...3 266 
JAD INONEE OR OCRUe Bae REP OODO SAS CREA SAS AOE ee See eae 266 
RW ers lcypeemerne nee meron es 8 = ioe eee oe a. ae seee Seat ec es 266 
AUN GIR) AIAG Se eS pinae Ge 5 OF GOH oe ee ere eetery Se) Ses een 267 
MhesNenenotcoresNaskopie? 2 teee aan. 2 cee nees cons seece aes. cant ee oe 267 
Principal: charactenisues: = 2-5 cekess aces ean. bee s- 2 hs oees eoanee ne oee 267 
Qothin gas eet oe = asa aan ec sha Se arte oS cee le 281 
Erepandboniof the skins tor clowning = 992s. 2422 see nce ee ees 292 
Die llin oStream eee eee 5 Sora eee eee =F osin Se Foe Seen eae 298 
DWeatenoOuseserese ee sae 8) sees eee te eee nt eS 300 
Honseholagmbonsuls we tOres s==.S* ses crete sae ef eye oe ote eine ees Seccee 300 
Robaccolandt pi pesermree =n 9 ene eae oe cee eee ease 302 
Meansyo Mur ans pores tl OMe 2-2 a ete ae alts ae meres SE oe ee eect 304 
IBY WRU Ss ncoc.nac ae ano REAR ES PREs Fae Bone Sa Eenbas Steer eeeneie eae 304 
[Byypl amid Geen stesso Soe iss se eecis ee eae eee enantio te =a cinwee one 308 
WiGain OT1Strereteet te ae tS fol (ccnen Pe aeeree ae eR estes ees roe 312 
Ronn Pace ee eee eee Sc crane Meese setae cote cece cece Se 316 
Miscellaneous implements, tools, ete ........-.----.--=-------------- 317 
PACTUR OTD GN LSE seem meeps ere anat Seno nce at ster | Rone Sereeeeis nee 320 
TRGB Liv stll Shanes ceien sae tetiac rs toe) aor aici) oe Se oe cae acne tas 322 
Holic] One Pree eta) eeie oiele <n a ao ete ele ae Noms ate aionselen ee oee cee sae 327 
Story: of the wolverine and the brant. ....:2....2-.-..-.--..-:--- 327 
SLOnygOrst enw oluprinereras Sa. - ssa tek era semen aie ee aac 6, Jace 327 
ithedeen andthe squirrel: -- 25. --2-<-2se---4- oe Sn eae eee 328 
The young man who went to live with the deer ...-........---.. 328 
The wolf’s daughter going to seek her lover......-.-....-..----- 330 


Mherevalep Nis Mie aA eee ne eee cea sae Te elec ees. = 333 


VIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Special account of the people around Fort Chimo—Continued. 
The Nerenot or “ Naskopie’—Continued. 
Folklore—Continued. 


A--wolverine destroys, his! sister<22-5 ..0-2-1---- 2-5-2 = soeeeeee eee 
The rabbit and the frog. 2... 2222. sees pee se ae === See eee 
The wolverine‘and the roek 2222s 2.ess- 2-3-2.) = = =, ae 
Creation of people by the wolverine and the muskrat ..---.-.-- 
Origin @f the whitish spot on the throat of the martin..........- 
The Indian and his: beaver wifes... .- 2222--).------sesee eae see 
The: venturesome hare: =< 1 eee oe ae ors! es 
The spirit guiding a child left by its parents.......-.--.-----...- 
Hatevot tworlndianmenss-.--se2ee== see ces -2-o aee e 
Dheistarving: wolverine =o. ese sens == ee ee ee 
The'starving: Indiansss25: 2-6 - bs gs. oe soos occa ee eee ee ae 


A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS, BY J. OWEN DORSEY. 


CHAPTER Y]— Introduction: 2-2 = ee a ee eae te =r a ae 
Definitionsjof<leulty and“ Siouany sea e een = ass 
Slouan Pamily:. <<. acsc ocperee eestor eames) ala isa ein al oes 
Authorities |. .-3h v= oe ase ete Stee ae kine. eee ee eee ee 
Alphabet)... == - 3:4. 22 oseec 2 see sees eae nt oe 22 saeco 
Abbreviations. 2252555 osemaacaiet sa- oe o> Sse eee eee 

CiraPnier: 1: — Definitions jacseees asec) ee os 2a e= eee 
Alleged beliefiinia\GreatiSpinite=.--+- --52 9-- -4--22--en eee ae sees 
Phenomena divided into human and superhuman ......-..-.-...----.---- 
Lerms'for™ “mysterious; 7. ie htning ete =.) 222 = ane a eee 
Other/OmahayandPonkatermstecs.-2--- «= c=) eee ee ee eee ee 
Significance of personal names and kinship terms....-....-.......-.----- 
Myth and legend distinguished from the superhuman.......-.....--.-.--- 

CuapTER III.—Cults of the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, and Osage -.-...-...-.--- 
Beliefsjandypractices not found=ss: 5-25 ----e sae ae eeeeeeeeeeeae eae 
Omaha, Ponka, and Kansa belief in a wakanda ..-.....---.-----.---.---- 
Seven ‘great wakandas:-. 2.2... jesc2255% --st aceasta si dene eee ee 
Invoeationiof warmthiand|istreams)ss. 55 - sss ee eee ee eee 
Prayer to wakand ay). s)he seo ess teers ee ee eee nee Soe ane 
Accessories: Of prayer. -<50-2 Sen seers one eee eee nee eee 
Omaha and Kansa expressions about wakanda.-..........---.------:.---- 
Ponka beliefiaboutmalevolentispinits!--eeeeee es] eee ee eee e eee 
An old Omaha enstom@ss2si2 S. auc. ans 22 sere Cee eee eee eee eee eee ee 
Thewsund wakands, 325 -.nsics. scocee eee ee ee ee eee 

Imiy.o Cations s\.-.' saiscanee ces airs eee eer Ie Ss ee a eee 
Dhetoienin'gjobto bacco: sess. -— a= eeeee ae Snare eee 
The Ponkajsun! dance; of 1813" 35 sass ee ats ae eee 
The-moonia Wakao d ass a. ane 2 = cis Se eee Oe eee Brenan sees 
BERGA CHER Aree teh aeice Sina sey See tae Srnec oe teers 


Osage consecration of mystic fireplaces_............-..-------------- 
MheyDhinder- bein oyawalkeand 8 0 e eee er oes ae 
Omaha and Ponka invocation of the thunder-being ......---.-.-.---- 
Thunder-being: invoked by; waxriorss--2--- esse a= s-eee 
Uctasanda.custom 5. S$. 3a. ehee ee ese cone eee Se See eee eee 


Page. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER III.—Cults of the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, and Osage—Continued. 
Subterranean and subaquatic wakandas ........-...--......------------ 
TOG, TGR AVGD «2 on 2 Soe ODE OER etn See crane SOR EE Seer AEB Isai sees 
OthenmMansanw seam asjere see acest ery ceee: cas cies ea eeecnk asensescs 
Omahainvocations’of the: trap, ete ---=- 22... 2-:- 222.2222 22: = 2-22 222: 
PEON onic so007 so ose oSdaes DeC DOR SC CNT soe So> SSESan Eh ese ee ae ee eee 
Mvyaticntineesiand plants scaec a.m cc s=senecatyees es sactacs eeeeiecce se woe 
IRE nos See coped SoS c CORED aC S Se eR SE SOO -e Cee Cae OS er aeameeee 
RensonaleMmyStOnyROGcCOLaODSi 2 =sa0 Sasa se eesesen aes Seselean tons sone 
Orderotelhundersstiamansynmes se = eet em nee cee nee fee ales an caee ae 
Generignformsrot GecorablOnis. =o 2222s ne Ses oes Seae =e es tese nese 
Specific forms of decoration 
Wonnvanditheyb witalOmanssasaee ence te sae cache tose nado ewe se seme ewe 
Other Omaha mystery decorations 


Mans asm ys tery CeConahlonsenac-c-cnc2- cal se =cigje cae se ae oe oe eae 
Omaha kieideoora tronseeesssecrs 24-6 sate tenn oan nak Sov slee sass canes 
Oma amie CUSLOMIS ese earemien = 2 alan sae oe Reo betee Sacneas toe 
Govermmentalbinstrumentalittesjs a= 2p \- 22 aan ee ss seam cerca ences 
@Omauharand Poulkantano0see ese s- encase ae ots] oar eens eee see ae soa 
DIQHO NITY 268 e.cda cobead ated ce 2d Gee BHbS DeEHed Ooo ee Seeme soa aooreBSGnaE 
Hei ches OtmulerurIDeMmDOle Cube == sete om a oe ai a as cle 
Omahayinibalsfetichesreees sae == eels ene saws e soy sn = eae Se 
Osaiperiviballfetiches aaa. srs eleais ols cafe ccs See aiels = sven else =s 

Kane aninubaletcChespeceeeesi-ean me actin meas att eso Se ceemasia=s 

LEGS gH COONS S HAR oor. cust ecGaa een nna SeCnuhcunee SeneeC espeacsec 
SIONS Soe DEBE SS HOe COSEIOE tO SRO AERO QE EO Se Hee See ee Te eee ie Rees oe 
AEN seco s boce TORS Sasa Onoda LS eS bs Hoos BOGE OO ECONE GHeMnE Re eSDOr 
Omaha and Ponka belief as to a future life .........-.....--..----------- 
Kansa beliefs respecting death and a future life ............-.-.-....---.- 
CHAPTER [V.—jciwere and Winnebago cults........--.-.-----.------------- 
TUG OTL GS yaa vee see en rele omineee oan tei ere arse anre 2 Sicon’sratacin'n cia slags oro 2 
Term ‘‘Great Spirit” never heard among the Jowa ......---...---.------ 
SMEG EDEN Ey WOleNUE) Sa on Oo aoe Be Sans cee Sea See Seen AA One OR Aes SS eeese 
ACN UO PEM a) AES 655 S38 Aon oh Go deo SS Sns BAOOEE TARR eH Ee ane Ser ees aera 
hoyihnnd erabein ow ame kana) ate weyers ce alae clays eeleeer cel lale cles waco mcinyais 
Subterranean powers <e-- a2 aos eee sa saceiecaceac sce ces ec cseeiee sae 
Slbaqmanl ei Owersasastecerta< = st sae ane Seon se nae eae oa 
ATMalla gi sawy es loa Nie Semen terete ses See ee mere pons ele see eam iaeimem i= 
AP ORNGOSES =e cer see aes = mis sane ~ = se ee acer baatscaw ease wastes as oe 
IDG Oe SAG S638 aes SRSA ERE AS abe Hes Rea DBAS aSneeReaae ap aaceae 
ANOLON aS Rees Ooo SS Se CORR ODS O BREE Eee Ee bOs Sass SESS. een aa SSE EeEes 
AMOS bos Sdeeseaoc sec Se aC aSO AREER RCo bot CU ae SS = aie SS eee 
Public or tribal fetiches.---....--...-- BS SoS DOO NaS none BEE can aeercae 
Symbolic earth formations of the Winnebago...........--.-------------- 
OSD RN ATONE ack Se ccee cbse on SACRE NTA Sao oEOSporcber mss oEppeesae 
Mancino SOClUIES yon eae ees es ane 5 saree ciel ae SSoISHeS Deen Dees CosnaSoe 
RhewOcGheridancimo(societysserrissce f-=sPe sees aaa sine ste soci sian 
Mbhewreds Medicine dancins society: {oes nesse = esa 2 = a ie le 
hexGreeniG ornid ance eee is ss asec seeic ols Secisseceetss= = 
he WButialodancin pe SOClOty = ae = =e oe am min le ae oe ele = 
AIChWiene Mira Cli ONS eee eerste eal hee cco crew es Serie eee anne alow neste ses 
Bole te MeastiuNCepliteusee eee ene eee aan ese aan eee = = eee 
CuapTer V.— Dakota and Assiniboin cults .........-...--------------------- 


Alleged Dakota helief in a Great Spirit ..........--...-......----------- 
UIP OS ron ation leh xblesyy, Baers apes eel onal aveia)e i ieiabe slaiel«icieieein e/ale cin ecm == 


x REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


CuaptTer V.—Dakota and Assiniboin eults—Continued. 

Meanin gio cw alka? ops 37 3 ara ala le crete ete eae fan se ee 
Daimonism ~- 5524 2-02-5026 5 22 eee oc eR Eee en er Oe ne 
Amimismae: = 23 [256 oe os < cen See ce oo 8c cee oe a ee as |=> oo ees 
Principal Dakota: p0d8)2sc2 526522 35,4324 ee eran eo = 
Miss Fletcher oni Indian religion! 22. = 22 ee ae ea 
Prayer 2.2. os sean aesecteeto! -292 3 Se ee ee ee nee 2 
Sa Orifice ge etek ae foe ee ao Suen Se EE ee Saree ea 
MWseroLpainbanwy ors hip) ase 5 sees =e ere een a 
The unktehi, or subaquatic and subterranean powers -------------------- 
Characterof:the amkteliice- ee ee eaten acs oo eee 
Power of the uniktelit,.. 325 Saneee oa peerae 9 oe oo eee ee 
Subordinates ofthe un kteni, sess ser = ee eo eee 
Mhetmystery: dances o= 5 ase a eee = i 
Thelmaindywaria 2260. eee ye rea ee eis) =e eee 
Tae sew eeu hay 0085 ore Ai ba CS = Eee a 
Phe aNMOr!G 008s. 52 ssaran ae oe ae ea een = = eee ee 
The warprophetc sosccae 3. 50 cee eee oe Se lo ee eee 
The:spirits of the mysteryssackese-se.---\- sa. 1-2 - 1s eee eee 
Takuskayskan, the Moving Deity._..--.....--.-------=--=+-----------=-- 
Tunkan or Inyan, the Stone god or Lingam:-.-......---.---------------- 
In) Yan) Sais. Sasa eee oe eee sees ehwe. Ghe ons = Se eee ere eee ee 
Mato :tipl2c se see 2 seer eee nee Bak Sealey ain SRE Oe eee 
Thesunand Moon, 2222 ese ase eee ss eee nc oe eee eee 
Nature of ‘conepptsseaase2e ee seas ae ene ao = 2 ek ee ee ee 
Phesun*dances 222s. Saher oe a Ee eee 

A Dakota’s account of the sun dance .-.--..-..-.---..--------------- 
Objectiofithesundances----—- o/4- =. -- se ee eee eee eee 
RilestobservedsbysWousehol dsp seas -1 eee ete ee eer 

‘The =ma=ney’ ee ye eases Secs 2 ee eee ee ee eee 
Rulesiobserved by stherdeyv Over ce = qe. es ae eee eee 

Mri hes\invited tothe sundae! ==... ae eee eee 
Disciplinemaintained!: = 2. -eetes: - san eee ee ee eee 
Campingyeirele formedie. cesses ee ee ae eee eee eee eae 
Men selected to seek the mystery tree ........-.---.---..-------=-=-- 
Tent of preparation sss. oe see eo... eee ee eee eee 
Expedition totheamystery tree: =. se ee sean te) =e ee ea 
Relhinesthe trees ees eee ae sere ee ee eee er 
Tree) taken;to:camp:23- ases2. a see eee ee 
Raising theism. poles sesc ss a-0- ee eee eee eee er eee eee ee 
Building-of dancing lod vem see. re sea 
The uwéita = 22. = 22 -4-: ic neg 325: See eee ee ORE ee > ee ee 


Offerings: otcandidates; 22.6 -sneat eee sae ee eee eee ee 
Ceremonies\at the'dancing lodgee=- 2°: < ~~ - 2. == 5 ee 
Nhe dances ses a2 sae oe See eee ane ete See eee eee 


Pieces of flesh’ offered... <n sate a} oe See a ase eee 
Torture:ofiowner of HOrsemsnane-e soso nae hae ae ee eee eee 

Endvof ‘the id ance: 32 seo ee Oo one Ono ee Ee eee 
Intrusive dances: s22.0.:.222 Soto geem orice isis eee a GE eee 
Captains Bourke onthe sunidanGere= seme a= ae = ae ee 
Berdaches) 222. 2022. oo0 he oe ee eae oie =o Ss a ee 


CONTENTS. XI 
5 Page. 

CHAPTER V.—Dakota and Assiniboin cults—Continued. 
TNS) CANAD cac6 cock come aos ames Naas Coe OEE DARE Aon nn ae ei 468 
Weathers piniimepr eres tera: 5- to a= see onsen vee i a 468 
ISCO o 8 ota 3 3355 (UB ASEH SASS OCR A nee ene eee ke ho 468 
WMbetconcepuOneHey Okano. --.- sec 22ers cessed ace eas Soh ee ole ee 468 
EGO ah O48 UE REe net Sete tae mer ties face oee thee sees oo Ne aay 469 
SLOMMOteap Ov OMaMans cc ce= acces see otic so cee se- pu eou ele 469 
Hey Ok aw OM pers a= Sani = 22 See menie eee a eee ees cea ce -o8 Monee 471 
iva he POdvon pl MihONy pee Sac cac os ais oe Joos see eee eeece cl alee 471 
MiG wUksbOm Tore UME LOM re ae sess. etles hea eee eee se ak 471 
Cayotidan and LONNO PIG Verto as 2 eee eck erate ee eek oes eee lh dee 473 
IAT RHUD) coucestado sdlSase 2a 25 cee ee aera tee a tear Ueno 473 
LMSC dedidetind.d OSS oe sop aaa ar eee en ee 475 
Grandi goss puns a7 seeee reer G8. oe ae. e teal Mee 475 
Belieis a bOULLAe DUN Ome en a cco. SMPs Ae ee oo coe a eas neee 475 
prevalenceroipunesuellots sss =e eae ns mee Sa coe emo aet eee 475 
Onipange tah oabuiial Omer meet se eye ae eee ae ere ee 476 
The Tatangnaskinyay, or mythic buffalo .................-.---.----- 477 
(Mheih Garber sare aoea coe mec steers ae das 2 cases cick at Meds tees nce ee 477 
hehwolipracasaen <2 cee ee eee Ae Se ORAS ee ee ATT 
EL OMB CN meres sae mene ete eee ee neo ap es ee Sa Up ae SE Oe 479 
SMU secu csoddaseeteoors sok Topok JES Reg SO CC USOE SBE Be Sone SEA BEne eae 479 
Suaieslorenesm eee errr. enema Hone ek one Oe at ono poses ease eee 479 
ihecdonblenyoutanper eam eee ae ea ae acc otis oon cece oe see Scenes Sans 480 
BeTaW OM eNere ret ete ae Meters Seeaecei Soe: asa n bee ee Soke mates 480, 
LON ETT? CING SS ies tls oe As Sin SaaS Ge a 481 
IMS) snotoc ben Soteromses cae hoo Has eeas SESS R ys ae Un oe eee eee eee 481 
SUT BOS recat eee eer. eee Hees Seen 3 Se et eee See tacleete ee ate 482 
Customsyrelating torch dhoodmensaeseeenn =e acere eae ene = 2 eee 482 
ISIC ondipndsa5d00 15 Sana DaSse Gb eper Sa aeae een See SES Soe neEee: Saeeeeee 483 
Ghostmloreyandythe tuture litesreses eater soc seseas eee neo = eee Sepa ceee eee 484 
Meaning of wanagi .---..-- Suiceece S431S0 5 Geran Se DSRS GOSS enesoe 484 
ASSINI HOM peliets abouts theideadises- =< 2-----222--5 8 - oases se eee 485 
Ghostamotaloyaysavistbl 6. cmmeetse<) i «24256 2c onccsc< soe eaee eee 485 
Menthvandypurialel One sens one mee eee le nee Oe et ease ce we eases 485 
Why the Teton stopped burying in the ground ....-...-......-.. 486 
Uniportanceroretal booger pee seeek eo ele es hee aoe eee eens 486 
Ceremonies atiihershostlodpen.ssses 4c 2 se era os ee eee ee a 487 
Goodvandshadishostse ss-loseq riacesas Sees soe zeeon kee he eee 439 
ntercourserwi the h Ostet. mec-2 28 ee sees cren ste oa a2 See aeee one = 489 
(GUUS TAS LO TI CR eemee ree aree ae ae m2 ee yee An ees SIO Re Se 489 
The ghost husband .......-- Segeminee San ene ee aes a a= a apeee tes = 489 
Mhessolitanyatrayelenecs seco ace eck sso doe Sane sess 489 
fRherhostaonvtherhill hace 206 2- P:craaone ese eae ee Oe eek aoc 489 
The Indian who wrestled with a ghost .................----.--.- 489 
RhemmaniewmhoshobaeNost ssa. == oss -acere cee eee ne ase ee 492 
ARSinIDOMNNDelletsrabouiien Osis s= =-- aera a= eeseeemes eee eee eee 492 
Prayers to the dead, including ancestors ........-..----------------- 493 
Metamorphoses and transmigration of souls ........-...----.-------- 493 
Exhorbahionsiho; absemtiwanliorss<- 22+ /o5=-224-<522-2-t225 co-ee Gece ns 493 
Miystenionspnenvand swOmen's east ence a2 4-2 2 see se core ee nese ceeeesetene 493, 
Gopher oneseeeaanca seer aoa rat cas are: Se iec ln Meee een ee ae eee boc ete eae 496 
Cansesjofabollstan disores ses tec saee each o nines cee ee cite oes ho ete nehen 496 
Rent) sofa yin ows tealin ge VeuCima-- caer cece 5 cere eater =e eer cece eeao~s 497 


GCLeUROCIOULOS mere nee ee mania one oa ake eee etn eee eee amar ase 497 


XII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


(CHAPTER V.—Dakota and Assiniboin cults—Continued. as 
JO Whe ecm ese ose pono cope omens Soon nism Poco Senses ese oset tesa eseess 498 
Publiciorm tribalttetiches 932-2 2-— sae eee = ae eee 498 
Private or personal fetiches 2 o< oa acts eee ee el 498 
Ordeals; on mod esiof SWearinp)--- = = osc eee tee = ees 499 
Sorcerysand jag glorye == ace a == oe ae eee ee ee 439 
nn Ons seepae cacbeu Soeoececbseces osecode. Sho joceemeaSesES te aS So2c2e6 500 
Bodily jomenss2s2s- a. ei ea ere a 500 
iAmimalOMme@nB ss ae 2 see eee tae eee mia a ee 500 
Omens from dreamss. sense ae ee nee = sea eee eee 500 
CHAPTER VI.—Cults of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Sapona ..-.-----.--..-.-.-- 501 
BANU ETT OF GLOSS oe teres ee fe 501 
Alleged belief in a Great Spirit---.-----2--- 2-22. - === 7. = 501 
The great mystery a modern deity -~-------2---- ~~ ~~ <2 ee 501 
Leah pee anne nace en ears oteastes peor ceseecmecbreslsascezsseonece: 502 
W/O) Web Wiaia he RARE Repo SE ceco nec) ie ccadesseeraeSsabeaonces acc ccecmssa ss 502 
DOP be pe eetear sae se ese dcosca noSCon cae seoese =e Sdeess 2e2obseacscc 502 

SE Xa sb (teens Cees erecera nse loco coco soos oRabbneS cdecebothcodacasase 502 
AMI O) oh if acres pases com Sone osne os Seem oes ta arse seacccors ce 502 
MMO Cie ator raeee came se mednoce seasons Sretopass tess Okie coe = 503 
@uilitio£ the Yonsei as er re at eee ee 505 
‘Absaroka feariof anwhite, buitalo cow: ----5--- seen 505 

WY ENE NRCC ISS Se ee oe Oe ne oroP coerce eens cc ce lace geese ssee== 506 
AS Ens EVO ban Rn es cemog core See mace macieniec Smo or cobs teet cagobesces 506 
(MURINE yb ee Ben oes goosos Anon sneee ooosr ee ere eeSsencicseces 507 
Mandan belief about serpents and giants........---...---.-----.---- 507 
Thunder loreof the Mandan 2. cesee ee eee ee eee 508 
JAS TT OVNO DLC BN) OFC reer aye eat 508 
Mystery objects and places of the Mandan and Hidatsa.--------.---.---- 508 
UN) Wa OO Soe ae Se ce teoor ose seus Ssocemesce cess cgsbec 29555 508 
IDM PHEW ee ea seaee added Snr eibrEaondEcoOnnos neon qtroonsosscease tase 510 
Onpvo Ge aorese caceemcdbecen ene ccngoc cop so scodcndces Sttconsess steacrce 510 
LOS RON espera So Sricio spe aceecassoeerc Hae cos ooeonce soasdtensscesoaace 510 
GUN Gi eee eee aS soaass oSee coSpADo cou cesar cssccr copedrso ssc sesese 511 
Soncenyessscse sean e sees ce rae faerie eae ee 511 
BUYER Se eae aon ce se sos obee se eee or ooo eeteo comers sess sesescasac 512 
Ghostmloress=.-=—=-" sees eee Pan oscinceere ssaSe ace He scorsatn acd 512 
he future ites o-r eoaacetne Ate e ea eee ae eee eee 512 
Four as a mystic number among the Mandan.----.-.----------------- 513 
idatea: (CUlthe=-e esses eee eee eee eee eee ee eee 513 
SHG EVO bh pbuROt) os, aoe eee acbond sosSce Cece asssonesassscaardee tse 513 
ATIMIS TNs ae eo ce Se eo ae nee eee ene eae ee See rae ee 514 
Worship of the-elements, ete. --- === - 22-2 == = oe eee 514 
Senpeut) WOlship rece =.- caret eee eee ee ees 514 
Metiehes, ose sean - ee ae aes 5 eee ere is ale eee ie eee eee ena 515 
Mriballstetichesses-2 eo. se eee Gee ee ee er ee eee 515 
Rersonalitetiches= =< s-- ese sees eae = nee ee ee ete eee 515 
Oracles ya-<t = ha acacc Lee ee ei ee ee eee eee Sa 516 
IDI Hh ace eee BOSE mace Sete Sac Se roche acer ae SRS ARS See done Sasemeses 516 
YEO: hoop a aeeee ese pe amr Ho aacmeine= Aor Sao aemenSossben cree scSsce 516 
JEM NOMEN Kite anes cacs cooe ess ice cock peace Sen base seeooccossosans 517 
MOOdMOLO: 22s <i a ae ae ee ae ee eater eee et 517 
Four souls in each human being. ...--------.-. -----.-------~-----=-== 517 
Sorcery) =- sano eee eae rae ake aa eae aes 517 


Disposallof the dead sss a-a~ aes ss ae ee 518 


CONTENTS. XII 


CHAPTER VI.—Cults of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Sapona—Continued. ke 
Hidatsa cults—Continued. 
Hidatsa belief as'to future existence....-....-------....--------.-22- 518 
SA PONACCULES Merete ee esetec ears cee oe ae eva ence scene we sheBicinies cobs geste cee 518 
CHAPTER VIT-—Concluding remarks .._...---...--:.-2--.---- Cos ose eeOnsh aca 520 
ReeiOneln di ansnell CONS trae tesa ack eae ates ra ete Ars |s eros at nas ce ci= oS 520 
THA MUNA ne) by eS cero saee nee ee sec acts 75 Sao Seas eee bs Bon COn ere ae Speese 521 
Ciilitsto fate ele men GS eee eaters later ie ee eee ales 522 
ANDRE GIPENUG) 1 aS sop oscects do ae Se eee ae eee nee Ane Net bar sea mne cree 524 
Symibolicrcolorsee—ee seam == === jeSocgosabedessecas Sasseusore Shee 527 
ColorsHmypersolra] yam Ose ase. -ce nr - lars ero ee Sessa s ae ae = ae Sates 533 
UDG) CIN FHOW GIS otc boompe aecdiacoe padeee SEES ces a= Se BAe ses Uae ore seseoe 534 
IBID FSTIIES), qos Seo Soomecee Socy GSES HOS ROE SC SASESs SSH Hceidsds cose eeeoeese 534 
TNN® ey DOWIE cowoos seoss0 Saesas doesos soos pessoa nososeo ces 2eaes eee ooaae 534 
PHS GOMOD co chac sssendSsssnperesnordse EaSsS= CneeherK Osco" aesesecees eae) | (080) 
TAG RS ENTOI RGN) ose = Suc cagessp eden sn Sas Sean Gs ose see ees oaacaaeeease 536 
Valin eyes onc Se clears edoo sen case poe ano een eer oat ae Scan oaeesoroSeeser 537 
Hachiquartormreckoned aswHTee ene. eee sa fees ens seen o-iy-\ce eee sere 537 
Names referrin, boro tleriwolldstsoss- 22 osm: nosscb eo de eaeceence esses 537 
TAG) WUC DON Ri iccigees Qos nc SScebe PaBU Ce eaec COC DOasesoe SorS RESET eeceascs 537 
VERGE TPeOyOD) co coattasdac eooseeDd bos cbasat eas nab > cose aoapereooKe esa sene 538 
Cantlonstand tqMenlesiere sean ecses= eels cae meas ated ace ier 2 Seine aiciecineiee 538 
Composite mames ee ccretr sat 2a ene metas clei sate saline eee ae sine eee eee ee 539 
Personal names trom horned! beings =. -- 2-2-2 22222. 2 J2a-20<s22- eo 2e-- 541 
Names derived from several homogeneous subjects or beings ------.-.----- 542 
RecUIM OL MAe SpIMbiCO LN eye pOMY Me ens) se een msec tee eee ese sae a 542 
Hunetions of gentes and subgentes'-.-. 022-22 2-- 222 = eo eee ne eee ones 542 
MheweMossiahvcrazed eo. s sce ese Se an,3 oe eee cae She soos ae geesece ae ceases 544 


LDGNG scocedsaos vede ds needs Sodas boos mann doTsobRNS FenoeHous sooo Sue SEe 544 


1p Me 
> IDAs SDA eo aeRb Ac ceedne SoSEEEa SaaS Oo CobS Tose Suess on sa Sear aesoce 
. Sisters; cleverest artists in ceramics in Sia 


. The Oracle 
. Stone house showing plaster on exterior 
. Stampers at work 
. Pounders completing work 
. [-iir-ri-ko, a Sia fetich 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


A view of Sia, showing a portion of village in ruins 


PAG TOUPLOt Ola VASES tes 5 sone bin cioeicte ofa a ne eee ils cestoce bee cre 


. Personal adornment when received into the third degree of offi- 
cial membership in Cult society (4, Ko-shai-ri; B, Quer’riinna; 
C, Snake society) 


. Hii’-cha-mo-ni before plume offerings are attached (4, Hi’-cha- 


mo-ni and official staff deposited for Sds’-sis-tin-na-ko; B, Hii’- 
cha-mo-ni and official staff deposited for the sun; C, Hii’-cha- 
mo-ni and official staff deposited for the cloud priest of the 
north; D, Hi’-cha-mo-n? and official staff deposited for the 
cloud priest of the west; /, Hia’-cha-mo-ni and official staff 
deposited for the cloud priest of the zenith) 


. Hii/-cha-mo-ni with plume offerings attached (F, Hii’/-cha-mo-ni 


deposited for the Sia women of the north and of the west; G, 
Hii/-cha-mo-ni offered to the cloud women of the cardinal 
points; H, gaming block offered to the cloud people; /, Hii’- 
cha-mo-ni and official staff deposited for the snake ho’-na-ai-te 
GRE TINS THN) oo os Be eee ie He RS CC BIC OC EO eo Reno eeaacssEnsss 


XIII. Hii’-cha-mo-ni with plumes attached (4, deposited for cloud 
priest of the north; B, deposited for Ho-chan-ni, arch ruler of 
the cloud priests of the world; (, deposited for cloud women 
of the north; D, bunch of plumes offered apart from Hii’-cha- 
mo-ni; 2, bunch of plumes offered apart from Hii/-cha-mo-ni).. 
XIV. Altar and sand painting of Snake society ....--..---.---.-------- 
Oo JNU EOS ROIS OGRA? Ce aeosoreoere sence SHaSoSo soencasee cops neoe 
NaVilem GC eremoni alavasewssecec tris se siec cee Se ata see see a ac leeisisrel= cas = 
MOV vice bo!-na-di-telotonake Society. <= 2:0 on = seis we st ce wiring 3 oe 
XVIII. Altar and sand painting of Giant society (4, altar; 5, sand 
HIMES) os cence del nonneaneese SSosdass dee dou scone secenaceeec 

XIX. Altar of Giant society photographed during ceremonial ....-.---- 

XX. Ho/-na-ai-te of Giant society ......./.---.---------------+------- 
XXI. Sick boy in ceremonial chamber of Giant society ---.---.-------- 
XXII. Altar and sand painting of Knife society -.........-.-----.------- 
XXIII. Altar of Knife society photographed during ceremonial ..--.------ 
NONLVi oe LO-na-ai-berot Knife society: 2------ ---a=n6t] == << em nje = n= mes === 

XXV. Altar of Knife society, with ho’-na-ai-te and vice ho’-na-ai-te on 

GIG EL USI Gr er acre cee ares cele ce cksa ness eeinicese enin eisro =~ =ini= 
XXVI. Shrine of Knife'society .-.. 2. .- 25.2... 62 sos wo wicee cone cecece ---- 


70 


74 


= 
or) 


90 


94 
96 
98 
100 
102 


104 
108 


XVI 


PL. XXoVinl- 


XXVIII. 
XXIX. 
XXX. 


XXXT. 


XXXII. 


XXXII. 
XXXIV. 


XXXVI. 
XXXVII. 
XXXVIII. 


XXXIX. 


XL. 
XLI. 
XLII. 
XLII. 
XLIV. 


XLV. 
XLVI. 
XLVII. 
XLVIII. 
XLIX. 
L. 


Fig. 


SOMDNRTPWHe 


e 


REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Shrineiof Kniteisociety- 2 =. se-s-2 es aee  eeeeee 
Altar of Quer'riinna society 
Altar of Quer’riinna society 
Ho’-na-ai-te of Quer’riinna society 
Sia masks (4, masks of the K4-tsi-na; 6, mask of the female 
K4-tsO-na; C, masks of the K4é-tsi-ma)..-.-..----..---..---. 
Sia masks (D, masks of the K4-tsi-na; #, masks of female 
Ka-tsi-na) 
Prayer:to the rising) SWu == a5 ee se ee el 
Personal adornment when received into the third degree of 
official membership of Cult society (4, spider; 5, congar; 
C, fire; D, knife and giant; 2, costume when victor is 
received into society of Warriors; /, body of warrior pre- 
pared for burial, only the face, hands, and feet being painted) 


. Ceremonial water vases; Sia (4, cross, emblematic of the rain 


from the cardinal points; B, faces of the cloud men; C, faces 

of the cloud women; D, clouds and rain; £, vegetation; 

F, dragonfly, symbolic of water) ----..---.----------------.- 
View on Koksoak river 
Dskimo stents oeec csc a ae eae en =e eee eee 
Stone tobacco) pipeses sess] — ees sae eee 
Birechbark canoe, Nenenot, Koksoak River pattern--.-.-.-...--- 
Nenenot snowshoe——‘‘swallow-tail”.........-.--.------------ 
Nenenot snowshoe—“‘ beaver-tail”......-.---.------------+-- 
Nenenot snowshoe—“‘ round-end”.......--------------------- 
Doll, Indian woman, full dress, Nenenot--.....-.-.---..--.---- 
Siouan tents (4, tent of gejequta; B, tent of Mazi-jinga (man 

in the sun); C, tent of Heqaga; D, tent of Kaxe-¢a"ba’s 

father; ZH, tent of Hupeta, Sr., and Agaha-wacuce). ---- ---- 
Camping circle at the time of the sun dance 
The dancing lodge 
Scarification of candidates (1, Okaska nazin; 2, Ptepa kin waci) 
Thesun @ance=22essc= sees ee oe ee ee ee ee 
Ajsuspended devoted ss.=- ose. )2 a= ama ae ee 
The double woman 


. Sia women on their way to trader’s to dispose of pottery-.----.----- 
. Sia women returning from trader’s with flour and corn........-.---- 
. Pauper 
. Breaking the earthundertent----- == — == se alee ee 
; Women and! girls bringing) clay ---- 2-2-2 -e= == ee ee 
Women and girls bringing clay..----------.----.------------.-.--- 
= Depositing hele lay sans ene nee ee eee 
. Mixing the clay with the freshly broken earth-.----------.--------- 
. Women sprinkling the earth.....----.--------------=.------=------- 
. The process of leveling 
Stampers startin tol works = ass =e es ee see eater 
. Mixing clay for plaster 
eG dishtenntositiyacace meee ete see te 
. Mask of the sun, drawn by a theurgist 
. Diagram of the White House of the North, drawn by a theurgist- -- 
. The game of Wash’ kasi 
. Sand painting, as indicated in Plate XXV--...---------------------- 
. Sand painting used in ceremonial for sick by Ant society 


140 


ILLUSTRATIONS. XVII 


FRCL, TIE SEE) CRASS Gs sae ae eee ee ele ee a 133 
20. Mother with her infant four days old'.-:..--2:-2....-------2--2.--:- 142 
Fem ES KAM ONO TAY. Osetra ase ene = sta secede sacs onis ls casa Ee oe aer ec 192 
2. MOGNS GY 2 oe aaa eee aus ade ate ee SS eee NOSE aE Se Pees Soka s THe aan 197 
Ap em OlinO Len vr Chl jen) m ies tee eee mete ajo aeins ois Ane eee 198 
De mhahsmankathached to magic dolls se. soe. <eea canola consfee cee ne 199 
OLMIS LEU eae Ae gerne e See ee © Sensi en ee capes ee roe Shoe ateseiek & 199 
OG me aIGMN Ane eer jie eee am eine sees cece cae Se came PSs Semeces ciate s 199 
Die MUALISM AM tee soem Som ae SOE ao asec seca cane ose a ose Se ewleetisn acne 200 
Pimp KiMORrOM aa aAMulebs- 2 = sarees eee aces bee as eer cone soSecaecee 201 
COMBE SkIMO DIS IMC AN Eee Aes cece erneae as asians tomer ceae cet eee 209 
SOM bskimoman{scdeerskin coat (front) 2 2. -s. 2. 2-2 lo eee cde cece ee 210 
Sig skime mans deerskimcoat (back)/:2.2.2<.2a.25--e6e-cac%cces ocmiece 211 
Seb skimoman ssealskin coat.(fronb)c-...cee.-6c 5-2 oc cs ees nossa eens 212 
So mL SkiIMoOmuan Ss Sealskinicoat (SIM6)sess- se ses-s cose ecc- cee Se cace soe 213 
See bskimonwomanisd eersicinicomtee ns -sseteees ones eee eee eee 214 


36s Hskimoswoman's:deerskin) COat 2-2 ec. +--+ =s-5 cee eosin h son at oberon 
oie biskimonwoman's/deerskinicOmtic=. = -s-.<20- ssscceee cee ces- ee deceee < 
BOMB LIS LMOnWO NAN S Seas iN CO Bite ei alee tennis eeesisieeia see cies einer 
Soe DS Kimo! wold an seers KIN iCOA wa- -y- sae reecee acces sees esti. 
AD EB AC KEVIE WiO lg SAMO toe sei eh c i toto claaieva ole ata sion ciate epee en tye niclee Sree es 
APE SN Og DOO US eerew ees se ara eee cits ata re Sete tee tate Om een oie ele 
AD BE SRGMORS HO Cee te eee Be masa ePe ae A aot ater aeme eh Nes icine see Seva Mie mas 
As MLC SROES MEU CROLS Una bPISKIN On nea ee eee sees) ac eeee os 
44- ong waterproof sealskin’ mitten). ...-22--.<22-2t. 202 es abece ees. 2s 
Am VVabeL POOP WG MEO CK n= fant wake cece toe te se caiasas auto liee scinscs sen 
ADM OUO War OP SES MON eer. chen, Hee phen seme csi e ene s testes eacee ene 
AeeOMLOW EO OF LGR TE Maer Neenah ace mim oe = at arscieis Seneca cet ee Be 
48. Deserted Eskimo snowhouses near Fort Chimo ...-..-.....-----.--- 
49. Soapstone lamp, Koksoagmy.ut:.-...-...2..-2-2 52-22. selec ese eees =e 
50) Soapstone lamp, Koksoaemyut..-.- 2. -222 2222222225 2525 sesenes- 23 
DleRSCapstonesl amp wo kSOMOMy Meee =k alee a hee eee ee en erates 
awh Tan GkLOMOM MEN PMN GLOMO ses =o cts ais ai clsss cai cee Sele eajate teers see Oe 
Hoe S OPS LON OI GUL] G Meant mee eee oan sem aeis net ame Siceaistoe sean ieee Ss 
pasSoapstonel be ttiGre seus ono nt nae Doc w ae ese eee e genes ails smeenese 
Bs, VivOnibn Gish <3 Ge. saan Sa Seeder eS OeERen cases aa POoaneesacesese. 
iS. Sani sion On@ kis 3-645 odeseds canbe pee coop cenDao seRniccor saan aeasosne 
DiC ASSOC D Ha rek amas sa cst asco sone aoe ee eee naan eter aim 
5033, MIRA DCD DOO Ne eh is a8 SRO oR ORS ea oO SSO SR SR POOO ESR aasa aes BAe 
DO SEEIS KE O UN At Kae eee inne ae ieee eee ieee eee = <iee ee = 
(HO), LO WHO 25266 doa SoS Seen HERE COED UB peo Se oHse son or cor pecs os ae 
Glee bow bast Maine mskim 0s (backs) 2-2. cae= cere oe aie teiels le see saree sie ct ra 
625 Bow whasteMain His kimoi(Side)- 222 ee2sce 222 soem 3 - sine nie 
Go aPATL ONAN EAS G) Mamnubis KIM Ob emcee cee ee ae een ae etn oats 
C1 ATronbasteain HSKIMO BS: 6 a. See ecm Sere ea sasites = oe === 
Go weArrow shasieadneb skim Ol 57 s5- 2c ses seeeiere eater te one mceine «atone 
66S Bowlcase, Host Main(hskimos-2---\ss22- 244222 92-i-=\-2=26-=~ <-=~- 3 
67. Hand spear for killing seals from kaiak, Koksoak --.---..----.----- 
bewehoprlesheadstomhanduspeal e222 = a2 = Gee nen ee = cee nea aoe aes 
69 Sealsicint toateets 2-0 sae sane eee sto velo ee Steen oe eae eee 
70s lvorysnow knite, KOKSOagMyt) o-.- =. 2. -=22 eoes <2 =o el- ewe = =n ee 
Tleback-scratcher, Koksoagmyut --.-5--s----s---.2- -2---="-2-----=== 
12. Ivory needle case, Koksoagmyut ..---.--....----------------------- 
11 ETH II 


XVIII 


Fic. 73. 
. Sealskin needle cushion, with thimble, Koksoagmyut----..-.-.----- 
Cup and ball) Koksoa pany ute =.= aaa eee 
» Hootball andidriver, Koksoaemyt=.s-se== ee =e e aa ee ee 
; Dominoes, Hudson strait Eskimo 2-2 ese) ase ee eee 
abs kingovdoll mansaerc cee a= ae ee eae eee ea ee 
RADE chris) GIL Syne NS oan so sas coos one Cece a Steed fons ecosnese 
; Hiskimoydoll, woman. 2-2 2m. onse os oe ne See eee 
) Hskimo doll} ‘woman --<)- -oss-e-see ee sense eae ieee eee 
2 Eskimo svidline < ., S2ho--2teneme tee os eee ee ae ae eae 
83. 
(8 Human figurercaryediini i vorysees =] sss. = ee a ee 
5a Mneian medicine 10d Ge fe pce seater ee ie tee 
5) Indianvamulet:of bearskin <2. = ete seteee ese eae nee 
~ Indian’ buckskinicoat. mania ftom) sees steer aa ee es 
. Indian buckskin«coat man’s: (back) ipo-2 s-—4-e= eee ee eee ee 
. Detail of pattern painted on Indian garment.--.--..---..--..---.---- 
. Detail of pattern painted on deerskin robe -.----..--.-.----..------ 
= Indianibucksi miley pts eee eee eae 
PR ibGbehMawmne) peas esse sess oeaSoueeS esse eosacorecoocer sae oT ecee 
m Ubivabe wala sebaniess\ sn Ree menos soe ono ogosassaoo cso sesssesrec 2S scese 
. Beaded headband; Nenenot----------.------ ---s2=-= 22 sess 
>Man’?s winter coat: (front) 52. sense tees oe ee eee ieee ee 
iJManis winter.coat (back)! eee, 6 94-2 = aneeoe, a eee ee 
~ Detailvot iornamentatlony 2 ems ae seatas ase eee 
; Man's winter'coat, with bood! .2.-.2..9< po. comeeee 2 == see 
|, Man’s winter coat, with hood!=---.- -22 2.22 --=< tse a oan 
\ Nenenot womanin-full’ winter dress: *-2-- ---es== =e eee ae 
» Sealskinshead band, Nenenoti--: 2-2-2 s--ee sesh eee 
PP OKAM SCRAP ers (LLOML) se N CELL EN Oil ete pete eee ee ee 
ESF KAMN SOT APTS | (SLCLE)) gC ECO Ee 
EOIN CLEAMIN MOO] NICK tae arate 
5. Skin-cleaning tool (iron-bladed) Nenenot.-..---.---.---------------- 
2 Paintatick, Nenenotcs--.5 = 45-22 < ne Saeco ee eee 


~1 
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Nor oO OD 


KEPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Ivory needle case, Koksoagmyut ......-----.---------=-----<------- 


Birds carved inciyory =--2-2 2225-0 -\2e sen] = S-e ee ee oe eee ee 


E Jeepney NV Nocona tine ses 2 seas sess sobsopssss ose see sasese- 
\ Paintistick, (Neneno0t=s-s5-.2 5 - se siao= Jee ee eee ee eee 
hePaintishi ck. Neon enotta-sa5 2 ssa eee ae see ee eer 
5 LEER Gola) INGEN 6a een pec oeSones sees ssccsorecse+ Si oeeeseeseee 
S eeahg Clb INGEN Os = nee ed oaSo5p soos on One bcoeeocebs SoeseESte 
= Bain cup Neen Ote er aan ee eae eet BRASS oe sae one seas 
+ INenen oben damien be amr tiete na ate et se 
5, Wooden bucket, Nenenotss-- eas c ssa see eet see eee 
~ Birchbark basket, Neonenots--a.24-4 222s ss tee een 
> Birchbankbasket, Nenenotes=ss---n eae ee sere eee eee eee 
Bt Stomexpesule, New Gn Obie te ata ere tee ee ae ae 
, Woodenspoon:or ladle; Nenenots =o oe een ae en ee eee 
» Wooden spoon or ladle, Nenenot..-. .- =. <2 22. = aoe commen 
» Wooden spoon or ladle Nenenote-~— =. =a == == =e ee 
» Wooden spoonjor ladle; Neneno te 2. nese =) = ee eee 


. Wipe cleaner, Nenenot. 2 oeee ase aces Sa eee eee re 
5. Spoon for applying grease to canoe. --...----- Se ate ieticc Hoe Sn Seas 
. Toboggan, Nenenot, side view -..---..------ Soe ote eae aan 
» Lobogean, Nenenot, fromabOv eee. == female ee 


Fic. 


. Nenenot snowshoe, single bar 
. Nenenot snowshoe, 
: Snowshoe needle, Nenenot 


. White whale spear, Little Whale river 
tj eointof white whale spear enlarged__-..-.--.....---.....4........ 
whemdearnsnare, NENenOts- cs) sce a sone ee 
PRCLOOKGGsEMILO DN CN elOb: = aaeeee see ee ee ee res a Sa 
. Awl, Nenenot...-.- 


172. Robe of Ni-¢actage- 
foe Dupanalei™.s tathersbenb= s/s acech oe see ee sean ee eee 


. Ma*teu-na"ba’s tent 


- Tent of jebi‘a..... 
. Tent of a Kansa who had an eagle vision...-..-.......--.-...----- 
ecansadecorated tentlsss- on samc Joneses oo eee eee ak soee 
Meansai decorated tente jc cece saa eee ode ee seca nena: 
- Ma”ze-guhe’s robe - 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Bingley bar seer ats e eee ee Sat eed ee 


POBLaLP ey Mein aeelnd OGsanwe nes eae cineca oe ae pean oe Onan ae eee 
. George Miller’s personal mystery decoration...............-....... 
SPAS VALI AN LOPE OND OR e cee = pene aoe ieee ee eine ne ae eee ae 
8. Robe of Wanukige. 
. Tent of Wanukige - 
- Robe of Caqube-.-. 
- Robe of gahe-yap%. 
- Generic decoration referring. to night, ete _-.................--...- 
Sea LOR UUTO IgeACYp 3 OER Ca MS uses 2 eerie ae oe Seer) el tee Se we 
. Robe of A™pa™-ska, Sr-___-. Re aeC RECS RS SE Enea eens BOS een Eee 
DmlenGoLvMazi-jimes) (ghost vision) << es2-2-25s2cs2 2 seek ee one ee 
SA UETI GA OAPNTEMGUD CBM oe mare ee foyae ogee cee aclu a see See oe aoe Sues 
meAnLOthersbentior Nikugibeatesseccs =< a ee)tiee eee ons scot ee 
eo lanke trot Gus a-M ater ee -nceys lise eee eres as eee ee ae 
eT tOn esas vision! Offa Cedar sa= see ee eae nee ee 
. Tent of Lesa"; sun and rainbow vision ..............- Hee eee 
71. Cornstalk decoration of the tents of Fire Chief and Waqaga ..-___- 


. 


xx REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 

Page. 

Erg. 182: Mamze-cuhe’s tent... <2 o.oo so oo one cin ene ee i ini 407 
183. Duba-ma¢iv’s father’s blanket ..--...... .------------=-------===--- 407 
184. Inke-sabé tent decoration .-..-.-----.--.--------------------------- 408 
1859 Inkessabestent decoration...) a. nase eee eee ee 409 
186. Waqaga’s robe..-....--------------------------------------------- 409 
187. Sacred tent in which the pole was kept -.---.--------------------- 413 
188 Bear Butte, south Dalkotaece~ --- =e eae Sara te ee 449 
TA WC rennisitey (hi eee eee ene one Bese 62 ss secs 451 
190: aple=wrame fit) 2 ss sere = a ee 455 
191. The tent of preparation and the dancing lodge -..--.-----.-------- 459 
1.922 bey oops til oc ae pete epee Nee 487 
193 ihe Vatada centile cincle tea = as —e ae ae ae ee eee ee ee ees 523 
194. sThé foun elements; ebe = oa = esse ete ee a 523 
195. iKansa order of invoking: winds; ,©bCs= seme ene eee ee 525 
196. Tsiou (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, etc.-.-.--.--------- 525 
197. Pa™yka (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, ete ..--.---------- 526 
198. Ka"se (Osage) order of cireumambulation .--------..-------------- 526 
199. Showing how the Osage prepared the scalp for the dance --.....---- 526 
200. Omaha lightnings and the four quarters..---...------------------- 527 


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ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


OF THE 


BUREAU OF ETEINOLOGY. 


By J. W. Poweuu, Drtrector. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The prosecution of research among the North American 
Indians, as directed by act of Congress, was continued during 
the fiscal year 1889-90. 

The general plan on which the work has proceeded is that 
explained in former reports. Briefly expressed, certain lines 
of investigation are confided to persons selected for and trained 
in their pursuit, and the results of their labors are presented 
from time to time in the publications of the Bureau provided 
for by law. A concise account of the work on which each 
special student was actively engaged during the fiscal year 
appears below, but this account does not enumerate all the 
studies undertaken or services rendered by them, because par- 
ticular lines of research have been suspended in this, as in 
former years, in order to complete certain investigations 
regarded as of paramount importance. From this cause 
delays have been occasioned in the issue of several treatises and 
monographs, some of which are partly in type. 

The collaboration of explorers, writers, and students who 
are not and may not desire to be officially connected with the 
Bureau, is again solicited. Their contributions, whether in 
the shape of suggestions or of extended communications, will 


be gratefully acknowledged, and will always receive proper 
XXIIL 


XXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


credit if published either in the series of reports or in mono- 
graphs or bulletins. 

The items of the report are presented in three principal 
divisions. The first relates to the publications made; the sec- 
ond to the work prosecuted in the field; and the third to the 
office work, which mainly consists of the preparation for pub- 
lication of the results of field work, with the corrections and 
additions obtained from correspondence and from study of the 
literature relating to the subjects discussed. In addition, the 
accompanying papers are briefly characterized, and a sum- 
mary financial statement is appended. 


PUBLICATIONS. 


The publications actually issued during the year are as fol- 
lows: 

Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the 
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. It contains the 
introductory report of the Director, 35 pages, with accompa- 
nying papers, as follows: 

Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, Colombia, by Wil- 
liam H. Holmes; pp. 3-187, Pl. 1, Figs. 1-285. 

A Study of the Textile Art in its relation to the Develop- 
ment of Form and Ornament, by William H. Holmes; pp. 
189-252, Figs. 286-358. 

Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices, by Prof. Cyrus 
Thomas; pp. 253-371, Figs. 359-388. 

Osage Traditions, by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey; pp. 373-397, 
one figure (389). 

The Central Eskimo, by Dr. Franz Boas; pp. 399-669, Pls. 
m-x, Figs. 890-546. 

The work forms a royal octavo volume of Lvu1+657 pages, 
including a general index, and is illustrated by 546 figures in 
the text, 10 plates, and 2 maps in pocket. 


Two bulletins, viz: 

Bibhography of the Muskhogean languages, by James Con- 
stantine Pilling, 8°, pp. I-v, 1-114. 

The Circular, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio, 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXV 


by Cyrus Thomas, 8°, pp. 36, with x1 plates and 5 figures in 
the text. 


FIELD WORK. 


The field work of the year reported on may be divided 
‘into (1) mound explorations and (2) general field studies, 
which during that time were directed chiefly to archeology, 
linguistics, mythology, and pictography. 


MOUND EXPLORATIONS. 


The work of exploring the mounds of eastern United States 
was, as in former years, under the superintendence of Prof. 
Cyrus Thomas. During this year he was unable to continue 
explorations in person, being engaged almost the entire time 
in preparing for publication a final report on the work in his 
charge and a special bulletin with accompanying maps of 
archeologic localities. 

Mr. Henry L. Reynolds, one of his assistants, was occupied 
during the summer in exploring the works in Manitoba, 
North Dakota, and South Dakota with special reference to 
their types and distribution. The results of this investigation 
were highly satisfactory, as the types within the area men- 
tioned were found to be unusually well defined in physical 
structure and contents. While Mr. Reynolds was thus 
employed he noted other archeologic remains and examined 
several, including the outlines of circles and animals formed 
by bowlders, and the ancient village sites on Missouri river. 
A full report of these investigations is embraced in the final 
report of Prof! Thomas. Mr. Reynolds also made a visit to 
certain earthworks in Iowa and Indiana for the purpose of 
ascertaining their types. In the autumn he explored. certain 
little-known mounds of South Carolina and Georgia. ‘Two 
mounds—a large one on Wateree river, below Camden, South 
Carolina, and one on Savannah river, Georgia—proved 
especially interesting. The contents of the latter showed as fine 
specimens of every class of primitive art as have ever been 
found in the mounds of this country. 


XXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Mr. James D. Middleton, a regular assistant fromthe organ- 
ization of the mound division, was engaged during the month 
of July, 1889, in surveying and making plats of certain ancient 
works of Michigan and Ohio. At the end of the month he 
resigned his position in the Bureau. 

Mr. James Mooney, although directly engaged in another 
line of research, obtained important information for the mound 
division in reference to the localities, distribution, and charac- 
ter of the ancient works of the Cherokees in western North 
Carolina and adjoining sections. 


GENERAL FIELD STUDIES. 
WORK OF MR. W. H. HOLMES. 


In the autumn of 1889 Mr. W. H. Holmes was directed to 
take charge of the archeologic fieldwork of the Bureau. In 
September he began excavations in the ancient bowlder quar- 
ries on Piny branch, a tributary of Rock creek, near Washing- 
ton. A trench was carried across the principal quarry, which 
had a width of more than 50 feet and a depth in places of 
10 feet. The ancient methods of quarrying and working the 
bowlders were studied, and several thousand specimens were 
collected. Work was resumed in the next spring, and five 
additional trenches were opened across widely separated por- 
tions of the ancient quarries. Much additional information 
was collected, and many specimens were added to the col- 
lection. In June work was commenced on another group of 
ancient quarries situated north of the new Naval Observatory, 
on the western side of Rock creek. Very extensive quarry- 
ing and implement-making had been carried on at this place. 
The conditions and phenomena were almost identical with 
those of the Piny branch site. Subsequently an ancient soap- 
stone quarry near Tenleytown was examined. The ancient 
pitting corresponds quite closely with that of the bowlder 
quarries, and the condition of the pits indicated equal age. 


WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN. 


Dr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in July to White Earth 
reservation, Minnesota, to collect and study the mnemonic and 
other records relating to the Midé’wiwin or Grand Medicine 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXVII 


Society of the Ojibwa. He had before spent two seasons 
with this tribe, and had been initiated into the mysteries of the 
four degrees of the society, by which he was enabled to record 
its ceremonials, and this was desired by the Indians so that a 
complete exposition of the traditions of the Ojibwa cosmogony 
and of the Mide’ Society could be preserved for the informa- 
tion of their descendants. Through intimate acquaintance 
with, and recognition by the Mideé’ priests, Dr. Hoffman obtained 
all the important texts employed in the ceremony, much of 
the matter in archaic language, as well as the musical notation 
of songs sung to him for that purpose; also the birch-bark 
records of the society and the mnemonic songs on birch bark 
employed by the Mide’ priests, together with those of the 
JéSsakkid and Wabéno’, two other grades of shamans. 

Dr. Hoffman also secured, as having connection with the 
general subject, a list of plants and other substances constitu- 
ting the materia medica of the region, the method of their prep- 
aration and administration, and their reputed action, the whole 
being connected with incantation and exorcism. 


WORK OF MR. VICTOR MINDELEFF. 


Mr. Victor Mindeleff, between December 7 and January 20, 
examined the ruin of Casa Grande in Arizona, visiting also the 
localities at which Mr. F. H. Cushing worked while in charge 
of the Hemenway expedition. Plans and photographs were 
made during this exploration, and fragments of typical pottery 
were collected from the principal ruin visited. Casa Grande was 
ascertained to be almost identical in character with the many 
ruins scattered over the valleys of the Gila and the Salado. 


WORK OF MR. JAMES MOONEY. 


On July 3, Mr. James Mooney proceeded on a third jour- 
ney to the Cherokee reservation in North Carolina, returning 
November 17. During this time he devoted attention chiefly 
to the translation and study of the sacred formulas used by 
the shamans, which had been obtained by him during a pre- 
vious visit. In this work he employed the most prominent 
medicine men, among whom were the writers of some of the 
original formulas, and obtained detailed explanations of the 


XXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


accompanying ceremonies and the theories on which they were 
based, together with descriptions of the mode of preparing the 
medicine and the various articles used in the same connection. 
He was also permitted to witness a number of these ceremo- 
nies, notedly the solemn rite known as “going to water.” 
About 300 specimens of plants used in the medical practice 
were also collected, with their Indian names and uses, in addi- 
tion to the 500 previously obtained. These plants were sent 
to botanists connected with the Smithsonian Institution for 
identification under systematic names. The study of the Cher- 
okee plant names and medical formulas throws much light on 
Indian botanic classification and therapeutics. 

The study of the botany is a work of peculiar difficulty owing 
to the absence of any uniform system among the various 
practitioners. Attention was given also to the ball play, and 
several photographs of different stages of the ball dance were 
taken. In addition, one of the oldest men of the tribe was 
employed to prepare the feather wands used in the Eagle 
dance, the Pipe dance of the prairie tribes, and the Calumet 
dance spoken of by the early Jesuit writers, which has been 
discontinued for about thirty years among the Cherokees. 
These wands were deposited in the National Museum as a 
part of the Cherokee collection obtained on various visits to 
the reservation. Much miscellaneous information in regard 
to myths, dances, and other ceremonies was obtained. 

Mr. Mooney undertook during the year a special study of 
aboriginal geographic nomenclature for the purpose of preparing 
an aboriginal map of the old Cherokee country. With this 
object, a visit was made to the outlying Indian settlements, 
especially that on Cheowah river in Graham county, North 
Carolina, and individuals who had come from widely separated 
districts were questioned. The maps of the United States 
Geological Survey, on a scale of 2 miles to an inch, were 
used in the work, and the result is a collection of more than 
one thousand Cherokee names of localities within the former 
territory of the tribe, given in the correct form, with the mean- 
ings of the names and whatever local legends are connected 
with them. In North Carolina every local name now known 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXIX 


to the Cherokees, every prominent peak or rock, and every 
cove and noted bend in a stream having a distinctive name, 
have now been obtained. For Georgia and a portion of Tennes- 
see the names must be gathered chiefly from old Indians now 
living in Indian territory. It may be noted that as a rule 
the Cherokee and some other tribes have no names for rivers 
or settlements. The name belongs to the district, and is applied 
alike to the stream and to the town or mountain situated within 
it. When the Indians of a villiage leave it the old name 
remains behind, and the village in its new location takes the 
name attached to the new district. Each district along a 
river has a distinct name, while the river as a whole has none, 
the whole tendency in the language being to specialize. 

The last six weeks of the field season were spent by Mr. 
Mooney in visiting various points in North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama, within the former 
limits of the Cherokees, for the purpose of locating mounds, 
graves, and other antiquities for an archeologic map of their 
territory and to collect from former traders and old residents 
materials for a historic sketch of the tribe. 


WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN. 


Mr. Jeremiah Curtin spent July and August 1-28, 1889, a 
various points on Klamath river, from Orleans Bar to Martin 
Ferry, Humbolt county, California, in collecting myths and 
reviewing vocabularies of tie Weitspekan and Quoratean lan- 
guages. From August 30 to September 10 he was at Blue 
lake and Areata, Humboldt county, California, engaged in 
taking down a Wishoskan vocabulary and in collecting infor- 
mation concerning the Indians of that region. Arriving in 
Round Valley, Mendocino county, California, September 16, 
he remained there till October 16, and took vocabularies of the 
Yukian and Palaihnihan languages. From Round Valley he 
went to Niles, Alameda county, California, where he obtamed 
partial vocabularies of three languages formerly spoken in that 
region. Of these one was spoken at Suisun, another was 
kindred to the Mariposan, a third was Costanoan. On October 
27 he arrived in Redding, Shasta county, California, where he 
obtained a considerable addition to his material previously col- 


XXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


lected, in the form of myths and additions to the Palaihnihan 
vocabulary. During this work he also visited Round moun- 
tain. He returned to Washington January 10, 1890. 


WORK OF MR. J. N. B. HEWITT. 


From July 10 to November 9, 1889, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was 
engaged in field work. Until September 7 he was on the 
Onondaga reservation near Syracuse, New York, where he col- 
lected legends, tales, and myths and recorded them in the 
Onondaga vernacular. He also obtained accounts of the reli- 
gious ceremonies and funeral rites; recorded the terms forming 
the Onondagan scheme of relationships of affinity and con- 
sanguinity; and collected valuable matter pertaining to the 
Troquois League and its wampum record. 

From September 1, to November 9 Mr. Hewitt was engaged 
on Grand River reservation in Canada, where he succeeded in 
obtaining the chants and speeches used in the Condolence 
Council of the League of the Iroquois. The religious beliefs 
of the Iroquois not converted to Christianity were noted; plant 
and animal names were collected; many religious and gentile 
songs were reduced to writing, with accounts of the principal 
Iroquoian ‘medicines” in the vernacular of the several tribes. 
A Wyandot vocabulary was also written. 


WORK OF MRS. M. C. STEVENSON. 


Mrs. M. C. Stevenson left Washington in March, 1890, to 
study the Sia, Jemez, and Zuni Indians. She made Sia her 
first point of investigation, and found so much of ethnologic 
interest in that pueblo that she continued her work there to 
the end of the fiscal year, engaged in making a vocabulary 
and in studying the habits, customs, mythology, and medicine 
practices of the people. She was admitted to the ceremonials 
of the secret societies, and made detailed accounts of their cer- 
emonies, the altars being photographed by her assistant, Miss 
Clark. Her studies form the basis of her paper in this volume. 


OFFICE WORK. 


Tue Director was engaged during the year, as other duties 
permitted, in preparing a work on the characteristics and 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXI 


classification of the languages of the North American Indians, 
published in part in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau. 

Col. Garrick Mauiery, U.S. Army, was occupied in con- 
tinued study of sign language and pictography, with the col- 
lection and collation of additional material obtained by per- 
sonal investigation as well as by correspondence and by the 
examination of all accessible authorities. This work was 
performed with special reference to the preparation of a mono- 
graph on each of those subjects for early publication. That 
on pictography forms the greater part of the Tenth Annual 
Report of the Bureau, under the title “ Picture-Writing of the 
American Indians.” It is hoped that the monographs on sign 
language and pictography, having as their text the unequaled 
attainments of the North American Indians in those directions, 
may contribute to elucidate the similar exhibitions of evanes- 
cent and permanent thought-writing still employed in some 
other parts of the world, or which now are only described in 
records or found on material remains. 

Mr. H. W. Hensnaw was engaged during the fiscal year, 
in addition to his administrative duties, in assisting the Direc- 
tor in the final preparation of the linguistic map of North 
America north of Mexico, with the accompanying text, which 
are published in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau. 
He also commenced a final revision of a synonymy or diction- 
ary of Indian tribal names. 

Rey. J. Owen Dorsey completed his editorial work in con- 
nection with the publication of S. R. Riggs’ Dakota-English 
Dictionary, which is now issued as volume vii of the series of 
Contributions to North American Ethnology. He also wrote 
articles on the following subjects: Measures and valuing; The 
Dha-du-ghe Society of the Ponka tribe; Omaha dwellings, 
furniture and implements; Omaha clothing and personal 
ornaments; Ponka and Omaha songs; The Places of gentes 
in Siouan camping circles; Winnebago folklore notes; Teton 
folklore notes; Omaha folklore notes; The Gentile system 
of the Siletz tribes; and a Dakota’s account of the Sun 
dance. He revised some of his Omaha and Ponka genea- 
logical tables previously prepared, and began the arrange- 


XXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


ment of Kansa tables of a similar character. He continued 
work on a monograph relating to Indian personal names, and 
completed the following lists, in which the Indian names pre- 
cede their English meanings: Winnebago, 383 names; Iowa, 
Oto, and Missouri, 520; Kwapa, 15, and Kansa, 604. He 
finished the preparation of his texts in the (@legiha language, 
now published as volume vi of Contributions to North Ameri- 
can Ethnology, and corrected most of the proofs for the 
volume. He finished a collection of other Omaha and Ponka 
letters for publication as a bulletin of the Bureau. He began 
a paper entitled “A Study of Siouan Cults,” for which over 
forty colored illustrations were prepared by Indians under his 
direction. It treats of the cults of the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, 
Osage, ciwere, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, Dakota, 
Assiniboin, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Sapona tribes. This paper 
appears in the present volume. From September to December, 
1889, he was occupied in procuring from George Miller, an 
Omaha who came to Washington for the purpose, additional 
myths, legends, letters, folklore, and sociologic material, 
erammatic notes, and corrections of dictionary entries, besides 
genealogical tables arranged according to the sub-gentes as 
well as the gentes of the Omaha tribe. 

Mr. Apert 8. GatscueT during the whole year was engaged 
in office work. He finished his last draft of the “Klamath 
Grammar,” a monograph on a highly interesting aboriginal 
language of southwestern Oregon, making numerous additions 
and appendices, as follows: Idioms and dialectic differences 
in the language; colloquial form of the language; syntactic 
examples; complex synonymous terms, and roots with their 
derivatives. The typographic work on the grammar was 
terminated, the proofs and revises having all been read by 
the author. The last portion of the entire work, being the 
“Ethnographic Sketch of the Klamath People,” was then 
rewritten from earlier notes with reference to the best topo- 
graphie and historical materials obtainable. Mr. Gatschet also 
drew for publication a map of the headwaters of Klamath river, 
the home of the tribes, on a seale of 15 miles to the inch, to 
form the frontispiece to the work. The whole constitutes 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXIII 


volume uy, parts 1 and 2 of Contributions to North American 
Ethnology, entitled “The Klamath Indians of Southwestern 
Oregon.” 

Mr. Jeremian Curtin was engaged from January 10 to 
June 30, 1890, in arranging the myth material collected by 
him in the field and in copying vocabularies. The Hupa, 
Quoratean, and Wishoskan vocabularies were finished and the 
Yanan commenced. 

The office work of Dr. W. J. Horrman consisted chiefly in 
arranging the material gathered by him during the preceding 
three field seasons, and in preparing for publication the work 
entitled The Mide’wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the 
Ojibwa, which appears in the Seventh Annual Report of the 
Bureau. During the first three months of the year 1890 a 
number of Menomoni Indians were at Washington on business 
connected with their tribe, and during that time Dr. Hoffman 
obtained from them a collection of facts relating to their 
mythology, social organization and government, and the gen- 
tile system and division of gens into phratries, together with 
many facts relating to the Mitii’wit, or Grand Medicine Society 
of this tribe. These are interesting and valuable, as some 
portions of the ritual explain doubtful parts of the Ojibwe 
phraseology, and vice versa, although the two societies of the 
Ojibwa and the Menomoni differ greatly in the dramatized 
portion of the forms of initiation. 

Mr. James Mooney, on his return from the field in Novem- 
ber, engaged in the elaboration of the Cherokee formulas 
obtained. Two hundred of these formulas, or about one-third 
of the whole number, were translated. In each case the 
transliteration from the original manuscript in Cherokee char- 
acters is given first, then follows a translation following the 
idiom and spirit of the original as closely as possible, and, 
finally, an explanation of the medicine and ceremonies used 
and the underlying theory. About half of the whole number 
relate to medicine. The others deal with love, war, self- 
protection, the ball play, agriculture, and life conjuring. A 
preliminary paper on the subject, entitled “The Sacred For- 
mulas of the Cherokees,” is incorporated in the Seventh Annual 

11 ETH——III 


XXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


Report of the Bureau. The whole collection will constitute a 
unique and interesting contribution to the aboriginal literature 
of America. All the words occurring in the formulas thus far 
translated have been glossed, with grammatic notes and refer- 
ences from the original texts, making a glossary of about two 
thousand words, a great part of Pires are in the archaic or 
sacred language. Several weeks were also occupied in the 
preparation of an archeologic map of the old Cherokee country 
from materials collected in the field and from other informa- 
tion in possession of the Bureau. 

Mr. W. H. Houmes was chiefly engaged in the preparation 
of papers on the arts of the mound builders. Four elaborate 
papers have been undertaken by Mr. Holmes, one on pottery, 
a second on art in shell and bone, a third on textile fabrics, 
and a fourth on pipes. Three of these papers were well 
advanced toward completion at the close of the fiscal year. 
In addition to this work he has prepared several papers relat- 
ing to his field explorations. These include a report on exca- 
vations in the ancient quartzite bowlder workshops and the 
soapstone quarries of the District of Columbia, and a rock 
shelter in West Virginia. 

Mr. James C. Pruurye continued to devote such time as he 
could spare from other duties to the preparation of bibliog- 
raphies of the languages of North America. At the close of 
the fiscal year 1888-89 the proof reading of the “ Bibliography 
of the Muskhogean Languages” was completed. Work was 
also begun on the Algonquian, by far the largest of those yet 
undertaken. Much of the material for this was already in 
hand, the collection having been gradually pursued during 
several preceding years, and the greater part of the work 
remaining consisted in assembling, arranging, revising, and 
verifying that material. August 16-22 were profitably spent 
by Mr. Pilling at the Lenox and Astor libraries and at the 
New York Historical Society, in New York, and at the Mas- 
sachusetts Historical Society, Boston Atheneum, and Bosten 
Public libraries, in Boston, chiefly in verifying and revising 
the material in hand. The first portion of the manuscript was 
transmitted to the Public Printer November 15, 1889, and at 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XAXV 


the close of the fiscal year final proofs of about half of the 
volume were revised. 

From July 1 to July 10, 1889, Mr. J. N. B. Hewrrr was 
engaged in collating and recording Iroquoian proper names, 
both of persons anid: places, as they occur in the narratives of 
the early explorers of the pristine Iroquoian habitat, and of 
the historians of the people of that stock. Afterward, up to 
November 9, he was employed in field work. On his return 
to the office, and until the end of the fiscal year, he was 
engaged in translating and annotating the myths, legends, and 
tales which he had previously collected in the field, and in 
translating and recording them for easy reference, with the 
object of verifying and explaining the matter so collected and 
comparing it with the mythologic, ethnographic, and other 
anthropologic data found in the early French narratives of the 
New World, especially in the works of Champlain, Lafitau, 
Charlevoix, and in the Jesuit Relations. Much linguistic mate- 
rial has been obtained from the translations of the matter 
which Mr. Hewitt personally collected while engaged in field 
work. 

Prof. Cyrus THomas was personally engaged during the 
entire year in preparing his report on the feild suk and col- 
lections of the preceding seven years. A paper giving the 
archeologic localities within the mound area, together with a 
series of accompanying maps, was completed for publication 
as a bulletin of the Bureau, under the title “Catalogue of Pre- 
historic Works east of the Rocky Mountains.” 
which requires much comparison and reference as well as study 
of the works explored and objects obtained, was written as rap- 
idly as was consistent with proper care and due regard for 
details. It will be incorporated in the Twelfth Annual Report 
of the Bureau. 

Mr. Henry L. Reynovps, on his return from field duty, assisted 
Prof. Thomas in the preparation of that part of his report and 
bulletin which relate to the works of those archeologice districts 
which he had visited. He then resumed the preparation of a 
paper on the aboriginal use of metal. In May he made an 
examination of the metallic specimens in the private and pub- 


His final report, 


XXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


lic archeologie collections of New York, and in June he vis- 
ited Providence and Boston in search of certain rare histor- 
ical data relating to the early life and customs of the North 
American Indians, in respect to the use of metal and to other 
particulars. 

Mr. Vicror MInDELEFF spent most of the year in preparing 
a report on the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, which 
forms part of the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau. He 
also wrote a report on the repairs and protection of the ruin of 
Casa Grande in Arizona, on Gila river, which was accom- 
panied by diagrams and plans and a series of photographs, and 
contained a discussion of the architecture of this ruin, as com- 
pared with that of a ruin on Rio Salado excavated by the 
Hemenway expedition. 

During the first four months of the fiscal year, Mr. Cosmos 
MINDELEFF was occupied in revising manuscript for publica- 
tion, and otherwise assisting Mr. Victor Mindeleff in the prep- 
aration of the paper on Pueblo architecture for the Eighth 
Annual Report, his own portion of the report having been pre- 
viously finished. In December, 1889, he commenced to exe- 
cute a series of maps, on which the location of all known ruins 
in the ancient Pueblo country will be plotted. The maps 
were in large part drawn, and the plotting of the ruins was 
commenced. When completed, the maps will show the distri- 
bution of all ruins in that region, which are mentioned in liter- 
ature or known to explorers, and will be accompanied by : 
‘atalogue containing a description of each ruin and references 
to the literature relating to it, the whole forming an exhaustive 
record. It is intended to present this work in one of the future 
publications of the Bureau. 

During the year the work of the modeling room was con- 
tinued, under the direction of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, and was 
confined almost entirely to the enlargement of the ‘duplicate 
series,” referred to in previous reports. The large model of 
Penasco Blanco, one of the Chaco ruins, reported last year as 
commenced, was completed, cut into sections for convenience 
of shipment, and boxed. A duplicate of a model of the pueblo 
of Hano or Tewa, the original of which was made in 1883, was 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXVII 


finished and exchanged for the original in the National Museum. 
The original was condemned and destroyed, and a copy was 
made for the duplicate series. A duplicate was also made of 
a model of Sichumovi, and the original was put in order and 
added to the series. A duplicate of a model of the pueblo of 
Shipaulovi was also finished and added to the same series. The 
original model of Casa Blanea cliff ruin was withdrawn from 
the Museum, and a number of duplicate casts were made, one 
of which was finished and deposited in the Museum. Dupli- 
cates were also made of models of Great Elephant mound, 
Great Etowah mound, and two others. In the later half of 
the fiscal year work was commenced on the duplication of two 
very large models, one of Walpi and the First mesa, the other 
of Mummy cave cliff ruin. The original models, being very 
hurriedly made for the New Orleans Exposition and east in 
plaster of Paris, had suffered considerably in transportation. 
An attempt was made to cast the models in paper, and in both 
cases the attempt was highly successful. The first duplicate of 
the Walpi model was completed and deposited in the National 
Museum in place of the original, which was destroyed. The 
finished model weighed about 500 pounds, instead of 2,500 
pounds, the weight of the original. The model of Mummy 
cave and a second copy of Walpi, for the duplicate series, 
were cast, but neither was finished at the close of the year. 
Toward the end of the year work was commenced on two new 
models intended to illustrate a report by Mr. W. H. Holmes on 
his researches concerning the archeology of the District of 
Columbia. 

But one demand upon the duplicate series was made during 
the year. This was for a number of transparencies, to be 
exhibited as a part of the display of the United States at the 
Paris Exposition. Sixty of these large photographs on glass 
were sent, and two grand prizes were awarded for them. On 
the conclusion of the Exposition the transparencies were 
returned, and compensation for some damage sutfered in trans- 
portation was made by the United States Commission. During 
the year, nine models, ranging in size from 2 feet square to 
14 by 5 feet, were finished; twelve models, including dupli- 
cate casts, were finished but not painted; and four addi- 


XXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


tional models were commenced, though not finished at the end 
of the year. 

Mr. Dr Lancey W. Git succeeded Mr. W. H. Holmes in the 
charge of preparing and editing the illustrations for the publi- 
cations of the Bureau. The following list shows the number 
of drawings that were prepared under his supervision during 
the year for publication : 


Architectural drawings, drawings of mounds, earthworks, ancient ruins, ete... 102 


Maps, diagrams, and sections .........---.------------------------------------ 64 
Objects of stone, wood, shell, bone, etc... -.---.-.---.--------.----. oa Se see ce 377 
Totals 2c .. 225 2c eas Se et ee re ee 543 


These drawings were prepared from field surveys and 
sketches, from photographs, and from the objects themselves. 
No field work has been done directly by the art division 
during the year, although many valuable drawings and photo- 
graphs were procured in Arizona by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, and 
in the District of Columbia by Mr. W. H. Holmes. 

The photographic work remains under the able manage- 
ment of Mr. J. K. Hillers. The following statement shows 
the amount of work done in the laboratory : 


NEGATIVES. PRINTS. 
iy | 
Size. | Number. | Size. Number. 
Dp iby oa ee eats 12°-|'28 by B22 oe ee 36 
20 Dy 2h 22 oleae eee 6. ):20 “by. 24.422 Soe eb eee 26 
DA yale: eee e eee ee ee 2 aya ties a see eee eee “6 
ALG bypleeee soe wee eee 20) |e yids eae ae 128 
CibyalOS- pe eae eee 90 | 8 by 10.-.---------. 22. --- 529 
BUD Ys (Sac ana sc eee eee 14 5 by (82-0 2ts sacece eee 66 
| 


Photographs were obtained of Indians from sittings as fol- 
lows: 


Tribe. | Number. 
+ a 
wk Ota ois bc dc clears sree rale Sia, ara ee eared es ote arene | 32 
Sac and Pox 2223224255 obese pee ee ena ee eats 5 
Ofion een ss be Seek Jaco ee eee ele | 4 
Pueblo. .22 so. ons ak sas bes ete er te ae Stee 5 
Umatilla cee eee eee fos bone Sha ee Boch cea ts COE Ee | 5 


ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. 
SUBJECTS TREATED. 


Three original contributions to ethnology accompany this 
report. All treat of the habits and customs, beliefs and insti- 
tutions of our native races, and thus traverse a large part of 
the field of ethnology, and their geographic extent is equally 
broad. One of the papers represents a portion of the results 
of long-continued researches among a distinctive people dwell- 
ing in pueblos amid the barren mesas and arid plains near the 
Mexican border; and the vivid description of the beliefs and 
ceremonials of the people is introduced by a general account 
of their history, habitat, customs, and ethnic relations. The 
second contribution comprises a full account of the native 
tribes of the northern portion of the continent in the great 
Hudson Bay territory; it is a faithful record of painstaking 
observations on the domestic life, manners, and ideas of a little, 
known element in our aboriginal population. The third 
memoir relates primarily to the beliefs and the institutions 
connected therewith prevailing in early days over the fertile 
plains of the interior. 

The several records, representing as they do a vast geo- 
graphic area, and covering as they do severally a considerable 
ethnic range, seem especially significant when brought into 
juxtaposition and studied in the comparative way. Thus it 
becomes at once manifest that the diversity in domestic habits 
and every-day life is largely due to environment, that the 
mode of life of each people depends on local food supplies and 
the means of obtaining them, on climate and the means of 
resisting it, on the local fauna and flora, and on various other 
conditions residing in physical geography; and _ further 
research brings to light suggestive relations between these 
modes of life and the institutions and beliefs by which the 
respective peoples are characterized. 

THE SIA, BY MATILDA COXE STEVENSON. 
The surveys and researches relating to the pueblo of Sia 


were commenced by the late Col. James Stevenson in 1879 


and continued during 1887—’88, his last year of field duty, until 
Z XXXIX 


XL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


his work was interrupted by failing health and subsequent 
death. This valued officer of the Bureau left copious notes, 
together with photographs and sketches, and a unique collec- 
tion of objective material. While voluminous and detailed, 
these notes were not reduced to a form adapted to publication. 

After Col. Stevenson’s death his relict, the present author, 
undertook the digestion and arrangement of the notes for the 
press. This arduous task involved the examination of collec- 
tions and, since the notes were in some respects incomplete and 
the illustrative material defective, another visit to the field, with 
attendant exposure and hardship. The work was carried for- 
ward with indefatigable energy and zeal, and resulted in the 
accompanying report, which is a unique and exhaustive account 
of a decadent and rapidly changing people. Even since the 
observations were completed the introduction of agricultural 
arts and the invasion of civilized influences have materially 
modified the aboriginal condition of the Sia; and this record 
must accordingly become a standard of reference concerning 
these people for all future time. 

The Sia of the present occupy a pueblo near the confluence 
of Rio Salado with Jemez river in New Mexico. In physical 
characteristics they resemble the Indians of neighboring pueb- 
los, though distinctly separated by linguistic peculiarities. 
The present settlement is but the remnant of a once populous 
pueblo. The history of the Sia for several centuries may be 
derived in a general way from their traditions and myths, 
checked by the records of the early Spanish explorers. In 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the population was 
considerable, but the people suffered from intertribal warfare, 
and subsequently from the Spanish invaders. After several 
vicissitudes, the pueblo was destroyed by Cruzate, as recorded 
by Vargas, and in 1692 the Sia were brought under the influ- 
ence of mission rule. This influence is persistent, but it would 
appear that the imported belief is but a veneer thinly covering 
a primitive religion which survives to this day. 

The aboriginal belief and the cosmogony of which it forms a 
part represent the theistic concepts so characteristic of primi- 
tive peoples throughout this and other countries. Animals 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLI 


and plants, as well as inorganic objects, are endowed, in the 
minds of the believers, with supernatural powers; and some 
animal—in this case the spider—is regarded as the founder or 
progenitor of the material universe; and about this nucleal 
concept the minor features of belief and ceremonial cluster. 

Several peculiar cult societies exist among the Sia. The 
ceremonial rites of these societies, which are performed for vari- 
ous purposes—such as healing the sick and bringing rain—are 
described in detail, and translations of songs and prayers used 
in connection with theurgic or shamanistic rites are for the first 
time published. The mortuary customs are set forth fully, 
and an important part of the work relates to the rites con- 
nected with marriage and childbirth, such information being 
obtainable only by a woman living in friendly sympathy with 
the Sia women, as Mrs. Stevenson was able to do. The fact 
that she shared the daily life and habits of the Sia people for 
long periods gave her indeed the inestimable advantage of 
fully comprehending their idiosyncracies and esoteric concepts, 
and enabled her to present details which otherwise would have 
been unobtainable. 

The full statement of belief and ceremonial among the Sia 
will undoubtedly be found of special interest to students of 
primitive institutions, and even the casual reader can hardly 
fail to be impressed by the inherent evidence of accuracy and 
genuineness of the details now first made known, and both 
students and laymen will undoubtedly be surprised at the 
elaborateness of religious and ceremonial detail among a people 
almost unknown and of whom only a remnant exists, their life 
rivaling in mystical features that of ancient nations as recorded 
in sacred and secular literature. 


ETHNOLOGY OF THE UNGAVA DISTRICT, BY LUCIEN M. TURNER. 


From May, 1874, to September, 1884, Mr. Lucien M. 
Turner was engaged, with slight intermissions, under the 
direction of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, in 
the study of the Innuit and the tribes adjoining that people. 
He commenced with investigations in Alaska, and his later 
explorations, which were in Hudson Bay territory and which 


XLII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


afforded the material for the present paper, occupied more 
than two years. 

His chief point of observation was at Fort Chimo, in longi- 
tude 68° west of Greenwich and latitude 58° north, situated 
on the right bank of Koksoak river, from which the resi- 
dent Eskimo are called Koksoagmyut. Fort Chimo is 27 
miles by the above-mentioned river from Ungava bay, which 
gives its name to a large district, of which the eastern bound- 
ary is formed by the foothills on the western part of the 
coast range, this line being the western limit of Labrador. 

The author uses a classification, common in literature though 
not well founded, in which the Innuit are regarded as not 
Indian. While the term “Indian” is well understood to be 
an error as applied to any of the pre-Columbian inhabitants 
of America, it is now too thoroughly established to be abol- 
ished; but recognizing the error, it must be used generally as 
applicable to all the tribes of the continent, and, indeed, of 
the hemisphere. Both the Innuit and the Aztec are as truly 
or as falsely North American Indians as are any of the tribes 
between the Arctic seas and Mexico, and the same designation 
must be applied to native Peruvians and Patagonians and all 
neighboring tribes. Disregarding this distinction, the Indians 
of the Ungava district, other than Innuit, are generally known 
as Nascopie, or Nascapee, a term of reproach imposed by the 
Montagnais, who, with them, form part of the great Algonquian 
linguistic family. The people call themselves Nenenot, a 
word of their language meaning true or ideal men. 

Mr. Turner presents. exhaustive details with comparisons 
and contrasts concerning the Koksoagmyut, who are exclu- 
sively littoral, and the Algonquian Nascopie of the interior. 
The customs of daily life, religious observances, mythology, 
arts, and folk lore of both peoples are set forth with orderly 
method, in spirited style and with abundant illustration, so 
that a vivid picture of the distant hyperborean tribes is shown. 
It is also important to note that many errors made by earlier 
writers, which have been repeated in ethnologie text books and 
have become commonly accepted as facts, are now corrected. 
Instances of these current errors are that the Eskimo observed 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLIl 


were not dwarfish but rather taller than the average Euro- 
peans, only one adult male being under five feet eight inches 
in height; that they are not dark except when sunburnt, 
bleaching to white in the winter; also, that they never drink 
seal oil or whale oil, or indeed any oil uncombined with edible 
substances, except as laxative medicine, and never eat raw 
meat when they have the opportunity to cook it. In these 
respects, as in others, it is shown that they are not an abnor- 
mal part of mankind, and that their peculiarities chiefly arise 
from their environment. 


A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS, BY J. OWEN DORSEY. 


In May, 1871, the Reverend James Owen Dorsey commenced 
mission work, in the southern part of the region then called 
Dakota Territory, among the Ponka Indians. Actuated by 
an earnest desire to acquaint himself fully with primitive 
modes of thought and aided by a taste for linguistic study, 
he was led to acquire first the language and afterward the crude 
philosophy of these Indians. His work was continued until 
August, 1873, when it was interrupted by illness. In July, 
1878, he repaired to the Omaha Reservation in Nebraska for 
the purpose of increasing his fund of linguistic material; and 
here again his skill in linguistics and his sympathetic disposi- 
tion enabled him with signal success to span the chasm separ- 
ating primitive thought from the ideation of civilized men. 
Thus he was enabled to enter fully into the spirit of the insti- 
tutions and customs of the Indians of the plains. 

On the organization of the Bureau of Ethnology in 1879, 
Mr. Dorsey was formally attached to it, and has since been con- 
tinuously occupied in researches relating to the languages, 
institutions, and beliefs of the Indians of the interior, chiefly 
those of the Siouan and Athapascan stocks; and he has become 
one of the foremost living students of our aboriginal languages, 
and, retaining in some measure his evangelical functions, he 
has been peculiarly fortunate in obtaining data relating to 
aboriginal beliefs. 

The term “cult,” as used by Mr. Dorsey and most other 
students of the Indian, has come to include, not simply the 


XLIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


system of beliefs, but also the commonly elaborate system of 
rites and ceremonials directly connected with and clustering 
about that belief; for, to the primitive mind, all systems of phi- 
losophy find a tangible basis in the material objects of every- 
day observation, and these objects thus come to play a more 
important rdle in the system than is the case in civilization; 
primitive religion involves a philosophy in which mystical 
meanings are ascribed to common things, and thereby the phil- 
osophic importance of the things is magnified. Thus the prim- 
itive cult is real and concrete, rather than ideal and abstract, 
and impinges not only on rules of conduct but on the multi- 
plicity of objects and experiences pertaining to daily life. This 
materialism of the primitive cult is an essential feature in the 
life of our aborigines, and is constantly to be borne in mind 
in dealing with their myths. 

The term Siouan has never been used in any form of liter- 
ation or pronunciation by the tribes to which it is now applied. 
It was adopted by reason of considerations explained in the 
Seventh Annual Report of this Bureau. The Siouan stock or 
family was one of the most extensive of the continent; tribes 
belonging to it spread over a large area in the interior, streteh- 
ing from the Rocky mountains to the Mississippi and even to 
Lake Michigan, and nearly from the Saskatchewan to the Red 
River of the South. The Siouan peoples were, par excellence, 
the Indians of the northern plains, whose early habits and 
habitat were made known by many writers. 

The treatise presented herewith relates to the religious 
beliefs of the several divisions of the great Siouan family, and 
to the rites and ceremonies connected with these beliefs. 
These have a setting in the form of such descriptions of civic 
and other institutions, habits, customs, language, and pictog- 
raphy, designed partly to elucidate the relations of the cults 
more fully than is possible by abstract statement; and it is 
believed that the setting will be found not without use in 
shadowing forth the environment under which the cults were 
developed. 

While certain of the materials were obtained from other 
authorities, as duly indicated in each case, the greater part 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLV 


were obtained by Mr. Dorsey in person and at first hand 
from individual members of the several tribes. His thorough 
linguistic skill enabled him to take down each Indian’s words 
in the original, and to translate expressions accurately without 
dependence on the untrustworthy medium of the interpreter ; 
and his long experience in dealing with primitive ideas, 
together with his conscientious care and full sympathy with 
the tribesmen, have unquestionably enabled him to reproduce 
the Indian concepts and expressions with unsurpassed fidelity. 

Many important conclusions flowing from Mr. Dorsey’s 
researches stand in the background of his essentially deserip- 
tive presentation, and remain for further elaboration in future 
publications. Some of the most interesting of these relate to 
the bases of Indian beliefs. In the primitive mind the object- 
ive and the subjective, or the physical cosmos and the psychic 
cosmos, blend; and if separated at all, the dividing line is far 
from the position assigned to it among ourselves; the natural 
is small and meager, and the mysterious, or mystic, or super- 
natural, is large and overspreads most of the domain of 
experience and thought. Thus animals, plants, and even 
inorganic objects are supposed to possess mysterious qualities 
and powers, particularly when action or association is unusual 
or unexpected; and winds, thunder, and other manifestations 
of obscure or remote origin are doubly mysterious and some- 
times sacred. In this way the supernatural is brought very 
near to the ego. As Mr. Dorsey expresses the fact, ‘It is 
safer to divide phenomena as they appear to the Indian mind 
into the human and superhuman, as many, if not most 
natural phenomena are mysterious to the Indian. Nay, even 
man himself may become mysterious by fasting, prayer, and 
vision.” 

The primitive character of Indian belief has long been 
recognized among students, and early in the history of the 
Bureau of Ethnology it was classed as the lowest of four 
theistic stages and designated hecastotheism. Now, hecasto- 
theism stands at one extreme of the course of the development 
of belief, while the deification of a single omnipotent power is 
perhaps the highest expression of psychotheism, which stands 


XLVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


at the other extreme of development. Accordingly different 
ethnologists have perceived the incongruity between the 
hecastotheistic concepts of the Indian and the monotheistic 
concept popularly ascribed to him through a curious series of 
misapprehensions ; and some, notably Col. Garrick Mallery, 
have denied the possibility of the existence of true mono- 
theistic beliefs among the primitive peoples of this and other 
countries. This conclusion runs counter to the prevailing 
notion that the Indian recognizes a Great Spirit as a single 
omnipotent power, a notion crystallized in the literature of 
three centuries. The error involved in this notion with 
respect to the American Indian is not without parallel else- 
where; indeed, similar errors have been made in the pioneer 
study of primitive peoples in nearly all parts of the world. 
Commonly the misapprehension may be traced to two causes: 
In the first place, the savage or barbarous belief, and the cere- 
monial in which the belief finds both root and fruit, are largely 
esoteric, or taboo to all but initiates, so that they are concealed 
with religious care from strangers; and, in the second place, 
the friendly savage or barbarian, stimulated by the desire to 
conceal his most sacred things, and often aided by mimetic 
faculty, seeks to ingratiate himself in the favor of the inquirer 
by making his answers conform to the unconsciously expressed 
feelings and desires of his interlocutor. For these, and per- 
haps other reasons, the pioneer student of primitive peoples, 
not realizing the working of the primitive mind and tram- 
meled by the diversity of tongues, frequently deludes himself 
with the notion that he has discovered a primitive belief simi- 
lar to that of civilized man, when in reality he has discovered 
nothing but a reflection of the highly developed religion that 
warms his own heart and vivifies his own being; and it 
remains for later students, familiar with the language and 
perhaps admitted to the esoteric ceremonials, to set forth the 
actual character of the religious concepts held by the primi- 
tive men. 

Mr. Dorsey’s conclusion with respect to the alleged belief 
in the Great Spirit is of special significance in that it is con- 
trary to his predilections and in that it extends to many tribes. 


ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLVII 


of the great Siouan family. While he is unwilling to commit 
himself to a general denial of the prevailing notion, he has 
been forced to conclude that it requires considerable modifica- 
tion, at least so far as it relates to the Siouan tribes. 


FINANCIAL STATEMENT. 


Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North American ethnol- 
ogy for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1890. 


Amount of appropriation, 1889-"90............-.-...:-------- $40, 000. 00 
July 1, 1889, balance from previous appropriations. ...-.._--- 13, 491. 22 


$53, 491. 22 


SOL COS premiere cree os ata as tallow Che seis ae eee e aes 33, 831.17 
MEAVelIMeExpeNSesaearre mec. c 6 ees se aasete- Sone ego aeeeseee 3, 958. 34. 
Rransportablon Of property... = =-e-c---cs2--0-nces-see5 cess 
eld sup pligseee meres emenias oe ccce co ec-in-s-aSeesees cece 
Gondstordistributonsto Indians)-- 2 = ---2ere <sseeemnce a. =se 
INTGMMNET US) soso Shocosbce BE OCOn SORES CARE Tee aCcsnereete Bice 
Mab onatOLryem RbeM Weer oe cytes «<%= = ve oases Sete snes Soo econ 
BoOoksuformlibTramyicmta aman meee = so ance asiise ce sesccieeoesceaeaee 
Stationery and drawing material..............,.----.-------- 
IMU RUPATOMS ie LN ee Sook me ooo Se Ss Obeceoneeee eaare Acree 
Oficonammitine reser ces ae 1a ns Scere esac ee aneses eels ce <2 
Oficesiuppliesvand mepaits. = 2-7 --.10--o--2 oeee cones -ns sce - 
Correspondence.....-.-.--- 3) Beso bate tacace caememeae Nemes 
SECHIACINS C= = 6 oe Osa. omen USE GCE OEE Doe eee Era ae ae 
Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement 
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities.............. 12, 033. 


BR Ge) epee eee en ee ee ee Siena sae eee end ea ou eich, aaenie 


fe a ert — 4) 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


dh Jeli) joulesy 


BY 


MATILDA COXE STEVENSON. 


CONTENTS 


Mritrodn chon see ee aaa eee ees serena een eae ees aan es 
(COEMTO Nth 6a ne cae aen ep GaeB Re aS Se CHE RAS Co Smine DODDS Er SOE aa Ge SsoEwos=6 DOE 
CUTELLIROCLO LLCS metre tatany rere te ortcte Settee oe =F aera eee ee apres aaieve ee mee 
LYSE SpE TNE oS ote co Re She Soe neEee ooo sbeebs sneordesSeeduesesecsae 
Ramyceremonial on thesnake SOClebyren-— senses aoe eee ee ee 
Rain ceremonial of the Giant society ..--....-...----+.--=+-.---------- 
Four-night ceremonial of the Giant society for the healing of a sick 
WON? sSacetes daa psn eHe se popseas da0> HOUb aces coe saseress can eesene ss 

Rain ceremonial of the Knife society .........-..--.------------------- 
Societyotethe @uenrrannate cer see oa eee ee ae ae ee eee mei 
Rain ceremonial of the Quer’riinna society....-.---.-.---------------- 
ODNETSOCLOLIOS ee Meter tes kets ara ee eta a een neers ance eos 
Society of the cougar ..-......--.. Seis BS eB AB os Be een Sea eper 
SOGIOL FO Lm yy ARTE ONS memes seer erate oleate ears aba aoe ree ern = = 
SOWES sccécétconde cbabede ssa SsunbUCe rr Heme loce pore Sop Ste nen SOUS eee ae 
A rain song of the Shi’/wi Chai‘iin (Snake society) -.---.--.--.-------. 

A song of the Shu’wi Chai‘iin (Snake society) for healing the sick - -.-- 

A rain song of the Sko’yo Chai‘iin (Giant society) ........--..--------- 

A song of the Sko’yo Chai’iin (Giant society) for healing the sick~----- 

A rain song of the His’tiiin Chai‘iin( Knife society). .............------- 
Portion of a rain song of the His’tiiin Chai‘iin (Knife society) --...---- 
AurainiBonrronthe(@ uerwannar Ohad a-6)-n ae eee eee ea eee 
ipravyersonmslokuintantnrsc nas essa ae aces ee See nests ee csaee 
(Child bunthimes, ee eos eet ese ae eee Noe See Oa ha st 
Mortuary customs! andiibeliets) 2222s neca..- sha oes es p= = Seems onan 
IURIULNE) 6 aco eatin A eSES Rani ms aa UES ACC hele 6 ere eS OR nee A es ana aie 
The Coyote encounters disappointment -..........-.------.------------ 
ihhe:Coy.otevandsthe! Coupar == sess -cssee sae ae aces seer een 
Mhe:Coyoterand:thevRattleosnake {222 --scsc.-<s-2c2 eeee ean ae as 22 see = 


AGUS ALOT apa eer ae ee cos Sine ore Peete een ae meee teat, Se Ne 


PL. 


XI. 


XII. 


XIII. 


XIV. 
OMS 
XVI. 
XVII. 
XVIII. 


XIX. 
XX. 
XXI. 


EUS sh Ro AIRE ON: Si. 


. A view of Sia, showing a portion of village in ruins ........--- 
LUZ ARE Sale aetna oe ee ee ee ae Lee tee mein ele Sele ie oe 
. Sisters; cleverest artists in ceramics in Sia -...-...-...---...-- 
A GLOUPOLAO1A VV ASOS = mists ayecie ee se w= miele Sia pe mais ane ayes ey ae\sinierelose 
of NUNCHORE KE Wests ears anon AR acc One se. Arn Spa Uae Pee Sen oa Ane an eer or 
. Stone house showing plaster on exterior .....-...-..---.------- 
OLAMPCIS! BIW OLM- se ce cus ses | Seek Set cece desetiasee see acet beaks 
mLountersicompletin oMywOl ks =a t-te eae ale aslo e e 
SPL-AnSri-kOr aia tOulChas aan esac een ee seem e ee Re esecaee eam 
. Personal adornment when received into third degree of official 


membership in Cult society (4, Ko-shai-ri; B, Quer’-riin-na; 
C.Sniakeisocletyy=ssa--scee = As2 ces eee ces nceneeacnsesosee- 
Hii/-cha-mo-ni before plume offerings are attached (4, hii’-cha- 
mo-ni and official staff deposited for Sits sis-tin-na-ko; B, hii’- 
cha-mo-ni and official staff deposited for the sun; C, hii/-cha- 
mo-ni and official staff deposited for the cloud priest of the 
north; D, hii/-cha-mo-ni and official staff deposited for the 
cloud priest of the west; 2, hii/-cha-mo-ni and official staff 
deposited for the cloud priest of the zenith).........---.---- 
Hii’-cha-mo-ni with plume offerings attached (/’, hii’-cha-mo-ni 
deposited for the Sia woman of the north and of the west; G, 
hii/-cha-mo-ni offered to the cloud woman of the cardinal 
points; H, gaming block offered to the cloud people; J, hii’- 
cha-mo-ni and official staff deposited for the snake ho/-na-ai-te 
Gh NAAN) SaESea SAS aoe See ao Aas ese ESE SapSeH oes SSaeese 
Hii'-cha-mo-ni with plumes attached (4, deposited for cloud 
priest of the north; B, deposited for Ho-chan-ni, arch ruler 
of the cloud priests of the world; C, deposited for cloud 
woman of the north; D, bunch of plumes offered apart from 
hii/-cha-no-ni; 2, bunch of plumes offered apart from hii’-cha- 
TMO=ni) eee eee ee Ree Be Re sei AUS, Ato nl are ae 
Altar and sand painting of Snake society ...--..----.--------- 
Altarof Snake society a2: 5 -¢sec- 2 esac ne eecieneses cee sete sce 
Ceremonialivasey. cso amet ce nan eee ama aeleee sanieess aeeereee 
Vice ho‘-na-ai-te of Snake'society .--..--.----..---. «--=-- -=--- 
Altar and sand painting of Giant society (4, altar; B, sand 
PAinvING) tes esses eee oer see Santee epee ete eeeces tens 
Altar of Giant society photographed during ceremonial... -.. -- 
iHol=nazai-teiof, Giant soctety=-o2.s2--2----9- 25-6 --- === = === 
Sick boy in ceremonial chamber of Giant society. .......-.----. 


26 
40 


70 


74 


78 
80 
82 
84 
86 


90 
92 
94 
96 


Pu. XXII. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Altar and sand painting of Knife society -...--..--.---------- 


XXIII. Altar of Knife society photographed during ceremonial... ---- 
XIV... Ho'-na-ai-te of Knife society <22---s--= -) = === eee 
XXY. Altar of Knife society, with ho‘-na-ai-te and vice ho’-na-ai-te on 
either sides. << 5.2.2. S=5 toe ee 5 (ee een 

KX Vi. Shrine‘of Knife society -. 32- = --a-2= eee eee 
XXVII. Shrine of Knife society......--.--------------- = Haase seme ates 
XXVIL. Altar of ‘Quer!-rain-na /Ko0lGhy—=-- === ee ee 
XXIX: Altar of Quer’-rin-na society -...--....-.-.-. -...-- ------<.---- 
XXX. Ho’-na-ai-te of Quer'-rin-na society --......--.--. ---.--------- 
XXXI. Sia masks (4, masks of the K4-tsi-na; B, mask of female K4-tst- 
na; C, masks’of the Ka-‘st-ma)-- 22 2 eee eee = anaes 

XXXII. Sia maces (4, masks of the Ké-tsi-na; B, masks of female K4-tsi- 
WSR) Sepa gets ener ate eee ee ie 

XXXL. Frayer to the rising suns—o2 aes seal ee ae eee eee 
XXXIV. Personal adornment when received into the third degree of offi- 
cial membership of Cult society (4, spider; B, cougar; C, fire; 

D, Knife and Giant; H, costume when victor is received into 

society of Warriors; F, body of warrior prepared for burial, 

only the face, hands, and feet being painted)..--...-.--.---- 

XXXY. Ceremonial water vases; Sia (4, a cross emblematic of the rain 
from the cardinal points; B, faces of the cloud men; C, faces 

of the cloud women; D, clouds and rain; FE, vegetation; F, 

dragonfly, symbolic of water) .......---.-.-.---.---.-....---- 

Fic. 1. Sia women on their way to trader’s to dispose of pottery. .-.---. 
2. Sia women returning from trader’s with flour and corn..--.---- 

BRM et 0 112) ee SSE Recs ponqso are aston tate cc rte aosbe os seece 

4, Breaking the earth under tent. .--........--..----------------- 

5. Women and. girletbrin ginny clayoo-ces) = === ee = eae eee 

6.. Women! and! girls bringing: clary,-<- 2-5 == = eee ee 

7.. Depositing: the clay ---~2222 252 225.024- sega ass ae eee ee 


. Mixing the clay with the freshly broken earth......--.-..----- 
} Women:sprinkling. the earth: 22-2) 255-52 s=55 =e eee 
. The process of leveling ----..--.----- BP AaRe SA eee Sorat s 
. Stampers starting to work ..---- sFbcoeit st Soe eee eee 
2. Mixing clay for plaster. —— =.= 2.2 --42-= es = 5 === eae 
«Childish: curiosity;22..<-5:.2.0-- 4-2 see See eee ae eee 
. Mask of the sun, drawn by a theurgist ..... -.....----------- 
. Diagram of the White House of the North, drawn by a theurgist. 
- he game’ of, Wash’ Kase: oc ec - sees ie ee ee 
. Sand painting as indicated in Plate xxv.......-.-...-----.---- 
. Sand painting used in ceremonial for sick by Ant society ------ 
- la COCLEGSS 5.2.0.6 eee cet -e eee es Bee eee ee eee eee 
. Mother with her infant four days old .......--...-....-..------ 


140 


“SNINY NI SOVTMA JO NOILYOd VY DNIMOHS ‘VIS 4O MZIA V 


ASOIONHLI3 30 Nv3aund 


480d34 IVONNY HLIN3A313 


PEL Si A. 


By MatitpA CoxE STEVENSON! 


INTRODUCTION. 


All that remains of the once populous pueblo of Sia is a small group 
of houses and a mere handful of people in the midst of one of the 
most extensive ruins of the Southwest (Pl. 1) the living relic of an 
almost extinct people and a pathetic tale of the ravages of warfare 
and pestilence. This picture is even more touching than the infant’s 
cradle or the tiny sandal found buried in the cliff in the canyon walls. 
The Sia of to-day is in much the same condition as that of the ancient 
cave and cliff dweller as we restore their villages in imagination. 

The cosmogony and myths of the Sia point to the present site as 
their home before resorting to the mesa, which was not, however, their 
first mesa home; their legends refer to numerous villages on mountain 
tops in their journeying from the north to the center of the earth. 

The population of this village was originally very large, but from its 
situation it became a target during intertribal feuds. A time came, 
however, when intertribal strife ceased, and the pueblo tribes united 
their strength to oppose a common foe, an adversary who struck ter- 
ror to the heart of the Indian, inasmuch as he not only took possession 
of their villages and homes, but was bent upon uprooting the ancestral 
religion to plant in its stead the Roman Catholic faith. To avoid this 
result the Sia fled to the mesa and built a village, but the foe was not 
to be thus easily baffled and the mesa village was brought under sub- 
jection. That these people again struggled for their freedom is evident 
from the report of Vargas of his visit there in 1692: 

The pueblo had been destroyed a few years before by Cruzate, but it had not been 
rebuilt. The troops entered it the next morning. It was situated upon the mesa of 
Cerro Colorado, and the only approach to it was up the side of the plateau by a steep 
and rocky road. The only thing of value found there was the bell of the convent, 
which was ordered to be buried. The Indians had built anew village near the ruins 
of the old one. When they saw the Spaniards approach they came forth to meet and 
bid them welcome, carrying crosses in their hands, and the chiefs marching at their 
heads. In this manner they escorted Vargas and his troops to the plaza, where arches 


!The author mentions gratefully the share of this work performed by her late husband, Mr. James 
Stevenson, whose notes taken during his last year’s work in the field have been freely used by her 
and whose life interest in the North American Indians has been her inspiration. 


9 


10 THE SIA. 


and crosses were erected, and good quarters provided them. He caused the inhab- 
itants to be assembled, when he explained to them the object of his visit and the man- 
ner in which he intended to punish all the rebellious Indians. This concluded, the 
usual ceremonies of taking possession, baptism and absolution, took place.! 

And the Sia were again under Spanish thraldom; but though they 
made this outward show of submitting to the new faith, neither then 
nor since have they wavered in their devotion to their aboriginal re- 
ligion. 

The ruins upon the mesa, showing well-defined walls of rectangular 
stone structures northwest of the present village, are of considerable 
magnitude, covering many acres. (Pl. m1.) The Indians, however, 
declare this to have been the great farming districts of P6-shai-yan-ne 
(quasi messiah), each field being divided from the others by a stone 
wall, and that their village was on the mesa eastward of the present one. 

The distance from the water and the field induced the Sia to return 
to their old home, but wars, pestilence, and oppression seem to have 
been their heritage. When not contending with the marauding nomad 
and Mexican, they were suffering the effects of disease, and between 
murder and epidemic these people have been reduced to small numbers. 
The Sia declare that this condition of affairs continued, to a greater or 
less degree, with but short periods of respite, until the murders were 
arrested by the intervention of our Government. For this they are 
profoundly grateful, and they are willing to attest their gratitude in 
every possible way. 

The Sia to-day number, according to the census taken in. 1890, 106, 
and though they no longer suffer at the murderous hand of an enemy, 
they have to contend against such diseases as smallpox and diphtheria, 
and it will require but a few more scourges to obliterate this remnant 
of a people. They are still harassed on all sides by depredators, much 
as they were of old; and long-continued struggle has not only resulted 
in the depletion of their numbers, but also in mental deterioration. 

The Sia resemble the other pueblo Indians; indeed, so strikingly 
alike are they in physical structure, complexion, and customs that they 
might be considered one and the same people, had it not been discovered 
through philological investigation that the languages of the pueblo 
Indians have been evolved from four distinct stocks. 

Sia is situated upon an elevation at the base of which flows the 
Jemez river. The Rio Salado empties into the Jemez some 4 miles 
above Sia and so impregnates the waters of the Jemez with salt that 
while it is at all times most unpalatable, in the summer season when 
the river is drained above, the water becomes undrinkable, and yet it 
is this or nothing with the Sia. 

For neighbors they have the people of the pueblo of Santa Ana, 6 
miles to the southeast, who speak the same language, with but slight 
variation, and the pueblo of Jemez, 7 miles north, whose language, 
according to Powell’s classification, is of another stock, the Tanoan. 


1 Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 1869, pp. 351, 352. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Il 


ee 


PLAZA, SIA. 


ae i 


STEVENSON. ] CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE. itil 


The Mexican town of San Ysidro is 54 miles above Sia, and there are 
several Mexican settlements north of Jemez. The Mexican town of 
Bernalillo is on the east bank of the Rio Grande, 174 miles eastward. 

Though Protestant missionaries have been stationed at the pueblo of 
Jemez since 1878, no attempt has been made to bring the Sia within 
the pale of Protestantism. The Catholic mission priest who resides at 
Jemez makes periodical visits to the Sia, when services are held, mar- 
riages performed, infants baptized, and prayers offered for the dead. 

The missions at Cia and Jemez were founded previous to 1617 and after 1605. 
They existed without interruption until about 1622, when the Navajos compelled the 
abandonment of the two churches at San Diego and San Joseph of Jemez. About 
four years later, through the exertions of Fray Martin de Arvide, these missions 
were reoccupied, and remained in uninterrupted operation until August 10, 1680. 
The mission at Cia, as far as I know, suffered no great calamity until that date. 
After the uprising of 1680 the Cia mission remained vacant until 1694. Thence on it 
has been always maintained, slight temporary vacancies excepted, up to this day. 
The mission of San Diego de Jemez was occupied in 1694 by Fray Francisco de Jesus, 
whom the Indians murdered on the 4th of June of 1696. In consequence of the up- 
rising on that day, the Jemez abandoned their country, and returned, settling on the 
present site of their pueblo only in 1700. The first resident priest at Jemez became 
Fray Diego Chabarria, in 1701. Since that date I find no further interruption in the 
list of missionaries. ! 

The Sia are regarded with contempt by the Santa Ana and the Jemez 
Indians, who never omit an opportunity to give expression to their 
scorn, feeling assured that this handful of people must submit to insult 
without hope of redress. Limited intertribal relations exist, and these 
principally for the purpose of traftic. 

Though the Sia have considerable irrigable lands, they have but a 
Ineager supply of water, this being due to the fact that after the Mex- 
ican towns above them and the pueblo of Jemez have drawn upon the 
waters of the Jemez river, little is left for the Sia, and in order to have 
any success with their crops they must curtail the area to be culti- 
vated. Thus they never raise grain enough to supply their needs, 
even with the practice of the strictest economy according to Indian 
understanding, and therefore depend upon their more successful neigh- 
bors who labor under no such difficulties. The Jemez people have 
no lack of water supply, and the Santa Ana have their farming districts 
on the banks of the Rio Grande. Is it strange, then, that two pueblos 
are found progressing, however slowly, toward a European civilization, 
while the Sia, though slightly influenced by the Mexicans, have, through 
their environment, been led not only to cling to autochthonic culture 
but to lower their plane of social and mental condition ? 

The Sia women labor industriously at the ceramic art as soon as 
their grain supply becomes reduced, and the men carry the wares to 
their unfriendly neighbors for trade in exchange for wheat and corn. 
While the Santa Ana and Jemez make a little pottery, it is very coarse 
in texture and in form; in fact, they can not be classed as pottery- 
making Indians. (PI. 11.) 


'The writer is indebted to Mr. A. F. Bandelier for the information regarding the Catholic missions. 


12 THE SIA. 


As long as the Sia can induce the traders through the country to 
take their pottery they refrain from barter with their Indian neigh- 
bors. (Pl. Iv.) The women usually dispose of the articles to the 
traders (Figs. 1 and 2), but they never venture on expeditions to the 
Santa Ana and the Jemez. 

Each year a period comes, just before the harvest time, when no 
more pottery is required by their Indian neighbors, and the Sia must 
deal out their food in such limited portions that the elders go hungry 
in order to satisfy the children. When starvation threatens there is 
no thought for the children of the clan, but the head of each household 


Fig, 1.—Sia women on their way to the trader’s to dispose of pottery. 


looks to the wants of its own, and there is apparent indifference to the 
sufferings of neighbors. When questioned, they reply: “We feel sad 
for our brothers and our sisters, but we have not enough for our own.” 
Thus, when driven to extremes, nature asserts itself in the nearest ties 
of consanguinity and the “clan” becomes secondary. At these times 
there are no expressions of dissatisfaction and no attempt on the part 
of the stronger to take advantage of the weaker. The expression of 
the men changes to a stoical resignation, and the women’s faces grow 
a Shade paler with the thought that in order to nourish their babes 
they themselves must be nourished. And yet, such is their code of 
hospitality that food is always offered to guests as long as a morsel 
remains. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, III 


_ ss = é : | 


SISTERS; CLEVEREST ARTISTS IN CERAMICS IN SIA. 


7 A - 2 — | - 7 rt or ry _ 


et 


STEVENSON. } BARTER. 13 


So like children are these same stoical and patient people that the 
tears of sorrow are quickly dispelled by the sunshine of success. When 
their cfops are gathered they hold their saints’ day feast, when the 
Indians from near and far (even a few of the unfriendly Indians lend- 
ing their unwelcome presence) surfeit at their board. These public 
dances and feasts of thanksgiving in honor of their patron saint, upon 
the gathering of their crops, which occur in all the Rio Grande 
pueblos, present a queer mixture of pagan and Christian religion. The 
priest owes his success in maintaining a certain intluence with these 
people since the accession of New Mexico to the United States, by non- 


Fig. 2,—Sia women returning from trader’s with flour and corn in exchange for pottery. 


interference with the introduction of their forms and dances into the 
worship taught by the church. Hence the Rio Grande Indians are 
professedly Catholics; but the fact that these Indians and the Mission 
Indians of California have preserved their religions, admitting them to 
have been more or less influenced by Catholicism, and hold their cere- 
monials in secret, practicing their occult powers to the present time, 
under the very eye of the church, is evidence not only of the tenacity 
with which they cling to their ancient customs, but of their cunning in 
maintaining perfect seclusion. 

When Maj. Powell visited Tusayan, in 1870, he was received with 
marked kindness by the Indians and permitted to attend the secret 


14 THE SIA. 


ceremonials of their cult. The writer is of the opinion that he was the 
first and only white man granted this privilege by any of the pueblo 
Indians previous to the expedition to Zuni, in 1879, by Mr. Stevenson, 
of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

The writer accompanied Mr. Stevenson on this occasion and during 
his succeeding investigations among the Zuni, Tusayan, and the Rio 
Grande Pueblos. And whenever the stay was long enough to become 
acquainted with the people the confidence of the priestly rulers and 
theurgists was gained, and after this conciliation all efforts to be pres- 
ent at the most secret and sacred performances observed and practiced 
by these Indians were successful. Their sociology and religion are so 
intricately woven together that the study of the one can not be pursued 
without the other, the ritual beginning at birth and closing with 
death. 

While the religion of the Rio Grande Indians bears evidence of con- 
tact with Catholicism, they are in fact as non-Catholic as before the 
Spanish conquest. Their environment by the European civilization of 
the southwest is, however, slowly but surely effecting a change in the 
observances of their cabalistic practices. For example, the pueblo of 
Laguna was so disturbed by the Atlantic and Pacific railroad passing 
by its village that first one and then another of its families lingered at 
theranch houses, reluctant to return to their communal home, where they 
must come in contact with the hateful innovations of their land; and so 
additions were made to render the summer house more comfortable for 
the winter, and after a time a more substantial structure supplanted the 
temporary abode, and the communal dwelling was rarely visited except 
to comply with the religious observances. Some of these homes were 
quite remote from the village, and the men having gradually increased 
their stock of cattle found constant vigilance necessary to protect them 
from destruction by the railroad and the hands of the cowboy; and so 
first one and then another of the younger men ventured to be absent 
from a ceremonial in order to look up some stray head of cattle, until 
the aged men cried out in horror that their children were forgetting 
the religion of their forefathers. 

The writer knew of but one like delinquent among the Zuni when she 
was there in 1886, A son of one of the most bigoted priests in the vil- 
lage had become so eager to possess an American wagon, and his atten- 
tion was so absorbed in looking after his cattle with a view to the accu- 
mulation of means whereby to purchase a wagon, that he dared to 
absent himself from a most important and sacred ceremonial, notwith- 
standing the current belief that for such impiety the offender must die 
within four days. The father denounced him in the strongest terms, 
declaring he was no longer his son. And the man told the writer, on 
his return to the village, “‘ that he was afraid because he staid away, 
and he guessed he would die within four days, but some of his cattle 
had strayed off and he feared the cowboy.” The fourth day passed 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


GROUP OF SIA VASES. 


STEVENSON. ] RELIGION AND MARRIAGE. 15 


and the man still lived, and the scales dropped from his eyes. From 
that time his religious duties were neglected in his eagerness for the 
accumulation of wealth. 

Thus the railroad, the merchant, and the cowboy, without this pur- 
pose in view, are effecting a change which is slowly closing, leaf by 
leaf, the record of the religious beliefs and practices of the pueblo 
Indian. With the Sia this record book is being more rapidly closed, 
but from a different cause. It is not due to the Christianizing of these 
Indians, for they have nothing of Protestantism among them, and 
though professedly Catholic, they await only the departure of the priest 
to return to their secret ceremonials. The Catholic priest baptizes the 
infant, but the child has previously received the baptismal rite of its 
ancestors. The: Catholic priest marries the betrothed, but they have 

‘been previously united according to their ancestral rites. The Romish 
priest holds mass that the dead may enter heaven, but prayers have 
already been offered that the soul may be received by Sas-sis-tin-na-ko 
(their creator) into the lower world whence it came. As an entirety 
these people are devotees to their religion and its observances, and yet 
with but few exceptions, they go through their rituals, having but 
vague understanding of their origin or meaning. Each shadow on the 
dial brings nearer to a close the lives of those upon whose minds are 
graven the traditions, mythology, and folklore as indelibly as are the 
pictographs and monochromes upon the rocky walls. 

An aged theurgist whose lore was unquestioned, in fact he was re- 
garded as their oracle (Pl. v), passed away during the summer of 1890. 
Great were the lamentations that the keeper of their traditions slept, 
and with him slept much that they would never hear again. There are, 
now, but five men from whom any connected account of their cosmogony 
and mythology may be gleaned, and they are no longer young. Two of 
these men are not natives of Sia, but were adopted into the tribe when 
young children. One is a Tusayan; the other a San Felipe Indian. 
The former is the present governor, amiable, brave, and determined, 
and while deploring that his people have no understanding of American 
civilization, he stands second only to the oracle in his knowledge of 
lore of the Sia. The San Felipe Indian isa like character, and if Sia 
possessed a few more such men there might yet be a future for that 
pueblo. 

While the mythology and cult practices differ in each pueblo there 
is still a striking analogy between them, the Zuni and Tusayan furnish- 
ing the richer field for the ethnographer, their religion and sociology 
being virtually free from Catholic influence. 

The Indian official is possessed of a character so penetrating, so dip- 
lomatic, cunning, and reticent that it is only through the most friendly 
relations and by a protracted stay that anything can be learned of the 
myths, legends, and rites with which the lives of these people are so 
thoroughly imbued and which they so zealously guard. 


16 THE SIA. 


The theurgists of the several cult societies, upon learning that the 
object of the writer’s second visit to Sia was similar to that of the pre- 
vious one, graciously received her in their ceremonials, revealing the 
secrets more precious to them than life itself. When unable to give 
such information as she sought they would bring forth their oracle (the 
aged theurgist) whose old wrinkled face brightened with intelligent 
interest as he related without hesitancy that which was requested. 

The form of government of all the pueblos is much the same, they 
being civil organizations divided into several departments, with an 
official head for each department. 

With the Sia (and likewise with the other pueblos) the ti/amoni, by 
virtue of his priestly office, is ex officio chief executive and legislator; 
the war priest (he and his vicar being the earthly representatives of the 
twin war heroes) having immediate control and direction of the military 
and of tribal hunts. Secret cult societies concerning the Indians’ rela- 
tions to anthropomorphic and zoomorphic beings are controlled each by 
a particular theurgist. The war chief, the local governor, and the mag- 
istrate as well as the ti/’moni and theurgists have each a vicar who 
assists in the official and religious duties. 

While the Zuni priesthood for rain consists of a plurality of priests 
and a priestess, the priest of the north being the arch ruler, the Sia 
have but one such priest. With the Zuni the archruler holds his office ~ 
through maternal inheritance; with the Sia it is a life appointment. 
The ti/imoni of Sia is chosen alternately from three clans—corn, 
coyote, and a species of cane. Though the first priest was selected 
by the mother Ut’sét, who directed that the office should always be 
filled by a member of the corn clan, he in time caused dissatisfaction 
by his action towards infants (See cosmogony), and upon his death the 
people concluded to choose a ti/amoni from the coyote clan, but he proved 
not to have a good heart, for the cloud people refused to send rain and 
the earth became dry. The third one was appointed from the cane clan, 
but he, too, causing criticism, the Sia determined they would be obedient 
to the command of their mother Ut/sét, and returned to the corn clan in 
selecting their fourth ti‘’aémoni, but his reign brought disappointment. 
The next ruler was chosen from the coyote clan, and proved more satis- 
factory; but the people, deciding it was best not to confine the selection 
of their ti/imoni to the one clan, appointed the sixth from the cane 
clan, and since that time this office has been filled alternately from 
the corn, coyote, and cane clans until the latter became extinct. The 
present ti/imoni’s clan is the coyote, and that of his vicar, the corn. 
Their future appointments will necessarily come from these two clans, 
as practically they are reduced to these. 

The ti/‘imoni and vicar are appointed by the two war priests, the 
vicar succeeding to the office of ti/imoni. 

The present ti/timoni entered his office without ravine filled the subor- 
dinate place, his predecessor, a very aged man, and the vicar, like- 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


THE ORACLE. 


STEVENSON. | THE TIAMONI. Liz 


wise old, having died about the same time. When the selection of a 
younger brother or vicar has been made, the vicar to the war priest 
calls upon the incoming ruler, who accompanies him to the house of 
the appointee to fill the office of vicar to the ti/imoni. The younger 
war priest, followed by the ti%imoni elect, who precedes the vicar, goes 
to the ancestral official chamber of the ti‘imoni, where the elder war 
priest, the theurgists of the several cult societies, with their vicars. 
have assembled to be present at the installation of the ti‘iimoni. The 
war priest arises to meet the party, and, with the ti/imoni immediately 
before him he says: “ This man is now our priest; he is now our father 
and our mother for all time;” and then addressing the ti/imoni he con- 
tinues: “ You are no more to work in the fields or to bring wood, the 
theurgists of the cult and all your other children will labor for you, our 
ti/amoni, for all years to come; you are not to work, but to be to us as 
our father and our mother.” ‘Good! good!” is repeated by the theur- 
gists. The war priest then presents the ti/imoni with the ensign of his 
oftice—a slender staff, crooked at the end and supposed to be the same 
which was presented to the first ruler by the mother Ut/s¢t—the crook 
being symbolic of longevity. Upon receiving the crook the ti/iimoni 
draws the sacred breath from it and the war priest embraces him and 
sprinkles the cane with meal with a prayer that the thoughts and heart 
of O’tstt may be conveyed from the staff to the newly-chosen ruler 
(Ot/sét upon presenting this cane to the first ti/imoni of this world, gave 
with it all her thoughts and her heart), and now he, too, draws from the 
cane the sacred breath. The theurgists rise ina body, each one embrae- 
ing the ti/4moni and sprinkling meal upon the staff, at the same time 
drawing from it the sacred breath. The civil authorities next, and 
then the populace, including the women and children, repeat the em- 
bracing, the sprinkling of meal, and the drawing of the sacred breath. 

The following day all the members of the pueblo, including the 
children, collect wood for the ti/émoni, depositing it by the side of his 
dwelling. 

The Sia are much chagrined that their present ti/imoni (who is a 
young man) participates in the hunts, works in the fields, and is ever 
ready to join in a pleasure ride over the hills. This is not the tribal 
custom; the ti/imoni may have a supervision over his herds and fields, 
but his mind is supposed to be absorbed with religion and the interests 
of his people, and he never leaves his village for a distance, excepting 
to make pilgrimages to the shrines or other of their Meceas. This young 
ruler is a vain fellow, having but little concern for the welfare of his 
people, but he is most punctilious in his claim to the honors due him. 

The theurgists hold oftice for life, each vicar succeeding to the fune- 
tion of his theurgist, who in turn appoints, with the approbation of the 
ti/amoni, the member whom he thinks best fitted to fill the position of 
vicar. 

For the selection of the civil and subordinate military ofticers the 

11 ETH 


i) 
aad 


18 THE SIA. 


tiimoni meets with his vicar, and the war priest and vicar in the offi- 
cial chamber of the ti/iimoni, in the month of December, to discuss the 
several appointments to be made; that of war chief and his assistant, 
the governor and lieutenant-governor, the magistrate and his deputy. 
After the names have been decided upon the theurgists of the secret 
cult societies are notified and they join the ti/imoni and his associates, 
when they are informed of the decision and their concurrence requested, 


Fic. 3.—Pauper. 


This is always given, the consultation with the theurgists being buta 
matter of courtesy. The populace then assemble, when announcement 
is made of the names of the new appointees. These appointments are 
annual; the same party, however, may serve any number of terms. 
The war chief performs minor duties which would otherwise fall to 
the war priest. It is the duty of the war chief to patrol the town 
during the meetings of the cult societies and to surround the village 


By 


STEVENEON. | THE CLANS. 19 


with mounted guardsmen at the time of a dance of the Ka/-tsu-na. A 
Mexican, especially, must not look upon one of these anthropomorphic 
beings. The war chief also directs the hunt under the instruction of 
the war priest and vicar. It is not obligatory that he participate in 
the hunt; his vicar, as his representative or other self, may lead the 
huntsmen. The governor sees that the civil laws are executed, he 
looking after the more important matters, leaving the minor cases in 
the hands of the magistrate. He designates the duties of his people 
for the coming day by crying his commands in the plaza at sunset. 

Wizards and witches are tried and punished by the war priest; and 
it has been but a few years since a man and his wife suffered death for 
practicing this diabolical craft. Their child, a boy of some twelve years, 
Fig. 3, is a pauper who at times begs from door to door, and at other 
times he is taken into some family and made use of until they grow tired 
of dispensing their charity. The observations of the writer led her to 
believe that the boy earned all that he received. Socially, held in con- 
tempt by his elders, he seems a favorite with the children, though this 
unfortunate is seldom allowed the joy of childish sport. He is, how- 
ever, a member of one of the most important cult societies (the knife) 
belonging to its several divisions. 

The clans (ha-notc) now existing among these people are the 


Walker cesesccasnte <= 5 Ses COL | VHO-Mis soe Secs. -con ne Tobacco 
Shurts-n-nas <= 52 4--- Coyote) | Ko-hais.-.2-5-.5-.s2se52--- Bear 
NAST ieee ds aaae teases Squashg (sien ieee nee Eagle 


There is but one member of the eagle, one of the bear, and one of the 
squash clan, and these men are advanced in years. There is a second 
member of the squash clan, but he is a Tusayan by birth. The only 
clans that are numerically well represented are the corn and coyote. 
There is but one family of the tobacco clan. 

The following are extinct clans: 


SHISKG)- cho. 22s te ee ose Star | Ha/-pan-fii.........-....... Oak 
Mt newact ees ss eras ne Moons eble =lcanstiiee een ee Fire 
Oeshartetcastae semos + erin Sang| (Sha wittis- sae ses scene Parrot 
RAEN OR meee ie cee ea acs Deer | Wa’‘pon.....--- White shell bead 
ONG Zee sae = AN TR oes WEVA Se Soe ee oes Senn mRe esac, Ant 
Mo/-kaite: 2 2-- 22... =.= Cougar | Ya/un-fi--.......--.-.-- Granite 
JEG SIS OL Geom aeeie Saee Cloud?) Wash’-pare- os 2. tes0- =e Cactus 
HOAs een eee ee es ees Crane 


The writer could not learn that there had ever been more than twenty- 
one clans, and although the table shows six at the present time, it may 
be seen from the statement that there are virtually but two. 

Marrying into the clan of either parent is in opposition to the old 
law; but at present there is nothing for the Sia to do but to break 
these laws, if they would preserve the remnant of their people, and 
while such marriages are looked upon with disfavor, it is ‘the inevit- 
able.” The young men are watched with a jealous eye by their elders 
that they do not seek brides among other tribes, and though the beauty 


20 THE SIA. 


of the Sia maidens is recognized by the other pueblo people, they are 
rarely sought in marriage, for, according to the tribal custom, the hus- 
band makes his home with the wife; and there is little to attract the 
more progressive Indian of the other pueblos to Sia, where the eager- 
ness to perpetuate a depleted race causes the Sia to rejoice over every 
birth, especially if it be a female child, regardless whether the child be 
legitimate or otherwise. 

When a girl reaches puberty she informs her mother, who invites the 
female members of her clan to her house, where an informal feast is 
enjoyed. The guests congratulate the girl upon having arrived at the 
state of womanhood, and they say to her, *‘ As yet you are like a child, 
but you will soon be united with a companion and you will help to in- 
crease your people.” The only male present is the girl’s father. The 
news, however, soon spreads through the village, and it is not long be- 
fore offers are made to the mother for the privilege of sexual relations 
with the girl. The first offers are generally refused, the mother hold- 
ing her virgin daughter for the highest bidder. These are not neces- 
sarily offers of marriage, but are more commonly otherwise, and are 
frequently made by married men. 

Though the Sia are monogamists, it is common for the married, as 
well as the unmarried, to live promiscuously with one another; the hus- 
band being as fond of his wife’s children as if he were sure of the pa- 
ternal parentage. That these people, however, have their share of 
latent jealously is evident from the secrecy observed on the part of a 
married man or woman to prevent the anger of the spouse. Parents 
are quite as fond of their daughters’ illegitimate offspring, and as 
proud of them as if they had been born in wedlock; and the man who 
marries a woman having one or more illegitimate children apparently 
feels the same attachment for these children as for those his wife bears 
him. 

Some of the women recount their relations of this character with as 
much pride as a civilized belle would her honest offers of marriage. One 
ot the most attractive women in Sia, though now a grandmother, once 
said to the writer: 

When I was young I was pretty and attractive, and when I reached womanhood 
many offers were made to my mother for me [she did not refer to marriage, how- 
ever], but my mother knowing my attractions refused several, and the first man I 
lived with was the richest man in the pueblo. I only lived with three men before I 
married, one being the present governor of the village; my eldest child is his daugh- 
ter, and he thinks a great dealof her. He often makes her presonts, and she always 
addresses him as father when his wife is not by. His wife, whom he married some- 
time after I ceased my relations with him, does not know that her husband once 
lived with me. 

This woman added as an evidence of her great devotion to her hus- 
band, that since her marriage she had not lived with any other man. 

These loose marriage customs doubtless arise from the fact that the 
Sia are now numerically few and their increase is desired, and that, as 


STEVENSON. | PREPARING TO BUILD. 21 


many of the clans are now extinct, it is impossible to intermarry in 
obedience to ancient rule. 

The Sia are no exception to all the North American aborigines with 
whom the writer is acquainted, the man being the active party in mat- 
rimonial aspirations. Ifa woman has not before been married, and is 
young, the man speaks to her parents before breathing a word of his 
admiration to the girl. If his desire meets with approbation, the follow- 
ing day he makes known to the girl his wish for her. The girl usually 
answers in the affirmative if it be the will of her parents. Some two 
months are consumed in the preparations for the wedding. Moccasins, 
blankets, a dress, a belt, and other parts of the wardrobe are prepared 
by the groom and the clans of his paternal and maternal parents. The 
clans of the father and mother of the girl make great preparations for 


Fia. 4.—Breaking the earth under tent. 


the feast, which occurs after the marriage. The groom goes alone to 
the house of the girl, his parents having preceded him, and carries his 
gifts wrapped in a blanket. The girl’s mother sits to her right, and to 
the right of this parent the groom’s mother sits; there is space for the 
groom on the left of the girl, and beyond, the groom’s father sits, and 
next to him the girl’s father. When the groom enters the room the 
girl advances to meet him and receives the bundle; her mother then 
comes forward and taking it deposits it in some part of the same room, 
when the girl returns to her seat and the groom sits beside her. The 
girl’s father is the first to speak, and says to the couple, “You must 
now be as one, your hearts must be as-one heart, you must speak no 
bad words, and one must live for the other; and remember, your two 
hearts must now be as one heart.” The groom’s father then repeats 


22 THE SIA. 


about the same, then the girl’s mother, and the mother of the groom 
speak in turn. After the marriage, which is strictly private, all the 
invited guests assemble and enjoy a feast, the elaborateness of the 
feast depending upon the wealth and prominence of the family. 

Tribal custom requires the groom to make his home with his wife’s 
family, the couple sleeping in the general living room with the re- 
mainder of the family; but with the more progressive pueblos, and with 
the Sia to a limited extent, the husband, if he be able, after a time pro- 
vides a house for his family. 

The Sia wear the conventional dress of the Pueblos in general. The 
women have their hair banged across the eyebrows, and the side locks 


Fic. 5.—Women and girls bringing clay. 


cut even midway the cheek. The back of the hair is left long and done 
up in a cue, though some of the younger women, at the present time, 
have adopted the Mexican way of dividing their hair down the back 
and crossing it in a loop at the neck and wrapping it with yarn. The 
men eut their hair the same way across the eyebrows, their side locks 
being brought to the center of the chin and cut, and the back hair done 
up similar to the manner of the women. 

The children are industrious and patient little creatures, the boys 
assisting their elders in farming and pastoral pursuits, and the girls 
pertorming their share of domestic duties. A marked trait is their lov- 
ing-kindness and eare for younger brothers and sisters. Every little 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI 


STONE HOUSE, SHOWING PLASTER ON EXTERIOR, 


STEVENSON. | BUILDING. 23 


girl has her own water vase as soon as she is old enough to accompany 
her nother to the river in the capacity of assistant water-carrier, and 
thus they begin at a very early age to poise the vase, Egyptian fashion, 
on their heads. 

There is no employment in pueblo life that the women and children 
seem so thoroughly to enjoy as the processes of house building. (Fig. 
5.) Itis the woman’s prerogative to do most of this work. (Fig. 6.) 
Men make the adobe bricks when these are to be used. In Sia the houses 
are adobe and small bowlders which are gathered from the ruins among 
which theylive. Itis only occasionally that a new house is constructed. 
The older ones are remodeled, and these are always smoothly plastered 


Fic. 6.—Women and girls bringing clay. 


on the exterior and interior, so that there is no evidence of a stone wall. 
(Pl. vt.) The men do all carpenter work, and the Sia are remarkably 
clever in this branch of mechanism, considering their crude implements 
and entire absence of foreign instruction. They also lay the heavy 
beams, and they sometimes assist in other work of the building. When 
it became known that the writer wished to have the earth hardened 
under and in front of her tents the entire female population appeared 
at the camp ready for work, and for a couple of days the winds 
wafted over the plain the merry chatter and laughter of young and old. 

The process of laying the tent floors was the same as the Sia observe 
in making floors in their houses. A hoe is employed to break the 


24 THE SIA. 


earth to about eight inches in depth and to loosen all rocks that may 
be found (Fig. 4). The rocks are then removed and the foreign earth, 
a kind of clay, is brought by the girls on their backs in blankets or the 
square pieces of calico which hang from their shoulders (Figs. 5 and 6) 
and deposited over the ground which has been worked (Fig. 7). The 
hoe is again employed to combine the clay with the freshly broken 
earth (Fig. 8); this done, the space is brushed over with brush brooms 
and sprinkled (Fig. 9) until the earth is thoroughly saturated for sey- 
eral inches deep. Great care is observed in leveling the floor (Fig. 10), 
and extra quantities of clay must be added here and there. Then 
begins the stamping process (Fig. 11). When the floor is as smooth 


Fic. 7.—Depositing the clay. 


as it can be made by stamping (P1. vit), the pounders go to work, each 
one with a stone flat on one side and smooth asa polishing stone. 
(Pl. vim.) Many such specimens have been obtained from the ruins in 
the southwest. When this work is completed the floor is allowed to 
partially dry, when plaster made of the same clay (Fig. 12), which has 
been long and carefully worked, is spread over the floor with the hand, 
and when done the whole looks as smooth as a cement floor, but it is 
not so durable, such floors requiring frequent renovation. The floor 
may be improved, however, by a coating of beef’s or goat’s blood, and 
this process is usually adopted in the houses (Fig. 13), little ones watch- 
ing their elders at work inside tke tent. 


"“MYHOM LV SYH3SdNVLS 


ADOIONHIZ JO NV3YHNE 


44Od34 TVONNY H1LN3A313 


HA “Id 


STEVENSON. ] BUILDING. 25 


Two men only are possessors of herds of sheep, but a few cattle are 
owned individually by many of the Sia. 

The cattle are not herded collectively, but by each individual owner. 
Sometimes the boys of different families go together to herd their 
stock, but it receives no attention whatever from the officials of the 
village so long as it is unmolested by strangers. 

The Sia own about 150 horses, but seldom or never use them as beasts 
of burden. They are kept in pasture during the week, and every Sat- 
urday the war chief designates the six houses which are to furnish 
herders for the round-up. Should the head of the house have a 
son sufficiently large the son may be sent in his place. Only such 


Fig. 8.—Mixing the clay with the freshly-broken earth. 


houses are selected as own horses. The herdsmen start out Saturday 
morning; their return depends upon their success in rounding up the 
animals, but they usually get back Sunday morning. 

Upon discovering the approach of the herdsmen and horses many of 
the women and children, too impatient to await the gathering of them 
in the corral, hasten to the valley to join the cavaleade, and upon reach- 
ing the party they at once scramble for the wood rats (Neotoma) which 
hang from the necks of the horses and colts. The men of the village 
are also much excited, but they may not participate in the frolic. From 
the time the herders leave the village until their return they are on the 
lookout for the Neotoma, which must be very abundant judging from 


26 THE SIA. 


the number gathered on these trips. The rats are suspended by a yucea 
ribbon tied around the necks of the animals. The excitement increases 
as the horses ascend the hill; and after entering the corral it reaches the 
highest point, and the women and children run about among the horses, 
entirely devoid of any fear of the excited animals, in their efforts to 
snatch the rats from their necks. Many are the narrow escapes, but 
one is seldom hurt. The women throw the lariat, some of them being 
quite expert, and drawing the horses near them, pull the rats from 
their necks. Numbers fail, but there are always the favored few who 
leave the corral in triumph with as many rats as their two hands can 
carry. The rats are skinned and cooked in grease and eaten as a great 
delicacy. 


Fie. 9.—Women sprinkling the earth. 


COSMOGONY. 


The Sia have an elaborate cosmogony, highly colored with the heroic 
deeds of mythical beings. That which the writer here presents is sim- 
ply the nucleus of their belief from which spring stories in infinite 
numbers, in which every phenomenon of nature known to these people 
is accounted for. Whole chapters could be devoted to the experiences 
of each mythical being mentioned in the cosmogony. 

In the beginning there was but one being in the lower world, Sias’sis- 
tinnako, a spider. At that time there were no other animals, birds, 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 
ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII 


Se 


POUNDERS COMPLETING WORK. 


STEVENSON. | COSMOGONY. AA 


reptiles, or any living creature but the spider. He drew a line of meal 
from north to south and crossed it midway from east to west; and he 
placed two little parcels north of the cross line, one on either side of 
the line running north and south. These parcels were very valuable 
and precious, but the people do not know to this day of what they con- 
sisted; no one ever knew but the creator, Sts/sistinnako. After plac- 
ing the parcels in position, Sas‘sistinnako sat down on the west side 
of the line running north and south, and south of the cross line, and 
began to sing, and in a little while the two parcels accompanied him in 
the song by shaking, like rattles. The music was low and sweet, and 
after awhile two women appeared, one evolved from each parcel; and 


Fic. 10.—The process of leveling. 


in a short time people began walking about; then animals, birds, and 
all animate objects appeared, and Sits/sistinnako continued to sing 
until his creation was complete, when he was very happy and con- 
tented. There were many people and they kept close together, and 
did not pass about much, for fear of stepping upon one another; there 
was no light and they could not see. The two women first created were 
the mothers of all; the one created on the east side of the line of meal, 
Sias’/sistinnako named Ut/stt, and she was the mother of all Indians; 
he called the other Now/atsét, she being the mother of other nations. 
Sas’/sistinnako divided the people into clans, saying to certain of the 
people: “You are of the corn clan, and you are the first of all;” and 


28 THE SIA. 


to others he said: “You belong to the coyote, the bear, the eagle 
people,” and so on. 

After Sts/sistinnako had nearly perfected his creation for Ha/arts 
(the earth), he thought it would be well to have rain to water the 
earth, and so he created the cloud, lightning, thunder, and rainbow 
peoples to work for the people of Ha/arts. This second creation was 
separated into six divisions, one of which was sent to each of the car- 
dinal points and to the zenith and nadir, each division making its 
home in a spring in the heart of a great mountain, upon whose summit 

was a giant tree. The Sha/-ka-ka (spruce) was on the mountain of the 
north; the Shwi/-ti-ra-wa-na (pine) on the mountain of the west; the 


Fic, 11.—Stampers starting to work. 


Mai’-chi-na (oak)— Quercus undulata,variety Gambelii—on the mountain 
of the south; the Shwi’-si-ni-ha/-na-we (aspen) on the mountain of the 
east; the Marsh’-ti-tii-mo (cedar) on the mountain of the zenith, and 
the Mor’-ri-tii-mo (oak), variety pungens, on the mountain of the nadir, 
While each division had its home in a spring, Sts’/sistinnako gave to 
these people Ti/-ni-a, the middle plain of the world (the world was 
divided into three parts: Ha/arts, the earth; Ti/nia, the middle plain, 
and Hu/-wa-ka, the upper plain), not only for a working field for the 
benefit of the people of Ha/arts, but also for their pleasure ground. 
Not wishing this second creation to be seen by the people of Ha/arts 
as they passed about over Ti/nia, he commanded the Sia to smoke, that 


STEVENSON. ] COSMOGONY. 29 


clouds might ascend and serve as masks to protect the people of Ti/nia 
from view of the inhabitants of Ha/arts. 

The people of Ha‘arts made houses for themselves by digging holes 
in rocks and the earth. They could not build houses as they now do, 
because they could not see. Ina short time the two mothers, Utsét 
and Now’titsét (the latter being the elder and larger, but the former hay- 
ing the best mind and heart), who resided in the north, went into the 
chita (estufa) and talked much to one another, and they decided that 
they would make light, and said: ‘Now we will make light, that our 
people may see; we can not now tell the people, but to-morrow will be 
a good day aud day after to-morrow will also be a good day ”—meaning 


Fic, 12.—Mixing clay for plaster. 


that their thoughts were good, and they spoke with one tongue, and 
that their future would be bright, and theyadded: ‘‘ Now all is covered 
with darkness, but after awhile we will have light.” These two women, 
being inspired by Sts/sistinnako, created the sun from white shell, 
turkis, red stone, and abalone shell. After making the sun they car- 
ried him to the east and there made a camp, as there were no houses. 
The next morning they ascended a high mountain and dropped the sun 
down behind it, and after a time he began to ascend, and when the peo- 
ple saw the light their hearts rejoiced. When far off his face was blue; 
as he came nearer the face grew brighter. They, however, did not see 
the sun himself, but a mask so large that it covered his entire bodv. 


30 THE SIA. 

The people saw that the world was large and the country beautiful, 
and when the women returned to the village they said to the people: 
“We are the mothers of all.” 

Though the sun lighted the world in the day, he gave no light at 
night, as he returned to his home in the west; and so the two mothers 
created the moon from a slightly black stone, many varieties of a yel- 
low stone, turkis, and a red stone, that the world might be iighted at 
night, and that the moon might be a companion and a brother to the 
sun; but the moon traveled slowly, and did not always furnish light, 
and so they created the star people and made their eyes of beautiful 
sparkling white crystal, that they might twinkle and brighten the world 
at night. When the star people lived in the lower world they were 
gathered into groups, which were very beautiful; they were not scat- 


Fic. 13.—Childish curiosity. 


tered about as they are in the upper world. Again the two women 
entered the chita and decided to make four houses—one in the north, 
one inthe west, one in the south, and one in the east—house in this 
instance meaning pueblo or village. When these houses were com- 
pleted they said, now we have some beautiful houses; we will go first 
to that of the north and talk much for all things good. Now/atsét said 
to her sister: ‘Let us make other good things,” and the sister asked: 
“What things do you wish to make?” She answered: ‘‘ We are the 
mothers of all peoples, and we must do good work.” ‘“ Well,” replied 
the younger sister, “to-morrow I will pass around and see my other 
houses, and you will remain here.” 

After Ut/stt had traveled over the world, visiting the houses of the 
west, south, and east, she returned to her home in the north and was gra- 
ciously received by Now/titsét, who seemed happy to see her younger 


STEVENSON. ] THE CREATION. 31 


sister, and after a warm greeting she invited her to be seated. Now/ititsét 
had a picture which she did not wish the sisters to see, and she covered 
it with a blanket, and said, ‘“‘ Guess what I have here?” (pointing to the 
covered picture) “and when you guess correctly I will show you.” “I 
do not know,” said Ut/stt and again the elder one asked, “What do 
you think I have here?” and the other replied, “I do not know.” <A 
third time Ut/sét was asked, and replied that she did not know, add- 
ing, “I wish to speak straight, and I must therefore tell you I do not 
know what you have there.” Then Now’titsét said, ‘That is right.” 
After a while the younger sister said, ‘‘ I think you have under that 
blanket a picture, to which you will talk when you are alone.” ‘ You 
are right,” said the elder sister, ‘““you have a good head to know 
things.” Now’atsét, however, was much displeased at the wisdom dis- 
played by Ot/stt. She showed the picture to Ut/sét and in a little 
while Ut’sét left, saying, “I will now return to my house and no longer 
travel; to-morrow you will come to see me.” 

After the return of Ut/stt to her home she beckoned to the Chas/ka 
(chaparral cock) to come to her, and said, ‘‘ You may go early to- 
morrow morning to the house of the sun in the east, and then follow 
the road from there to his home in the west, and when you reach the 
house in the west remain there until my sister comes to my house to 
talk to me, when I will call you.” In the early morning the elder sister 
called at the house of the younger. ‘Sit down, my sister,” said the 
younger one, and after a little time she said, “ Let us go out and walk 
about; [saw a beautiful bird pass by, but I do not know where he 
lives,” and she pointed to the footprints of the bird upon the ground. 
which was soft, and the tracks were very plain, and it could be seen 
that the footprints were in a straight line from the house of the sun in 
the east to his house in the west. “I can not tell,” said the younger 
sister, ‘perhaps the bird came from the house in the east and has gone 
to the house in the west; perhaps he came from the house in the west 
and has gone to the house in the east; as the feet of the bird point both 
ways, it is hard to tell. What do you think, sister?” ‘I can not 
say,” replied the other. Four times Ut/sét asked the question and re- 
ceived the same reply. The fourth time the elder sister added, ‘* How 
can I tell? I do not know which is the front of the foot and which is the 
heel, but I think the bird has gone to the house inthe east.” “ Your 
thoughts are wrong,” replied the younger sister; “I know where the 
bird is, and he will soon be here;” and she gave a call and in a little 
while the Chas/ka came running to her from the west. 

The elder sister was mortified at her lack of knowledge, and said, 
‘Come to my house to-morrow; to-day you are greater than I. I 
thought the bird had gone to the house in the east, but you knew where 
he was, and he came at your call; to-morrow you come to me.” 

On the morrow the younger sister called at the house of the elder 
and was asked to be seated. Then Now/atsét said, ‘Sister, a word 


32 THE SIA. 


2” 


with you; what do you think that is?” pointing to a figure enveloped in 
a blanket, with only the feet showing, which were crossed. Four times 
the question was asked, and each time the younger sister said she could 
not tell, but finally she added, “I think the feet are crossed; the one 
on the right should be left and the left should be right.” ‘To whom 
do the feet belong?” inquired the elder sister. The younger sister was 
prompted by her grandmother, Stis’sistinnako', the spider woman, to 
say, “I do not think it is either man or woman,” referring to beings 
ereated by Siis/sistinnako, ‘‘ but something you have made.” The 
elder sister replied, ‘‘ You are right, my sister.” She threw the blanket 
off, exposing a human figure; the younger sister then left, asking the 
elder to call at her house on the morrow, and all night Ut/sét was busy 
preparing an altar under the direction, however, of Sts/sistinenako. 
She covered the altar with a blanket, and in the morning when the 
elder sister called they sat together for a while and talked; then Ut/sét 
said, pointing to the covered altar, ‘‘ What do you think I have there?” 
Now’‘titsét replied, ‘I can not tell; I may have my thoughts about it, 
but I do not know.” Four times Now’/ttsét was asked, and each time 
she gave the same reply. Then the younger sister threw off the blanket, 
and they both looked at the altar, but neither spoke a word. 

When the elder sister left, she said to Ut/sét, “To-morrow you come 
tomy house,” and all night she was busy arranging things for the morn- 
ing, and in the morning Ut/sét hastened to her sister’s house. (She was 
accompanied by Sis’/sistinnako, who followed invisible close to her ear.) 
Now/ttscét asked, ‘‘ What have I there?” pointing to a covered object, 
and Ut/sét replied, “I can not tell, but I have thought that you have 
under that blanket all things that are necessary for all time to come; 
perhaps I speak wrong.” ‘ No,” replied Now/ttsct,” you speak cor- 
rectly,” and she threw off the blanket, saying, ‘“ My sister, I may be 
the larger and the first, but your head and heart are wise; you know 
much; I think my head must be weak.” The younger sister then said: 
“To-morrow you come to my house;” and in the morning when the elder 
sister called at the house of the younger she was received in the front 
room and asked to be seated, and they talked awhile; then the younger 
one said: ‘*‘ What do you think I have in the room there?” pointing to 
the door of an inner room. Four times the question was asked and 
each time Now’titsét replied, ‘‘ I can not tell.” ‘Come with me,” said 
Ut/sét, and she cried as she threw open the door, ‘All this is mine, 
when you have looked well we will go away.” The room was filled 
with the Ka/tsuna beings with monster, heads which Ut/sét had created, 
under the direction of Sts/sistinnako. 

Sis’/sistinnako’s creation may be classed in three divisions: 

1. Pai/-ii-tiino: All men of Ha/arts (the earth), the sun, moon, stars, 

Ko/-shai-ri and Quer’-riin-na. 


1Sfis/sistinnako is referred to both as father and mother, he being the parent of all, and some- 
times as grandmother or the first parent. 


STEVENSON. ] CHE FIRST MAN. 33 


2. Ko/-pish-tai-a: The cloud, lightning, thunder, rainbow peoples, and 
all animal life not included under the first and 
third heads. 

3. Ka/-tsu-na: Beings having human bodies and monster heads, who 
are personated in Sia by men and women wearing 
masks. 

After a time the younger sister closed the door and they returned to 
the front room. Not a word had been spoken except by the younger. 
As the elder sister left she said, ‘To-morrow you come. to my house.” 
Sis’sistinnako whispered in the ear of the younger, ‘To-morrow you 
will see fine things in your sister’s house, but they will not be good; 
they will be bad.” Now/atsét then said: “Before the Sun has left his 
home we will go together to see him; we will each have a wand on our 
heads made of the long white flufty feathers of the under tail of the eagle, 
and we will place them vertically on our heads that they may see the 
sun when he first comes out;” and the younger sister replied: “You 
are the elder and must go before, and your plumes will see the sun first; 
mine can not see him until he has traveled far, because I am so small; 
you are the greater and must go before.” Though she said this she 
knew better; she knew that though she was smaller in stature she was 
the greater and more important woman. That night Sis/sistinnako 
talked much to Ut/stt. She said: “Now that you have created the 
Ka‘tsuna you must create a man as messenger between the sun and the 
Ka/tsuna and another as messenger between the moon and the Ka/tsuna. 

The first man created was called Ko/shairi; he not only acts as cou- 
rier between the sun and the Ka/tsuna, but he is the companion, the 
jester and musician (the flute being his instrument) of the sun; he is 
also mediator between the people of the earth and the sun; when act- 
ing as courier between the sun and the Ka/‘suna and vice versa and as 
mediator between the people of the earth and the sun he is chief for 
the sun; when accompanying the sun in his daily travels he furnishes 
him with music and amusement; he is then the servant of the sun. The 
second man created was Quer’rinna, his duties being identical with 
those of the Ko/shairi, excepting that the moon is his particular chief 
instead of the sun, both, however, being subordinate to the sun. 

After the creation of Ko/shairi and Quer‘riinna, Ut/sét called Shu- 
ah-kai (a small black bird with white wings) to her and said: 

“To-morrow my sister and I go to see the sun when he first leaves 
his house. We will have wands on our heads, we will be side by side; 
she is much taller than I; the sun will see her face before he sees mine, 
and that will not be good; you must go to-morrow morning very early 
near the house of the sun and take a plume from your left wing, but 
none from your right; spread your wings and rest in front of the sun 
as he comes from his house.” The two women started very early in 
the morning to greet the rising sun, They were accompanied by all 

11 ETH——3 


34 THE SIA. 


the men and youths, carrying their bows and arrows. The elder woman, 
after they halted to await the coming of the sun, said: ‘Weare here 
to watch for the sun.” (The people had divided, some being on the 
side of Now’titsét, the others with Ut/sét). “Ifthe sun looks first upon 
me, all the people on my side will be my people and will slay the 
others, and if the sun looks first upon the face of my sister all the peo- 
ple on her side will be her people and they will destroy my people.” 

As the sun left his house, the bird Shu/ahkai placed himself so 
as to obscure the light, excepting where it penetrated through the 
space left by the plucking of the feather from his wing, and the light 
shone, not only on the wand on the head of the younger sister, but it 
covered her face, while it barely touched the top of the plumes of the 
elder; and so the people of the younger sister destroyed those of the 
elder. The two women stood still while the men fought. The women 
remained on the mountain top, but the men descended into a 
grassy park to fight. After a time the younger sister ran to the park 
and cried, “ This-is enough; fight no more.” She then returned to the 
mountain and said to her sister, “Let us descend to the park and 
fight.” And they fought like women—not with arrows—but wrestled. 
The men formed a circle around them and the women fought hard and 
long. Some of the men said, “ Let us go and part the women; ” others 
said, ‘No; let them alone.” The younger woman grew very tired in her 
arms, and cried to her people, “I am very tired,” and they threw the 
elder sister upon the ground and tied her hands; the younger woman 
then commanded her people to leave her, and she struck her sister with 
her fists about the head and face as she lay upon the ground, and in 
alittle while killed her. She then cut the breast with a stone knife and 
took out the heart, her people being still in a circle, but the circle was 
so large that they were some distance off. She held the heart in her hand 
anderied: ‘Listen, men and youths! This woman was my sister, but 
she compelled us to fight; it was she who taught you to fight. The 
few of her people who escaped are in the mountains and they are the 
people of the rats;” and she cut the heart into pieces and threw it 
upon the ground, saying, ‘“ Her heart will become rats, for it was very 
bad,” and immediately rats could be seen running in all directions. 
She found the center of the heart full of cactus, and she said, ‘‘ The 
rats for evermore will live with the eacti;” and to this day the rats 
thus live (referring to the Neotoma). She then told her people to re- 
turn to their homes. 

It was about this time that Sfis/sistinnako organized the cult socie- 
ties, instructing all of the societies in the songs for rain, but imparting 
only to certain ones the secrets whereby disease is extracted through 
the sucking and brushing processes. 

For eight years after the fight (years referring to periods of time) the 
people were very happy and all things flourished, but the ninth year 
was very bad, the whole earth being filled with water. The water did 


STEVENSON. } THE FIRST MAN. 35 


not fall in rain, but came in as rivers between the mesas, and continued 
flowing from all sides until the people and all animals fled to the mesa. 
The waters continued to rise until nearly level with the mesa top, and 
Sts‘sistinnako cried, ‘Where shall my people go? Where is the road 
to the north, he looking to the north, the road to the west, he facing 
the west, the road to the south, he turning south, the road to the 
east, he facing east? Alas, I see the waters are everywhere.” And 
all of his theurgists sang four days and nights before their altars and 
made many offerings, but still the waters continued to rise as before. 
Sts’sistinnako said to the sun: “My son, you will ascend and pass 
over the world above; your course will be from the north to the south, 
and you will return and tell me what you think of it.” On his return 
the sun said, “Mother, I did as you bade me, and I did not like the 
road.” Again he told him to ascend and pass over the world from the 
west to the east, and on his return Sas/sistinnako inquired how he 
liked that road. ‘It may be good for some, mother, but I did not like 
it.” “You will again ascend and pass over the straight road from east 
to west,” and upon the sun’s return the father inquired what he thought 
of that road. His reply was, “I am much contented; I like the road 
much.” Then Sis’sistinnako said, “Myson, you will ascend each day 
and pass over the world from east to west.” Upon each day’s journey 
the sun stops midway from the east to the center of the world to eat 
his breakfast, in the center to eat his dinner, and midway the center to 
the west to eat his supper, he never failing to take his three meals 
daily, stopping at these particular points to obtain them. 

The sun wears « shirt of dressed deerskin, and leggings of the same, 
reaching to his thighs; the shirt and leggings are fringed; his mocca- 
sins are also of deerskin and embroidered in yellow, red, and turkis 
beads; he wears a kilt of deerskin, the kilt having a snake painted 
upon it; he carries a bow and arrows, the quiver being of cougar skin, 
hanging over his shoulder, and he holds his bow in his left hand and 
an arrow in his right; he still wears the mask which protects him from 
view of the people of the earth. An eagle plume with a parrot plume 
on either side, ornaments the top of the mask, and an eagle plume is on 
either side of the mask and one is at the bottom; the hair around the 
head and face is red like fire, and when it moves and shakes the people 
can not look closely at the mask; it is not intended that they should 
observe closely and thereby know that instead of seeing the sun they 
see only his mask; the heavy line encircling the mask is yellow, and 
indicates rain. (Fig. 14.) 

The moon came to the upper world with the sun and he also wears a 
mask. 

Each night the sun passes by the house of Sfs/sistinnako, who asks 
him: “How are my children above, how many have died to-day, and 
how many have been born to-day?” He lingers with him only long 
enough to answer his questions. He then passes on to his house in 
the east. 


36 THE SIA. . : 


Sis’sistinnako placed a huge reed upon the mesa top and said: 
“My people will pass up through this to the world above.” Ut/sét led 
the way, carrying a sack containing many of the star people; she was 
followed by all the theurgists, who carried their precious articles in 
sacred blankets, on their backs; then followed the laity and all ani- 
mals, snakes and birds; the turkey was far behind, and the foam of — 
the waters rose and reached the tip ends of his feathers, and to this day 


Fig. 14.—Mask of the Sun, drawn by a theurgist. _ 


they bear the mark of the waters. Upon reaching the top of the reed, 


the solid earth barred their exit, and Ut/sét called tSi/ka (the locust), — 
saying, ‘* Man, come here.” The locust hastened to her, and she told | 
him that the earth prevented their exodus. “You know best how to — 


pass through the earth; go and make a door for us.” “Very well, 
mother,” he replied, ‘I will, and I think I can make a way.” He be- 


gan working with his feet, and after a time he passed through the 


STEVENSON. } THE STARS ALSO. 37 


earth, entering another world. As soon as he saw the worid, he re- 
turned to Ut/sét saying, “It is good above.” Ut/stt then called the 
Tuo’ pi (badger), and said to him, ‘‘ Make a door forus; the ‘Si/ka has 
made one, but it is very small.” “Very well, mother; I will,” replied 
the badger; and after much work he passed into the world above, and 
returning said, ‘“Mother, I have opened the way.” Ut/sét is appealed 
to, to the present time, as father and mother, for she acts directly for 
Siis’/sistinnako, the creator. The badger said, ‘Mother, father, the 
world above is good.” Ut/stt then called the deer, saying to him, 
“You go first, and if you pass through all right, if you can get your 
head through, others may pass.” The deer after ascending returned 
saying, “Father, it is all right; I passed without trouble.” She then 
called the elk, and told him if he could get his head through the door, 
all could pass. He returned, saying, ‘Father, it is good; I passed 
without trouble.” She then had the buffalo try and he returned, say- 
ing, “Father, mother, the door is good; I passed without trouble.” 

Ut/sét then called the I-shits (Scarabeus) and gave him the sack of 
stars, telling him to pass out first with the sack. The little animal did 
not know what the sack contained, but he grew very tired carrying it, 
and he wondered what could be in the sack. After entering the new 
world he was very tired, and laying the sack down he thought he 
would peep into it and see its contents. He cut only a tiny hole, but 
immediately the stars began flying out and filling the heavens every- 
where. The little animal was too tired to return to Ut/sét, who, how- 
ever, soon joined him, followed by all her people, who came in the 
order above mentioned. After the turkey passed out the door was 
firmly closed witlr a great rock so that the waters below could not fol- 
low them. When Ut/sét looked for her sack she was astonished to find 
it nearly empty and she could not teli where the contents had gone; 
the little animal sat by, very scared, and sad, and Ut/sét was angry 
with him and said, ‘“* You are very bad and disobedient and from this 
time forth you shall be blind,” (and this is the reason the scarabzeus has 
no eyes, so the old ones say). The little fellow, however, had saved 
a few of the stars by grabbing the sack and holding it fast; these 
Ut/sét distributed in the heavens. In one group she placed seven stars 
(the great bear), in another three (part of Orion,) into another group 
she placed the Pleiades, and throwing the others far off into the 
heavens, exclaimed, ‘‘ All is well!” 

The cloud, lightning, thunder, and rainbow peoples followed the Sia 
into the upper world, making their homes in-springs similar to those 
they had occupied in the lower world; these springs are also at the 
cardinal points, zenith and nadir, and are in the hearts of mountains 
with trees upon their summits. Al of the people of Tinia, however, did 
not leave the lower world; only a portion were sent by Sis/sistinnako 
to labor for the people of the upper world. The cloud people are so 
numerous that, though the demands of the people of the earth are great, 


38 THE SIA. 


there are always many passing about over Tinia for pleasure; these 
people ride on wheels, small wheels being used by the children and 
larger ones by the elders. In speaking of these wheels the Sia add: 
“The Americans have stolen the secret of the wheels (referring to 
bieyeles) from the cloud people.” 

The cloud people are careful to keep behind their masks, which 
assume different forms according to the number of people and the work 
being done; for instance, Hén’nati are white floating clouds behind which 
the people pass about for pleasure. He/jish are clouds like the plains, 
and behind these, the cloud people are laboring to water the earth. 
The water is brought from the springs at the base of the mountains in 
gourd jugs and vases, by the men, women, and children, who ascend from 
these springs to the base of the tree and thence through the heart or 
trunk to the top of the tree which reaches to Ti/nia; they then pass on 
to the designated point to be sprinkled. Though the lightning, thun- 
der and rainbow peoples of the six cardinal points! have each their 
priestly rulers and theurgists of their cult societies, these are subor- 
dinate to the priest of the cloud people, the cloud people of each 
cardinal point having their separate religious and civil organizations. 
Again these rulers are subordinate to Ho/chiinni, arch ruler of the 
cloud people of the world, the cloud people hold ceremonials similar 
to the Sia; and the figures of the slat altars of the Sia are supposed to 
be arranged just as the cloud people sit in their ceremonies, the figures 
of the altars representing members of the cult societies of the cloud 
and lightning peoples. The Sia in performing their rites assume rela- 
tively similar positions back of the altars. 

When a priest of the cloud people wishes assistance from the thun- 
der and lightning peoples he commands their ti/imonis to notify the 
theurgists to see that the labor is performed, he placing his cloud peo- 
ple under the direction of certain of his theurgists, keeping a general 
supervision himself over all. The people of Ti/nia are compensated 
by those of Ha/arts for their services. These offerings are placed at 
shrines, of which there are many, no longer left in view but buried 
from sight. Cigarettes are made of delicate reeds and filled with down 
from humming birds and others, minute quantities of precious beads 
and corn pollen, and are offered to the priestly rulers and theurgists of 
Ti/nia. ‘ 

The lightning people shoot their arrows to make it rain the harder, 
the smaller flashes coming from the bows of the children. The thun- 
der people have human forms, with wings of knives, and by flapping 
these wings they make a great noise, thus frightening the cloud and 
lightning peoples into working the harder. The rainbow people were 
created to work in Ti/nia to make it more beautiful for the people of 
Ha/arts to look upon; not only the elders making the beautiful bows, 


‘In this paper the words ‘‘cardinal points” are used to signify north, west, south, east, zenith, 
and nadir. 


STEVENSON. } MYTHOLOGY. 39 


but the children assisting in this work. The Sia have no idea how 
or of what the bows are made. They do, however, know that the war 
heroes traveled upon these bows. 

The Sia entered this world in the far north, and the opening through 
which they emerged is known as Shi-pa-po. They gathered into camps, 
for they had no houses, but they soon moved on a short distance and 
built a village. Their only food was seeds of certain grasses, and 
Ut’/stt desiring that her children should have other food made fields 
north, west, south, and east of the village and planted bits of her 
heart, and corn was evolved (though Ut/stt had always known the 
name of corn, corn itself was not known until it originated in these 
fields),and Ut/sét declared: “This corn is my heart and it shall be to 
my people as milk from my breasts.” 

After the Sia had remained at this village a year (referring to a 
time period) they desired to pass on to the center of the earth, but 
the earth was very moist and Ut/sét was puzzled to know how to 
harden it. 

She commanded the presence of the cougar, and asked him if he had 
any medicine to harden the road that they might pass over it. The 
cougar replied, “TI will try, mother;” but after going a short distance 
over the road, he sank to his shoulders in the wet earth, and he returned 
much afraid, and told Ut/sét that he could go no farther. She then sent 
for the bear and asked him what he could do; and he, like the cougar, 
made an attempt to harden the earth; he had passed but a short dis- 
tance when he too sank to his shoulders, and being afraid to go farther 
returned, saying, “I can do nothing.’ The badger then made the 
attempt, with the same result; then the shrew (Sorex) and afterward 
the wolf, but they also failed. Then Ut/sét returned to the lower world 
and asked Sts/sistinnako what she could do to harden the earth so 
that her people might travel over it. Stis/sistinnako inqitired, ‘“‘ Have 
you no medicine to make the earth firm? Have you asked the cougar 
and the bear, the wolf, the badger and the shrew to use their medicines 
to harden the earth?” And she replied, “I have tried all these.” Then, 
said Sas’sistinnako, “Others will understand;” and he told Ut/stt to 
have a woman of the Ka/pina (spider) society to use her medicine for 
this purpose. Upon the return of Ut/sét to the upper world, she com- 
manded the presence of a female member of this society. Upon the 
arrival of this woman Ut/stt said, “My mother, Sis‘sistinnako, tells 
me the Ka/pina society understands the secret how to make the earth 
strong.” The woman replied, “I do not know how to make the earth 
firm.” Three times Ut/stt questioned the woman regarding the hard- 
ening of the earth, and each time the woman replied, “I do not know.” 
The fourth time the question was put the woman said, ‘ Well, I guess 
I know; I will try;” and she called together the members of the society 
of the Ka’pina and said to them, ‘‘Our mother, Sfis/sistinnako bids 
us work for her and harden the earth so that the people may pass over 


AO THE SIA. 


it.” The woman first made a road of fine cotton which she produced 
from her body (it will be remembered that the Ka’pina society was 
composed of the spider people), suspending it a few feet above the 
earth, and told the people they could now move on; but when they saw 
the road it looked so fragile that they were afraid to trust themselves 
upon it. Then Ut/stt said: “I wish a man and not a woman of the 
Ka/pina to work for me.” A male member of the society then appeared 
and threw out the serpent (a fetich of latticed wood so put together 
that it can be expanded and contracted); and when it was extended it 
reached to the middle of the earth. He first threw it to the south, 
then to the east, then to the west. The Na/pakatsa (a fetich com- 
posed of slender sticks radiating from a center held together by a fine 
web of cotton; eagle down is attached to the cotton; when opened it is 
in the form of an umbrella, and when closed it has also the same form 
minus the handle) was then thrown upon the ground and stamped upon 
(the original Na/pakatsa was composed of cotton from the spider’s 
body); it was placed first to the south, then east, west and north. The 
people being in the far north, the Na’pakatsa was deposited close to 
their backs. 

The earth now being firm so that the people could travel, Ut/sét selected 
for the ti/imoni who was to take her place with the people and lead 
them to the center of the earth, a man of the corn clan, saying to him, 
“T, Ut/sét, will soon leave you; I will return to the home whence I came. 
You will be to my people as myself; you will pass with them oyer the 
straight road. I will remain in my house below and will hear all that 
you say tome. I give to you all my wisdom, my thoughts, my heart, 
andall, I fill your head with my mind.” She then gave to her newly 
appointed representative a crooked staff as insignia of his office, saying, 
“Tt is as myself; keep it always.” ‘Thank you, mother,” he repliéd, 
and all the people clasped the staff and drew a breath from it. “I give 
to you all the precious things which I brought to this world [Ut/sét 
having brought these things ina sacred blanket on her back|. Be sure 
to follow the one straight road for all years and for ail time to come. 
You will be known as Ti‘iimoni [meaning the arch-ruler]. I bid you 
listen to all things good, and work for all things good, and turn from all 
things bad.” Hereplied: ‘“ Itis well, mother; Iwilldoasyousay.” She 
then instructed this ruler to make the [4irriko! (Pl.1x) which was to 


!'The larriko or ya/ya (mother) is an ear of corn which may be any color but must be symmetrically 
perfect, and nota grain must be missing. Eagle and parrot plumes are placed in pyramidal form 
around the corn. In order that the center feathers may be suticiently long they are each attached to 
avery delicate splint. The base of this pyramid is formed of splints woven together with native cot- 
ton cord and ornamented at the top with shells and precious beads. A pad of native cotton is attached 
to the lower end of the corn. When the ya’ya is completed there is no evidence of the corn, which is 
renewed every four years when the old corn is planted. The ya‘ya is made only by the theurgists of 
the cult societies, and continency must be practiced four days previous to the making of the Varriko, 
and an emetic taken each of the four mornings before breaking fast for purification from conjugal rela- 
tions. A ya’ya is presented by the theurgist to each official member, the little ones being apparently 
as appreciative and proud as their elders of the honor conferred upon them. The I’iirriko is the Sia’s 
supreme idol. The one given to the writer by the theurgist of the knife society is now in the National 
Museum. 


SAST LIT CO RLY. 


Eleventh Annual Report. Plate |X 


| \ ny Wi \" V4 3 
bidbbperbaad else A EPH | 
suid 


Lh ¥ 


Bureau of Ethnology. 


Drawn by J.L. Ridgway 


1-AR-RI- KO. 


A SIA FETICH 


STEVENSON. ] SEPARATION. Al 


represent herself that they might have herself always with them and 
know her always. Again Ut/sét said: **When you wish for anything 
make hi/chamoni and plant them, and they will bear your messages 
to your mother in the world below.” 

Before Ut/sét left this world she selected six Sia women, sending one 
to the north, one to the west, one to the south, one to the east, one to 
the zenith, and one to the nadir, to make their homes at these points 
for all time to come, that they might be near the cloud rulers of the 
cardinal points and intercede for the people of Ha/arts; and Ut/sét en- 
joined her people to remember to ask these women, in times of need, to 
appeal to the cloud people for them. 

The Sia alone followed the command of Ut/sét and took the straight 
road, while all other pueblos advanced by various routes to the center 
of the earth. After Ut/stt’s departure the Sia traveled some distance 
and built a village of beautiful white stone, where they lived four 

‘years (years referring to time periods). The Sia declare that their 
stay at the white house was of long duration. Here parents suffered 
great distress at the hand of the tiiimoni, who, objecting to the increase 
of his people, for a time caused all children to be put to death. The 
Sia had scarcely recovered from this calamity when a serious difficulty 
arose between the men and women. Many women sat grinding meal 
and singing; they had worked hard all day, and at sundown, when the 
men returned to the houses, the women began abusing them, saying: 
“You are no good; you do not care to work; you wish to be with women 
all the time. If you would allow four days to pass between, the women 
would care more for you.” The men replied: “You women care to be 
with us all day and all night; if you women could have the men only 
every four days you would be very unhappy.” The women retorted: 
“Tt is you men who would be unhappy if you could be with the women 
only every four days.” 

And the men and women grew very angry with one another. The 
men cried: “ Were it ten days, twenty days, thirty days, we could re- 
main apart from you and not be unhappy.” The women replied: ‘* We 
think not, but we women would be very contented to remain away 
from you men for sixty days.” And the men said: ‘*We men would 
be happy to remain apart from you women for five moons.” The women, 
growing more excited, cried: ‘‘ You do not speak the truth; we women 

“would be contented to be separated from you ten moons.” The men 
retorted: ‘“ We men could remain away from you women twenty moons 
and be very happy.” “You do not speak the truth,” said the women, 
“for you wish to be with us all the time, day and night.” 

Three days they quarreled and on the fourth day the women sepa- 
rated from the men, going on one side of the pueblo, the men and boys 
gathering on the other side. All the women went into one chi-ta, the 
men into another. The women had a great talk and the. men held a 
council. The men and women were very angry with one another. 


42 THE SIA. 


The tiiimoni, who presided over the council, said: “I think if you and 
the women live apart you will each be contented.” And on the follow- 
ing morning he had all the men and male children who were not being 
nourished by their mothers cross the great river which ran by the vil- 
lage, the women remaining in the village. The men departed at sun- 
rise. and the women were delighted. They said: “We can do all the 
work; we understand the men’s work and we ean work like them.” 
The men said to each other: ‘‘We can do the things the women did for 
us.” As they left the village the men called to the women: “ We leave 
you to yourselves, perhaps for one year, perhaps for two, and perhaps 
longer. For one year you may be happy to be apart from us. Per- 
haps we will be happy to be separated from you; perhaps not; we can 
not tell. Wemen are more amorous than you.” 

Some time was required for the men to cross the river, as it was very 
wide. The tiiimoni led the men and remained with them. The women 
were compelled by the tiiimoni to send their male infants over the river 
as soon as they ceased nourishing them. For ten moons the men and 
women were very happy. The men hunted a great deal and had much 
game for food, but the women had no animal food. At the expiration of 
the ten moons some of the women were sad away from the men. Themen 
grew stout and the women very thin. As the second year passed more 
of the women wanted the men, but the men were perfectly satisfied 
away from the women. After three years the women more and more 
wished for the men, but the men were but slightly desirous of the 
women. When the fourth year was half gone the women called to the 
tiiimoni, saying: “We want the men to come to us.” The female 
children had grown up like reeds; they had no flesh on them. The 
morning after the women begged the tiiimoni for the return of the men 
they recrossed the river to live again with the women, and in four days 
after their return the women had recovered their flesh. 

Children were born to the women while they were separated from 
the men, and when born they were entirely unlike the Sia, and were a 
different people. The mothers, seeing their children were not like them- 
selves, did not care for them and drove them from their homes. These 
unnatural children matured in a short time, becoming the sk6yo (giant 
cannibals), As soon as they were grown they began eating the Sia. 
They caught the children just as the coyete catches his prey. They 
made large fires between great rocks, and throwing the children in, 
roasted them alive, and afterward ate them. When parents went 
to the woods to look for their lost children, they too were caught by 
the giants and roasted. No one ever returned to the village to tell the 
tale. The Sia were not only devoured by the skéyo, but by those animals 
who quarreled with their people at the time of the rupture between 
the Sia men and women, the angry animals joining the skéyo in their 
attacks upon the Sia. 

Although the children were destroyed whenever they ventured from 


STEVENSON. ] THE TWINS. 43 


their homes the vigilance of some of the parents saved the race, and 
in spite of the numerous deaths the people increased, and they built 
many houses. Four years (referring to periods of time) the Skoyo and 
animals captured and ate the Sia whenever they left their villages, 
but the Sia were not always to suffer this great evil. 

The sun father determined to relieve the people of their trouble and 
so he became the father of twin boys. 

Ko/chinako, a virgin (the yellow woman of the north), when journey- 
ing to visit the center of the earth, lay down torest. She was embraced 
by the Sun, and from this embrace she became pregnant. In four days 
she gave evident signs of her condition, and in eight days it was still 
more perceptible, and in twelve days she gave birth to male twins. 
During her condition of gestation her mother, the spider woman, was 
very angry, and insisted upon knowing the father of the child, but the 
daughter could not tell her; and when the mother asked when she be- 
came pregnant, she could not reply to the question, and the mother 
said: “I do not care to see the child when it is born; I wish to be far 
away.” And as soon as the daughter complained of approaching labor 
the mother left, but her heart softened toward her child and she soon 
returned. In four days from the birth of the boys they were able to 
walk. When twins are born, the first-born is called Kat/saya and the 
second Kat/che. 

Ko/chinako named her first born Ma/-a-se-we and the second U/-yuu- 
yewé. These children grew rapidly in intelligence, but they always 
remained small in stature. One day they inquired of their mother, 
“Where is our father?” The mother replied, ‘He is far away; ask no 
more questions.” But again they asked, ‘“ Where is our father?” And 
they received the same reply from the mother. The third time they 
asked, and a fourth time, when the mother said, ‘‘Poor children, 
your father lives far away to the east.” They declared they 
would go to him, but she insisted they could not; that to reach him 
they would have to go to the center of a great river. The boys were 
so earnest in their entreaties to be allowed to visit their father, that the 
mother finally consented. Their grandmother (the spider woman) made 
them each a bow and arrows, and the boys started off on their journey, 
traveling a long way. Upon reaching the river they were puzzled to 
know how to enter their father’s house. While they stood thinking, 
their grandmother (the spider woman) appeared and said, “I willmake 
a bridge for you.” She spun a web back and forth, but when the bridge 
was completed the boys feared to cross it; it appeared so frail. Then 
the grandmother tested the bridge to show them it was safe. They, 
being now satisfied, crossed the bridge and descended to the center of 
the river, and there found their father’s house. The wife of their 
father inquired of the boys, “‘Who are you, and where did you come 
from?” ‘We come to find our father.” The woman then asked, “Who 
is your father?” and they answered, “The Sun is our father;” and the 


44 THE SIA. 


wife was angry and said, ‘‘ You tell an untruth.” She gave them a 
bow] of food, which was, however, only the scraps left by her children. 

In a little while the Sun returned home. His wife was very indig- 
nant; ‘I thought you traveled only for the world, but these children 
say you are their father.” The Sun replied, “They are my children, 
because all people are my children under my arm.” This satisfied the 
wife, even though the children appealed directly to the Sun as father. 
When he saw the boys were eating scraps, he took the bowl, threw out 
the contents, and had his wife give them proper food. He then called 
one of his men who labored for him, and said, ‘ Build me a large fire 
in the house,” designating a sweat-house, “lined with turkis, and heat 
it with hot rocks,” the rocks being also turkis. He sent the children 
into this house and had the door closed upon them. The Sun then or- 
dered water poured upon the hot rocks through an opening in the roof, 
but the children cooled the sweat-house by spitting out tiny shells from 
their mouths. 

When the Sun ordered the door of the sweat-house opened he was 
surprised to find the children still alive. He then had them cast into 
another house, which was very large and filled with elk, deer, antelope, 
and buffalo; he peeped through an opening in the wall and saw the 
boys riding on the backs of the elk and deer apparently very happy 
and contented. He then had them placed in a house filled with bear, 
cougar, and rattlesnakes, and he peeped in and saw the children riding 
on the backs of the bear and cougar and they were happy and not 
afraid, and he said, “Surely they are my children,” and he opened the 
doors and let them out, and asked, ‘My children, what do you wish of 
me?” “Nothing, father,” they replied, ‘‘We came only to find our 
father.” He gave to each of them a bow and arrows, and to each three 
sticks (the rabbit stick), which he told them not to use until they 
reached home for if they threw one, intending it only to go a little way it 
would go very far. When they had proceeded on their journey but a 
short distance Ma/asewe said to U’yuuyewé, ‘Let us try our sticks and 
see how far they will go;” but U’/yuuyewé refused, saying, “No; our 
- father told us not to use them until our return home.” Ma/asewe con- 
tinued to plead with his younger brother, but he was wise and would 
not yield. Finally Ma/asewe threw one of his, and it was going a great 
distance off, but he stopped it by throwing shells from his mouth. 

The mother and grandmother were delighted to see the boys again, 
and happy for all to be under one roof, but the boys, particularly 
Ma/asewe, were soon anxious to travel. They wished to try the bows 
their father had given them, and after they had been home four days 
they started on a hunt. The mother said to the boys: ‘“ Children, I 
do not wish you to go far; listen attentively to what I have to say. 
Away to the east is a lake where many skoyo and their animal com- 
panions live and when the sun is over the middle of the world these 
people go to the lake to get water. They are very bad people and you 


STEVENSON. ] THE TWINS. 45 


must not go near the lake.” Ma/asewe replied, “Very well, mother; I 
do not care to go that way and I will look about near home.” But 
when the boys had gone a little distance Ma/asewe said to his younger 
brother, “Let us go to the lake that mother talked of.” U/yuuyewé re- 
plied: “I do not care to go there, because our mother told us not to go 
that way;” but Ma/asewe importuned his younger brother to go, and 
U’yuuyewée replied, “Very well.” They then followed the road in- 
dicated by their mother until the lake was discovered. 

It was now about the middle of the day, and Ma/asewe said “There 
are no people here, none at all; I guess mother told us a story;” but 
in a little while he saw a great wolf approach the lake; then they saw 
him enter the lake; he was thirsty, and drank; both boys saw him at 
the bottom of the lake and they exclaimed: “See! he looks pretty in 
the bottom of the lake.” Ma/asewe said: “I guess he will drink all 
the water; see, the water grows less and less.” And when all the 
water was gone there was no wolfin the bottom of the lake and then 
the boys discovered the wolf on a low mesa, it having been only his 
reflection they had seen in the lake. The boys aimed their arrows at 
him, but they did not hit him and the wolf threw a large stick 
at them, but they bowed their heads and it passed over them. 
Ma/asewe said to U/yuuyewé: “I guess these people are those of whom 
mother spoke; see,” said he, ‘this stick is the same as those given us 
by our father.” The boys carried their rabbit sticks of great size and 
Ma/asewe aimed one of his at the wolf, who wore a shirt of stone which 
could be penetrated only at certain points. The wolf again threw a 
stick, but the boys jumped high from the ground and the stick passed 
under them. Ma/asewe said to U/yuuyewé, ‘Now, younger brother, 
you try.” U’yuuyewé had not used his arrows or sticks up to this 
time. He replied, “ All right,” and throwing one of his sticks he 
struck the wolf in the side, and the protective shirt was destroyed for 
the moment. Then Ma/asewe threw a stick, but the shirt of stone 
again appeared protecting the wolf. U’yuuyewé, throwing a second 
stick killed the wolf. Then Ma/asewe said, ‘“‘ Younger brother, the wolf 
is destroyed; let us return; but we will first secure his heart;” and 
with a stone knife he cut the wolf down the breast in a straight line, 
and took out the heart, which he preserved, saying: “Now we will 
return to our home.” 

Upon their reaching home, their mother inquired: ‘‘ Where have you 
been, where have you been?” “We have been to the lake,” said the 
boys. ‘My boys, you are fooling me.” ‘No, we are speaking the 
truth.” ‘Why did you go there?” Ma/asewe replied, ‘‘We wished 
very much to see the lake.” The mother asked: ‘Did you not see any 
Sko’yo?” “Yes,” said Ma/asewe, “we saw one; at least we saw a 
great wolf;” and the mother cried, “Oh, my boys, you are not good 
boys to go there.” Then Ma/asewe told his mother that they had killed 
the wolf, At first, she refused to believe him; but when Ma/asewe de- 


46 THE SIA. 


clared he spoke the truth, the mother took the boys to her breast and 
said: “It is well, my children.” Ina short time the boys started out 
on another tour. Before leaving home, they inquired of their mother 
where good wood for arrow shafts could be procured. “Far off to the 
north in a canyon is good wood for shafts, but a bad man sits in the 
road near by; this path is very narrow, and when one passes by he is 
kicked into the canyon by this bad man, and killed.” Ma/asewe de- 
clared to his mother he did not care to go there, but he was not far 
from her eyes before he prevailed upon U’yuuyewé to accompany him 
to this canyon, saying: ‘‘Let us go where we can find the best wood.” 

It required some persuasion from Ma/asewe, as U/yuuyewé at first 
declared he would not disobey his mother. They traveled a long way 
ere reaching the bad old man, the cougar, but when they saw him they 
approached very cautiously, and Ma/asewe asked him if he could tell 
him “where to find good wood for arrow shafts.” ‘Yes, I know,” re- 
plied the cougar; ‘“‘down there is much,” pointing to the canyon below. 
Ma/asewe inquired, ‘How can [ reach the canyon?” The cougar said, 
‘Pass by me; this is the best way.” Ma/asewe declared he must not 
walk before his elders, but the cougar insisted that the boys should 
pass in front of him. They were, however, determined to pass behind. 
Finally the cougar said, “All right.” Ma’‘asewe asked him to rise 
while they passed, but he only bent a little forward; then Ma/asewe 
said, ‘‘ Lean a little farther forward, the path is narrow;” and the cou- 
gar bent his body a little more, when Ma/asewe placed his hands on 
the cougar’s shoulders, pressing him forward, saying, ‘Oh! the way 
is sonarrow; lean just a little more; see, |can not pass.” U/yuuyewé, 
who was close to Ma/asewe, put both his hands on the cougar’s right 
shoulder, while his brother placed his on the left, they saying to him, 
“Just a little farther forward,” and, with their combined effort, they 
threw him to the canyon below, Ma/asewe crying out, “This is the way 
you have served others.” The cougar was killed by the fall. 

The boys then descended into the canyon and gathered a quantity 
of wood for their arrow shafts. When their mother saw the wood she 
cried, “You naughty boys! where have you been?” They replied, 
“We have killed the cougar.” The mother refused to believe them, 
but Ma/asewe declared they spoke the truth. She then embraced her 
children with pride and joy. 

Two days the boys were busy making shafts, to which they attached 
their arrows. Then Ma/‘asewe desired plumes for the shafts, ‘ Mother,” 
said he, “do you know where we can find eagle plumes?” “Yes, I 
know where they are to be found. Away on the brink of a canyon in 
the west there are many plumes, but there is a very bad man there.” 
Ma/asewe said, ‘“‘ Well, Ido not care to go there. We will look else- 
where for plumes.” But he had scarcely left the house when he urged 
U’yuuyewé to accompany him to the brink of the canyon. ‘ No,” said 
U’yuuyeweé, “I do not care to go there. Besides the bad man mother 


STEVENSON. ] THE TWINS. 47 


spoke of, there are many other bears;” but Ma/asewe finally persuaded 
U’yuuyewé to accompany him. 

After a time Ma/asewe cried: “See, there is the house; younger 
brother, you remain a little way back of me, and when the bear passes 
by you aim your arrow at him.” Ma/asewe approached the house, and 
when the bear discovered the boy he started after him. Just as the 
bear was passing U‘yuuyeweé he shot him through the heart. Ma/asewe 
drew his knife down the breast of the bear, and took out his heart, 
cutting it into pieces, preserving the bits. ‘ Now,” said Ma/asewe, 
“let us hasten and secure the plumes.” 

They found many beautiful feathers. Then, returning to the bear, 
they flayed him, preserving the lower skin of the legs with the claws, 
separate from the remainder of the skin. They filled the body with 
grass and tied a rope around the neck and body, and Ma/asewe led the 
way, holding one end of the rope, he drawing the bear and U’/yuuyewé 
holding the other end of the rope to steady the animal. As they ap- 
proached their home they cried, ‘‘ Mother, mother, see!” Their mother, 
hearing the ery, called, “‘ What is it my children?” as she advanced to 
meet them, but when she discovered the bear she returned quickly to 
the house, exclaiming: ‘Let the bear go; do not bring him here; why 
do you bring the bad bear here?” The boys, following their mother, 
said, ‘‘ Mother, the bear is dead.” 

The boys remained at home two days completing their arrows. Then 
Ma/asewe said to his mother, ‘“* Mother, we wish to hunt for deer. Our 
arrows are good and we must have meat.” “That is good, my chil- 
dren, but listen. Away to the south lives an eagle in a high rock. 
She has two children. The father also lives there, and these parents 
are very large, and they eat all the little ones they find. Ma‘asewe 
replied, ‘“‘We will not go there.” But he was no sooner out of his 
mother’s sight than he declared they must go to the home of the 
eagle. After they had proceeded a little way they saw a deer, and 
Ma/asewe drew his bow and shot him through the heart. They cut 
the deer down the breast, drew the intestines, and, after cleansing 
them from blood, the boys wrapped them around their necks, arms, 
and breast, over their right shoulders, and around their waists. 
“Now,” said Ma/asewe, “we can approach the house of the eagle.” 
When the boys drew near the eagles flew to the earth. One eagle, 
catching Ma/asewe and flying far above the house, dropped him on a 
sharp stone ledge in frontof his house. The stone was sharp, like the 
blade of a knife, and it broke the intestines of the deer, which pro- 
tected him from the rock, and the blood fell like rain. Ma/‘asewe lay 
still and the eagle thought he was dead. The mate then descended 
and caught U’yuuyewé and, flying above her house, dropped him 
also upon the rock. He, too, lay perfectly still, and the eagles thought 
he was dead. “Now,” said the eagles, “our children will be happy and 
contented, for they have abundance of meat.” In a little while these 
birds started off on along journey, 


48 THE SIA. 


The young ones, having been informed by their parents that they 
were well provided with food, which would be found in front of their 
door when hungry, went out for the meat. Ma/‘asewe and U/yuuyewé 
astonished them by speaking to them. They asked, ‘When will your 
mother return?” The children replied, “Our mother will return in the 
forenoon.” ‘‘When your mother returns will she come to this house?” 
“No,” replied the young eagles, ‘‘she will go to the one above and come 
here later.” ‘* When will your father arrive?” “He will come a little 
later.” ‘ Will he come here?” they asked. ‘No; he will go to the 
house above.” Ma/asewe then destroyed the young eagles. After 
killing them he dropped them to the earth below. Upon the return of 
the mother she stood upon the rock above, and Ma/asewe aimed his 
arrow at her and shot her through the heart, and she fell to the earth 
dead; and later, when the father returned, he met with the same fate. 

Now, the boys had destroyed the bad eagles of the world. Then 
Ma/asewe said, ‘‘ Younger brother, how will we get down from here? 
The road to the earth is very long,” and, looking up, he said, ‘The road 
to the rock above is also very long.” Presently Ma/asewe saw a little 
Ké-ow-uch, or ground squirrel (Tamias striatus), and he called to him, 
saying, ‘‘My little brother, we can not get down from here. If you 
will help us we will pay you; we will give you beautifuleagle plumes.” 

The squirrel planted a piton nut directly below the boys, and in a 
short time—almost immediately—for the squirrel knew much of medi- 
cine, atall tree was the result. ‘‘ Now,” said the squirrel, “you have a 
good road. Thisis all right; see?” And the little animal ran up the 
tree and then down again, when the boys followed him. 

Upon their return home their mother inquired, ‘Where have you 
been?” and when they told her they had visited the house of the eagle 
she said, “‘You have been very foolish.” At first she disbelieved their 
statement that they had destroyed the eagles; but they finally con- 
vinced her and she embraced her boys with pride. The grandmother 
was also highly pleased. 

The boys remained at home only two days, Ma‘asewe being impatient 
to be gone, and he said to his brother, “ Let us go travel again.” The 
home of the boys was near the center of the earth, Ko’chinako remain- 
ing here fora time after their birth. When the mother found they were 
going to travel and hunt again, she begged of them not to go far, for 
there were still bad people about, and Ma/asewe promised that they 
would keep near their home. They had gone but a short distance 
when they saw a woman (a sko‘/yo) approaching, carrying a large pack 
which was secured to her back by strings passing around her arms 
near the shoulder. Ma/asewe whispered to his brother: “See! there 
comes a sko/yo.” The boys stood side by side, when she approached 
and said, “ What are you children doing here?” Ma/asewe replied, 
“We are just looking about; nothing more.” The sko’yo passing her 
hands over the boys said, “‘ What pretty boys! What pretty children! 


STEVENSON. } THE HOUSE OF THE SKOYO. 49 


Come with me to my house.” “All right, we will go,” Ma/asewe being 
the spokesman. ‘Get into the pack on my back and I will carry you.” 
When the boys were tucked away the sko’yo started for her home. 

After a time she came to a broad, level, grassy country and Ma/‘asewe 
called: “Woman! do not go far in this country where there are no 
trees, for the sun is hot and when there is no shade I get very sick in 
my head. See, woman,” he continued, ‘there in the mountains are trees 
and the best road is there.” The sko’yo called out, “All right,” and 
started toward the mountains. She came to a point where she must 
stoop to pass under drooping limbs upon which rested branches, which 
had fallen from other trees. Ma/asewe whispered to Uyuuyewé, 
‘When she stoops to pass under we will catch hold of the tree and 
hang there until she is gone.” The boys caught on to the fallen timber 
which rested across the branches of the tree, and the sko’yo traveled 
on unconscious of their escape. When she had gone some distance 
she wondered that she heard not a sound and she ealled, ‘“‘ Children!” 
and no answer; and again she called, “Children,” and receiving no 
answer she cried, ‘Do not go to sleep,” and she continued to call, ‘‘ Do 
not go to sleep.” Hearing not a word from the boys she shook the 
pack in order to awaken them, as she thought they were sleeping 
soundly. This bringing no reply she placed the pack upon the ground 
and to her surprise the boys were not there. ‘The bad boys! the bad 
boys!” she cried, as she retraced her steps to look for them. ‘‘ Where 
can they be? where can they be?” 

When she discovered them hanging from a tree she ealled, “ You 
bad boys! why are you there?” Ma/asewe said, ‘‘ No! woman; we are 
not bad. We only wished to stop here and see this timber; it is very 
beautiful.” She compelled them to get into the pack and again started 
off, saying to the children, ‘“ You must not go to sleep.” The journey 
was long ere the house of the sko/yo was reached. She said, “ I am 
glad to be home again,” and she placed the pack on the floor, telling 
the boys to get out. “ My children, I am very tired and hungry. Run 
out and get me some wood for fire.” Ma/asewe whispered to his younger 
brother, “ Let us go for the wood.” 

In a little while the boys returned with loads of wood on their backs. 
Pointing to a small conical house near by, she said, ‘Children, carry 
the wood there,” and the sko’yo built a fire in the house and called the 
boys to look at it saying, ‘‘ Children, come here and see the fire; it is 
good and warm.” Ma/asewe whispered to his younger brother, ‘* What 
does the woman want?” Upon their approach the sko’yo said, “ See! 
I have made a great fire and it is good and warm; look in;” and as the 
children passed in front of her she pushed them into the house and 
closed the door. She wished to cook the boys for her supper, and she 
smacked her lips with satisfaction in anticipation of the feast in store 
for her. But she was to be disappointed, as the boys threw shells from 
their mouths which instantly protected them from the heat. 


11 ETH——4 


50 THE SIA. 


After closing the door on the boys the woman went into her house 
and bathed all over in a very large bowl of yucca suds, washing her 
head first, and taking a seat she said to herself, ‘All is well. I am 
most contented and happy.” The boys were also contented. The 
woman, thinking it was about time her supper was cooked, removed 
the stone which she had placed in the doorway and secured with plaster. 
The boys had secreted themselves in one side of the house, where they 
kept quiet. What she supposed to be their flesh was i’isa (excrement) 
which the boys had deposited there. The woman removed this with 
great care and began eating it. (This woman had no husband and 
lived alone.) She said to herself, “This is delicious food and cooked 
so well,” and again and again she remarked to herself the delicious flavor 
of the tlesh of the boys. Finally Ma/asewe cried, ‘You are not eating 
our flesh but our i/isa,” and she looked around but could see no one. 
Then U’yuuyewé called, “You are eating our i/isa,” and again she 
listened and looked about, but could see no one. The boys continued 
to call to her, but it was sometime before she discovered them sitting 
in the far end of the room. ‘What bad boys you are,” she cried, “I 
thought I was eating your flesh.” The woman hastened out of the 
house and tickling her throat with her finger vomited up the offal. 

She again sent the boys for wood, telling them to bring much, and 
they returned with large loads on their backs, and she sent them a 
second time and they returned with another quantity. Then she again 
built a fire in the small house and left it, and the two boys exclaimed, 
“What a great fire!” and Ma/asewe called to the woman, “‘ Come here 
and see this fire; see what a hothouse; I guess this time my brother 
and I will die;” and the woman stooped to look at the fire, and 
Ma/asewe said to her, ‘‘ Look away in there. See, we will surely die 
this time. Look! there is the hottest point!” he standing behind the 
woman and pointing over her shoulder, the woman bending her head 
still lower to see the better, said, “Yes; the fire is best off there.” 
“Yes,” said Ma/asewe, “it is very hot there;” and the Sko’yo was filled 
with interest, and looked intently into the house. The boys, finally, 
inducing her to stoop very low so that her face was near the doorway, 
pushed her into the hot bed of coals, and she was burned to death. 

The boys rejoiced, and Ma/asewe said, ‘‘ Now that the woman is dead, 
let us go to her house.” They found the house very large, with many 
rooms and doors. In the middle of the floor there was a small circular 
door which Ma/asewe raised, and looking in, discovered that below it 
was very dark. Pointing downward, he said, ‘‘Though I can not see, 
I guess this is the most beautiful room. I think I will go below; per- 
haps we will find many good things.” As soon as he entered the door . 
he disappeared from sight and vanished from hearing. U’‘yuuyewé, 
receiving no reply to his calls, said to himself, “‘ Ma/asewe has found 
many beautiful things below, and he will not answer me; I will go and 
see for myself.” After entering the door, he knew nothing until he 


STEVENSON. | THE CHITA. 51 


found himself by the side of his elder brother, and, passing through 
the doorway, the boys tumbled over and over into a lower world. 

When Ma/asewe reached this new world he was unconscious from 
the fall, but after a time he revived sufficiently to sit up, when he 
beheld U/yauyewé- tumbling down, and he fell by the side of Ma/asewe, 
who was almost dead, and Ma/asewe said, ‘Younger brother, why did 
you follow me?” After a while U’yuuyewé was able to sit up and 
Ma/asewe remarked: ‘Younger brother, I think we are in another 
world. Ido not know where we are, and I do not know what hour it 
is. I guess it is about the middle of the day. What do you think?” 
U’yuuyewé replied, “‘ You know best, elder brother; whatever youthink 
is right,” and Ma/asewe said, “All right. Let us go now over the road 
to the house where the sun enters in the evening, for I think this is the 
world where our father, the sun, returns at night.” 

A little after the middle of the day Ma/asewe was walking ahead of 
U’yuuyewé, who was following close behind, and he said to his younger 
brother as he listened to some noise, “I believe we are coming to a 
village.” When they drew a little nearer they heard a drum, and 
supposed a feast was going on in the plaza, and in a little while they 
came in sight of the village and saw that there was a great feast there. 
All the people were gathered in the plaza. The chi’ta was a little way 
from the village and there was no one in it, as the boys discovered 
when they approached it, and they ascended the ladder. Ma/asewe 
said, “This is the chi‘ta. Let us enter.” The mode of entering shows 
this chi/ta to have been built above ground. Upon invading the chi’ta 
they found it very large and very pretty, and there were many fine bows 
and arrows hanging on the walls. They took the bows and examining 
them said to one another, ‘‘ What fine bows and arrows! They are all 
fine. Look,” and they were eager to possess them. Ma/asewe proposed 
that they should each take a bow and arrows and hurry away, saying: 
“ All the people are in the plaza looking at the dance, and no one will 
see us;” and they hastened from the chi’/ta with their treasures. Ma/a- 
sewe said, ‘“‘ Younger brother, let us return over the road whence we 
came.” 

But a short time elapsed when a man had occasion to visit the chi‘ta, 
and he at once discovered footprints, and entering, found that bows 
and arrows had been stolen; hurrying to the plaza he informed the 
people of the theft, saying, ‘“‘Two men have entered the chi/ta. I saw 
their footprints,” and the people cried out, “Let us follow them,” and 
ran over the road which the boys had taken. The boys had nearly 
reached the point where they had lighted when they entered this lower 
world when the people were close upon them. 

The little fellows had to run hard, but they held fast to their bows 
and arrows, and just as they stepped upon the spot where they had 
fallen when they descended, their pursuers being close upon them, a 
whirlwind carried them up and through the door and back into the 


52 THE SIA. 


house of the sko’yo. Ma/asewe said, “‘ Younger brother, let us hurry 
to our mother. She must be sad. What do you think she imagines 
has become of us?” U’/yuuyewé replied, “‘I guess she thinks we have 
been killed.” The boys started for their home. When they were still 
far from their house Ma/asewe asked, ‘‘Younger brother, where do you 
think these bows and arrows were made?” Holding them up before 
his eyes as he spoke, he said, ‘‘I think they are very fine.” U’yuuyewé 
remarked, ‘‘ Yes, they are fine.” 

Ma/asewe then shot one of the arrows a great distance and it made 
much noise, and it was very beautiful and red. U’yuuyewé also shot 
one of his. ‘‘ Younger brother,” said Ma/asewe, “these are fine arrows, 
but they have gone a great way.” When they were near their mother’s 
house, they again used their bows and were so delighted with the light 
made by the arrows that each shot another and another. The mother 
and grandmother, hearing the noise, ran out of their house, and became 
much alarmed when they looked to Ti/nia and saw the flashes of light 
and then they both fell as dead. Previous to this time the lightning 
arrows were not known on this earth, as the lightning people had not, 
to the present time, let any of their arrows fall to the earth. When 
the mother was restored she was very angry, and inquired of the boys 
where they had found such arrows, and why they had brought them 
home. ‘Oh, mother,” cried the boys, ‘‘they are so beautiful, and we 
like them very much.” 

The boys remained at home three days, and on the fourth day they 
saw many he/dsh (clouds, like the plains) coming and bringing the 
arrows the boys had shot toward Ti’nia, and when the cloud people 
were over the house of the boys they began watering the earth; it 
rained very hard, and presently the arrows began falling. Ma/‘asewe 
cried with delight, “See, younger brother, the lightning people have 
brought our arrows back to us, let us go and gather them.” The cloud 
people worked two days sending rain and then returned to their home. 

Ma/asewe said to his mother, “‘We will go now and pass about the 
country.” She begged of them not to go any great distance. ‘In the 
west,” said she, “‘thereis avery bad antelope. Hewill eat you.” Ma/- 
asewe promised the mother that they would not go far, but when at a 
short distance from home he said to his younger brother, ‘“‘ Why does 
not mother wish us to go there?” pointing to the west. ‘Let us go.” 
U’yuuyewé replied, ‘No, mother does not wish it.” He was finally 
persuaded by Ma/asewe, and when near the house of the antelope the 
boys discovered him. There was neither grass nor vegetation, but 
only a sandy plain without trees or stones. ‘I guess he is one of the 
people who, mother said, would eat us.” U’yuuyewé replied, “I guess 
so.” Then Ma/asewe said, “ Let us goa little nearer, younger brother.” 
“ You know whatis best, ” replied U’yuuyewé, ‘I will do whatever you 
say, but I think that if you go nearer he will run off.” They counciled 
for atime and while they were talking the little Chi‘na (mole) came up 


STEVENSON. | THE ANTELOPE. 53 


out of his house and said, ‘‘ Boys, come down into my house.” ‘ No,” 
said they, “we wish to kill the antelope,” and Ma/asewe added, “TI 
think you know all about him.” “Yes,” said the mole, “I have been 
near him and passed around him.” Then Ma/asewe requested him to 
go into his house and prepare a road for them that the antelope might 
not discover their approach. And the mole made an underground 
road to the point where the antelope stood (the antelope facing west) 
and bored a wee hole in the earth over this tunnel, and peeping through 
he looked directly upon the heart of the antelope; he could see 
its pulsations. “Ah, that is good, I think,” he exclaimed, and re- 
turning, he hastened to inform the boys. ‘ Now, all is well,” said the 
mole; “you can enter my house and approach the antelope.” When 
they reached the tiny opening in the earth Ma’‘asewe looked up and 
said, ‘“‘See, younger brother, there is the heart of the antelope directly 
above us; I will shoot first;” and pointing his arrow to the heart of the 
antelope and drawing his bow strongly he pierced the heart, the shaft 
being buried almost to its end in the body. ‘We have killed the ante- 
lope,” cried Ma/asewe, ‘now let us return quickly over the under- 
ground road.” While the boys were still in this tunnel, the antelope, 
who was not killed immediately by the shot, was mad with rage and he 
ran first to the west to look for his enemy, but he could see no one; 
then he ran to the south and found no one; then he turned to the east 
with the same result, and then to the north and saw no one, and he 
returned to the spot where he had been shot, and looking to the earth 
discovered the diminutive opening. ‘ Ah,” said he, ‘I think there is 
some one below who tried to kill me.” By this time the boys were 
quite a distance from the hole through which the arrow had passed. 
The antelope thrust his left horn into the opening and tore up the 
earth as he ran along above the tunnel. It was like inserting a knife 
under a piece of hide; but he had advanced only a short distance when 
he fell dead. The youths then came up from the house of the mole and 
cried out, ‘See! the antelope is dead.” 

Ma/asewe said, “Younger brother! let us go and get the flesh of the 
antelope.” U’/yuuyewé remarked, ‘“‘perhaps heis not yet dead.” The 
mole said, ‘“‘you boys wait here; I will go and see if he still lives,” and 
after examining and passing around him, he found that the body was 
quite cold, and returning to the boys said, ‘Yes, boys, the antelope is 
dead.” ‘Perhaps you do not speak the truth,” said Ma/asewe, but 
the mole repeated “The antelope is dead.” Ma/asewe insisted, how- 
ever, that the mole should again examine him and the little animal made 
asecond visit. This time he dipped his hands into the heart’s blood of 
the animal and rubbed it all over his face, head, body, arms, and legs, 
for Ma/asewe had accused him of lying and he wished this time to 
carry proof of the death of the antelope; and returning to the boys he 
cried, “See, boys, [ am covered with the blood, and I did not lie.” Then 
Ma/asewe proposed that the three should go together; and when they 


54 THE SIA. 


reached the antelope, Ma/asewe cut the breast with his stone knife, 
passing the knife from the throat downwards. The boys then flayed 
the antelope; Ma/asewe cut the heart and the flesh into bits, throwing 
the pieces to the north, west, south, and east, declaring that hereafter 
the antelope should not be an enemy to his people, saying, ‘His flesh 
Shall furnish food for my people.” Addressing the antelope he com- 
manded, “From this time forth you will eat only vegetation and not 
flesh, for my people are to have your flesh for food.” He then said to 
the mole, “The intestines of the antelope will be food for you,” and the 
mole was much pleased, and promptly replied, “Thank you; thank 
you, boys.” 

The boys now returned to their home and their mother, who, on 
meeting them, inquired, ‘‘ Where have you been? You have been gone 
along time; I thought you were dead; where have you been?” Ma/asewe 
answered, ‘ We have been to the house of the antelope who eats people.” 
The mother said, “You are very disobedient boys.” Ma/asewe con- 
tinued, ‘‘We have killed the antelope, and now all the giants who 
devoured our people are destroyed, and all the people of the villages 
will be happy, and the times will be good.” 

After Ma/asewe and U’yuuyewé had destroyed the giant enemies of 
the world the people were happy and were not afraid to travel about; 
even the little children could go anywhere over the earth, and there 
was continual feasting and rejoicing among all the villages. 

The Oraibi held a great feast (at that time the Oraibi did not live 
in their present pueblo); Ma/asewe and U’yuuyewé desired to attend 
the feast, and telling their mother of their wish, she consented to their 
going. When they were near the village ot the Oraibi they discovered 
the home of the bee, and Ma/asewe said, “See, brother, the house of 
the bee; let us goin; I guess there is much honey.” They found a 
large comb full of honey, and Ma/asewe proposed to his brother that 
they cover their whole bodies with the honey, so that the Oraibi would 
not know them and would take them for poor, dirty boys; “for, as we 
now are, all the world knows us, and to-day let us be unknown.” “All 
right!” said U’yuuyewé, and they smeared themselves with honey. 
‘‘Now,” said the boys, “we are ready for the feast. It will be good, for 
the Oraibi are very good people.” Upon visiting the plaza they found 
a large gathering, and the housetops were crowded with those looking 
at the dance. The boys, who approached the plaza from a narrow 
street in the village, stood for a time at the entrance. Ma/asewe 
remarked, ‘‘I guess all the people are looking at us and thinking we 
are very poor boys; see how they pass back and forth and do not speak 
to us;” but after awhile he said, “‘ We are a little hungry; let us walk 
around and see where we can find something to eat.” They looked in 
ail the houses facing upon the plaza and saw feasting within, but no 
one invited them to enter and eat, and though they inspected every 
house in the village, they were invited into but one. At this house 
the woman said, ‘ Boys, come in and eat; I guess you are hungry.” 


STEVENSON. ] ADVENTURES. 55 


After the repast they thanked her, saying, ‘“‘It was very good.” Then 
Ma/asewe said, ““You, woman, and you, man,” addressing her husband, 
“you and all your family are good. We have eaten at your house; 
we give you many thanks; and now listen to what I have to say. I 
wish you and all of your children to go off a distance to another house; 
to a house wnich stands alone; the round house off from the village. 
All of you stay there for awhile.” The boys then left. After they had 
gone the woman drank from the bowl which they had usea, and, 
smacking her lips, said to her husband, ‘‘ There is something very sweet 
in this bowl.” Then all the children drank from it, and they found the 
water sweet, and the woman said, ‘Let us do the will of these boys; 
let us go to the house;” and, the husband consenting, they, with their 
children, went to the round house and remained for a time. 

Ma/asewe and U’yuuyewé lingered near the village, and the people 
were dancing in the plaza and feasting in their houses, when suddenly 
they were all transformed into stone. Those who were dancing, and 
those who sat feasting, and mothers nourishing infants, all were alike 
petrified; and the beings, leaving these bodies, immediately ascended, 
and at once became the pitionero (Canada jay). The boys, returning to 
their home, said, ‘““Mother, we wish food; we are hungry.” Their 
mother inquired, ‘Why are you hungry; did you not get enough at 
thefeast?” ‘No; weare very hungry and wish something to eat.” The 
mother again asked if it was not a good feast. ‘ Yes,” said Ma/asewe, 
“but we are hungry.” The mother, suspecting something wrong, re- 
marked, ‘‘I am afraid you have been bad boys; I fear you destroyed 
that village before you left.” Ma‘asewe answered “No.” Four times 
the mother expressed her fears of their having destroyed the village. 
Ma/asewe then confessed, ‘““Yes; we did destroy the village. When 
we went to the feast at Oraibi we were all day with hungry stomachs, 
and we were not asked to eat anywhere except in one house.” And 
when the mother heard this she was angry, and Ma/asewe continued, 
“ And this is the reason that I destroyed the villlage,” and the mother 
cried, “It is good! I am glad you destroyed the people, for they were 
mean and bad.” 

When the boys had been home but two days their hearts told them 
that there was to be a great dance of the Ka/tsuna at a village located 
at a ruin some 18 miles north of the present pueblo of Sia. The Ti‘i- 
moni of this village had, through his officials, invited all the people of 
all the villages near and far to come to the great dance. Ma/asewe 
said to his mother and grandmother (the spider woman), ‘‘ We are going 
to the village to see the dance of the Ka/tsuna.” They replied, ‘‘ We 
do not care much to have you go, because you, Ma/asewe and U‘yuuy- 
ewé, are both disobedient boys. When you go off to the villages you 
do bad things. At Oraibi you converted the people into stone, and 
perhaps you will behave at this village as you did at Oraibi.” Ma/a- 
sewe replied, “‘No, mother, no! We go only to see the Ka/tsuna, and 
we wish to go, for we know it is to be a great dance; we wish very 


56 THE SIA. 


much to see it, and will not do as we did at Oraibi.” Finally, the 
mother and grandmother said, “If you are satisfied to go and behave 
like good boys we will consent.” It was a long way off, and the boys 
carried their bows and arrows that their father, the sun, had given 
them. They had proceeded but a short distance from their home, when 
the sun told them each to get on an arrow, and the father drew his bow, 
shooting both arrows simultaneously, the arrows striking the earth 
near where the dance was to occur. The boys alighted from their ar- 
rows and walked to the village. Every one wondered how they could 
have reached the village in so short a time. The boys stopped at the 
door of a house and, looking in, saw many people eating. They stood 
there awhile but were not asked in, and they passed on from door to 
door, as they had done at Oraibi, and no one invited them to eat. It 
was a very large village, and the boys walked about all day, and they 
were very angry. Discovering a house a little apart from the village, 
Ma/asewe said, “Let us go there,” pointing to the house; ‘perhaps 
there we may get food,” and upon reaching the door they were greeted 
by the man, woman, and children of the house, and were invited to eat. 
The boys were, as before, disguised with the honey spread over their 
bodies. After the meal Ma/asewe, addressing the man and woman, 
said: “You and your children are the first and only ones to invite us 
to enter a house and eat, and we are happy, and we give you thanks. 
We have been in this village all day and, until now, have had nothing 
to eat. I guess the people do not care to have us eat with them. Why 
did your ti’imoni invite people from all villages to come here? He was 
certainly not pleased to see us. You (addressing the man and woman) 
and your children must leave this village and go a little way off. It 
will be well for you to do so.” 

And this family had no sooner obeyed the commands of the boys 
than the people of the village were converted into stone, just as they 
were passing about, the Ka/tsuna as they stood in line of the dance, 
some of them with their hands raised. It was never known what be- 
came of the beings of the Ka’/'suna. Ma/asewe then said: ‘“ Younger 
brother, now what do you think?” U’yuuyewé replied, “I do not think 
at all; you know.” ‘ Yes,” said Ma/asewe, ‘‘and I think perhaps I will 
not return to my house, the house of my mother and grandmother. I 
think we will not return there; we have converted the people of two 
villages into stone, and I guess our mother will be very unhappy.” 
And again Ma/asewe said: ‘ What do you think?” and U/yuuyewé re- 
plied, “I do not think at all; you, Ma/asewe, you think well.” Then 
Ma/asewe said, ‘+All right; I think now I should like to go to see our 
father.” “ Well,” said U/yuuyewé, “let us go to him.” 

There was a great rainbow (Kash‘-ti-arts) in ti/nia; the feet of the 
bow were on the earth and the head touched the heavens. ‘Let us be 
off,” said the boys. They stepped upon the rainbow, and in a short 
space of time the boys reached their father, the sun, who was in mid- 
heavens. The bow traveled fast. The sun saw the boys approaching 


STEVENSON, ] THE CULT SOCIETIES. 57 


on the bow and knew them to be his children. He always kept watch 
over them, and when they drew near the father said, “‘ My children, I 
am very happy to see you. You have destroyed all the giants of the 
earth who ate my people, and I am contented that they are no more; 
and it was well you converted the people of the two villages into stone. 
They were not good people.” Then Ma/asewe said: ‘Father, listen to 
me while I speak. We wish you to tell us where to go.” ‘ Yes,” said 
the father, “I will; I know where it is best for you to make your home. 
Now, all the people of the earth are good and will be good from this 
time forth (referring to the destruction of the Sia by the cannibals). I 
think it will be well for you to make your home there high above the 
earth,” pointing to the Sandia mountain, ‘and not return to the people 
of the earth.” ‘All right, my father,” replied Ma/asewe; ‘we are con- 
tented and happy to do as you say.” 

Before leaving their people Ma/asewe organized the cult societies of 
the upper world. These tiny heroes then made their home in the Sandia 
mountain, where they have since remained, traveling, as before, on the 
rainbow. 

The diminutive footprints of these boys are to be seen at the en- 
trance of their house (the crater of the mountain) by the good of heart, 
but such privilege is afforded only to the ti‘imoni and certain theurg- 
ists, they alone having perfect hearts; and they claim that on looking 
through the door down into the house they have seen melons, corn, and 
other things which had been freshly gathered. 

After the expiration of four years the ti/iimoni desired to travel on 
toward the center of the earth, but before they had gone far they found, 
to their dismay, that the waters began to rise as in the lower world, . 
and the whole earth became one vast river. The waters reached nearly 
to the edge of the nesa, which they ascended for safety. The ti/iimoni 
made many offerings of plumes and other precious articles to propitiate 
the flood, but this did not stay the angry waters, and so he dressed a 
youth and maiden in their best blankets, and adorned them with many 
precious beeds and cast them from the mesa top ; and immediately the 
waters began to recede. When the earth was again visible it was very 
soft, so that when the animals went from the mesa they would sink to 
their shoulders. The earth was angry. The ti/timoni called the Ka/- 
pina Society together and said, ‘‘I think you know how to make the 
earth solid, so we can pass over it,” and the theurgist of that order re- 
plied, “I think I know.” The same means was used as on the previous 
occasion to harden the earth. The theurgist of the Ka’/pina returning 
said, ‘Father, I have been working all over the earth and it is now 
hardened.” ‘That is well,” said the ti/amoni, ‘I am content. In four 
days we will travel toward the center of the earth.” 

During the journey of the Sia from the white-house in the north they 
built many villages. Those villages were close together, as the Sia did 
not wish to travel far at any one time. Finally, having concluded they 
had about reached the center of the earth, they determined to build a 


58 THE SIA. 


permanent home. The ti’’imoni, desiring that it should be an exact 
model of their house of white stone in the north, held a council, that he 
might gain information regarding the construction, etc., of the white 
village. “I wish,” said the ti/dmoni, “to build a village here, after our 
white-house of the north, but I cannot remember clearly the construction 
of the house,” and no one could be found in the group to give a detailed 
account of the plan. The council was held during the night, and the 
ti/imoni said, “‘To-morrow I shall have some one return to the white- 
house, and carefully examine it. I think the Si’/sika (swallow) is a 
good man; he has a good head; and I think I will send him to the 
white-house,” and calling the Si’sika he said: “Listen attentively; I 
wish you to go and study the structure of the white-house in the north; 
learn all about it, and bring me all the details of the buildings; how one 
house joins another.” The Si’/sika replied, ‘“‘ Very well, father; I will 
go early in the morning.” Though the distance was great, the Si/sika 
visited the white-house, and returned to the ti/‘imoni a little after the 
sun had eaten (noon). ‘ Father,” said the Si’sika, “I have examined 


Of 


Od 


Fie, 15. Diagram of the white house of the north, drawn by a theurgist. 


Lines indicate houses. 


a, Street. d, Doorway of the north wind. 
b, Plaza. e, The great chita. 
c, Plaza. f, Cougar, mother of the north village. 


the white-house in the north carefully, flying all over it and about it. I 
examined it welland can tell you all about it.” The ti‘’moni was pleased, 
for he had thought much concerning the white house, which was very 
beautiful. ; 

He at once ordered all hands to work, great labor being required in 
the construction of the village after the plan laid down by the Si’sika. 
Upon the completion of this village, the ti‘aimoni named it Kéasaia. 
It is located at the ruin some 24 miles north of the present site of Sia. 
(Fig. 15.) It is an accurate copy of a plan drawn by the theurgist who 
first related the cosmogony to the writer. 


STEVENSON. ] BORN OF A VIRGIN. 59 


The theurgist explained that the cougar could not leave her post at 
the white stone village of the north; therefore, the lynx was selected as 
her representative at this village. And no such opening as shown in 
d existed in the duplicated village, as the doorway of the north wind 
was ever in the north village. And the ti‘’moni, with all his people, 
entered the large chita and held services of thanksgiving. Great was 
the rejoicing upon the completion of the village, and the people planted 
corn and soon had fine fields. 

The Sia occupied this village at the time of their visit from Po/shai- 
yanne, the quasi messiah, after he had attained his greatness, and 
when he made a tour of the pueblos before going into Mexico. 

Po’shaiyiinne was bornof a virgin at the pueblo of Pecos, New Mexico, 
who became pregnant from eating two pinon nuts. The writer learned 
through Dr. Shields, of Archuleta, New Mexico, that the Jemez Indians 
have a similar legend. When want and starvation drove the Pecos 
Indians from their pueblo they sought refuge with the Jemez. Philol- 
ogists claim that the languages of the Pecos and Jemez belong to the 
same stock. The woman was very much chagrined at the birth of her 
child, and when he was very young she cast him off and closed her 
doors upon him. He obtained food and shelter as best he could; of 
clothing he had none but the rags cast off by others. While still a 
little boy he would follow the ti/imoni and theurgists into the chita 
and sit apart by the ladder, and listen to their wise talk, and when 
they wished a light for their cigarettes Po/shaiyiinne would pass a 
brand from one to another. But no one ever spoke to him or thanked 
him, but he continued to follow the wise men into the chita and to 
light their cigarettes. Even when he reached years when other youths 
were invited to sit with the ti‘amoni and theurgists and learn of them, 
he was neyer spoken to or invited to leave his seat by the entrance. 

Upon arriving at the state of manhood he, as usual, sat in the chita 
and passed the light to those present. Great was the surprise when it 
was discovered that a string of the rarest turkis encircled his right 
wrist. After he had lighted each cigarette and had returned to his 
seat by the entrance, the ti/imoni called one of his men to him and 
said, ‘What is it I see upon the wrist of the boy Po/shaiyiinne; it looks 
like the richest turkis, but surely it can not be. Go and examine it.” 
The man did as he was bid, and, returning, told the ti/imoni that it was 
indeed as he had supposed. The ti/itimoni requested the man to say to 
the youth that he wished to know where he obtained the turkis and 
that he desired to buy the bracelet of him. When the man repeated 
the message, Po’/shaiyianne said, “I can not tell him how it came upon 
my wrist, and I do not wish to sell it.” The reply being delivered to 
the ti‘amoni, he said to his messenger, ‘‘ Return to the youth and tell 
him I[ have a fine house in the north. It and all its contents shall be 
his in exchange for the bracelet.” The people present, hearing the 
words of the ti/imoni, regretted that he offered his house and all therein 


60 THE SIA. 


for the bracelet, but they did not say anything as they thought he knew 
best. The message being delivered to Po/shaiyinne, he said, ‘“ Very 
well, I will give the bracelet for the house and all it contains.” The 
ti‘imoni then called Po/shaiyiinne to him and examined the bracelet, 
and his heart was glad because he was to have the jewels. He then 
begged Po/shaiyiinne to be seated, saying, ‘‘ We will play the game 
Wash’kasi.! 

In playing the favorite game of Wash’‘kasi (Fig. 16), forty peb- 
bles form a square, ten pebbles on a side, with a flat stone in the 
center of the square. Four flat sticks, painted black on one side and 
unpainted on the other, are held vertically and dropped upon the 
stone. The ti/iimoni threw first. Two black and two unpainted sides 
faced up. Two of the painted sides being up entitled the player to 


oie 
Po-shai-yan-ne’s 1°! move 


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° 
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° 
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9 


fo 
Ti -a-mo-ni£s 1% more f 
io 


io 


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” oe ra oy £ 


io 
Po-shat-yan-ne's 4th more fe 


cco e;.9 898 sp a Oo eo 


Po-shaiyan nes 28 move 


00000 8000 0 Oo 8 


vs atm 
Fi-a-mo-ni's more Po-shaiyin-ne's 3" more 


Fic. 16. The game of Wasbh’‘kasi. 


move two stones to the right. Po’shaiyanne then threw, turning up 
the four painted sides. This entitled him to move ten to the left. The 
ti/dmonithrew and three painted sides faced up. This entitled him to 
move three stones to the right. Again Po’shaiyinne threw and all the 
colored sides faced up, entitling him to move ten more. The next 
throw of the ti‘’amoni showed two colored sides and he moved two 
more. Po/shaiyinne threw again, all the colored sides being up; then 
he moved ten. The ti/imoni then threw and all four unpainted sides 
turned up; this entitled him to move six. Po/shaiyiinne threw and 
again all the painted sides were up, entitling him to move ten, which 
brought him to the starting point, and won him the game. 

The following morning, after the ti/imoni had eaten, they went into 
the chita as usual; Po/shaiyinne, following, took his seat near the 
entrance, with a blanket wrapped around him. When he approached 
the ti‘timoni to hold the lighted stick to his cigarette, the ti/aimoni’s 
astonishment was great to find a second bracelet, of ko-ha-qua,’? upon 
the wrist of Po’shaiyiinne. Each bead was large and beautiful. The 


'Though it is not mentioned in the story, it seems to be understood that these games were played 
for the houses, for had Po’shaiyiinne lost the games he would have lost the houses 
2 Ancient flat shell beads as thin as paper. 


STEVENSON. ] THE GAME OF WASHKASI. 61 


ti‘imoni urged Po’shaiyinne not to return to his seat by the ladder, 
but to sit with them; but he declined, and then a messenger was sent 
to examine the bracelet, and the man’s report excited a great desire in 
the ti/amoni to secure to himself this second bracelet, and his house in the 
west, with all that itcontained, was offered in exchange for the bracelet. 
This house was even finer than the one in the north. Po/shaiyiinne 
replied that if the ti‘aimoni wished the bracelet, he would exchange it 
for the house in the west. Then he was invited to be seated near the 
ti/amoni, who placed between them a large bowl containing six 2-inch 
cubes, which were highly polished and painted on one side. The 
ti/imoni said to Po/shaiyinne, “Hold the bowl with each hand, and 
toss up the six cubes. When three painted sides are up the game is 
won; with only two painted sides up the game is lost. Six painted 
sides up is equivalent to a march in euchre.” Po/shaiyinne replied, 
“You first, not I. You are the ti/imoni; Tamno one.” “No,” said the 
ti/aimoni, ‘you play first;” but Po’shaiyiinne refused, and the ti/imoni 
tossed up the blocks. Only two painted sides were up; Po/shaiyiinne, 
then taking the bowl, tossed the blocks, and all the painted sides 
turned up. Again the ti‘timoni tried his hand, and three painted sides 
faced up; then Po’shaiyinne threw and the six painted sides were up. 
The ti/imoni again threw, turning up two painted sides only; then 
Po’shaiyinne threw, with his previous success. The ti/imoni threw, 
and again two painted sides were up. Po/shaiyanne threw, and six 
painted sides faced up as before, and so a second house went to him. 
The ti/aimoni said, ‘We will go to our homes and sleep, and return to 
the chita in the morning, after we have eaten.” 

The following morning Po/shaiyiinne took his seat at the usual place, 
but the ti‘imoni said to him: “Come and sit among us; you are now 
more than an ordinary man, for you have two houses that belonged to 
the ti‘timoni,” but Po’shaiyinne refused and proceeded to light the 
stick to pass around for the lighting of the cigarettes. When he ex- 
tended his hand to touch the stick to the cigarettes it was discovered 
that he wore a most beautiful bracelet, which was red, but not coral. 
The ti/dmoni again sent an emissary to negotiate for the bracelet, offer- 
ing Po’shaiyiinne his house in the south in exchange for the red brace- 
let. Po/shaiyiinne consented and again a game was played. Four cir- 
cular sticks some 8 inches long, with hollow ends, were stood in line 
and a blanket thrown over them; the ti‘imoni then put a round pebble 
into the end of one, and removing the blanket asked Po/shaiyinne to 
choose the stick containing the pebble. ‘No, my father,” said Po/- 
shaiyinne, “you first. What am I that [should choose before you?” 
but the ti‘aimoni replied, “I placed the stone; [ know where it is.” 
Then Po/shaiyiinne selected a stick and raising it the pebble was visi- 
ble. Po/shaiyiinne then threw the blanket over the sticks and placed 
the stone in one of them, after which the ti/amoni selected a stick and 
raised it, but no stone was visible. This was repeated four times. Each 


62 THE SIA. 


time the ti/imoni failed and Po‘’shaiyanne succeeded, and again the 
house in the south went to Po/shaiyénne. 

The next day when all had assembled in the chita and Po’shaiyanne 
advanced to light the cigarettes a bracelet of rare black stone beads 
was noticed on his wrist. This made the ti/imoni’s heart beat with 
envy and he determined to have the bracelet though he must part with 
his house in the east; and he offered it in exchange for the bracelet, 
and Po/shaiyinne accepted the offer, The ti/imoni then made four little 
mounds of sand and throwing a blanket over them placed in one a small, 
round stone. Then raising the blanket he requested Po/shaiyinne to 
select the mound in which he had placed the stone. Po/shaiyanne said: 
“My father, what am I that I should choose before you?” The ti/imoni 
replied, ‘I placed the stone and know where it is.” Then Po’shaiyainne 
selected a mound, and the one of his selection contained the stone. 
The placing of the stone was repeated four times, and each time the 
ti‘imoni failed, and Poshaiyainne was successful; and the hearts of all 
the people were sad when they knew that this house was gone, but they 
said nothing, for they believed their ti/4moni knew best. The ti‘imoni 
said: ‘““We will now go to our homes and sleep, and on the morrow; 
when we have eaten, we will assemble here.” 

In the morning Po/shaiyainne took his accustomed place, entering 
after the others. Upon his offering the lighted stick for the cigarettes 
the people were struck with amazement, for on the wrist of Po/shai- 
yanne was another bracelet of turkis of marvelous beauty, and when 
the ti/timoni discovered it his heart grew hungry for it and he sent one 
of his men to offer his house of the zenith. Po/shaiyainne replied that 
he would give the bracelet for the house. This house contained many 
precious things. The ti/imoni requested Po’shaiyinne to come and sit 
by him; and they played the game Wash’kasi and, as before, Po’shai- 
yinne was successful and the house of the zenith fell to him. 

The following morning, when the people had assembled in the chita and 
as Po’shaiyiinne passed the stick to light the cigarettes, the ti/imoni 
and all the people saw upon his wrist another bracelet of large white 
beads. They were not like the heart of a shell, but white and trans- 
lucent. The ti‘imoni could not resist the wish to have this rare string 
of beads, and he sent one of his men to offer his house of the nadir for 
it. When Po’shaiyinne agreed to the exchange, all the people were 
sad, that the ti‘imoni should part with his house, but they said nothing 
and the ti/imoni was too much pleased with the beautiful treasure to 
be regretful. He had Po/shaiyiinne come and sit by him and again 
play the game with the six blocks in the large bowl. The game was 
played with success on the part of Po’/shaiyanne and he became the 
owner of the sixth house. 

On the following day when all were gathered in the chita the ti/amoni 
said to Po/shaiyanne: ‘Come and sit with us; surely you are now 
equal with me, and you are rich indeed, for you have all my houses,” 


STEVENSON. | MAGIC. 63 


but he refused, only passing among theurgists and people to offer the 
lighted stick for the cigarettes. When he extended his hand a bracelet 
was discovered more beautiful than any of the others. It was pink and 
the stones were very large. The ti/amoni upon seeing it cried, ‘‘Alas! 
alas! This is more beautiful and precious than all the others, but all 
my houses and treasures are gone. I have nothing left but my people; 
my old men and old women; young men and maidens and little ones.” 
Addressing the people, he said: ‘“‘My children, what would you think 
of your ti/imoni should he wish to give you to this youth for the beauti- 
ful beads?” They replied, “You are our father and ruler; you are 
wise and know all things that are best for us;” but their hearts were 
heavy and sad, and the ti/imoni hesitated, for his heart was touched 
with the thought of giving up his people whom he loved; but the more he 
thought of the bracelet the greater became his desire to secure it, and he 
appealed a second time to his people and they answered: ‘“ You know 
best, our father,” and the people were very sad, but the heart of the ti‘i- 
moni though touched was eager to possess the bracelet. He sent one of 
his men to offer in exchange for the bracelet all his people, and Po’shai- 
yanne replied that he would give the bracelet forthe people. Then the 
ti‘imoni called the youth to him, and they repeated the game of the 
four sticks, hollowed at the ends. Po/’shaiyanne was successful, and the 
ti‘imoni said: “Take all my people; they are yours; my heart is sad to 
give them up, and you must be a good father to them. Take all the 
things I have, Iam no longer of any consequence.” ‘ No,” said Po’- 
shaiyainne; “I will not, for should I do so I would lose my power over 
game.” The two remained in the chita and talked for a long time, 
the ti/amoni addressing Po’shaiyainne as father and Po/’shaiyinne call- 
ing the ti/imoni father. 

After a time Po’shaiyinne determined to visit all the pueblos, and 
then go into Mexico. 

He was recognized by the Sia at once upon his arrival, for they had 
known of him and sung of him, and they looked for him. He entered 
the chita in company with the tiimoni (the one appointed by Ut/sét) 
and the theurgists. It was not until Po’shaiyianne’s visit to the Sia 
that they possessed the power to capture game. The men were often 
sent out by the ti/aimoni to look for game, but always returned without 
it, saying they could see the animals and many tracks but could catch 
none; and their ruler would reply: “Alas! my children, you go for the 
deer and return without any;” and thus they hunted all over the earth 
but without success. 

After Po’shaiyinne’s talk with the ti/imoni, and learning his wish 
for game, he said: ‘Father, what have you for me todo?” And the 
ti‘amoni replied: ‘“‘My children have looked everywhere for deer, and 
they can find none; they see many tracks, but they can not catch the 
deer.” “Well,” replied Po’shaiyinne, “I will go and look for game.” 
He visited a high mountain in the west, from whose summit he could 
see all over the earth, and looking to the north, he saw on the top of a 


64 THE SIA. 


great mountain a white deer. The deer was passing toward the south, 
and he said to himself, ““Why can not the Sia catch deer?” And look- 
ing to the west, he saw a yellow antelope on the summit of a high 
mountain. He, too, was passing to the south, and Po/shaiyanne said 
to himself, ‘Why can they not catch antelope?” And he looked to 
the south, and saw on the great mountain of the south a sheep, which 
was also passing to the south, and he looked to the east, and there, on 
a high peak, he saw the buffalo, who was passing to the south; and 
then, looking all over the earth, he saw that it was covered with rab- 
bits, rats, and all kinds of small animals, and that the air was filled 
with birds of every description. Then, returning to the ti/aimoni, he 
said: ‘“‘My mother, my father, why do your children say they can catch 
no game? When I first looked to the mountain of the north I saw the 
deer, and to the west [ saw the antelope, and to the south the moun- 
tain sheep, and to the east the buffalo, and the earth and air were filled 
with animals and birds.” The ti/imoni inquired how he could see all 
over the earth. He doubted Po/shaiyinne’s word. Then Po/shaiyinne 
said: ‘In four days I will go and catch deer for you.” ‘ Well,” said the 
ti/amoni, “‘when you bring the deer I will believe. Until then I must 
think, perhaps, you do not speak the truth.” 

For three days the men were busy making bows and arrows, and 
during these days they observed a strict fast and practiced contineney. 
On the fourth morning at sunrise Po/shaiyaénne, accompanied by Ma/a- 
sewe and Uyuuyewé, who came to the earth to greet Po/shaiyiinne, 
and the men of the village, started on the hunt. They ate before leay- 
ing the village, and after the meal Po’shaiyiinne asked: ‘Are you all 
ready for the hunt?” And they replied: ‘Yes; we are ready.” Po’- 
shaiyiinne, Ma/asewe, and Uyuuyewé started in advance of the others, 
and when some distance ahead Po’shaiyainne made a fire and sprinkled 
meal to the north, the west, the south, and the east, that the deer might 
come to him over the roads of meal. He then made a circle of meal, 
leaving an opening through which the game and hunters might pass, 
and when this was done all of the men of the village formed into a 
group a short distance from Po/shaiyanne, who then played on his 
flute, and, holding it upward, he played first to the north, then west, 
then south, and then east. The deer came over the four roads to him 
and entered the great circle of meal. Ma/asewe and Uyuuyewé called 
to all the people to come and kill the deer. It was now before the 
middle of the day. There were many deer in the circle, and as the 
people approached they said one to another: ‘‘Perhaps the deer are 
large; perhaps they are small.” 

(The deer found by the Sia in this world are quite different from those 
in the lower world. Those in the lower world did not come to this 
world; they are called sits’ ti-ne, water deer. These deer lived in the 
water, but they grazed over the mountains. They were very large, 
with great antlers. The deer in this world are much smaller and have 
smaller antlers.) 


STEVENSON. ] MIRACLES OF THE SIA. 65 


The circle was entered at the southeast, Ma/asewe passing around the 
circle to the left was followed by half of the people, Uyuuyewé passing 
to the right around the circle, preceded the remainder. As soon as they 
had all entered Po’shaiyiinne closed the opening; he did not go into the 
circle but stood by the entrance. The deer were gradually gathered 
into a close group and were then shot with arrows. When all the deer 
had been killed they were flayed, and the flesh and skins carried to the 
village. As they passed from the circle Po/shalyanne said, ‘‘ Now carry 
your meat home. Give your largest deer to the ti/amoni and the smaller 
ones to the people of your houses.” After the Sia had started for their 
village Po/shaiyinne destroyed the circle of meal and then returned 
to the ti‘imoni, who said: ‘“ You, indeed, spoke the truth, for my people 
have brought many deer, and I am much pleased. On the morrow we 
will kill rabbits.” The ti/‘imoni informed the coyote of his wish for the 
rabbits, and in the morning a large fire was made, and the coyote spoke 
to the fire, saying: “‘ We desire many rabbits but we do not wish to go 
far.” He then threw meal to the cardinal points, zenith, and nadir, 
and prayed that the sun father would cause the small and large rabbits 
to gather together that they might not have to go a great distance to 
find them, for as he, the father, wished, so it would be, and Ma/asewe 
and the coyote sat down while the people gathered around the fire and 
passed their rabbit sticks through the flames. Then Ma‘asewe directed 
them to start on the hunt. They formed into an extensive circle sur- 
rounding the rabbits, and a great number were secured. Some were 
killed by being struck immediately over their hearts. It was very late 
when the people returned to the village laden with rabbits. 

The ti/imoni said: ‘Day after to-morrow we will have a feast.” 
Po’shaiyainne agreeing, said: “It is well, father.” All the women 
worked hard for the feast. Half of their number worked for the ti‘imoni 
and half for Po’shaiyinne. The ti/amoni going alone to the house of 
Po/shaiyiinne, said: “‘ Listen: to-morrow you will have the great feast 
at your house.” Po/shaiyiinne replied: ‘‘ No, father; you are the elder, 
and you must have it at your house.” The ti/amoni answered: “ Very 
well, my house is good and large; I will have it there.” 

In the morning, when the sun was still new, the ti‘’amom had the 
feast spread—bowls of mush, bread, and meat; and he said to Po/shai- 
yanne, who was present: “Father, if you have food bring it to my 
house and we will have our feast together.” Po/shaiyinne replied: “It 
is well, father ;” and, to the astonishment of all, Po/shaiyiinne’s food im- 
mediately appeared. It was spread on tables;! the bowls holding the 
food being very beautiful, such as had never before been seen. The 
ti/amoni told Ma/asewe to bid the people come to the feast; and all, in- 
cluding the most aged men and women and youngest children, were 
present. Upon entering the house they were surprised with the things 


1This reference to tables appears to evidence the fact that this portion of the cosmogony is of later 
date, and the whole paragraph savors of a coloring from Christian or biblical teaching. 


11 ETH——5 


66 THE SIA. 


they saw on Po’shaiyinne’s table, and all who could went to his table 
in preference to sitting before the ti/dmoni’s. Even the water upon 
Po’shaiyiinne’s table was far better than that furnished by the ti/imoni; 
and those who drank of this water and ate Po/shaiyanne’s food imme- 
diately became changed, their skins becoming whiter than before; but 
all could not eat from Po/shaiyiinne’s board and many had to take the 
food of the ti‘timoni, and they remained in appearance as before. 

After this feast, Po/shaiyanne visited all the pueblos and then passed 
on to Chihuahua in Mexico. Before Po‘shaiyinne left the Sia, he said 
to them: “TI leave you, but another day I will return to you, for this 
village is mine for all time, and I will return first to this village.” To 
the ti‘imoni he said: ‘Father, you are a ti/A’moni, and I also am one; we 
are as brothers. All the people, the men, the women, and the children 
are mine, and they are yours; and I will return to them again. Watch 
for me. I will return;” and he added, “In a short time another people 
will come; but before that time, such time as you may choose, I wish 
you to leave this village, for my heart is here and it is not well for an- 
other people to come here; therefore depart from this village before 
they come near.” 

Upon entering the plaza in Chihuahua Po’/shaiyinne met the great 
chief, who invited him to his home, where he became acquainted with 
his daughter. . She was very beautiful, and Po/shaiyiinne told the 
chief that he was much pleased with his daughter and wished to make 
her his wife. The chief replied: ‘If you desire to marry ny daughter 
and she wishes to marry you, it is well.” Upon the father questioning 
the daughter the girl replied in the affirmative. Then the father and 
mother talked much to the daughter and said: ‘To-morrow you will 
be married.” The chief sent one of his officials to let it be known to all 
the people that Po’shaiyanne and his daughter were to be united in mar- 
riage in the morning, and many assembled, and there was a great feast 
in the house of the chief. Many men were pleased with the chief's 
daughter, and looked with envy upon Po/shaiyiinne; and they talked 
together of killing him, and finally warriors came to the house of 
Po’shaiyénne and carried him off to their camp and pierced his heart 
with a spear, and his enemies were contented, but the wife and her 
father were sad. The day after Po’shaiyiinne’s death he returned to 
his wife’s home, and when he was seen alive those who had tried to 
destroy him were not only angry but much alarmed; and again he was 
captured, and they bound gold and silver to his feet, that after casting 
him into the lake his body should not rise; but a white fluffy feather 
of the eagle fell to him, and as he touched the feather the feather rose, 
and Po/shaiyiinne with it, and he lived again, and he still lives, and some 
time he will come tous. So say the Sia. Po/shaiyiainne’s name is held 
in the greatest reverence; in fact, he is regarded as their culture hero’, 


1 The culture hero of the Sia bears a name similar to that of the corresponding prodigy among the 
Zuni. The same is true of other of their mythological beings. 


STEVENSON.] MYTHOLOGY. 67 


and he is appealed to in daily prayers, and the people have no doubt of 
his return. They say: ‘“‘ He may come to-day, to-morrow, or perhaps 
not in our lifetime.” 

Soon after Po/shaiyaénne’s departure from Sia the ti/amoni decided 
to leave his present village, though it pained him much to give up his 
beautiful house. And they moved and built the present pueblo of Sia, 
which village was very extensive. The ti/imoni had first a square of 
stone laid, which is to be seen at the present day, emblematic of the 
heart of the village (for a heart must be, before a thing can exist). 
After the building of this village the aged ti/imoni continued to live 
many years, and at his death he was buried in the ground, in a reclining 
position. His head was covered with raw cotton, with an eagle plume 
attached; his face was painted with corn pollen, and cotton was placed 
at the soles of his feet and laid over the heart. A bowl of food was 
deposited in the grave, and many hi/chamoni were planted over the 
road to the north, the one which is traveled after death. A bowl of 
food was also placed on the road. All night they sang and prayed in 
the house of the departed ti/timoni, and early in the morning all those 
who sung were bathed in suds of yucca made of cold water. 

There are two rudely carved stone animals at the ruined village sup- 
posed to have been visited by Po/shaiyinne. These the Sia always 
speak of as the cougar, but they say, “In reality they are not the 
cougar, but the lynx, for the cougar remained at the white-house in the 
north.” 

This cosmogony exhibits a chapter of the Sia philosophy, and though 
this philosophy is fraught with absurdities and contradictions, as is 
the case with all aboriginal reasoning, it scintillates with poetic con- 
ceptions. They continue: 

“The hour is too solemn for spoken words; a new life is to be given 
to us.” 

Theirs is not a religion mainly of propitiation, but rather of suppli- 
cation for favors and payment for the same, and to do the will of and 
thereby please the beings to whom they pray. It is the paramount oc- 
cupation of their life; all other desirable things come through its 
practice. It is the foundation of their moral and sociallaws. Children 
are taught from infaney that in order to please the pantheon of their 
mythical beings they must speak with one tongue as straight as the 
line of prayer over which these beings pass to enter the images of 
themselves. 

It will be understood from the cosmogony that the Sia did not derive 
their clan names from animal ancestors, nor do they believe that their 
people evolved from animals, other than the Sia themselves. The 
Zuni hold a similar belief. The Zuni’s reference to the tortoise and 
other animals as ancestors is explained in the ‘Religious Life of the 
Zuni Child.” ! 

Tam of opmion that closer investigation of the North American In- 


Fifth Ann. Rept. Bn Eth., pp. 539-553. 


68 THE SIA. 


dian will reveal that the belief in the descent of a people from beasts, 
plants, or heavenly bodies is not common, though their mythological 
heroes were frequently the offspring of the union of some mortal with the 
sun or other object of reverence. There is no mystery in such unions in 
the philosophy of the Indian, for, as not only animate butinani nate objects 
aud the elements are endowed with personality, such beings are not 
only brothers to one another, but hold the same kinship to the Sia, from 
the fact, according to their philosophy, that all are living beings and, 
therefore, all are brothers. This is as clearly defined in the Indian mind 
as our recognition of the African as a brother man. 

The spider is an importantactor in Sia, Zuni,and Tusayan mythology. 
Sia cosmogony tells us the spider was the primus, the creator of all. 
Sis’sistinnako is referred to as a man, or, more properly, a being pos- 
sessing all power; and as Sts/sistinnako created first man and then 
other beings to serve his first creation, these beings, although endowed 
with attributes superior to man in order to serve him, can hardly be 
termed gods, but rather agents to execute the will of Sis/sistinnako 
in serving the people of his first creation. 

Sis’sistinnako must be supplicated through the mediator Otsét, 
who is present at such times in the fetich Virriko. Ko/shairi and 
Quer’rinna appear for the sun and moon. The war heroes and the 
warriors of the six mountains of the world, the women of the cardinal 
points, and animals, insects, and birds holding the secrets of medicine, 
are present, when invoked, in images of themselves. The Sia can not 
be said to practice ancestor worship. While the road to Shipapo (en- 
trance to the lower world) is crowded with spirits of peoples returning 
to the lower world, and spirits of unborn infants coming from the lower 
world, the Sia do not believe in the return of ancestors when once they 
have entered Shipapo. While many of the kokko (personated by per- 
sons wearing masks) are the immediate ancestors of the Zuni, the 
Ka’tsuna of the Sia, also personated by men and women wearing masks, 
are altogether a distinct creation, and can not be considered to bear 
any relation to ancestor worship. 

The Sia, however, have something as appalling to them as the return 
of the dead, in their belief in witchcraft, those possessing this eraft 
being able to assume the form of dogs and other beasts; and they are 
ever on the alert when traveling about on dark nights, especially if the 
traveler is a man of wealth, as witches are always envious of the finan- 
cial success of others. They create disease by casting into the body 
snakes, worms, stones, bits of fabric, ete. Hair must be burned that 
it may not be found by wizards or witches, who, combining it with 
other things, would cast it into the person from whose head it was cut, 
causing illness and perhaps death. There is, however, a panacea for 
such afflictions in the esoteric power of the theurgists of the secret cult 
societies. A man was relieved of pain in the chest by a snake being 
drawn from the body by an eminent theurgist during the stay of the 


STEVENSON. ] CULT SOCIETIES. 69 


writer at Sia. Such is the effect of faith cure in Sia that, though the man 
was actually suffering from a severe cold, his improvement dated from 
the hour the snake was supposed to have been extracted. 


CULT SOCIETIES. 


Ot/sét, being directed in all things by Stis/sistinnako, originated the 
cult societies of the lower world, giving to certain of them the secrets 
for the healing of the sick. 

The societies are mentioned in their line of succession, most of them 
having been named for the animals of which they were composed. 

The first society organized was the Ka/pina, which included only 
the spider people, its ho/-na-ai-te,' or theurgist, being Sis/sistinnako 
himself; and as the members of this society were directly associated 
with Sts/sistinnako, they knew his medicine secrets. 

Then followed the societies of the bear, cougar, badger, wolf, and 
shrew (Sorex). 

The his’tiin? (knife) was composed of the cougar and the bear, these 
two societies being consolidated. Sis/sistinnako finding that the bear 
was always dissatisfied and inclined to growl and run from the peopie 
when they approached, decided to make the cougar first and the bear 
second, giving as his reason that when the people drew near the cougar 
he sat still and looked at them; he neither growled nor ran, and the 
people were not afraid; he commanded their respect, but not their fear, 
and for this reason Sts’sistinnako united these societies that the bear 
might be second, and under the direction of the cougar. 

The next six societies organized were the snakes, composed of the 
snakes of the cardinal points, the snake of the north being Ska/towe 
(Plumed Serpent), the west Ka/spanna, the south Ko‘quaira, the east 
Quis’séra, the heavens Hu’/waka, the earth Ya/ai. The Ska/towe (Ser- 
pent of the North) and Ko/quaira (Serpent of the South) having special 
influence over the cloud people, have their bodies marked with cloud 
emblems; the Ka/spanna (Serpent of the West) and the Quis’séra (Ser- 
pent of the East) hold esoteric relations with the sun and moon; hence 
their bodies are painted with the crescent. Hu/waka (Serpent of the 
Heavens) has a body like crystal, and it is so brilliant that one’s eyes 
can not rest upon him; he is very closely allied to the sun. The Ya/ai 
(Serpent of the Earth) has special relations with Ha/arts (the earth). 
His body is spotted over like the earth, and he passes about over 
Ha/arts until someone approaches, when he hastens into his house in 
the earth. 

The seven ant societies followed the snakes. The five animal soci- 
eties, the six snake societies, the first three ant societies, and the 


1 Presiding officer of a cult society. 

?This society differed from the one of the same name afterwards organized in the upper world; 
knife in the former referring to the implement used for domestic and other purposes, while the word 
in the latter indicates the arrows presented to Ma/asewe and U/yuuyewé, the two war heroes, sons of 
the sun, by their father. 


70 THE SIA. 


society of the eagle were given the secrets of the medicine for healing 
the sick, through the process of sucking, the ant alone receiving the 
secret of the medicine by brushing; the last four societies of ants were 
instructed in the songs for rain only. The reason given for this di- 
vision is that only the first three ants produced irritation or swelling 
from their bites, the last four being peaceable ants. (Fig. 18). 

The next six societies were those of the birds of the cardinal points, 
zenith and nadir.—The Ha/-te-e, Bird of the North; Shas/-to, Bird of 
the West; Ma/-pe-un, Bird of the South; Shu-wa-kai’, Bird of the East; 
Tiii/mi, Bird of the Heavens (the eagle); Chas’-ka, Bird of the Earth 
(chaparral cock). While these six societies were instructed in the 
songs for rain, the eagle alone learned the medicine songs. It will be 
noticed that only such animals as were regarded as virulent were given 
the secrets of the medicine for healing the sick. All of the animals of 
the world were subordinate to the animal societies; all of the snakes 
of the world were submissive to the six snake societies; all the ants 
and other insects were subject to the seven ant societies, and all the 
birds of the world to the six bird societies. 

The next society organized was the Ha/kan, fire. Sis/sistinnako, 
desiring to have fire that their food might be cooked, placed a round 
flat stone on the floor and attached a small sharpened stone to one end 
of a slender round stick; he then called together the ho/naaites of the 
cult societies, and the priestly rulers of the Sia and other Indians, re- 
questing each one in proper succession to produce fire by rubbing the 
circular stick between the hands upon the round flat stone. As each 
one attempted to make the fire, a blanket was thrown over him and the 
stone that he might work in perfect seclusion. All failing in their 
efforts (this work being performed in the daytime) Sts/sistinnako 
dismissed them. He then passed through three chambers, carrying 
the fire stone with him, and entering the fourth sat down and thought 
a long while. and after a time he attempted to make the fire and was 
successful. Sfis/sistinnako then called in Ut/sét and her principal 
officer (a man of the Sia people), and handing her an ignited fire brand 
of cedar told her to light a fire, and this fire burned four days and nights. 
Ot’/sét, obeying the command of Sis’/sistinnako, requested her officer 
to place a ho/naaite of a snake society at the first door, the ho/naaite of 
the His’tiin and his vice (the cougar and a bear) at the second and third 
doors, and to guard the inner door himself, that no one might enter and 
see the fire. On the fifth day all the people discovered the smoke, which 
escaped from the chamber, and they wondered what it could be, for as 
yet they did not know fire. On the sixth morning Sis’sistinnako said 
to the officer of Ut/sét, “TI will now organize a fire society and I appoint 
you the ho’/naaite of the society.” On this same morning the ho/naaites 
of the cult societies and the priestly rulers of the Indians were called to 
the chamber to see the fire and to understand it. Then the ho/naaite 
of the fire society carried some of the fire to the house of the ruler of 
the Sia. 


Bureau of Ethnology Eleventh Annual Report. Plate X 


PERSONAL ADORNMENT WHEN RECEIVED INTO THE THIRD DEGREE 
OF OFFICIAL MEMBERSHIP CULT, SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON.] THE CULT SOCIETIES. ql 


Ko’shairi received directly from the sun valuable medicine for rain, 
and so the songs of the Ko/shairi are principally invocations for rain 
to fruetify the earth. 

Quer’riinna’s office is similar to that of the Ko/shairi, though his 
dress is different, as he comes from the house of the moon and not the 
sun. Besides the songs for rain the sun gave him the secret of the 
medicine, which would not only make ha/arts but women pregnant. 

After the Sia, animals and Ka/tsuna entered this world, they being 
led by the mother Ut/sét, the Ka/tsuna were directed by Ut/sét to go 
to the west and there make their homes. Before their departure, how- 
ever, masks were made to represent them. Ut/sét sent Ko/shairi and 
Quer‘rainna to the east, telling the former to make his home near the 
house of the sun and the latter to make his house a little to the north 
of the sun’s. It will be remembered that Sis/sistinnako sent the sun to 
this world before the advent of the Sia. Ko/shairi performs not only 
the office of courier between the sun and Ka/tsuna, but is also medi- 
ator between the Sia and the sun. (See PI. x.) 

Upon the departure of Ko’shairi and Quer’rinna, Ut/stt organized 
two orders bearing their names, to wait upon the personators of the 
Ka/tsuna whenever they should appear. The representatives of Ko- 
shai/ri and Quer’riinna are supposed to be the exact reproductions of 
the originals. The body of Ko/shairi is painted white and striped in 
black; that of Quer’riinna is half yellow and half white, dotted with 
black crescents. Thus we see stripes and particolors as indicative of 
the harlequin is of prehistoric origin. The hair of Ko/shairi is brought 
to the front and tied with painted black and white corn husks. The 
breech cloth is black cotton (Pl. x A). Quer‘riinna’s hair is brought 
forward and tied to stand erect (PI. x B). 

Whenever the Ka‘tsuna appear in Sia they are attended by the 
Ko/shairi and Quer’riinna, they waiting upon the Ka/tsuna, adjusting 
any of their wearing apparel which becomes disarranged, ete. They 
also play the fool, their buffoonery causing great merriment among 
the spectators. 

After ridding the world of the destroyers of the people, Ma/asewe 
said to the ti/imoni of Sia (the Sia were still living at the white house), 
“Now that I have killed the bad people of the world it is well to 
organize societies similar to those instituted by Ut/sét in the lower 
world, and learn from the animals the secrets of medicine.” It must 
be understood that all the animals were not bad. 

The first society originated by Ma/asewe was the His’tiiin or Knife. 
This society being first, because it was through the power of the knives 
or arrows given to the boys by the sun father that the enemies were 
destroyed; His’tiiin, in this case, meaning the knife or arrow of light- 
ning. 

The next society originated was that of the cougar, then followed the 
societies of the bear, the skoyo (giant), the snake, and the ant. The 


72 THE SIA. 


ho/naaite of each society was furnished with medicine by the two war- 
riors, this medicine being bits of the hearts of the enemies destroyed; 
a portion of each heart being given to each ho/naaite. 

Ma/asewe then organized the Ope Society (Warriors), designating 
himself as the ho/naaite! of the society and his brother as its vicar. 
He then appointed six men members of the society, to reside for all 
time in the six high mountains of the world, that they might look from 
the six cardinal points and discover bad people, and inform the Sia of 
an approaching enemy. These six men, in conjunction with Ma/asewe 
and U/yuuyewé, guide the arrows of the Sia when contending with the 
enemy. It will be remembered it was stated in the “Sia Cosmogony” 
that Ma/asewe and U’yuuyewé went to reside in the interior of the 
Sandia mountain. 

When these societies had been formed, the animal societies assembled 
at the white house and taught the ho/naaites their medicine songs; 
previous to this, when the Sia were ill, they received their medicine 
direct from the animals, the animals officiating and singing. After in- 
structing the Sia in their songs, they told them to make stone images 
of themselves, that passing over the road of meal they might enter 
these images; and so the Indians are sure of the presence of the ani- 
mals. ‘The beings pass over the line of meal, entering the fetiches, 
where they remain until the close of a ceremonial, and then depart over 
the line. 

The secret of the fire was not brought to this world, and the fire so- 
ciety was originated here in this way. The people grew tired of feed- 
ing about on grass, like the deer and other animals, and they consulted 
together as to how fire might be obtained. It was finally decided by 
the tiiimoni that a coyote was the best person to steal the fire from the 
world below, and he dispatched a messenger for the coyote. Upon mak- 
ing his appearance the ti/imoni told of the wish of himself and his peo- 
ple for fire, and that he wanted him to return to the world below and 
bring the fire, and the coyote replied, “It is well, father; I will go.” 
Upon reaching the first entrance of the house of Sis’sistinnako (it was 
the middle of the night), the coyote found the snake who guarded the 
door asleep, and he quickly and quietly slipped by; the cougar who 
guarded the second door was also asleep, and the bear who guarded the 
third door was sleeping. Upon reaching the fourth door he found the 
ho/naaite of the fire asleep, and, slipping through, he entered the room 
and found Siis/sistinnako also soundly sleeping; he hastened to the 


1 The ho/naaite, in this instance, is not, strictly speaking, the theurgist, for the priest-doctor of the 
society of warriors practices surgery exclusively, such as extracting balls and arrows, while the 
theurgist has to deal with afflictions caused by witchcraft and the anger of certain animals and in- 
sects, he acting simply as the agent of the prey animals. The functions of the ho/naaites of the 
Koshai’ri and Quer’riinna also differ from those of the other societies. As these two societies received 
their songs and medicine directly from the sun, they are not entitled to the slat altars used in cere- 
monials and given by Ut/sét to the societies in the lower world; only those ho/naaites who practice 
through the power of the prey animals possess the sand paintings. The Warriors, Koshai/ri and 
Quer’riinna, make their cloud emblems of meal. 


STEVENSON. ] THEURGISTIC RITES. 73 


fire, and, lighting the cedar brand which was attached to his tail, hur- 
ried out. Stis/sistinnako awoke, rubbing his eyes, just in time to be con- 
scious that some one was leaving the room. ‘ Who is there?” he cried; 
“some one has been here,” but before he could arouse those who 
guarded the entrance the coyote was far on his way toe the upper world. 

After the organization of the cult societies the ti/amoni, influenced by 
Ut/sét, commanded the cougar to make his home for all time in the 
north; the bear was likewise sent to the west, the badger to the south, 
the wolf to the east, the eagle to the heavens, and the shrew to the 
earth. 


THEURGISTIC RITES. 


It is only upon acquaintance with the secret cult societies that one 
may glean something of the Indians’ conception of disease, its cause 
and cure. It is supposed to be produced almost wholly through one or 
two agencies—the occult powers of wizards and witches, and the anger 
of certain animals, often insects. Therefore, though some plant medi- 
cines are known to these Indians, their materia medica may be said to 
be purely fetichistic; for when anything of a medicinal character is 
used by the theurgist it must be supplemented with fetich medicine 
and magical craft. 

While there are thirteen secret cult societies with the Zuni, there are 
but eight in Sia, some of these being reduced to a membership of two, 
and in one instance to one. While the Zuni and Sia each has its 
society of warriors, the functions of these societies are somewhat dif- 
ferent. 

The cult societies of the Sia, as well as those of Zuni, have their 
altars and sand paintings; but while each Zuni altar, with its medicines 
and fetiches, is guarded during ceremonials by two members of the 
Society of Warriors, this entitling the members of this society to be 
present at the meetings of all the cult societies, the Sia have no such 
customs. Their altars and fetiches are not protected by others than 
the theurgists and vice-theurgists of their respective societies. At the 
present time, owing to the depleted numbers of the Society of Warriors 
of the Zuni, some of their altars have but one guardian. 

The Society of Warriors has for its director and vicar, like the Zuni 
and the other pueblos, the representatives of the mythologic war 
heroes, who, though small in stature, are invulnerable. ‘‘ Their hearts 
are large, for they have the heart of the sun.” The head or director of 
a society is termed the elder brother ; the vicar, younger brother. 

When the cult ‘societies invoke the cloud people to water the earth, 
the presence of certain anthropomorphic and zoomorphic beings having 
potent influence over the cloud people is assured by the drawing of a 
line of meal from the altar to the entrance of the ceremonial chamber, 


74 THE SIA. 


over which these beings pass, temporarily abiding in the stone images 
of themselves which stand before the altar. These beings are exhorted 
to use their mystic powers with the cloud people to water the mother 
earth, that she may become pregnant and bear to the people of Ha/arts 
(the earth) the fruits of her being. 

In order to obtain their services the Sia compensate them. The 
hi/chamoni (notched stick), which is deposited to convey the message, 
invariably has plumes attached to it, these plume offerings being actual 
compensation for that which is desired. Other offerings are made, 
among which are gaming blocks, hoops for the cloud people to ride 
upon, and cigarettes filled with the down of humming birds, corn pollen, 
and bits of precious beads. (See Plate x1). 

Eagles are kept caged, and turkeys are domesticated for the purpose 
of obtaining plumes for these offerings. 

It is the prerogative of the ti/imoni to specify the time for the 
meetings of the cult societies, excepting ceremonials for the healing of 
the sick by the request of the patient or his friend. These meetings 
being entirely under the jurisdiction of the theurgist, who does not 
possess within himself the power of healing, he is simply the agent 
acting under the influence of those beings who are present in the stone 
images. 

The gala time is the beginning of the new year in December, when 
the cult societies hold synchronal ceremonials extending through a 
period of four days and nights, at which time the fetich medicines are 
prepared; and those possessing real or imaginary disease gather in 
the chamber of the society of which they are members, when the the- 
urgists and their followers elaborate their practices of mysticism upon 
their subjects. 

The cult societies have two ways of retaining their complement of 
members. An adult or child joins a society after being restored to 
health by a theurgist, and a parent may enter a child into a society,-or 
a boy or girl having arrived at years of discretion, may declare a de- 
sire to join a society. 

In the case of a young child the paternal or maternal parent calls 
upon the theurgist and, making known his wish, presents him with a 
handful of shell mixture,! saying, ‘‘I wish my child to become a mem- 
ber of your society that his mind and heart may be strong.” In the 
case of an elder boy or girl the clan is first notified, and the applicant 
then ealls upon the theurgist and, presenting him a handful of the 
shell mixture, makes known his wish. 

Most of the societies are divided into two or more orders, the more 
important order being that in which the members are endowed with 
the anagogics of medicine, except in the Snake Society, when the snake 


1The sacred meal, or shell mixture as it is often called by the Sia, may be prepared by an adult of 
either sex; it is composed of coarsely ground meal, powdered shells, and turkis. 


"Bureau of Ethnology Eleventh Annual Report Plate Xl 


eS a a a ee ee na ee eS 


Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright. 


STEVENSON. ] THEURGISTIC RITES. 15 


order is essential. One must pass through three degrees before being 
permitted to handle the snakes. In the case of minors they can not be 
initiated into the third degree until, in the ho/naaite’s judgment, they 
are amenable to the rigid rules. A person may belong to two or more 
of these societies. 

Women may be members of the various orders, excepting in the 
societies of the Snake, Cougar, or Hunters and Warriors. The Snake 
division of the Snake Society has no female members, and the societies 
of the Cougar or Hunters and Warriors are composed entirely of men. 
When one makes known his desire to enter a society he states to the 
theurgist which division he wishes to join. 

The objection to handling the snakes keeps the Snake division of this 
society limited, though the honor is much greater in belonging to this 
division. Upon entering the medicine order of any society the new 
member is presented with the fetich ya/ya by the theurgist, who must 
practice continency four days previous to preparing the fetich. 

The cult societies observe two modes in curing disease: One is by 
sucking, and the other by brushing the body with straws and eagle 
plumes. The former mode is practiced when Ka-nat-kai-ya (witches) 
have caused the malady by casting into the body worms, stones, yarn, 
etc.; the latter mode is observed when one is afflicted through angry 
ants or other insects, which are thus drawn to the surface and brushed 
off. 

The medicine ceremonials of the cult societies are quite distinct from 
their ceremonials for rain. 

The only compensation made the theurgist for his practice upon 
invalids either in the ceremonial chamber or dwelling is the sacred 
shell mixture. It is quite the reverse with all other Indians with whom 
the writer is acquainted. The healing of the sick in the ceremonial 
chamber is with some of the peublos gratuitous, but generous compen- 
sation is required when the theurgist visits the house of the invalid. 

Continency is observed four days previous to a ceremonial, and an 
emetic is taken each morning for purification from conjugal relations. 
On the fourth day the married members bathe (the men going into the 
river) and have their heads washed in yucca suds. This is for phys- 
ical purification. The exempting of those who have not been married 
and those who have lost a spouse seems a strange and unreasonable 
edict in a community where there is an indiscriminate living together 
of the people. 

The ceremonials here noted occurred after the planting of the grain. 
Several of the ordinances had been held previous to the arrival of the 
writer. She collected sufficient data, however, to demonstrate the 
analogy between the rain ceremonials of the secret cult societies, their 
songs bearing the one burden—supplication for rain. 


716 THE SIA. 
RAIN CEREMONIAL OF THE SNAKE SOCIETY. 


The morning was spent by the ho/naaite (theurgist) and his vicar 
in the preparation of hii/chamoni! and plume offerings. The hi/cha- 
moni are symbolic of the beings to whom they are offered, the mes- 
sages or prayers being conveyed through the notches upon the sticks. 
These symbols frequently have hér/rotuma (more slender sticks rep- 
resenting the official staff) bound to them with threads of yucca; Pls. 
XI and xm show an incomplete set of hii/chamoni before the plume 
offerings are appended, which the Snake Society deposits when rain 
is desired; Pl. x11, specimens of hii/chamoni with plume offerings 
attached. 

About 4 o’clock p. m. the ho/naaite and his younger brother were 
joined by the third member of the society, when the ho/naaite began the 
sand painting,’ the first one being laid immediately before the a‘chin 
(slat altar), which had been erected earlier in the day, and the second in 
front of the former (PI. xtv). 

Upon the completion of the paintings the ho/naaite deposited several 
long buckskin sacks upon the floor and the three proceeded to remove 
such articles as were to be placed before the altar. There were six 
ya’ya, four of these being the property of the ho/naaite, two having 
come to him through the Snake Society, and two through the Spider, 
he being also ho/naaite of the Spider Society, the others belonging to 
the vice ho/naaite and third member of the Snake Society. 

The ya’ya are most carefully preserved, not only on account of their 
sacred value, but also of their intrinsic worth, as the parrot plumes of 
which they are partially composed are very costly and difficult to ob- 
tain, they being procured from other Indians, who either make journeys 
into Mexico and trade for these plumes with the Indians of that country, 
or the Indians on the border secure them and bring them for traffic 
among their more northern brothers. 

The ya‘ya are wrapped first with a piece of soft cloth, then with buck- 
skin, and finally with another cloth; slender splints are placed around 
this outer covering and a long buckskin string secures the packages. 

After unwrapping the ya‘ya the ho/naaite proceeds to arrange the 
fetiches. Three of the ya‘ya are placed immediately in front of the 
altar upon a paralellogram of meal, which is always drawn at the base 
of the altars, and is emblematic of seats for the ya/ya. An image, 8 


1A member of a society is selected by the ho/naaite to collect the willow twigs from which the 
hi/chamoni are made. The ho/naaite arranges a bunch of bird plumes which the collector attaches to 
the limb of a willow, saying: ‘I have come to collect twigs for hii/chamoni and I pay you with these 
plumes.” The tree to which the plumes are attached is not touched, but the one nearest to it. A 
stroke at the place where the twig is to be cut is made with an ancient stone knife and the twig is 
severed from the tree on a line at right angles with itself, the stick varying from four inches to a foot 
in length, according to the symmetry of the twig, which is divided by three cuts (these having first 
been indicated by the stone knife), leaving the selected portion with a pointed end which in cross 
section would show an equilateral triangle. 

2 The Sia do not differ from the Zuni, Tusayan, and Navajo in their process of preparing sand paint- 
ings, the powdered pigment being sprinkled between the index finger and thumb. All these Indian 
artists work rapidly. 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XII 


Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright 


HA- CHA-MO-NI BEFORE PLUME OFFERINGS ARE ATTACHED. 


> i 


Pa 
al 


STEVENSON. ] RAIN CEREMONIAL. Cr 


inches high, of Ko/chinako (Yellow Woman of the North) stands to 
the right of the ya/ya, and a wolf of red sandstone, its tail being quite 
the length of its body, which is 6 inches, is placed to the left of the 
ya/ya, and by the side of this wolf is a bear of biack lava, and next an 
abalone shell; two cougars of red sandstone, some 12 inches in length, 
are posted to the right and left of the altar; an antique medicine bowl, 
finely decorated in snake, cloud, and lightning designs, is placed in 
front of the three ya/ya; two finely polished adzes, 12 inches long, are 
laid either side of the medicine bowl], and by these two large stone 
knives; two ya/ya stand side by side in front of the bowl, and before 
each is a snake’s rattle, each rattle having twelve buttons; the sixth 
ya’ya stands on the tail of the sand-painted cougar; a miniature bow 
and arrow is laid before each of the six ya/ya; eight human images 
are arranged in line in front of the two ya‘ya, these representing 
Ma/asewe, Uyuuyewé, and the six warriors who live in the six moun- 
tains of the cardinal points, the larger figures being 8 and 10 inches 
high and the smaller ones 4 and 5, the figure of the Warrior of the 
North having well-defined eyes and nose in bas-relief. This figure is 
decorated with a necklace of bears’ claws, a similar necklace being 
around its companion, a clumsy stone hatchet. Most of the images in 
this line have a fringe of white wool around the face, symbolic of clouds. 
In front of these figures are three fetiches of Ko’shairi, not over 4 or 5 
inches high, with a shell in front of them, and on either side of the shell 
there are two wands of turkey plumes standing in clay holders, the 
holders having been first modeled into a ball and then a cavity made 
by pressing in the finger sufficiently deep to hold the wand. These 
holders are sun dried. In front of the shell is a cross, the only evi- 
dence discovered of an apparent influence of Catholicism. The cross, 
however, bears no symbol of Christianity to these Indians. The one re- 
ferred to was given to a theurgist of the Snake Society in remote times 
by a priest so good of heart, they say, that, though his religion was not 
theirs, his prayers traveled fast over the straight road to Ko’pishtaia; 
and so their reverence for this priest as an honest, truthful man led them 
to convert the symbol of Christianity into an object of fetichistic worship. 
The cross stands on a 6-inch cube of wood, and is so covered with 
plumes that only the tips of the cross are to be seen, and a small bunch of 
eagle plumes is attached pendent to the top of the cross with cotton 
cord. A bear of white stone, 5 inches long, is placed to the left of the 
cross and just back of it a tiny cub. <A wolf, also of white stone, and 
5 inches in length, is deposited to the right of the cross. At either 
end of, and to the front of, the altar are two massive carvings in relief, 
in red sandstone, of coiled snakes. Bear-leg skins, with the claws, are 
piled on either side of the altar, and by these gourd rattles and eagle 
plumes, in twos, to be used by the members in the ceremonial. A neck- 
lace of bears’ claws, with a whistle attached midway the string, having 
two fluffy eagle plumes fastened to the end with native cotton cord, 


78 THE STA. 


hangs over the north post of the altar. The ho/naaite wear this neck- 
lace in the evening ceremony. The sacred honey jug (a gourd) and 
basket containing the sacred meal, a shell filled with corn pollen, a 
buckskin medicine bag, an arrow point, and an ancient square pottery 
bowl are grouped in front of the snake fetich on the north side of the 
altar, and to the north of this group are other medicine bags and tur- 
key feather wands, with bunches of fluffy eagle plumes, tipped black 
and the other portion dyed a beautiful lemon color, attached to them 
with cotton cord. These wands are afterwards held by the women, 
who form the line at night on the north side of the room. A Tusayan 
basket, containing the offerings, consisting of ha/chamoni, each one 
being tipped with a bit of raw cotton and a single plume from the wing 
of a humming bird, with plumes attached upright at the base; Hér’ro- 
tume (staffs) ornamented with plumes, Ta’/-wa-ka (gaming blocks and 
rings for the clouds to ride upon), Maic’-ktr-i-wa-pai (bunches of 
plumes of birds of the cardinal points, zenith and nadir), is deposited 
in front of the snake fetich on the south side of the altar, and beyond 
this basket are similar wands to those north of the altar, which are 
carried in the ceremonial by the women on the south side of the room. 
Five stone knives complete the group. A white stone bear, 12 inches 
long, is placed in front of the whole, and a parrot 1s attached to the top 
of the central-slat figure. (Pl. xv) Unfortunately, the flash-light photo- 
graph of the altar of the Snake Society made during the ceremonial 
failed to develop well, and, guarding against possible failure, the writer 
succeeded in having the ho/naaite arrange the altar at another time. 
The fear of discovery induced such haste that the fetiches, which are 
kept carefully stored away in different houses, were not all brought 
out on this occasion. 

When the altar is completed the ho/naaite and his associates stand 
before it and supplicate the presence of the pai‘itimo and Ko/pish- 
taia, who are here represented by images of themselves, these images 
becoming the abiding places of the beings invoked. After the prayer, 
the ho/naaite and his vicar sit upon their folded blankets near the fire- 
place, where a low fire burns, and with a supply of tobacco and corn 
husks content themselves with cigarettes until the opening of the 
evening ceremony. 

By 9 o’clock the Snake society was joined in the chai-an-ni-kai (cer- 
emonial chamber) archaic, Su/t-sér-ra-kai by the Kapina, it being the 
prerogative of the honaaite of one organization to invite other societies 
to take part in his ceremonies. They formed in line, sitting back of 
the altar; the hénaaite being in the rear of the central slat figure, 
which symbolized the hénaaite of the cult society of the cloud people. 
The other members were seated in the rear, as near as could be, of 


! The uncolored illustrations are from photographs by Miss May S. Clark, the interior views being 
by flash light. The writer is pleased to congratulate Miss Clark for having succeeded under the 
most trying circumstances. 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XIII 


Drawn by Mary Irvin Wright. 


CAST LITH CO. WL 


HA- CHA-MO-NI WITH PLUMES ATTACHED. 


STEVENSON. ] RAIN CEREMONIAL. 79 


the corresponding symbolic figures of the cloud and lightning people. 
A boy of 8 years of age, who lay sleeping as the writer entered 
the room, was aroused to take his position in the line, and a boy of 4 
years, who had been sleeping upon a sheepskin, spread on the floor be- 
tween two of the women, was led from the room by one of them, as he 
had not entered the degree when he might hear the songs and see the 
making of the medicine water. 

The women formed right angles with the line of men, four sitting on 
the north side of the room and four on the south side. The elder 
female member sat at the west end of the line on the north side of the 
room. The men wore breechcloths of white cotton; the honaaite and 
the ti/amoni wore embroidered Tusayan kilts for breechcloths. The 
hair was done up as usual, but no headkerchief was worn. The boy 
and men held oh’-shi-e-kats (gourd rattles) in their right hands and 
hi/-shi-mi (two eagle plumes) in the left. 

The women were attired in their black wool dresses, the calico gown 
being discarded, and red sashes, wearing the conventional cue and 
bang. The neck and arms were exposed and the feet and lower limbs 
were bare. Each woman held two wands of turkey plumes in the 
right hand, and both men and women wore numerous strings of coral 
and kohaqua beads with bunches of turkis (properly earrings) attached 
pendent to the necklaces. 

The ceremonial opened with the rattle and song, the women accom- 
panying the men in the song. After a short stanza, which closed, as 
all the stanzas do, with a rapid manipulation of the rattle, the second 
stanza was almost immediately begun, when the vicar (Pl. Xvi1) stand- 
ing before the altar shook his rattle for a moment and then waved it in 
a circle over the altar. He repeated this motion six times, for the car- 
dinal points, and returned to his seat before the closing of the stanza. 
The circle indicated that all the cloud people of the world were invoked 
to water the earth. 

On the opening of the third stanza all arose and the honaaite reach- 
ing over the altar took a yaya in either hand, he having previously 
laid his rattle and eagle plumes by the altar. This stanza was sung 
with great vivacity by the men, who swayed their bodies to the right 
and left in rhythmical motion, while the women waved their wands 
monotonously. The movement of thearmsof both the men and women 
was from the elbow, the upper arms being apparently pinioned to the 
sides; there was no raising of the feet, but simply the bending of the 
knees. 

At the close of the stanza, which continued thirty minutes, the 
honaaite gave a weird call for the cloud people to gather; all, at the same 
instant, drew a breath from their plumes and took their seats. A wo- 
man then brought a vase of water and gourd from the northeast corner 
of the room and placed it in front of thealtar. (Pl. xv1.) In a moment 
the song was resumed, and the yéni-si-wittiini (maker of medicine 


80 THE SIA. 


water) proceeded to consecrate the water. He danced in front of the 
altar and south of the line of meal, which had been sprinkled from the 
altar to the entrance of the chamber, raising first one heel and then the 
other, with the knees slightly bent, the toes scarcely leaving the floor; 
he held his eagle plumes in his left hand, and shook the rattle with the 
right, keeping his upper arms close to his side, excepting when ex- 
tending his plumes toward the altar, which he did three times, each time 
striking the plumes near the quill end with his rattle as he shook them 
over the medicine bowl. He then waved his plumes toward the north, 
and giving a quick motion of the rattle in unison with those of the 
choir, he drew a breath from the plumes as the fourth stanza closed, 
and ina moment the song was resumed. The three members of the 
Snake order then put on necklaces of bears’ claws, each having attached, 
midway, a whistle. The ydnitsiwitténni, who had not left his place in 
front of the altar, danced for a few minutes, then dipped a gourd of 
water from the vase, raised it high with a weird hoot, and emptied it 
into the medicine bowl. A second gourdful was also elevated, and, 
with acry, it was emptied into the cloud bowl, which stood on the sand- 
painting of the clouds. The third gourdful was emptied into the same 
bowl, the raising of the gourd and the ery being omitted; the fourth 
gourdful was uplifted with a cry and emptied into the medicine bowl. 
The fifth gourdful was also hoisted with a ery, as before, to the snake 
hénaaite to implore the cloud rulers to send their people to water the 
earth, and emptied into the cloud bowl. The sixth gourdful was raised 
with the call and emptied into the same bowl. The seventh gourdful 
was elevated with a wave from the south to the altar and emptied into 
the medicine bowl. The eighth gourdful was raised with a similar 
motion and emptied into the cloud bowl. The ninth gourdful was 
elevated and extended toward the east and returned in a direct line 
and emptied into the medicine bowl. The tenth gourdful was raised 
toward the west and emptied into the cloud bowl. The eleventh, 
twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth gourdfuls were lifted from the vase 
and emptied without being hoisted into the same bowl. The fifth stanza 
closed as the last gourd of water was poured into the bowl. In filling 
the medicine bowl the gourd was passed between two ya-ya. The 
woman returned the water vase to the corner of the room, and the 
yani'siwittiinni lifted the bowl and drank from it, afterwards admin- 
istering a draught of the water from an abalone shell to each member, 
excepting the hénaaite, who, after the yani'siwittiinni had resumed his 
seat in the line, passed to the front of the altar and drank directly from 
the bowl and returned it to its place. 

In the administermg of the water the women were helped first, a 
feature never before observed by the writer in aboriginal life. 

With the beginning of the sixth stanza the honaaite arose, and 
leaning forward waved his plumes over the medicine bow] with a weird 
call, each member repeating the call, the women exhibiting more enthu- 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XIV 


To 


ber .nititDn . 


ALTAR AND SAND PAINTING 
OF SNAKE SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON. ] RAIN CEREMONIAL. 81 


siasm than the men in this particular feature of the ceremony. The 
ery, which was repeated four times, was an invocation to the cloud 
rulers of the cardinal points to water the earth, and, with each ery, 
meal was sprinkled into the medicine bowl, each member being pro- 
vided with asmall buckskin bag of meal or corn pollen, which had been 
previously taken from a bear-leg skin, and laid beside the altar. 
The members of the Snake Division spriakled corn pollen instead of 
meal, the pollen being especially acceptable to the Snake hénaaite, to 
whom many of their prayers are addressed. 

The preparation of the medicine water began with the opening of 
the seventh stanza. The ya/ni'siwittiinni danced before the altar, keep- 
ing south of the line of meal, and holding six pebble fetiches in either 
hand, which he had taken from two small sacks drawn from one of the 
bear-leg skins. He did not sing, but he kept time with the choir. Ex- 
tending his right hand toward the altar, he touched the two front ya‘ya, 
and then, placing his hands together, he again extended them, and, draw- 
ing closer still to the altar, he dropped a fetich from his right hand into 
the medicine bowl with a weird ery to the Snake ho/naaite of the north 
to invoke the cloud ruler of the north to send his people to water the 
earth; and after raising his hands above his head he again extended 
them toward the altar, and, leaning forward, dropped a fetich from his left 
hand into the cloud bowl. This was repeated four times with each bow], 
with petitions to the Snake ho/naaites of the north, the west, the south, 
and the east to intercede with the cloud rulers to send their people to 
water the earth. Then, taking two large stone knives from before the 
altar, he struck them together, and, passing from the south of the line of 
meal to the north, he again brought the knives together. Recrossing 
the line of meal, he dipped the knives into the bowl of medicine water 
and sprinkled the altar; then, passing to the north of the line, he dipped 

. the knives into the medicine water and repeated the sprinkling of the 
altar four times; again, standing south of the line, he dipped the knives 
into the water, throwing it to the east, and, crossing the line, dipped 
them into the bowl and repeated the motion to the east, and resumed 
his seat at the south end of the line of men. The ho/naaite then leaned 
over the altar, and, dipping his plumes into the medicine bowl, sprinkled 
the altar four times by striking the plumes on the top with the rattle 
held in the right hand. The song, which had continued for an hour 
without cessation, now closed, and the men gathered around the tobacco 
which lay near the fire-place, and, making cigarettes, returned to their 
seats and smoked. The boy ignited the fire-stick and held it for the 
men to light their cigarettes. He passed it first to the man at the north 
of the line. As each man took the first whiff of his cigarette he blew 
the smoke toward the altar and waved the cigarette in a circle as he 
extended it to the altar. After the smoke the song and rattle again 
resounded through the room, and at the close of a short stanza the man 
at the north end of the line cried out in a high tone and the women 

11 ETH——6 


82 THE SIA, 


gathered before the altar, and each, taking a pinch of meal from the 
meal bowl, sprinkled the altar and returned to their seats. The ya/ni- 
‘siwittanni lifted the shell of pollen from before the altar, and, passing 
to the entrance and opening the door, waved his rattle along the line of 
meal and out of the door. After repeating the waving of the rattle 
he passed his hand over the line and threw out the pollen from his 
fingers, as offering to the Snake ho/naaite. Returning to the altar, he 
stood while the ho/naaite dipped his plumes into the medicine water 
and sprinkled the altar by striking the plumes with the rattle. After 
the ya/ni'siwittainni and ho/naaite had returned to the line, the cloud- 
maker (a member of the Spider Society), who sat at the north end, 
crossed the line of meal, and, holding his eagle plumes and rattle in his 
left hand, lifted with his right the reed which lay across the cloud 
bow], and, transferring it to his left, he held it and the plumes vertically 
while he prayed. .The vice ho/naaite dipped ashes from the fire-place 
with his eagle plumes, holding one in either hand, sprinkled the cloud- 
maker for purification, and threw the remainder of the ashes toward 
the choir. During his prayer, which continued for eight minutes, the 
cloud-maker appeared like a statue. At the close of the prayer he 
dropped into the cloud bowl a quantity of to/chainitiwa (a certain 
root used by the cult societies to produce suds, symbolic of the clouds), 
and sprinkled with corn pollen the surface of the water, which was 
already quite covered with it; then, taking the reed in his right hand 
and still holding it vertically, he began a regular and rapid movement 
with the reed, in a short time producing a snowy-white froth, which, 
under his dextrous manipulation, rapidly rose high above the bowl, and 
fell from it in cascades to the floor. The bowl stood on a cincture pad 
of yucea, a circle of meal symbolic of the heart or life of the water having 
been first made. The reed was never raised from the bowl during the 
stirring of the water. When the clouds were perfected the song ceased, 
and the cloud-maker stood the reed in the center of the suds, which 
now wholly concealed the bowl. He then rose, and, after holding 
his two eagle plumes in his left hand for a moment, he changed one 
to the right hand and began dancing before the altar; presently he ~ 
dipped a quaniity of suds from the base of the bowl with his two eagle 
plumes, and threw them to the north of the altar; again dipping the 
suds, he threw them to the south; continuing to dance to the music of 
the rattle and the song, he dipped the suds and threw them to the fire- 
place; dipping them again, he threw them to the earth, each time with 
an invocation to the cloud people. As he threw the suds to the earth 
two of the choir dipped their plumes into the bowl of medicine water 
and sprinkled the altar by striking the upper sides of the plumes with 
their rattles. The cloud-maker again dipped up the suds, and, facing 
east, threw them toward the zenith; he then dipped the suds and de- 
posited them in the center of the basket containing the plume offer- 
ings; then waving his eagle plumes from north to south, he continued 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV 


ALTAR OF SNAKE SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON. ] RAIN CEREMONIAL. 83 


dancing, raising first one plume and then the other as he pointed them 
toward the altar. In a moment or two he dipped suds and threw them 
toward the women on the north side of the room, and dipping them 
again threw them toward the women of the south side; at the same 
time the male members reached forward, and, dipping their plumes into 
the medicine bowl, sprinkled the altar, each time petitioning the cloud 
people to gather. The cloud-maker then threw suds to the west; again 
he dipped the suds and threw them to the zenith, then to the altar; a 
portion was then placed on the front ya/ya; again he danced, for a time 
extending his eagle plumes and withdrawing them, and dipped the suds 
and threw them upward and toward the man on the north end of the 
line; at the same time the ho’naaite dipped his plumes into the medi- 
cine bowl and sprinkled the altar as heretofore described; and the 
cloud-maker dipped the suds, throwing them toward the vice ho/naaite, 
and, again dipping them, he threw them toward the ya/ni'siwittiinni; he 
then lifted suds and threw them to the west, then to the zenith, never 
failing to call the cloud people together. The ho/naaite, keeping his 
position back of the altar, dipped his plumes into the medicine water 
and sprinkled the members; again the cloud-maker lifted suds and 
threw them to the zenith; at the same time the second woman at the 
west end of the line on the north side dipped her wand into the medicine 
water, with a cry for the cloud people to gather; the cloud-maker then 
threw the suds to the west and the ho/naaite sprinkled the members 
with the medicine water, and the cloud-maker placed the suds upon the 
heads of the white bear and parrot; and stooping he stirred the suds 
briskly. 

The ti‘amoni lighted a cigarette from a coal at the fireplace and 
handed it to the cloud-maker, who stood the reed in the center of the 
suds before receiving the cigarette; he blew the first few whiffs over the 
suds and then smoked a moment or two and laid about one-third of the 
cigarette by the side of the cloud bowl. The song, which had continued 
almost incessantly for three hours, now ceased, and the cloud-maker re- 
turned to his seat in the line. The ti‘imonisat by the fire and smoked, 
several joining him for a short time; but all soon returned to their seats 
in the line and continued their smoke. 

At the beginning of the succeeding song the two women at the east 
end of the south line danced before the altar and sprinkled it by strik- 
ing the wand held in the left hand on the top with the one held in the 
right. One of the women was frequently debarred taking part in the 
ceremony owing to the attention required by her infant, who was at 
times fretful. 

Two women from the east end of the north line joined in the dance, 
and then a third woman from the south line; three of the women formed 
in line running north and south; an aged woman at the west end of 
the south line danced, but did not leave her place at the end of the 
line. She pulled the young boy who sat near her forward, telling him 


84 THE SIA. 


to dance. The dancers faced first the east, then the west, sprinkling 
the altar whenever they reversed, invoking the cloud people to gather. 
The boy was beautifully graceful, but the women were clumsy; one of 
them attempted to force out the man at the north end; failing in this, 
a second woman tried with better success, and the man joined in the 
dance; this little byplay amused the women. The ho/naaite sprinkled 
the young man, who in turn sprinkled the ho/naaite. Before the close 
of the dance the aged woman at the west end of-the south line joined 
the group of dancers and pulled the young man about, telling him to 
dance well and ayith animation. At 1:50 a.m. the women sprinkled 
the altar and returned to their seats, but the man and boy continued 
to dance and sprinkle the altar at intervals. The vicar placed the bas- 
ket of plume offerings on the line of meal, and collecting suds from the 
base of the cloud bowl deposited them in the center of the basket of 
plumes; and all the members dipped their plumes into the medicine 
water and sprinkled the altar; the man facing south and the boy 
north, then sprinkled toward the respective points, and passing down on 
either side of the meal line they sprinkled eastward, and crossing the 
line of meal the man sprinkled to the north and the boy to the south, 
and they returned to the altar and danced for a time, the man remain- 
ing north of the line and the boy south. The sprinkling of the cardinal 
points was repeated four times. 

The dancers having taken their seats in the line the ya/ni‘siwittanDi 
removed the bowl of medicine water and placed it before the basket of 
plume offerings; then stooping, he took one of the ya/ya in his left hand 
and with the right administered the medicine water from an abalone 
shell to the women first, the infant in the mother’s arms receiving its 
portion; then to the boy and men. After each draft the hi/shaimi 
and wands were touched to the ya/ya and the sacred breath drawn 
from them; the ho/naaite was the last to be served by the ya/nitsiwit- 
tiinni, who in turn received the medicine water from the ho/naaite, who 
held the ya’/ya while officiating. The ya/ni'siwittinni then left the 
chamber, carrying the ya’ya in his left hand and bowl of medicine 
water with both hands. When outside the house he sprinkled the six 
cardinal points, the water being taken into the mouth and thrown out 
between the teeth. 

The ho’naaite lifting the basket of plume offerings stooped north of 
the meal line and the ti/imoni and the younger member of the snake 
division stooped south of the line of meal. The necklaces of. bears’ 
claws had been removed and all but the ho/naaite’s laid on a pile of 
bear-leg skins, he depositing his on the snake fetich at the north side 
of the altar. The two young men put on their moccasins and wrapped 
around them their blankets which had served as seats during the cere- 
monial before advancing to meet the ho’naaite, who, while the three 
held the basket repeated a long litany, responded to by the two young 
menu. The women laughed and talked, paying little attention to this 


Bureau of Ethnology Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XVI 


Drawn by Mary M. Mitchell GAST AITW.€9. 1 


CEREMONIAL VASE. 


STEVENSON.) RAIN CEREMONIAL. 85 


prayer. At the conclusion the ho/naaite gave a bundle of hii/chamoni 
to the ti/aémoni and a similar one to his companion; he then gave a 
cluster of plume offerings to the ti/imoni and the remainder of the 
feathers to the companion. The offerings were received in the blanket 
thrown over the left arm; and each of the young men taking a pinch 
of shell mixture left the chamber to deposit them at the shrines of the 
Ko/pishtaia with prayers to the Snake ho/naaites: “ 1 send you hi/cha- 
moni and pay you hér/rotume, Ta/waka, maic/ktriwapai, L’tsa-ti-en 
(turkis and shell offerings) Upér-we (the different foods) that you may 
be pleased and have all things to eat and wear. I pay you these that 
you will beseech the cloud-rulers to send their people to water the 
earth that she may be fruitful and give to all people abundance of all 
food.” 

As the bearers of the offerings left the chamber the ho’naaite played 
upon a flute which was quite musical; and upon their return he re- 
ceived them standing in front of the altar, and north of the meal line; 
after a prayer by the ho/naaite the young men turned to the altar and 
the ti/adinoni offered a prayer, which was responded to by the ho/naaite, 
who now sat back of the altar. 

The boy then made two cigarettes and, after lighting one, he handed 
it to the titimoni; the second he gave to the companion. Aftera feast 
of bread, stewed meat, and coffee, the ho/naaite stooped before the altar 
and, taking the ya’ya from the tail of the sand-painted cougar in his 
left hand, he pressed the palm of his right hand to the sand cougar, 
and drew a breath from it, and, raising the ya’/ya to his lips, drew a 
breath from it, and clasped it close to his breast and passed behind the 
altar and, reaching over it, he moved the center one of the three ya/ya 
to the right, and substituted the one he carried, and resumed his seat. 
In a moment or two the ho/naaite removed the two large fetiches of the 
cougar to the back of the altar; and the vicar prayed and touched the 
four cardinal poiuts of the sand painting with pollen, and then placed 
the palm of his right hand to the sand-painted cougar and, after draw- 
ing the sacred breath, rubbed his hand over his body, when all the 
members hastened to press their hands to the sand-painting, draw the 
breath, and rub their bodies for mental and physical purification; dur- 
ing which time the ti/‘imoni sat back of the altar holding his eagle 
plumes with both hands before his face, and silently prayed. 

The remaining sand was brushed together from the four points by a 
woman with an eagle plume, and lifted, with the plume, and» emptied 
into the palm of her left hand and carried to her home and rubbed over 
the bodies of her male children. 

The ya’ya were collected by their individual owners,who blew the meal 
from the feathers and carefully inclosed them in their three wrappings. 
The four wands of turkey plumes in the clay holders concealed hii/cha- 
noni for Sis/sistinnako from the ho/naaite of the Spider Society; these 
were not deposited until sunrise, and then by such members of the 


86 THE, SIA. 


Spider Society as were designated by the ho/naaite. They were planted 
to the north, west, south, and east of the village, whence Po/shaiyanne 
departed, with prayers to Ut/sét to receive the hii/chamoni for Sis‘sis- 
tinnako, the Creator. After examining them (the spiritual essence) 
to see that they are genuine, she hands them to Sis’sistinnako. 

The hii/chamoni convey to those to whom they are offered messages 
as clear to the Indian understanding as any document does to the civil- 
ized mind. : 

The following account of the initiation of a member into the third 
degree of the Snake order was given the writer by the vicar of the 
Snake Society. 

I was very ill with smallpox caused by angry ants, and one night in my dreams 
I saw many snakes, very many, and all the next day I thought about it, and I knew 
if I did not see the ho/naaite of the Snake Society and tell him I wished to become a 
member of that body I would die. In two days I went to the house of the ho’naaite 
bearing my offering of shell mixture and related my dreams and made known my 
wish to be received as a member of the society. The man now ill with his heart 
notified the ho’naaite of the Snake Society that he wished to join the society. The 
ho/naaite sent for me and the other official member to meet him in the ceremonial 
chamber to receive the sick man, who, presenting the shell mixture to the ho/naaite 
informed him that he had dreamed of many snakes and knew that he must become a 
member of the society or die. 

Such is the impression made upon these people by dreams. This 
man will be a novitiate for two years, as it requires that time to learn 
the songs which must be committed to memory before entering the 
third degree. He continued: 

I was two years learning the songs, during which time I passed through the 
first and second degrees. I then accompanied the ho/naaite and the members of the 
society to the house of the snakes, when I was made a member of the third degree. 


The ceremonials in which snakes are introduced are exclusively for 
the initiation of members into the third legree of the Snake division. 
These ordinances must be observed after the ripening of the corn. 

The day of the arrival of the society at the snake house (a log strue- 
ture which stands upon a mound some 6 miles from the village) hi/- 
chamoni are prepared by the ho/naaite and the other members of this di- 
vision of the society; they are then dispatched by the ho/naaite to the 
north in search of snakes; and after the finding of the first snake the 
hii/chamoni are planted; the number of snakes required, depending upon 
the membership, the ratio being equal to the number of members; there 
must be a snake from each of the cardinal points, unless the member- 
ship is less than four, which is now the case. There being but three 
members at the present time, only the north, west, and south are 
visited for the purpose of collecting snakes, but the members must 
go to the east and deposit hi/chamoni to the Snake ho/naaite of the 
east. 

The war chief notifies the people each day that they must not visit 
the north, west, south, or east; should one disobey this command and 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII 


VICE HO’-NA-AI-TE OF SNAKE SOCIETY, 


ina 


STEVENSON. ] THE SNAKE ORDER. 87 


be met by any member of the society he would be made to assist in the 
gathering of the snakes. 

An emetic is t ken these four days for purification from conjugal rela- 
tions, and continency is observed during this period. The emetic is 
composed of the stalks and roots of two plants, which are crushed on 
a stone slab by the ho/naaite and mixed with water when he designates 
the member to place it over the fire. It is drunk slightly warm. 

The decoction so constantly drank by the Tusayan Indians previous 
to their snake ceremonial is an emetic, and is taken for the same purpose, 
and not, as some suppose, to prevent the poisonous effect of snake bites. 
Medicine for the snake bite is employed only after one has been bitten; 
for this purpose the Sia use the plant Aplopapus spinulosus (Indian name 
ha/-ti-ni) in conjunction with ka/-wai-aite, a mixture of the pollon of edi- 
ble and medicinal plants. An ounce of the plant medicine is put into 
a quart of water and boiled; about a gill is drunk warm, three times 
daily, during the four days and the afflicted part is bathed in the tea, 
and wrapped with a cloth wet with it. An hour after each draught of 
the tea a pinch of the ka/waiaite is drunk in a gill of water. The pa- 
tient is secluded four days; should one suffering from a snake bite look 
upon a woman furnishing nourishment for an infant, death would be 
the result. The Zuni have the same superstition. 

The fifth day a conical structure of cornstalks bearing ripe fruit is 
erected some 70 feet east of the log house, in a ravine parallel with the 
side of the house, and a sand painting is made by the ho/naaite on the 
floor of the house; and when the painting is completed he takes his 
seat in the west end of the room (the entrance being in the east end), 
the male members of the society sitting on his right and left, and the 
women forming right angles at either end of the line. The novitiates 
are seated southwest of the sand painting, and all are necessarily close 
together, as the room is very small. 

The ritual begins with the rattle and song, and after the song the 
ho’/naaite passing before the line of women on the north side takes a 
snake from a vase, and, holding it a hand’s span from the head, ad- 
vances to the east of the sand painting (whicli is similar in Pl. xrv, 
with the addition of two slightly diverging lines, one of corn pollen, 
the other of black pigment, extending from the painting to the 
entrance of the house), and lays it between the lines, with its head 
to the east. 

There are two vases in niches in the north wall near the west end (Pl. 
XXXV); one holds the snakes, and the other receives them after they 
have been passed through the ceremony. At the close of the prayer 
now offered, he says, “‘Go to your home; go far; and remain there con- 
tentedly.” He then sprinkles corn pollen upon the snake’s head, which 
rite is repeated by each member; the snake, according to the vice-ho/- 
naaite’s statement, extending its tongue and eating the pollen, “the 
snake haying no hands, puts his food into his mouth with his tongue.” 


88 THE SIA. 


The snake is then placed around the throat and head and over the 
body of the novitiate. 

Though the snake can not speak, he hears all that is said, and when 
he is placed to the body he listens attentively to the words of the 
ho/naaite, who asks him to look upon the boy and give the boy wisdom 
like his own that the boy may grow to be wise and strong like himself, 
for he is now to become a member of the third degree of the Snake 
division of the society. The ho/naaite then prays to the snake that he 
will exhort the cloud rulers to send their people to water the earth, 
that she may bear to them the fruits of her being. 

The snake is not only implored to intercede with the cloud rulers to 
water the earth that the Sia may have abundant food, but he is 
invoked in conjunction with the sun-father in the autumn and winter 
to provide them with blankets and all things necessary to keep them 
warm. 

Propitiatory prayers are not offered to the snakes, as, according to the 
Sia belief, the rattlesnake is a peaceful, and notan angry agent. They 
know he is friendly, because it is what the old men say, and their 
fathers’ fathers told them, and they also told them that it was the 
same with the snakes in Mexico. “In the summer the snake passes 
about to admire the flowers, the trees and crops, and all things beau- 
tiful.” 

The snake is afterwards placed in the empty vase, and the vice 
ho/naaite repeats #he ceremony with a second snake, and this rite is 
followed by each member of the Snake division of the society. The 
ho/naaite then directs his vicar and another member of the society to 
carry the vases to the grotto (the conical structure outside) and the 
latter to remain in the grotto with the snakes; he then with a novitiate 
by his side passes from the house, and approaching the grotto stands 
facing it while the vicar and other male members of the society form in 
line from east to west facing the north, the vice and novitiate standing 
at the west end of the line. 

Those of the Snake division wear fringed kilts of buckskin with the 
rattlesnake painted upon them, the fringes being tipped with conical 
bits of tin. The ho/naaite’s kilt is more elaborate than the others, the 
fringes having fawns’ toes.in addition to the tin. Their moceasins are 
of fine buckskin painted with kaolin. The hairis flowing. The body of 
the one to receive the third degree is colored black with a fungus found 
on cornstalks, crushed and mixed with water. The face is painted red 
before it is colored black, and a red streak is painted under each eye, sym- 
bolic, they say, of the lines under the snakes’ eyes. A fluffy eagle plume 
is attached to the top of the head, and the face is encircled with down 
from the hawk’s breast. The hands and feet are painted red, and the 
body zigzagged with kaolin, symbolic of lightning. The buckskin kilt 
is painted white, with a snake upon it, and white moccasins are worn 
(Pl. x C). The other members of the society do not have their bodies 


STEVENSON. } THE SNAKE ORDER. 89 


painted, and they wear their hair done up in the usual knot and their 
feet bare! They wear instead of the kilt a white cotton breechcloth. 
The women who do not take part in the dance wear their ordinary 
dress, the cotton gown being discarded. 

Upon the opening of the song and dance the ho/naaite procures a 
snake at the entrance of the grotto and holding it horizontally with 
both hands presents it to the novitiate, who receives it in the same 
manner, clasping the throat with the right hand; tbe ho/naaite and 
novitiate pass back and forth north of the line from the grotto four 
times, now and then the novitiate allowing the snake to wrap itself 
around his throat. The ho’naaite then takes the snake and returns it 
to the man in the grotto. If there be a second novitiate he and the 
first one change places, and the ho/naaite inquires of the second whom 
he wishes for a father and companion; the boy designates a member 
of the Snake division, and the chosen one is required by the ho/naaite 
to take his place by the side of, the novitiate and accompany him to 
the grotto; he again receives a snake which he hands to the boy and 
the former ceremony is repeated. When the novitiates have concluded, 
each member of the Snake division takes his turn in passing back and 
forth four times with a snake, the snake being handed him by a com- 
panion member. The song and dance does not cease until each snake 
has been passed through the ceremony. Two of the novitiates, if there 
be two or more, if not, a novitiate and a member, are requested by the 
ho’naaite to enter the grotto and receive the vases from the man in- 
side. These they carry to a cave about half a mile distant, and here the 
bearers of the vases take out each snake separately and placing it 
upon the ground say: ‘“‘Go to your home; go far and be contented.” 
The first snake is deposited to the north, the second to the west, the 
third to the south, and the fourth to the east; this is repeated until all 
the snakes are disposed of. The vases are then placed in the cave and 
the entrance covered with a large slab. The ho/naaite returning to the 
house takes the ya’/ya from the tail of the sand-painted cougar and 
holding it in his left hand places the palm of his right hand to the cou- 
gar and draws from it a breath and rubs his hand over his breast, after 
which all evidences of the sand-painting are soon erased by the mem- 
bers who hasten forward and rub their bodies with the sand that they 
may be mentally and physically purified. 

When Mr. Stevenson discovered that the Sia held ceremonials with 
snakes he induced the viear of the snake society to conduct him to the 
locality for that special rite. Leaving Sia in the early morning a ride 
of 6 miles over sand dunes and around bluffs brought the party, in- 
cluding the writer, to the structure known as the snake house, hid away 
among chaotic hills. Every precaution had been observed to maintain 


1 All the figures show the feet as they are colored before the moceasins are put on. The red spot on 
the body designates the heart, the black spot on the figure of the member of the fire society indicates 
the coal which is eaten. The white around the face, arms, and legs is down from the breast of the 
hawk. 


90 THE SIA. 


secrecy. The house is a rectangular structure of logs (the latter must 
have been carried many a mile) and is some 8 by 12 feet, having a rude 
fireplace; and there are two niches at the base of the north wall near 
the west end in which the two vases stand during the indoor ceremo- 
nial, Though this house presented to the visitors a forlorn appearance, 
it is converted into quite a bower at the time of a ceremonial, when the 
roof is covered and fringed with spruce boughs and sunflowers.and 
the interior wall is whitened. Some diplomacy was required to persuade 
the vicar to guide Mr. Stevenson to the cave in which the vases are 
kept when not in use. <A ride half a mile farther into chaos and the 
party dismounted and descended a steep declivity, when the guide 
asked Mr. Stevenson’s assistance in removing a stone slab which rested 
so naturally on the hillside that it had every appearance of having 
been placed there by other than human agency. The removal of the 
slab exposed two vases side by side in a shallow cave. A small chan- 
nel or flume had been ingeniously made from the hilltop that the 
waters from ti/nia might collect in the vases. These vases belong to 
the superior type of ancient pottery, and they are decorated in snakes 
and cougars upon a ground of creamy tint. Mr. Stevenson was not 
quite satisfied with simply seeing the vases, and determined if pos- 
sible to possess one or both; but in answer to his request the vicar 
replied: ‘‘ These can not be parted with, they are so old that no one 
ean tell when the Sia first had them; they were made by our people 
of long ago; and the snakes would be very angry if the Sia parted with 
these vases.” Whenever opportunity afforded, Mr. Stevenson ex- 
pressed his desirefor one of them; and finally a council was held by the 
ti‘imoni and ho/naaites of the cult societies, when the matter was 
warmly discussed, the vicar of the Snake society insisting that the gift 
should be made, but the superstition on the part of the others was too 
great to be overcome. Mr. Stevenson was waited upon by the mem- 
bers of the council; the ho/naaite of the Snake society addressing him: 
“You have come to us a friend; we have learned to regard you as our 
brother, and we wish to doall we can for you; we are sorry we can not 
give you one ot the vases; we talked about letting you have one, but 
we concluded it would not do; it would excite the anger of the snakes, 
and perhaps all of our women and little ones would be bitten and die; 
you will not be angry, for our hearts are yours.” 

The night previous to the departure of the party from Sia the vicar 
of the Snake Society made several visits to the camp, but finding other 
Indians present he did not tarry. At midnight when the last Indian 
guest had left the camp he again appeared and hurriedly said, “I will 
come again,” and an hour later he returned. ‘ Now,” said he, ‘closely 
fasten the'tent, and one of you listen attentively all the while and tell 
me when you hear the first footstep;” and he then took trom the sack 
one of the vases, he being in the meanwhile much excited and also 
distressed. He would not allow a close examination to be made of 


Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XVIII 


Bureau of Ethnology. 


¢ 


ALTAR AND SAND PAINTING. 


GIANT SOCIETY. 


a 


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i _ 
: 3 
ae 
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7 
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ah 


is a dimen 4 
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STEVENSON. ] RAIN CEREMONIAL. 91 


the vase, but urged the packing of it at once; he deposited a plume 
offering in the vase, and sprinkled meal upon it and prayed while tears 
moistened his cheeks. The vase was brought to Washington and de- 
posited in the National Museum. : 


RAIN CEREMONIAL OF THE GIANT SOCIETY. 


About noon the ho/naaite, who was nude except the breecheloth, left 
his seat by the fireside in the ceremonial chamber, where his vicar had 
been assisting him during the morning in cutting willows and prepar- 
ing hia/chamoni, and proceeded to make a sand painting in the east 
end of the room, and when this was completed he erected the slat altar 
(Pl. xvuta). During the preparation of the sand painting (b) the vicar 
remained at his post at work upon the hi/chamoni. When the two 
female members, a woman and a little girlsome 8 years of age, arrived, 
the ho/naaite took from the wall nine shabby-looking sacks, handing 
one to each person present, reserving two for himself and laying the 
remaining four to one side to be claimed by the other members of 
the medicine order.of the society. These sacks contained the ya’ya, 
one of which, it is claimed, was captured from the Navajo by a former 
ho’naaite of this society, and this fetich is as precious as the others for 
the reason that it also represents Ut/sét, the mother of all Indians. 

The five ya/ya were placed in line in front of the altar and on the sand- 
painting, and a miniature bow and arrow were laid before four of them, 
the captive one having none. Bear-leg skins with the claws were piled 
on ejther side of the altar, and upon these were laid necklaces of bears’ 
claws, each necklace having a reed whistle suspended midway, two fluffy 
eagle plumes, tipped with black, being attached to the end of the whistle. 
The medicine bowl was posted before the five ya‘ya, the stone fetiches 
arranged about the sand painting, and the cloud bowl in front of the 
whole. The woman brought a triple cupped paint stone near the altar 
and ground a black pigment, yellow ocher, and an impure malachite; 
these powders were mixed with water, and the woman and girl painted 
the hi/chamoni, the child being quite as dextrous as her elder, and 
equally interested. 

While the ha/chamoni were being colored the ho/naaite was busy as- 
sorting plumes. He first laid thirteen turkey plumes separately upon 
the floor, forming two lines; upon each plume he laid a fluffy eagle feather, 
and then added successively to each group a plume from each of the 
birds of the cardinal points, turkey plumes being used instead of chap- 
paral cocks’. A low weird chant was sung while the ho/naaite and 
his vicar tied each pile of plumes together with native cotton cord, 
the ho/naaite waving each group, as he completed it, in a circle from 
left to right before his face. The woman at the same time made four 
rings of yucca, 14 inches in diameter, some two dozen yucca needles 
having been wrapped in a hank and laid in a bowl of water. The 


92 THE SIA 


child brought the hank from the farther end of the room to the 
woman, who, taking a needle of the yucea, wound it four times around 
her thumb and index finger; then wrapping this with an extra thread 
of yucca formed the ring. When the four rings were completed 
the child took them to the paint stone, which the woman had removed 
to the far end of the room, and dipped them into the yellow paint and 
laid them by the woman, who tied three of the piles of plumes to- 
gether and afterwards handed the rings to the ho/naaite, who added to 
each ring a plume from the wing of ahumming bird. Theserings were 
offerings to the cloud children emblematic of the wheels upon wnich 
they ride over ti/nia. ; 

In attaching the plume offerings to the hi/chamoni, the latter are 
held between the large and second toes of the right foot of the men 
and woman. There were ten hi/chamoni to bear messages to the cloud 
rulers of the cardinal points—Ho’/chiinni, high ruler of the cloud people 
of the world, Sis/sistinnako, Ut/sét, and the sun, the extra bunches of 
plumes being tied pendent to those already attached to the hi/chamoni 
for Sas/sistinnako, Ut/sét, and the sun. 

The ho/naaite placed the hii/chamoni and rings in a flat basket and 
set it before the altar in front of the cloud bowl, and posted a stuffed 
parrot upon the central slat of the altar. Atthis time the other official 
members appeared, and, unwrapping their ya/ya, handed them to the 
ho/naaite, who stood them before the altar (Pl. xrx). The woman then 
brought a vase of water and gourd from the far end of the room, and 
the ho/naaite emptied four gourdfuls into the medicine bowl and then 
sprinkled corn pollen upon the water, and, dipping his two eagle plumes 
into the bowl, he sprinkled the altar and offerings. He did not speak 
a word, but took his seat by the fire and began smoking, awaiting the 
hour for the evening ceremonial. The ho/naaite and vicar had their 
meals served in the ceremonial chamber, and after eating, the remainder 
of the basket of bread and bowl of meat was placed before the altar. 

The night ceremony opened with the ho/naaite (Pl. xx) and his vicar 
dipping their plumes into the medicine water and sprinkling the altar and 
the food which had been placed before it; the ho/naaite then, sitting in 
front and to the north side of the altar, repeated a long prayer, suppli- 
cating Mo’kaitc, Cougar of the North, to intercede with the cloud people 
of the north to water the earth that the crops might grow; Ko‘hai, the 
Bear, to intercede with the cloud people of the west to water the earth 
that the crops might grow; a smilar invocation was made to the Tuo’pe, 
Badger of the South, Ka‘kanna, Wolf of the East, Tiii/mi, Eagle of the 
Heaven, and Mai’/tubo, Shrew of the Earth. The vicar then gathered 
a bit of bread from the basket and of meat from the bow] and handed 
it to the ho/naaite, who left the house with the food in his left hand, 
holding his eagle plumes in his right; he cast the food to the animal 
Ko’pishtaia of the cardinal points, begging that they would intercede 
with the cloud people to come and water the earth; then, returning to 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX 


ALTAR OF GIANT SOCIETY, PHOTOGRAPHED DURING CEREMONIAL. 


STEVENSON. ] THE GIANT SOCIETY. 93 


the ceremonial chamber, he stooped before the altar and to the south 
side of the line of meal and prayed to the Ko’pishtaia, closing with 
these words: ‘I have offered you food, our food, that you may eat, and 
I pray you to exhort the Ko’pishtaia of ti/nia [referring to the cloud 
people] to come and water the earth.” The male members of the society 
each smoked a cigarette, and afterward the bowl of stew and basket of 
bread were deposited in the center of the room, and all gathered 
around and ate. The men then sat on either side of the room and again 
indulged in a smoke, the woman and girl sitting on the north side near 
the west end. After the cigarettes were finished the vicar drew a 
fresh line of meal from the altar to the door situated on the south side 
and near the west end, and the members formed in line back of the 
altar. (An explanation of the drawing of the line of meal and the 
relative positions of the line of men back of the altar has already been 
given, and is applicable to the rain ceremonials of all the cult societies.) 
The woman took her seat on the north side of the room, near the altar, 
the little girl sitting opposite to her on the south side. 

The ho/naaite and the ti/imoni (the latter’s position as ti/amoni has 
nothing whatever to do with his relations in the cult societies in which 
he holds membership) wore white Tusayan cotton breechcloths elab- 
orately embroidered in bright colors; the vicar’s was dark blue and the 
others white cotton; each man held two eagle plumes and a gourd 
rattle in the left hand. The woman and little girl wore their ordinary 
dresses, the high-neck calico gowns being omitted, and they held a 
turkey wand tipped with fluffy eagle plumes dyed a lemon color, in 
either hand. 

The vicar gave a pinch of meal to the ho/naaite from the. pottery 
meal bowl by the altar, who without rising from his seat sprinkled the 
altar. The song then opened to the accompaniment of the rattle, which 
had been transferred to the right hand, the eagle plumes still being 
held in the left, and keeping time with the rattle. Hach stanza closed 
with a short and rapid shake of the rattle. (The writer noticed in the 
ceremonials of the cult societies of the Sia the absence of the pottery 
drum, which is such an important feature with the Zuni and Tusayan.) 
With the commencement of the ritual the men from either end of the 
line moved to the fireplace, and lifting ashes with their plumes, depos- 
ited them before the altar and north and south of the meal line, and 
after dancing and gesticulating for a moment or two they again lifted 
ashes and sprinkled toward the altar, the under side of the plume held 
in the left hand being struck with the one held in the right; again 
lifting ashes one sprinkled to the north and the other to the south, and 
passing down on either side of the meal line they sprinkled to the 
west, and crossing they passed up the line and when midway one 
sprinkled to the north, the other to the south; again dipping ashes 
they sprinkled to the zenith and with more ashes they sprinkled to the 
nadir. This sprinkling of the cardinal points was repeated four times, 


94 THE SIA. 


and the men then returned to their seats. The second man from the 
north end of the line coming forward danced while the others sang to 
the accompaniment of the rattle, each succeeding stanza following in 
quick succession, the dancer now and then varying the monotony of 
the song by calling wildly upon the cloud people to come and water the 
earth. The woman and child waved their wands to the rhythm of the 
song; the woman who held a sick infant much of the time occasionally 
fell asleep, but she was awakened by the vicar who sat near her, pass- 
ing his eagle plumes over her face. Whenever the infant slept it was 
laid upon a sheepskin, seemingly unconscious of the noise of the rattle 
and song. ° 

When an especial appeal was to be made to Ut/sét, the ho/naaite 
reached over the altar and took the Navajo ya’ya in his right hand 
and the one south of it in his left hand (he had deposited his eagle plumes 
by the altar, but he held his rattle). All now stood, the ho/naaite ener- 
getically swaying his body as he waved the ya‘ya, holding them out, 
then drawing them in as he appealed to Ut/sét to instruct the cloud peo- 
ple to come and water the earth. This petition concluded, the ho’na- 
aite leaned over the altar, returning the ya/ya to their places, and the 
choir took their seats and smoked cigarettes of nativetobacco wrapped 
in corn husks. In a few moments the song was resumed, when the 
woman sprinkled the altar with meal and passing to the west end of 
the room she lifted a vase of water, placing it on the line of meal, not 
far from the door, keeping time with the song with her two wands and 
moving her body up and down by bending her knees, her feet resting 
firmly on the floor and over the line of meal; again the bowl was raised 
and moved about 2 feet forward, and she repeated the motion. The 
bowl was in this way moved five times, the last time being placed 
immediately before the basket of offerings. As she placed the bowl for 
the last time she waved the wand held in her right hand twice over 
the altar, when the song closed orly to begin again immediately. The 
ya/ni‘siwittanni now appeared before the altar, north of the meal line 
and danced, holding two eagle plumes in the left hand and rattle in 
the right. After a time, transferring the rattle to his left hand, he 
lifted a gourd of water from the vase and, holding it for a moment, 
waved it before the altar and emptied it into the medicine bowl 
with an appeal to the cougar of the north to intercede with the cloud 
people that the earth might be watered; another gourdful immediately 
followed; he then took the rattle in the right hand and joined in the 
song, ‘and danced. _A third time he dipped a gourd of water, waved it 
toward the west with an exhortation to the bear of the west, and 
emptied it into the bowl, following this with another gourdful, when a 
weird call was given for the cloud people to come and water the earth. 
Again he danced and sang, and after a time a fifth gourdful was lifted 
aud waved toward the south, with an appeal to the badger of the south, 
and emptied into the bowl, when another gourdful followed, and 


XX 


PL. 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


TE OF GIANT SOCIETY. 


-NA-AI- 


’ 


HO 


a 7 en ke : 
\ 


STEVENSON. ] THE GIANT SOCIETY. 95 


dancing for a moment he lifted another gourdful and emptied it into 
the medicine bowl, imploring the wolf of the east to exhort the cloud 
people to water the earth, when another gourdful immediately followed. 
After dancing for a time a gourdful was again dipped and waved 
toward the altar, then upward, with a call upon the eagle of the heaven 
to invoke the cloud people to water the earth, and immediately another 
gourdful of water was emptied into the bowl. Again dancing awhile, 
a gourdful was waved toward the altar and emptied into the bowl, 
with a call upon the shrew of the earth to implore the cloud people to 
water the earth, and again a gourdful was emptied into the bowl. The 
song closed as the last gourd of water was poured into the bowl and 
the ya/ni'siwittiinni resumed his seat. The woman returned the vase | 
to the west end of the room, and taking a small medicine bag from 
before the altar, she untied it and handed it to the ya/ni'siwittanni. 
The men and the girl then took similar bags from before the altar, 
and the song again began in a low tone to the accompaniment of the 
rattle. Each member, taking a pinch of corn pollen from his medicine 
bag, threw it upon the altar and into the medicine bowl, giving a pecu- 
liar ery, it being an invocation to the cloud people to gather and water 
the earth, the woman and child not failing to throw in their share of 
pollen, raising their voices to the highest pitch as they petitioned the 
cloud people to water the earth. All then proceeded to take meal from 
the meal bowl before the altar and throw it into the medicine bowl, 
continuing their entreaties to the cloud people to water the earth, Six 
times the meal was thrown.into the bowl with invocations to the cloud 
people. They then returned to their seats, having first deposited the 
medicine bags before the altar. 

The ti/imoni took from a bear leg skin six small pebble fetiches, 
handing one to each man, who in turn passed it to the ya/ni'siwittinni. 
This recipient advanced to the front of the altar and danced to the 
music of the choir, and waving his left hand over the altar he dropped 
a fetich into the medicine bowl, at the same time waving the eagle 
plumes and rattle which he held in his right hand. After dancing 
awhile he dropped a fetich from his right hand into the medicine water, 
and, continuing to dance, he let fall the remaining four fetiches alter- 
nately from the left and right hand. Each time a fetich was dropped 
he.gave a weird animal-like growl, which was a call upon the prey 
animals of the cardinal points to exhort the cloud people to gather 
and water the earth that she might be fruitful. He then returned 
to his seat, but almost immediately arose and, standing for a moment, 
advanced to the front of the altar, stirred the medicine water with 
the eagle plumes he held in the left hand and sprinkled the offerings 
by striking the plumes on the top with: the rattle, held in the right 
hand. The sprinkling was repeated four times while the cloud people 
were invoked to water the earth; as the plumes were struck the fourth 
time the choir stood and sang and the ya/nit'siwittiénni again dipped 


96 THE SIA. 


this plumes into the medicine water and sprinkled the altar. The 
ho/naaite then leaning forward dipped his plumes into the water and 
sprinkled the altar with a weird call for the cloud people to gather and 
water the earth that she might be fruitful. Then each member repeated 
the sprinkling of the altar with a similar prayer, the little girl being 
quite as enthusiastic as the others, straining her voice to the utmost 
capacity as she implored the cloud people to gather. The men struck 
the plumes in their left hands with the rattles held in their right, and 
the woman and child struck the wand held in the left hand witl the 
one held in the right. Each person repeated the sprinkling of the altar 
successively six times, with appeals to the animals of the cardinal 
points. After each sprinkling the sprinkler returned tu his place in 
the line. Thus the choir was at no time deficient in more than one of 
its number. At the conclusion of the sprinkling a stanza was sung 
and the altar was again sprinkled six times by each member; in this 
instance, however, the choir was grouped before the altar, the ho/naaite 
alone being seated back of it absorbed in song. After the sprinkling 
the choir returned to the line and joined the ho/naaite in the chant and 
at its conclusion he sprinkled the altar four times. He did not leave 
his seat, but leaned forward and dipped his plumes into the medicine 
water. The ti/imoni then advanced from the south end of the line and 
the ya/ni'siwittiinni from the north end and sprinkled toward the car- 
dinal points, by passing along the line of meal as heretofore described, 
the sprinkling being repeated twice. The ti’amoni returned to his seat 
and the ya/ni'siwittinni removed the bowl of medicine water, placing 
it before the fetiches and on the line of meal and stooping with bended 
knees and holding his two eagle plumes and a ya’ya in his left hand 
he administered the medicine water to all present, the girl receiving 
the first draught from an abalone shell. The woman was served next, 
some being given to the infant she held in her arms, the ho/naaite re- 
ceiving the last draught. ‘Taking the ya/ya from the ya/ni'siwittaénni 
he drew it to his breast and then returned it to the ya/ni'siwittanni, 
he receiving it in his left hand and lifting the bowl with both hands 
he left the house and filling his mouth from the bow! threw the medi- 
cine water through his teeth to the cardinal points, and returning 
placed the bowl and ya’ya in position before the altar. 

The ho‘naaite gathering the hia/chamoni in his left hand and taking 
a pinch of meal with his right, stooped before the altar and south of 
the meal line and offered a silent prayer, and, after sprinkling the altar 
and hii/chamoni, he divided the offerings, holding a portion in either 
hand. The ti/imoni and a companion then stooped north of the line of 
meal and facing the ho’/naaite, clasped his hands with their right hands, 
holding their eagle plumes in their left and responded to a low litany 
offered by the ho/naaite, who afterwards drawing a breath from the 
plumes laid them upon the blankets over their left arms, the two men 
having wrapped their blankets about them before advancing to the 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI 


SICK BOY IN CEREMONIAL CHAMBER OF GIANT SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON. ] THE GIANT SOCIETY. 97 


ho‘/naaite. They then left the ceremonial chamber and walked a long 
distance through the darkness to deposit the offerings at a shrine of 
the Ko’pishtaia. The remaining members talked in undertones until 
the return of the absert ches, who, upon entering the chamber, stood 
before the altar and offered a prayer which was responded to by the 
ho/naaite. All the members then gathered before the altar and asked 
that their prayers might be answered. The woman and girl arranged 
bowls of food in line midway the room and south of the meal line and 
the feast closed the ceremonial at 2 o’clock. a.m. 


FOUR NIGHTS’ CEREMONIAL OF THE GIANT SOCIETY FOR THE HEALING 
OF A SICK BOY. 


The night succeeding the ceremonial of the Sko/-yo Chai’-iin (Giant 
Society) for rain the assembly began its ritualistic observances, which 
continue four consecutive nights, for the curing of the sick by the 
brushing process. During the afternoon a sand-painting was made in 
the east end of the room (compare sand-painting Giant Society, (Pl. 
Xvilth); ya’/ya and stone fetiches were grouped upon the painting; a 
medicine bowl was placed before the ya/ya; bear-leg skins were depos- 
ited on either side of the fetiches and a white embroidered sacred Tu- 
sayan blanket was folded and laid by the bear-leg skins south of the 
painting. The five male members of the medicine division of the society 
had refreshments served early in the evening by the female members, 
and after supper the ti‘dmoni, who is a member of the medicine division, 
placed a bowl of stewed meat anda basket of bread near the painting; 
the remainder of the food was stored in the northwest corner of the room 
for future consumption. 

The five men formed in line back of the fetiches, the ho’/naaite being 
the central figure; they had scarcely taken their seats, however, before 
the ti/imoni brought a vase of water and a gourd from the west end of 
the room and set it before the sand-painting and returned to his seat; 
the ho/naaite, advancing, dipped six gourdfuls of water, emptying each 
one into the medicine bowl.! 

The ho/naaite then passing to the north side of the painting stooped 
with bended knees, holding in his left hand two eagle plumes, and 
repeated a low prayer; then, taking a small piece of the bread, he 
dipped it into the stew and scattered it before the fetiches; and, taking 
more bread and a bit of the meat, he left the ceremonial chamber and 
threw the food as an offering to the animals of the cardinal points. 
The ti‘amoni then returned the bowl of meat and basket of bread to the 
far end of the room. Upon the return of the ho/naaite his vicar spread 
the Tusayan blanket upon the floor, some 5 feet in front of the painting. 
He next sprinkled a line of meal from the edge of the blanket nearest 


1Female members are neyer present at the ceremonial of brushing with straws and feathers, and 
therefore the ya’ya belonging to the woman and child were not to be seen on this occasion, and neither 
did the one captured from the Navajo appear. 


11 ETH 7 


98 THE SIA. 


the painting to the bear fetich, which stood foremost on the painting; 
thence across the blanket and along the floor to the entrance on the 
south side and near the west end of the chamber; again, beginning at 
the center of the blanket he sprinkle ine of meal across the blan- 
ket to the south edge, and bones aaa at the center he sprinkled 
a line of meal to the north edge and continued this line to the north 
wall. Then beginning at the line ending at the south of the blanket, 
he ran it out to the south wall (these four lines being symbolic of the 
four winds), and placed the bowl of meal in front of the painting and 
north of the line of meal. The meal having become somewhat ex- 
hausted, the pottery meal bowl was replaced by an Apache basket, 
containing a quantity of fresh meal, ground by a woman in an adjoin- 
ing room, where a portion of the family had already retired. The bas- 
ket of meal was received from the woman by the ti‘imoni, who stood 
to her left side while she ground the corn in the ordinary family mill. 
The remainder of the contents of the pottery meal bowl was emptied 
into the Apache basket, the portion from the bowl being deemed sutf-. 
ficient in quantity to lend a sacred character to the freshly ground 
meal. The ho/naaite then fastened about his neck a string of bears’ 
claws with a small reed whistle, having two soft white eagle plumes 
tied to the end, attached midway, which he took from a pile of bear-leg 
skins, having first waved the necklace around the white bear fetich, 
which stood to the front of the painting. Each member of the society 
then put on a similar necklace; two of the members fastened amulets 
around their upper right arms and two around their left arms. The 
ho‘naaite rolled his blanket in a wad and sat upon it. The other mem- 
bers made similar cushions. ‘The ti/moni, whose seat was at the south 
end of the line, crossed to the north side of the room, and taking a bit 
of red pigment rubbed it across his face and returned to his seat, each 
member rubbing a bit of galena across the forehead, across the face 
below the eyes, and about the lower part of the face. The paint was 
scarcely perceptible. It was put on to insure the singing of the song 
correctly. The ti‘imoni again crossed the room, and taking from the 
north ledge a bunch of corn husks, he handed them to the man who 
sat next to him, who was careful to manipulate them under his blanket, 
drawn around him. The writer thinks that they were made into 
funnels, in which he placed tiny pebbles from ant hills. The vice-ho/- 
naaite, at the north end of the line, left the room, and during his ab- 
sence the ho/naaite, taking a bunch of straws which lay by the bear- 
leg skins, divided it into five parts, giving a portion to each one pres- 
ent. He reserved a share for the absent member, who returned in a 
short time, bearing the sick child in his arms, being careful to walk on 
the line of meal; he set the child upon a low stool placed on the broad 
band of embroidery of the blanket. (PI. xx1) The man then handed the 
basket of meal to the child, who, obeying the instructions of the vice- 
ho’/naaite, took a pinch and threw it toward the altar with a few words 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XXII 


GABT LITH.CO. HY 


ALTAR AND SAND PAINTING. 
KNIFE SOCIETY. 


tore he nfivay - 


STEVENSON. ] FOUR NIGHTS’ CEREMONIAL. 99 


of prayer to Ko’pishtaia. The vicar then returned to his seat, and the 
member§, with eagle plumes and straws in their left hands and rattles 
in their right, began the ritual; they were nine minutes singing the 
first stanza, which was sung slowly and in very low tones, and at its 
close each one drew a breath from the eagle plumes and straws. The 
second stanza was sung louder and faster. The monotony of the song 
was broken by an occasional animal-like call, which was a request to 
the cougar of the north to give them power over the angry ants. The 
child was afflicted with a severe sore throat, caused by ants having 
entered his body when he was in the act of micturition upon their 
house, and ascending they located in his throat. After the second 
stanza the ho’/naaite blew first on the right side of the child, then 
on his back, his left side, and his breast; the other members con- 
tinuing the song to the accompaniment of the rattle. When he took 
his seat, the ti/aémoni and the man who sat next to him each drew a 
breath from their eagle plumes and straws, and dipping them into the 
medicine water, each one extended his plumes to the child, who drew a 
breath from them. The two men then resumed their seats. The ho/- 
naaite, again dipping his plumes in the medicine water, passed the ends 
through the ti‘amoni’s mouth, and afterwards through the mouth of 
each member, the plumes being dipped each time into the bowl of med- 
icine water. The men were occupied a few moments in drawing some- 
thing from several of the bear-leg skins. All except the ho/naaite 
gathered around the altar, dancing and gesticulating in excessive ex- 
citement and blowing upon the whistles suspended from their neck- 
laces. They constantly dipped their eagle plumes into the medicine 
water, throwing their arms vehemently about, sprinkling the altar and 
touching the animal fetiches with their plumes, and then placing the 
plumes to the mouths, absorbing from them the sacred breath of the 
animal. The ho/naaite with bowed head continued his invocations to 
the cougar of the north, seemingly unconscious of all that was going 
on about him. After maneuvering before the altar, the four men per- 
formed similar extravagances about the child, one of the men standing 
him in the center of the blanket, careful to place the boy’s feet in di- 
agonal angles formed by the meal lines. Then the four left the room, 
carrying with them the material taken from the bear-leg skins. The 
ho‘naaite did not cease shaking the rattle and singing during the ab- 
sence of the four, who visited the house of the sick boy to purify it. 
Upon returning to the ceremonial room they threw their arms aloft, 
waving their plumes above them and then about the child, singing and 
growling, after which they resumed their seats in line with the ho/na- 
aite, and joined him in the song to the accompaniment of rattles. After 
a few moments these four men and the ho/naaite surrounded the 
boy; the ho/naaite standing at the northeast corner of the blanket, 
and the ti‘imoni at the southeast corner, while the others formed a 
semicircle behind the boy. They all waved plumes and straws in their 


100 THE SIA. 


left hands over the invalid boy, and passed them simultaneously down 
his body from head to feet, striking the plumes and straws with rattles 
which they held in their right hands; and as the plumes and straws 
were moved down the boy’s body ants in any quantity were supposed 
to be brushed off the body, while in reality tiny pebbles were dropped 
upon the blanket; but the conjuration was so perfect the writer could 
not tell how or whence they were dropped, although she stood close to 
the group and under a bright light from a lamp she had placed on the 
wall for the purpose of disclosing every detail. The tiny nude boy 
standing upon the white embroidered blanket, being brushed with the 
many eagle plumes, struck with their rattles by five beautifully formed 
Indians, was the most pleasing scene of this dramatic ceremonial. The 
brushing of the child with the plumes was repeated six times, and he 
was then backed off the blanket over the line of meal and set upon the 
stool, which had been removed from the blanket, and was afterward 
given a pinch of meal and told to stand and look at the ants which had 
been extracted from his body, and to sprinkle the meal upon them. 
After this sprinkling he resumed his seat upon the stool. The ho/na- 
aite stooped with bended knees at the northeast corner of the blanket 
and whispered a prayer and sprinkled the blanket. Each member 
with eagle plumes sprinkled the blanket with meal and carefully 
brushed together all the material which had fallen on the floor instead 
of the blanket, after which the ti/imoni gathered the corners together, 
waved it over the child’s head, and left the room with it. All sat per- 
fectly quiet, holding their rattles, eagle plumes, and straws in their 
right hands during the absence of the ti/dmoni. Upon his return he 
waved the folded blanket twice toward the group of fetiches and 
toward himself, then passed it twice around the child’s head, and finally 
laid it upon the pile of bear-leg skins at the south side of the painting. 
The child, who was ill and burning with fever, was led by the vice 
ho/naaite to the fetiches, which he sprinkled with meal, and was car- 
ried from the chamber and through an outer room to his mother at the 
entrance. 

The ho’naaite is not supposed to leave the ceremonial chamber 
throughout the four days and nights, as he must guard the animal 
fetiches and medicine. The other members are also supposed to spend 
much of the day and all of the night in watching the fetiches; but the 
writer is of the opinion that they all go to sleep after the feast, which 
is enjoyed as soon as the child leaves the chamber. 

The only variation in the ceremonial on the second night was that 
the vicar dipped the bit of bread into the bowl of stew and scattered it 
to the animal fetiches, having previously lifted ashes from the fireplace 
and sprinkled the altar with them by striking the plume held in the 
left hand on the under side with the plume held in the right; then hold- 
ing the plumes between his hands he repeated a long and scarcely 
audible prayer. After scattering the food to the animal fetiches, he 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XXIII 


ALTAR OF KNIFE SOCIETY, PHOTOGRAPHED DURING CEREMONIAL. 


STEVENSON.] RAIN CEREMONIAL. 101 


dipped a piece of bread into the stew, left the house and threw the food 
to the cardinal points, as the ho/nuaite had done the previous night, 
and, returning, removed the bowl of stew and basket of bread to the 
northwest corner of the room. He then swept the floor with his two 
eagle plumes, beginning some 18 inches in front of the altar (the line of 
meal remaining perfect to this point) to the point where the blanket 
was to be placed, and then laid the blanket and made the meal lines, 
the change in the drawing of these lines being that the line was begun 
at the line of meal which extended in front of the altar and ran over 
the blanket to the entrance of the room; then beginning in the center 
of the blanket, the line was extended across to the north wall, and 
again beginning in the center, a line was run across to the south wall. 
The writer mentions this deviation in the drawing of the meal lines, 
though she believes it was a mere matter of taste on the part of the 
worker. Instead of the vice ho/naaite receiving the child at the outer 
entrance, the man who sat between him and the ho/naaite brought the 
child into the room, and he was led out by the ti/imoni. Upon this 
oceasion, and on the third and fourth nights, the child walked into and 
out of the room, an indication that he was in better physical condition 
than on the first night of the ceremony. The songs on the second night 
were addressed to the bear of the west instead of the cougar of the 
north. The child did not seem to move a muscle throughout the cere- 
mony, except when he stepped to his position on the blanket. 

The scenes on the third and fourth nights were coincident with those 
of the second, with a few variations. The man who sat between the 
ho/naaite and his vicar dipped the ashes with his plumes and sprinkled 
the altar, and, returning to his seat, the vicar laid the blanket and 
sprinkled the meal lines in the same manner as on the previous night; 
he also procured the child. When dancing before the altar two men 
wore bear-leg skins on their left arms, and two others wore them on their 
right arms. It was noticed that the skins were drawn over the arms 
upon which the amulets were worn. Their dancing and incantations 
were even more turbulent and more weird than on the two former 
nights. 

The songs the third night were addressed to the badger of the south 
and on the fourth to the wolf of the east. 


RAIN CEREMONIAL OF THE KNIFE SOCIETY. 


While the ho/naaite and his vicar sat during the morning making 
hii/chamoni they rehearsed in undertones the songs of their cult. The 
membership of this society consists at the present time of five men and 
two boys, and two novitiates, a man and a boy. 

The sun was far to the west when the members came straggling in 
and the ho/naaite proceeded to set up the slat altar (Pl. xxira). Then 
each man took from the wall a soiled buckskin sack. The well-wrapped 
ya‘ya was first taken out and then other fetiches. After the ho/naaite 


102 THE SIA. 


had unwrapped his ya/ya he prepared the sand painting in front of the 
altar (Pl. xxmtb). The five ya/ya were stood on the line specially made 
for them and a miniature bow and arrow laid before each ya/ya. The 
ho/naaite then grouped fetiches of human and animal forms, then the 
medicine bowl containing water and a basket of sacred meal. He 
then drew a line of meal which extended from the slat altar to a dis- 
tance of 3 feet beyond the group of fetiches, his vicar afterwards 
assisting him with the additional fetiches. Two stone cougars 2 feet in 
length each were stood up on either side of the group. A cougar 12 
inches long, with lightning cut in relief on either side, and a concretion, 
were then deposited before the group. Bear-leg skins were piled high 


ae ee 


harap aia eS a a pendent ape Beaker 


Fig. 17.—Sand painting as indicated in Pl, xxv. 


on either side of the altar. The cloud bowl and reed were added, 
the two flat baskets of hii/chamoni and plume offerings shown in the 
sketch were afterwards deposited upon the backs of the cougars. 
While this arrangement was in progress the minor members returned 
the powdered kaolin and black pigment to the ancient pottery vases, 
from which they had been taken to prepare the sand-painting. 

The ho/naaite consecrated the bowl of water by a prayer, and drop- 
ping in the six fetiches he dipped his eagle plumes into the water and 
striking them on the top with his rattle, sprinkled the altar; holding 
the plumes in the left hand and the rattle in the right, he sprinkled 
the cardinal points. The vicar formed a circle of meal, then sprinkled 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV 


HO’-NA-AI-TE OF KNIFE SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON. ] THE KNIFE SOCIETY. 103 


meal upon the circle and placed a cinecture pad of yueeca upon it, and 
holding the cloud bowl high above his head, he invoked the cloud 
people of the north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir, and of the 
whole world, to water the earth. The bowl was then set upon the pad 
and a reed 8 inches long laid across it from northeast to southwest. 
The vice ho/naaite spread a small cloth and upon it reduced the bit of 
root which was to produce the suds to a powder, which he placed in 
a little heap in front of the cloud bowl. The ho/naaite, who had left the 
chamber, now returned with a parrot and a white stone bear 12 inches 
long; the bear was wrapped in a large fine white buckskin and the 
parrot was under the ho/naaite’s blanket. These were deposited before 


poo eer ere the altar (Pl. XXtritr). 
| | The ho/naaite (PI. xxtv) 
| stooped and, praying, 


{| sprinkled corn pollen upon 
the bear and parrot. The 


UY a bear and the bird had 

Ve eagle plumes attached to 

> a their necks with cotton 
its Y ; cord. Those on the bear 

ae, were on the top of the neck 


and those of the parrot 
hung under the beak. 

i | After the prayer the ho/na- 
az. | aite lighted a cigarette of 

i native tobacco and corn 
husk from a stick some 5 
feet long, held by a boy 
member, and puffed the 


smoke over the bear and 

parrot. He then extended 

| peas 2 ¢ thecigarette over thealtar, 
sf afterwards waving it to the 


cE rdinal points. The vicar 
Fig. 18.—Sand painting used in ceremonial for sick by ce ! F ‘ 
Ant Society. and boy sprinkled the bear 


and parrot with pollen from an abalone shell and the vicar dipped his 
eagle plumes into the medicine bowl and sprinkled them four times, then 
the altar, by striking the plumes with the rattle held in his right hand. 
The ho/naaite then puffed smoke into the cloud bowl and over the bear 
and parrot, and extended his cigarette to the cardinal points, and over 
the altar. The vicar lighted a similar cigarette from the long stick held 
by the boy, and standing to the west of the altar blew smoke over it, the 
ho/naaite standing and smoking to the right of him. The vicar laid the 
end of his cigarette by the cloud bowl and to the east of the line of the 
meal. The shell of corn pollen was then placed back of the altar and the 


104 THE SIA. 


ho/naaite’s eagle plumes and rattle laid beside it; a prayer before the 
altar by all the members closed the afternoon ceremony. 

It will be noticed that the slat altar in Pl. xxv differs from that in PI. 
xxiu. Both belong to the Knife Society and may be seen hanging 
side by side on the wall in the ceremonial chamber of the Quer’riinna, 
(Pl. xxvu1) which is also the official chamber of the Knife Society. 
The second was made in case of failure of the first. The vicar of this 
society is also ho/naaite and only surviving member of the Ant So- 
ciety, and he, being anxious that the writer should see the sand paint- 
ing of the Ant Society, prepared the painting for this occasion instead 
of the ho/naaite (Fig. 17). He also drew her a sketch of the painting 
of Ant Society for ceremonial held for the sick, which is here intro- 
duced (Fig. 18). This last may be described as follows: 

a represents meal painting emblematic of the clouds, b and ¢ bear-leg 
skins laid either side of it. The remainder of painting is in sand. 
d: Ant chief clad in buckskin fringed down the arms and legs; he car- 
ries lightning in his left hand; his words pass straight from his mouth, 
as indicated by a line, to the invalid e, who sits at the opening of the 
ceremonial to the right of the painting. The ant chief speaks that the 
malady may leave the invalid. A song of this character is sung by 
the members of the society. The invalid then passes to the front of 
the altar and stands upona sacred Tusayan blanket (position indicated 
by f), whenthe ho/naaite and other members 0 fthe society proceed with 
their incantations over him, imploring the prey animals to draw the 
ants to the surface of the body. When the ants have appeared and 
been brushed from the body then a song is addressed to the eagle g to 
come and feed upon the ants. When the ants have been eaten by 
the eagle the invalid will be restored to health. The two circular 
spots h represent ant houses. These, with the paintings of the ant 
chief and eagle, are gathered into the blanket upon which the invalid 
stood and carried some distance north of the village and deposited. 
After the blanket has been taken from the chamber the meal painting 
is erased by the ho/naaite brushing the meal from each of the cardinal 
points to the center with his hand; he then rubs the invalid’s body with 
the meal, after which the members hasten to rub their bodies with it, 
that they may be purified not only of any physical malady but of all 
evil thoughts. 

When the writer entered the ceremonial chamber later in the even- 
ing food was being placed in line down the middle of the room. There 
were seven bowls, containing mutton stew, tortillas, waiavi, and hominy 
There was also a large pot of coffee and a bowl of sugar. The ho/na- 
aite, standing to the east of the meal line, which extended from the 
altar to the entrance, repeated a long grace, after which one of the boy 
members gathered a bit of food from each vessel, and standing on the 
opposite side of the line of meal, handed the food to the ho/naaite, who 
received it in his left hand, having transferred his eagle plumes to the 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV 


Be 
oat 
| 
ais 


e| 


ALTAR OF KNIFE SOCIETY, WITH HO!-NA-AI-TE AND VICE HO'-NA-AI-TE ON EITHER SIDE. 


yf. 


ae 


STEVENSON. | THE KNIFE SOCIETY. 105 


right. He then left the house, and throwing the food to the cardinal 
points, offered it to the animal Ko/pishtaia, with a prayer of interces- 
sion to the cloud people to gather, saying: 

“ Ko/pishtaia! Here is food, come and eat; Ko’pishtaia, Cougar of 
the North, receive this food; Bear of the West, receive this food; 
Badger of the South, we offer you food, take it and eat; Wolf of the 
East, we give you food; Hagle of the Heavens, receive this food; Shrew 
of the Earth, receive this food. When you eat, then you will be con- 
tented, and you will pass over the straight road [referring to the pass- 
ing of the beings of the ko’pishtaia over the line of meal to enter the 
images of themselves]. We pray you to bring to us, and to all peoples, 
food, good health, and prosperity, and to our animals bring good health 
and to our fields large crops; and we pray you to ask the cloud people 
to come to water the earth.” 

Upon returning to the ceremonial chamber, the ho/naaite, standing 
before the altar, prays to Ma/asewe, Uyuuyewé, and the six warriors 
of the mountains of the cardinal points to protect them from all ene- 
mies who might come to destroy their peace; and, standing at the end 
of the line of food, he offers a prayer of thanksgiving, holding his eagle 
plumes in his left hand. He then rolls his blanket into a cushion, sits 
upon it west of the line of meal and smokes a cigarette. The food 
having been brought in by the wives of the members, all present drew 
around and enjoyed the feast. That the minor members felt at liberty 
to join with their elders was indicated by the way in which they pro- 
ceeded to help themselves. 

The war chief came into the room soon after the beginning of the 
meal, wrapped in a fine Navajo blanket, and carrying his bow and 
arrows. He stood in front of the altar, on the west side of the meal 
line, and prayed. The vice-ho/naaite administered to the war chief a 
draft of the medicine water which had been prepared in the after- 
noon, and then handed him the official staff of the society (a slender 
stick some 2 feet in length), which he held with his bow and arrows 
until the close of the ceremonial. The war chief sat for awhile at the 
south end of the room, and then left to patrol the town and to see that 
no one not privileged entered or came near the ceremonial chamber. 
After the meal was finished the three boys removed the bowls to another 
room, and, upon their return, one of them swept the middle of the floor, 
destroying most of the meal line, leaving but 2 feet of it undisturbed 
in front of the altar. This line, however, was renewed by the vice- 
ho‘naaite, who carried two eagle feathers and the meal bowl in his left 
hand, while he sprinkled the meal with the right, not for the purpose 
of furnishing a road for the beings of pai‘iitiimo and ko/pishtaia to pass 
over, for they had previously come to the images of themselves, but 
that the songs might pass straight over and out of the house. 

The men now indulged in a smoke. The writer never observed Sia 
boys smoking in these ceremonials or at any other time. The ciga- 


106 THE SIA. 


rettes were lighted from the long stick passed by one of the boys, and 
after smoking, the ho/naaite and his younger brother put on white cot- 
ton embroidered Tusayan kilts as breechcloths, which they took from 
a hook on the wall, those of the other members being plain white cotton. 
The ho/naaite now took his seat back of the altar and lighted a second 
cigarette from the long stick, blowing the smoke over the altar. This 
smoke was offered to Pai/iitiimo and Ko’pishtaia, the ho/naaite saying: 
“T give this to you; smoke and be contented.” He then administered 
medicine water to all present, dipping the water with a shell. The 
vice-ho/naaite, who received the last draft, drank directly from the 
bowl, and was careful not to leave a drop in it, after which the ho/na- 
aite removed the six stone fetiches from the bowl. The process of pre- 
paring medicine water is substantially the same with all the cult socie- 
ties, there not being in Sia nearly so much ceremony connected with 
this important feature of fetich worship as with the Zuni and Tusayan, 
The six fetiches were returned to the buckskin bag and the ho/naaite 
resumed his seat behind the altar, the members and novitiates having 
already formed in line back of the altar, the official members each hold- 
ing two eagle plumes in the left hand and a gourd rattle in the right. 
After a short prayer by the ho/naaite, the boy lifted ashes from the 
fireplace with his eagle plumes and placed them near the altar and east 
of the meal line; again he dipped a quantity, placing them west of the 
line of meal. As the chant opened, he stood west of the line and fae- 
ing the altar, and an adult member stood on the east side, and each of 
them held an eagle plume in either hand and a gourd rattle also in the 
right. The boy dipped with the plumes the ashes which lay west of 
the line of meal and the man those which lay east of the line, and 
sprinkled toward the north by striking the plumes held in the left 
hand on the underside with the plume held in the right; again dip- 
ping the ashes, the boy sprinkled toward the west and the man toward 
the east; again lifting ashes, they passed to the south and sprinkled 
there; the boy then crossed to the east of the line of meal and the man 
to the west of the lie, and when midway of the line the boy sprinkled 
to the east and the man to the west; then, dancing before the altar, 
they again lifted ashes and sprinkled to the north. When dancing, 
both eagle plumes were held in the left hand and the rattle in the 
right. Ashes were again lifted and thrown twice toward the zenith 
and then thrown to the nadir. The sprinkling to the cardinal points, 
zenith and nadir, was repeated fifteen times in the manner described, 
This was to carry off all impurities of the mind, that it might be pure; 
that the songs would come pure from the lips and pass straight over 
the road of meal—the one road. The man and boy having resumed 
their seats in the line, the vice-ho/naaite stood before the altar to the 
west side of the line of meal, shook his rattle for a moment or two, 
then waved it vertically in front of the altar, invoking the cloud people 
to come; he then waved the rattle from the west to the east, repeating 


aw 


STEVENSON. ] THE KNIFE SOCIETY. 107 


the weird exhortation, his body being kept in motion by the bending of 
his knees, his feet scarcely leaving the ground. The rattle was wayed 
three times from the west to the east, and then waved toward the west 
and toward the altar, the east and to the altar; then, raising the rattle 
high above his head, he formed a circle. This waving of the rattle was 
repeated sixteen times. Previous to each motion he held the rattle 
pertectly still, resting it on the eagle plumes which he held in the left 
hand. 

After the sixteenth repetition he waved the rattle over the altar. 
The song during this time is an appeal to the cloud people of the north, 
west, south, east, and all the cloud peoples of the world, to gather and 
send rain to water the earth, that all mankind may have the fruits of 
the earth. The vicar then stood to the right of the ho/naaite, and the 
choir, rising, continued to sing. The ho/naaite, leaning over the altar, 
took two of the central ya’ya, one in either hand, and alternately raised 
them, keeping time with the song, now and then extending the ya/ya 
over the altar. The young novitiate held neither rattle or plumes. 
The boy at the east end of the line, having passed through two degrees, 
held his rattle in the right hand and in his left a miniature crook. The 
vicar who stood at the right of the ho/naaite and the man who stood 
to his left moved their rattles and feathers in harmony with his motion, 
the three swaying their bodies back and forth and extending their 
arms outward and upward. About this time it was noticed that the 
boys at the east end of the line had fallen asleep, and it was more than 
the man who sat next to them could do to keep them awake, although he 
was constantly brushing their faces with his eagle plumes. This little 
scene was something of a picture, as the boy whose shoulder acted as 
a support for the head of the other is the son of one of the most promi- 
nent and richest men in the pueblo, the other boy being the pauper 
referred to. The stanzas in this song were much longer than any before 
heard by the writer, and each closed with a quick shake of the rattle. 
The song continued an hour and a quarter, when the singers took afew 
moments’ rest, and again sang for thirty minutes; another few minutes’ 
rest, and the song again continued. In this way it ran from half past 
9 o'clock until midnight. At its close one of the boys brought a vase 
of water and a gourd from the southwest corner of the room and 
placed it near the altar and west of the line of meal. The ya/nitsiwit- 
tiinni stood before the vase, and, lifting two gourdfuls of water, emptied 
them into the medicine bowl; emptying two gourdfuls, also, into the 
cloud bowl, he danced for a time before the altar, waving his plumes 
and rattle over it; he then emptied two more gourdfuls into the medi- 
cine bowl and two more into the cloud bowl, and resumed his dance. 
He did not sing while performing this part of the ceremony, but when 
emptying the water into the bowls he gave bird-like trills, calling for 
the cloud people to gather. Again he emptied two gourdfuls into the 
medicine bowl and two in the cloud bowl; and after dancing a moment 


108 THE SIA. 


or two he poured two more gourdfuls into the medicine bowl and two 
into the cloud bowl, and resumed the dance; again he emptied a gourd- 
ful into the medicine bowl and two into the cloud bow1l; then he emptied 
three into the medicine bowl and drank twice from the bowl, after 
which he returned to his seat in the line, the boy restoring the vase to 
the farther corner of the room. Two small medicine bags were handed 
to each member from the altar, one containing corn pollen and the 
other corn meal of six varieties of corn: yellow, blue, red, white, black, 
and variegated. The bags were held in the left hand with the eagle 
plumes, that hand being quiet, while the rattle was shaken with the 
right in accompaniment to the song. After singing a few minutes, 
pollen and meal taken from the medicine bags were sprinkled into the 
medicine bowl. The choir did not rise and pass to the altar, but leaned 
forward on either side; and with each sprinkling of the meal and pollen 
a shrill call was given for the cloud people to gather; the ho’naaite, in 
sprinkling in his pollen, reached over the altar slats. The sprinkling 
of the pollen was repeated four times, the novitiates taking no part in 
this feature of the ceremony, although they were provided with the 
bags of pollen and meal. The ya/ni'siwittéinni danced before the altar 
and west of the line of meal without rattle or plumes, but continually 
hooted as he waved his hands wildly over the altar and dropped pebble 
fetiches alternately into the medicine and cloud bowls, until each bowl 
contained six fetiches; then, reaching behind the altar for his rattle and 
eagle plumes, he held an eagle plume and rattle in the right hand and 
an eagle plume in the left, and stirred the water and sprinkled the 
altar; then he stirred the water in the cloud bowl with the reed, and 
sprinkled the altar with it. The sprinkling of the altar from the medi- 
cine bowl and the cloud bowl was repeated six times. 

After each sprinkling a quick shake of the rattle was given. The 
ho/naaite then reached over the altar slats, taking a ya/ya in either 
hand, and all stood and sang. In a moment the man to the right of 
the ho/naaite leaned over the west side of the altar, and, dipping his 
plumes in the medicine water, sprinkled the altar; he repeated the 
sprinkling four times, and when the two ya‘ya were returned to the 
altar the ho/naaite dipped his eagle plumes into the medicine water, 
and sprinkled the altar by striking them on the top with the rattle 
held in the right hand. Each member then sprinkled the altar four 
times, with a wild exhortation to the cloud people, all apparently ex- 
hibiting more enthusiasm when sprinkling the altar than at any other 
time during the ceremonial. When the song closed two of the boys 
proceeded to prepare cigarettes, taking their places before the fireplace, 
and, tearing off bits of corn husks of the proper size, they made them 
pliable by moistening them with saliva. One boy made his cigarettes 
of native tobacco, which he took from an old cloth hanging on the wall; 
the other filled his with commercial tobacco. As the boys made cigar- 
ettes they tied them with ribbons of corn husks, simply to keep them 


XXVI 


PL. 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


SHRINE OF KNIFE SOCIETY. 


— > ae 


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Fr. 2 een _ aa an - 


STEVENSON. ] THE KNIFE SOCIETY. 109 


in shape until the smokers were ready. The remaining native tobacco 
was returned to the old cloth and put in place upon the wall. About 
the time the boys had finished preparing the cigarettes, the vice- 
ho‘/naaite took his seat on his wadded blanket, in front of the cloud 
bowl and west of the line of meal. The man at the east end of the line 
dipped his eagle plumes into the ashes, holding a plume in either hand 
and striking the one held in the left hand on the under side with the 
plume held in the right, he sprinkled the head of the vicar, who was 
offering a silent prayer, and at the same moment the song opened to 
the accompaniment of the rattle. Previous to the vicar leaving the 
line, the ho/naaite removed a white fluffy eagle feather from one of the 
ya’ya, to which it had been attached with a white cotton cord, and tied 
it to the forelock of the vicar, who put into the cloud bowl the pow- 
dered root which was to produce the froth; then dipping the reed into 
corn pollen he sprinkled the altar. He placed a pinch of pollen into 
the upper end of the reed, and, turning that into the water, he put a 
pinch into the other end, and touched the four cardinal points of the 
cloud bowl] with the corn pollen, and made bubbles by holding the 
hollow reed in the center of the bowl and blowing through it. This 
operation lasted but a few moments, when he began stirring the water 
with the reed, moving it from right to left, and never raising the lower 
end to the surface of the water, producing a beautiful egg-like froth. 
Not satisfied with its rising high above the bowl, he did not cease 
manipulating until the suds had completely covered it, so that nothing 
could be seen but a mass of snowy froth; fifteen minutes of continual 
stirring was required to produce this effect. Hethen stood the reed in 
the center of the froth, and holding an eagle plume in each hand 
danced before the altar vehemently gesticulating. He dipped suds 
with his two plumes and threw them toward the altar, with a wild ery, 
and again dipping suds he threw them over the altar to the north; a 
like quantity was thrown to the west, and the same to the south, the 
east, the zenith, and the nadir. He then dipped a quantity, and 
placing some on the head of the white bear and putting some over the 
parrot, he resumed his seat on the blanket and began blowing through 
the reed and beating the suds. In five minutes he stood the reed as 
before in the center of the bowl, then, dancing, he dipped the suds, 
placing them on the head of the bear and over the parrot; he then 
removed the remaining suds from the plumes by striking one against 
the other over the bowl (this froth is always referred to by the Sia as 
clouds). During this part of the ceremony the choir sang an exhortation 
to the cloud peoples. A boy now handed a cigarette of native tobacco 
to the vicar, who puffed the smoke for some time, extending the cigar- 
ette to the north; smoking again, he blew the smoke to the west, 
and extended the cigarette to that point; this was repeated to the 
south and east; when he had consumed all but an inch of the cigar- 
ette, he laid it in front of the cloud bowl and east of the meal line. The 


110 THE SIA. 


choir did not cease singing during the smoking, and When the bit of 
cigarette had been deposited, the vicar transferred his rattle to his 
right hand, keeping time with the choir. When the song closed he 
left his seat in front of the cloud bowl and stood by the west side of the 
altar, and removing the eagle plume from his head returned it to the 
ya’‘ya and took his seat near the fireplace. Two of the boys then lighted 
cigarettes of native tobacco with the long firestick, handing one to each 
member. 

In fifteen minutes the song was resumed and the man west of the 
ho/naaite dipped his eagle plumes in the medicine water and sprinkled 
the altar, repeating the sprinkling four times. In twenty-five minutes 
the song closed and the men enjoyed a social smoke, each man after 
lighting his cigarette waving it towards the altar. In twenty-five min- 
utes the choir again sang, two boys standing in front of the altar, one 
on either side of the line of meal. The one on the west side of the line 
dipped his plumes into the medicine water and sprinkled the altar, and 
the one on the east side of the line dipped his crook into the medicine 
water and sprinkled the altar. They then dipped into the cloud bowl 
and threw the suds to the north; dipping suds again the boy west of 
the line threw the suds to the west, and the one east of the line threw 
the suds to the east; again dipping medicine water they passed to the 
south and threw the water to that point, the boy west of the meal line 
crossed to the east, and the one on the east of the line of meal crossed 
to the west, and returning to the altar they dipped suds, the boy to 
the west of the line throwing suds in that direction, and the boy east 
of the line throwing suds to that point; again dipping the medicine 
water they sprinkled to the zenith, and dipping the suds they threw 
them to the nadir; then the boy on the west of the line crossed to the 
east, and the one on the east of the line crossed to the west, and thus 
reversing positions they repeated the sprinkling of the cardinal points, 
zenith and nadir, twelve times, dipping alternately into the medicine 
water and the cloud bowl. With the termination of the sprinkling 
the song ceased for a moment, and by command of the ho’naaite the 
boys, each taking a basket of hii/chamoni, which were resting on the 
backs of the cougar fetiches either side of the altar, stood in front of 
the altar, one on the west side of the meal line and the other on the 
east, and holding the baskets in their left hands shook their rattles; 
they then held the basket with both hands, moving them in time to 
the song and rattles of the choir. The ho’naaite directed them to 
wave the baskets to the north, west, south, and east, to the zenith and 
the nadir; this they repeated twelve times and then deposited the 
baskets either side of the cloud bowl, and the vicar placed the bowl of 
medicine water two feet in front of the cloud bowl, on the line of meal, 
and taking one of the ya’ya in his left hand, he passed east of the line 
and, stooping low, he stirred the medicine water with an abalone shell, 
and then passed his hand over the ya‘ya and drew a breath from it. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXViI 


SHRINE OF KNIFE SOCIETY. 


= 


: 
‘ 


Shem ed. of eee 


STEVENSON. ] END OF CEREMONIAL. ANI 


The man at the west end of the line-of worshipers now came forward 
and the vicar gave him a drink of the medicine water, then the man at 
the east end of the line received a draft. The boy who threw the 
suds with the plumes came next, and following him the boy (the 
pauper) who held the miniature crook; then the third boy advanced 
and drank; the man on the left of the ho/naaite following next, the 
ho/naaite came forward; he did not receive the water from the shell, 
but drank directly from the bowl; the vicar holding the bowl with his 
right hand placed it to the ho/naaite’s lips, the ho/naaite clasping the 
ya’ya, which was held in the left hand of the vicar; he then taking the 
bowl with his right hand and clasping the ya’/ya with his left, held it 
to the lips of the vicar, who afterwards left the room, carrying with him 
the remainder of the medicine water and the ya/ya. He passed into 
the street and, filling his mouth with the water, he threw a spray 
through his teeth to the north, west, south, and east, the zenith and 
the nadir and then to all the world, that the cloud people might gather 
and water the earth. In a short time he returned and placed the bowl 
and ya‘ya before the altar. The shell was laid east of the line of meal 
and in front of the cloud bowl. A cigarette was then handed the 
ho/naaite and, after blowing the first few puffs over the altar, he 
finished it without further ceremony, and taking the two baskets of 
plume offerings in either hand he stooped with bended knees a short 
distance in front of the altar and west of the line of meal. The two 
minor members wrapped their blankets around them and stooped be- 
fore the ho’/naaite on the opposite side of the meal line. The ho/naaite 
divided the offerings between the two, placing them on the blanket 
where it passed over the left arm; these offerings were to Pai‘iitiimo 
and Ko/pishtaia, and were deposited by the boys at the shrines of 
Kopishtaia (Pls. xxvi and xxvit). Food was now broughtin by the boy 
novitiate, and with the feast the society adjourned at 3 o’clock in the 
morning. 


SOCIETY OF THE QUER/RANNA. 


The Society of the Quer’raénna has a reduced membership of three— 
the ho/naaite, vicar, and a woman; and there is at the present time a 
novitiate, a boy of 5 years. Three generations are represented in this 
society—father, son, and grandson. The elder man is one of the most 
aged in Sia, and, though ho’naaite of the Quer‘riinna and vicar of the 
Society of Warriors, and reverenced by his people as being almost as 
wise as the “Oracle,” his family is the most destitute in Sia, being 
composed, as itis, of nonproducing members. His wife is an invalid; his 
eldest son, the vicar of the Quer‘riinna Society, is a paralytic, and a 
younger son is a trifling fellow. The third child is a daughter who has 
been blind from infancy; she is the mother of two children, but has 
never been married. The fourth child is a 10-year-old girl, whose time 
is consumed in the care of the children of her blind sister, bringing 
the water for family use, and grinding the corn (the mother and sister 
occasionally assisting in the grinding) and preparing the meals, which 
consist, with rare exceptions, of a bowlof mush. During the planting 
and harvest times the father alone attends to the fields, which are their 
main dependence; and he seeks such employment as can be procured 
from his people, and in this way exchanges labor for food. Every 
blanket of value has been traded for nourishment, until the family is 
reduced to mere tatters for garments. For several years this family 
has been on the vergeof starvation,and the meagerness of food and 
mental suffering tells the tale in the face of each member of the house- 
hold, excepting the worthless fellow (who visits about the country, im- 
posing upon his friends). Even the little ones are more sedate than 
the other children of the village. 

Nothing is done for this family by the clan. Close observation leads 
the writer to believe that the same ties of clanship do not exist with 
the Sia as with the other tribes. This, however, may be due to the 
long continued struggle for subsistence. Fathers and mothers look 
first to the needs of their children, then comes the child’s interest in 
parents, and brothers and sisters inone another. No lack of self-denial 
is found in the family. 

The ho/naaite of the Quer‘rinna is the only surviving member of the 
Eagle clan, but his wife belongs to the Corn clan, and has a number of 
connections. When the writer chided a woman of this clan for not 
assisting the sufferers she replied: ‘I would help them if [ could, but 
we have not enough for ourselves,” a confirmation of the opinion that 
the clan is here secondary to the nearer ties of consanguinity. The 
care of one’s immediate family is obligatory; it is not so with the clan. 

112 


"AL3IDOS WN-NVH-,Y3ND JO YVLIV 


AQOTONHA3 30 Nv3a"uNE 


IIAXX "Id = 18Od34 TVWANNY HiLN3A313 


As is a 
Vee 


STEVENSON. ] QUERRANNA RAIN CEREMONIAL. 113, 


The house in which this family lives is small and without means of 
ventilation, and the old man may be seen, on his return from his daily 
labors, assisting his invalid wife and paralytic son to some point where 
they may have a breath of pure air. They are usually accompanied by 
the little girl leading her blind sister and carrying the baby on her back 
by a bit of an old shawl which the girl holds tightly around her. 

Always patient, always loving, is the old man to those of his house- 
hold, and the writer was ever sure of a greeting of smiles and fond 
words from each of these unfortunates. Not wanting in hospitality 
even in their extremity, they invited her to join them whenever she 
found them at their frugal meal. 

The only medicine possessed by the Quer’riinna is se/-wili, which is 
composed of the roots and blossoms of the six mythical medicine plants 
of the sun, archaic white shell and black stone beads, turkis, and a 
yellow stone. 

The preparation of this medicine and that of the other cult societies 
is similar to the mode observed by the Zuni. Women are dressed in 
sacred white embroidered Tusayan blankets, and they grind the medi- 
cine to a fine powder amid great ceremony. When a woman wishes to 
become pregnant this medicine is administered to her privately by the 
ho/naaite, a small quantity of the powder being put into cold water and 
a fetich of Quer’‘rinna dipped four times into the water. A dose of this 
medicine insures the realization of her wish; should it fail, then the 
woman’s heart is not good. This same medicine is also administered at 
the ceremonials to the members of the society for the perpetuation of 
their race; and the ho/naaite, taking a mouthful, throws it out through 
his teeth to the cardinal points, that the cloud people may gather and 
send rain that the earth may be fruitful. 


RAIN CEREMONIAL OF THE QUER/RANNA SOCIETY. 


During the day ha/chamoni and plume offerings are prepared by the 
ho/naaite, and in the afternoon he arranges the altar, which is quite 
different from those of the other cult societies, and makes a meal 
painting symbolie of clouds. Six fetiches of Quer’riinna are then 
arranged in line, the largest being about 6 inches, the smallest 3, the 
others graduating in size; a medicine bowl is set before the line of 
fetiches; antlers are stood to the east of the meal painting; and bas- 
kets of cereals, corn on the cob, medicine bags, and a basket of hii/cha- 
moni and plume offerings are arranged about the painting. Pl. xxvii 
shows photograph at time of ceremonial; Pl. xxrx, made in case of 
failure of the first, shows the meal painting, symbolic of clouds, which 
is completely hidden in the first photograph, and illustrates more.defi- 
nitely the feather decoration of the altar. The birds surmounting the 
two posts are wood carvings of no mean pretensions; the feathers by 
the birds are eagle plumes, and the bunches of plumes suspended from 


11 ETH 38 


114 THE SIA, 


the cord are tail feathers of the female sparrow hawk (Falco sparverius) 
and the long-crested jay (Cyanocetta macrolopha). 

The men and child have their forelocks drawn back and tied with 
ribbons of corn husks, the men each haying a bunch of hawk and jay 
feathers attached pendent on the left side of the head. They wear 
white cotton breechcloths and necklaces of coral and kohaqua (archaic 
shell heads).! The woman wears her ordinary dress and several coral 
necklaces, her feet and limbs being bare. 

The ho/naaite, removing a bowl of meal from before the altar and 
holding it in his left hand, together with his eagle plumes and a wand,— 
the wand being a miniature crook elaborately decorated with feathers,— 
sprinkled a line of meal from the painting to the entrance of the 
chamber, for the being of Quer/rainna to pass over. 

The ho/naaite, his vicar, and the woman sat back of the altar, the ho’- 
naaite to the west side, the vice to his right, and the woman to the east 
side. At this time a child was sleeping near the altar. 

The ho/naaite filled an abalone shell with corn pollen and holding the 
shell, his two eagle plumes, and wand in his left hand and rattle im the 
right, offered a long prayer to Quer’riinna to invoke the cloud people to 
water the earth, and sprinkled the altar several times with pollen. 
At the close of the prayer he handed the shell of pollen to the woman, 
who passed to the front of the altar and east of the meal line and 
sprinkled the altar with the pollen. The song now began, and the 
woman, retaining her position before the altar, kept time by moving her 
wand right and left, then extending it over the altar; each time before 
waving it over the altar she rested it on the shell for a moment; after 
repeating the motion several times, she extended the wand to the north, 
moving it right and left, and after resting it on the sheli she extended 
it to the west, and the wand was in this way motioned to the cardinal 
points, zenith and nadir. The waving of the wand to the points was 
repeated four times: and the woman then returned the shell to the ho’- 
naaite, who had at intervals waved his plumes and wand over the altar. 
At this time the child awoke, and making a wad of his blanket sat 
upon it between the ho/naaite and the vicar; the latter supplying the 
child with a wand and rattle, he joined in the song. 

The vicar being afflicted with paralysis could add little to the cere- 
mony, though he made strenuous efforts to sing and sway his palsied 
body. The group presented a pitiful picture, but it exhibited a striking 
proof of the devotion of these peuple to the observance of their cult— 
the flickering fire-light playing in lights and shadows about the heads 
of the three members, over whom Time holds the scythe with grim 
menaces, while they strained every nerve to make all that was possible 
of the ritual they were celebarting; the boy, requiring no arousing to 
sing and bend his tiny body to the time of the rattle, joined in the calls 


!The portraits of the ho/naaites were made in secluded spots in the woods. The hair is not arranged 
as itis in the ceremonials, fear of discovery preventing the proper arrangement and adornment with 
feathers. (Pl. XXX.) 


PL. XXIX 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


-RAN-NA SOCIETY. 


ALTAR OF QUER’ 


STEVENSON. ] QUERRANNA RAIN CEREMONIAL. 115 


upon the cloud people to gather to water the earth with as much enthu- 
siasm as his elders. 

The song continued, with all standing, without cessation for an hour. 
The woman then brought a vase of water and gourd from the southwest 
corner of the room and placed it in front of the altar on the line of meal, 
and the ho/naaite took from the west side of the altar four medicine 
bags, handing two to the man and two to the boy (pollen being in one 
bag and meal in the other), and giving the shell containing the pollen 
to the woman. She stood in front of the altar east of the line of meal 
swaying her body from side to side, holding her wand in the right hand 
and the shell in the left, keeping time to the rattle and the song. She 
emptied a gourd of water from the vase into the medicine bowl, implor- 
ing Quer’rinna to intercede with the cloud people to assemble; the 
ho’/naaite then sprinkled se/wili into the medicine bowl; then the little 
boy sprinkled pollen into the bowl, invoking the cloud people to gather, 
and the vicar, with the same petition, sprinkled the pollen. The woman 
then emptied a second gourd of water, first waving it to the north, into 
the medicine bowl, with a call for the cloud people to gather; the 
ho/naaite again deposited a portion of the se/wili into the bowl and 
his vicar and the boy sprinkled in meal, with an appeal to the cloud 
people; again the woman lifted a gourdful of water and waved it to- 
ward the west and emptied it into the bowl, invoking the cloud people 
to gather; and the others sprinkled corn pollen, the vicar and boy eall- 
ing upon the cloud people to gather; the woman then waved a gourd 
of water to the south and emptied it into the bowl, and again the 
others sprinkled pollen, the vicar and boy repeating their petition; 
another gourdful was lifted and waved to the east and emptied into 
the bowl and the sprinkling of the pollen was repeated. The woman 
returned the vase to the farther end of the room (she officiated in the 
making of the medicine water, as the viear, being a paralytic, was una- 
ble to perform this duty), and resumed her seat back of the altar; 
reaching forward, she removed two small medicine bags, and taking a 
pinch of pollen from one and a pinch of meal from the other, sprinkled 
the medicine water; after repeating the sprinkling, she tied the bags 
and returned them to their place by the altar. The ho/naaite, dipping 
his plumes into the medicine bowl, sprinkled the altar three times by 
striking the top of the plumes held in the left hand with the rattle held 
in the right. The sprinkling was repeated three times by the others 
while the ho/naaite sang alow chant. All now rose, and the ho/naaite 
continuing the song, moved his body violently, the motion being from 
the knees; as he sang he extended his eagle plumes over the altar and 
dipped them into the medicine water with a call for the cloud people to 
gather; he then dipped the bird feathers attached to his wand into the 
medicine water with a similar exhortation; the boy dipped the feathers 
attached to his wand into the water, striking them with the rattle, call- 
ing upon the cloud people to gather and water the earth; the ho/naaite 


116 THE SIA. 


dipped his eagle plumes twice consecutively into the medicine water, 
invoking the cloud people to water the earth; and the vicar dipped his 
feathers into the medicine water, making the most revolting sounds in 
his efforts to invoke the cloud people; the boy sprinkled with the invo- 
cation tothe cloud people. The sprinkling was repeated alternately six 
times by each of the members, the ho/naaite pointing to the cardinal 
points as he continued his exhortation to the cloud people. After re- 
suming their seats they sang until midnight, when the ho’/naaite placed 
the ends of his feathers into his mouth and drew a breath and the 
woman laid her wand to the east side of the meal painting. The cere- 
monial closed with administering the medicine water, the ho/naaite 
dipping it with a shell. Owing to the depleted condition of the society, 
the duty of depositing the hii/chamoni and plume offerings fell to the 
ho’/naaite himself. 


OTHER SOCIETIES. 


In addition to the thirteen cult societies of the Zuni they have the 
society of the Kok’-ko, the mythologic society. 

It is obligatory that all youths become members of this society to in- 
sure their admittance into the dance house in the lake of departed 
spirits; first by involuntary and later by voluntary initiation. Females 
sometimes, though seldom, join this order. While the Sia mythology 
abounds in these same anthropomorphic beings, their origin is accounted 
for in an entirely different manner from those of the Zuni. The Ka/- 
tsuna of the Sia were created by Ut/sét in a single night in the lower 
world.! These beings accompanied the Sia to this world, and upon their 
advent here Ut/sét directed them to go to the west and there make their 
home for all time to come. 

They are solicited to use their influence with the cloud people, and 
the dances of the Ka/‘suna are usually held for rain or snow. It is 
the prerogative of the ti/imoni to control the appearance of the Ka/- 
tsuna. Whena dance is to occur, the ho/naaite of the Society of Quer’- 
riinna selects such men and women as he wishes to have dance and holds 
a number of rehearsals, both of the songs and dances. Those who are 
the most graceful, and who have the greatest powers of endurance and 
the most retentive memories for the songs, are chosen to personate the 
Ka/tsuna regardless of any other consideration. Both sexes, however, 
must have been first initiated into the mysteries of the Ka/tsuna. 

Previous to initiation the personators are believed by the Sia to be 
the actual Ka/tsuna. The instruction continues from four to eight days, 
and during this period continency must be observed, and an emetic 
drank by the married men and women each morning for purification 
from conjugal relations. 

Whenever the Ka/tsuna appear they are accompanied by their attend- 


1 There were other Ka''sfina, however, which were in the upper world before the Sia came. While 
the Sia can not account for their origin they are also personated by them. 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


HO/-NA-AI-TE OF QUER’-RAN-NA SOCIETY. 


STEVENSON. ] OTHER SOCIETIES. 117 


ants, the Ko/shairi and Quer’riinna, who wait upon them, attending to 
any disarranged apparel and making the spectators merry with their 
witty sayings and buffoonery. 

The Sia have a great variety of masks, which must be very old, judg- 
ing from their appearance, and the priest of the Quer‘riinna, who has 
them in charge, claims for them great antiquity. Pls. Xxxt and xXxxII 
illustrate some masks of the Ka/tsuna. 

When a boy or girl reaches the time when, as their fathers say, they 
have a good head, some ten or twelve years of age, the father first sug- 
gests to the ho/naaite of the Quer’rinna (if the father is not living then 
the mother speaks) that he would like his son or daughter to become 
acquainted with the Ka/'suna; he then makes known his wish to the 
ti/timoni, and after these two have said, “It is well,” he says to his 
child, “* My child, I think it is time for you to know the Ka/tsuna,” and 
the child replies, ‘It is well, father.” The parent then informs the 
ho/naaite that his child wishes to know the Ka/tsuna, and the ho/naaite 
replies, “It is well.” The next time the Ka/tsuna come he may know 
them. 

The ho/naaite prepares a meal painting for the occasion, covering it 
for the time being with a blanket. Upon the arrival of the Ka/tsuna 
the father and child, and, ifthe child be a member of a cult society, 
the theurgist of the society, proceed to the ceremonial house of the 
Quer’‘rinna. If the child possesses a fetich of the ya/ya he carries it 
pressed to his breast. Upon entering the ceremonial chamber the child 
and attendants take their seats at the north end of the room near 
the west side, the ho/naaite of the Quer’riinna sitting just west of 
the meal painting, the boy to his right, and the parent next to 
the boy. The ti‘amoni and ho/naaite of warriors are present and sit 
on the west side of the room and about midway. The Sa/iahlia (two of 
the Ka/tsuna) stamp about in the middle of the room for a time, then 
the ho/naaite leads the child before the meal painting, which is, how- 
ever, still covered with the blanket, and says to the Ka/tsuna, “ A 
youth [or maiden, whichever it may be] has come to know you.” The 
Ka/tsuna each carry a bunch of Spanish bayonet in either hand, and 
the child receives two strokes across the back from each of the Ka/tsuna, 
unless he be an official member of a cult society; in this ease he is ex- 
empt from the chastisement. A boy is nude excepting the breech- 
cloth; a girl wears her ordinary clothing. The ho/naaite, addressing 
the Ka/tsuna, says: “ Now itis well for you to raise your masks that the 
child may see.” One of the Sa‘iahlia places his mask over the child’s head 
and the other lays his by the meal painting, the ho/naaite having re- 
moved the blanket. The personators of the Ka/tsuna then say to the 
child: ‘“ Now you know the Ka/tsuna you will henceforth have only good 
thoughts and a good heart; sometime, perhaps, you will be one of us. 
You must not speak of these things to anyone not initiated.” The mask 
is then taken from the child’s head and laid by the side of the other, 


118 THE SIA. 


and the boy answers: “I will not speak of these things to anyone.” 
The Ka’tsuna then rubs the meal of the painting upon the child, and 
those present afterwards gather around the painting and rub the meal 
upon their bodies for mental and physical purification. The child de- 
posits the hii/chamoni presented to him by the ho/naaite at the shrine 
of the Quer’riinna at the base of the village and to the west. The 
hii/chamoni is composed of eagle and turkey plumes. The child says 
when depositing it, ““I now know you, Ka/tsuna, and I pay you this 
hii/chamoni.” The ho/naaite deposits a hia/chamoni for each member 
of the society at the shrine, which is in a fissure in a rock, and after 
the deposition of the hii/chamoni the opening is covered with arock and 
no evidence of a shrine remains. 


SOCIETY OF THE COUGAR. 


This society is nearly extinct, its membership consisting of the ho’- 
naaite (the oracle) and his vicar, the former being also ho/naaite of the 
society of warriors; though aged, he retains his faculties perfectly and 

‘performs his official and religious duties with the warmest interest. 

Previous to a hunt for game a two days’ ceremonial is held by this 
society, and on the third morning hii/chamoni and plume offerings are 
deposited by the vice ho’naaite. The cougar is appealed to, as he is 
the great father and master of all game; he draws game to him by 
simply sitting still, folding his arms, and mentally demanding the pres- 
ence of the game; likewise when he wishes to send game to any par- 
ticular people he controls it with his mind and not by spoken words. 
Though the cougar sends the game it is the sun who gives power to the 
Sia to capture it. 

It is the prerogative of the ho/naaite of this society to decide upon 
the time for the hunt. Hia/chamoni are deposited to the cougar of 
the north, the west, the south, the east to convey the messages 
of the Sia. Ifa rabbit hunt is to occur a rabbit stick and an arrow 
point are deposited as offerings to the sun. The offerings to the 
cougar of the zenith aré deposited to the north and those to the sun to 
the east. Ifthe hunt is to be for larger game an arrow point only is 
deposited to the sun. The hunt may occur very soon after these offer- 
ings are made or not for some time, it being optional with the ho/naaite. 
He does not directly notify the people, but speaks to the war chief, who 
heralds his message. When announcement has been made of the pro- 
spective hunt a fire is made at night on the east side of the village and 
the selected huntsmen form ina circle around it; here the nightis spent 
making plans for the hunt, in epic songs, and story telling, and, like 
other Indians, the Sia recount the valorous deeds of the mythical beings 
and their people in low, modulated tones. The hunt occurs four days 
from this time, and continency is observed until after the hunt. On the 
fifth morning, if the hunt be for rabbits, the men and women of the 
village prepare to join in the chase by first having their heads bathed 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XXX|. 


C FRONT 


GAST LITH.CO. LY 


SIA MASKS 


Nv 


STEVENSON. ] SOCIETY OF THE COUGAR. 119 


in yucea suds and then donning their best apparel; only men hunt for 
the larger game. Rabbits are hunted on horseback with rabbit sticks; 
deer, on foot and with the rifle in preference to the arrow. 

A party of hunters which had been indicated by the war chief to 
hunt for deer and antelope left the village in the afternoon, the party 
being led by the vice war chief. The ti/‘imoni was a member of the 
party. The writer mentions this as it is unusual for a ti/imoni to 
participate in the hunt, and it is claimed by the Sia that if their ti/ii- 
moni were not a mere boy he would observe the custom of his predeces- 
sors and decline to join in the hunt. The scarcity of game in this part 
of the country necessitated a three days’ journey before any was 
obtained. 

Previous to the departure of the party the ho/naaite of the society of 
the cougar visited the house of each man who was to participate in the 
hunt and embraced him, repeating a short prayer for success. The 
prayer was addressed first to the cougar, father of game, that he might 
send his children about the country, and afterwards to the sun to give 
power to the hunters to secure the game. The wives and relatives of 
the hunting party had been busy preparing food for them; each man’s 
wife looked carefully after his personal needs. The wife handed the 
hunter’s gun to him after he had mounted his horse, the unmarried man 
of the party having his gun handed him by his father. 

The huntsmen were absent thirteen days, and upon their return a 
member of the party was sent in advance as courier to notify the war 
chief. The news brought general delight to the villagers, particularly 
to the wives of the hunters, who at once commenced preparing for their 
arrival. They reached the river about sundown, and upon crossing 
were received by the vice ho’naaite of the society of warriors and the 
war chief, who offered prayers and sprinkled meal in thanksgiving for 
the success and safe return of the hunters who grouped on the bank of 
the river. The younger children of the returning party were also on the 
river bank to meet their fathers, who at once took their little ones on 
the horses with them and expressed much delight at again seeing them. 
The huntsmen then in single file ascended the hill to the village, led 
by the viear of the society of warriors and the war chief, the latter two 
being on foot, the war chief following the vicar. A man whose house 
was at the entrance of the plaza dropped out of the file to go to his 
home, and by the time he had reached the door his wife was outside to 
receive his gun and other luggage which he bore; this was the only 
greeting between the husband and wife. After the horsemen had 
crossed the piaza a second man entered his home, he being the vicar of 
the society of the cougar and son of the vicar of the society of warriors. 
The war chief then led the party until but one horseman remained, who 
upon reaching his home was assisted by the war chief in relieving 
himself and animal of their burden. Several of the women of the vil- 
lage embraced the ti’imoni after he had dismounted, who, however, 


120 THE SIA. 


seemed perfectly absorbed in his infant daughter, his wife’s greeting, 
like those of the other wives, being simply to take first his gun and 
then his other traps from his horse. 

The ho/naaite of the cougar society visited the houses of all the re- 
turned hunters, first entering the house of his vicar. The young man 
stood in the center of the room and the ho/naaite embraced him and 
repeated a prayer of thanksgiving for his success in the hunt and his 
safe return. The old man was then assisted to a seat upon a wadded 
blanket and the father of the hunter spread a sheepskin upon the floor, 
wool side down, and emptied the contents of the sack which was taken 
from the hunter’s horse upon it, whieh was nothing more than the 
desiccated meat and bones of an antelope. The aged man then took 
from his pouch a fetich of the cougar, about 3 inches long, and touching 
it to the meat of the antelope many times prayed most earnestly for 
several minutes. His prayers were addressed to the cougar, thanking 
him for his goodness in sending his children over the land that the Sia 
might secure them as payment to the cloud people for watering the 
earth. 

In the next house visited the meat of the antelope was spread 
upon a bear’s skin, the hair down. - The skin of the antelope was folded 
lengthwise and laid by the side of the meat, and the skull and antlers 
placed at one end. The wife of the hunter laid over the skull many 
strings of coral, ko/haqua, and turkis beads, and afterwards spread a 
white embroidered Tusayan blanket over the carcass. A small bowl of 
sacred meal was deposited in front of the head. The aged ho/naaite 
repeated a prayer similar to the one he offered in the first house, not 
omitting placing the fetich to the antelope; he then clasped his hands 
four times over the skull of the antelope and drew a breath, after which 
the hunter lighted a cigarette for the ho/naaite who blew the first whift 
over the antelope and extended the cigarette toward it. The ho/naaite 
repeated the prayer in the houses of the four successful hunters. The 
other two men were not overlooked, as he embraced them and repeated 
a prayer of thanksgiving for their safe return.'’ The war. chief visited 
all of the houses, but did nothing more than sprinkle the antelope with 
corn pollen, drawing in a sacred breath from the game, puffing the first 
whiff of his cigarette over it and extending the cigarette toward it. 

When the game is shot, the hunter dips his fetich into the blood, 
telling it to drink. The blood is often scraped from fetiches and drunk 
in a little water to insure greater success in the hunt. There are speci- 
mens of such fetiches in Mr. Stevenson’s collection in the National 
Museum. Some students, through theirimperfect knowledge, have been 
led into the error of supposing from their new appearance that these 
fetiches were of recent manufacture. The game is kept in the houses 
of the hunters until the following morning, when it is taken to the cere- 
monial house of the ti/iimoni, the war chief deciding what day it shall 


! The aged ho/naaite has since died. 


Bureau of Ethnology Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XXXII 


SIA MASKS 


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STEVENSON. ] SOCIETY OF WARRIORS. AL 


be distributed among the ho/naaites of the several cult societies. It 
may be one, two, or three days after the return of the hunters. At the 
appointed time the ho/naaites assemble in the ceremonial house of the 
tiimoni, who divides the game, each ho/naaite carrying his portion to 
his ceremonial chamber. About noon of the same day the members of 
the cult societies assemble in their respective ceremonial chambers and 
prepare hii/chamoni; at the same time, if the society has any female 
members, they place the game in a pot and cook it in the fireplace in 
the ceremonial chamber, butif there be no female members certain male 
members are designated for this purpose. Toward evening the slat 
altars are erected, and the night is spent in songs and supplications to 
the cloud people to gather and water the earth. Hi/chamoni and the 
game are deposited before sunrise at four shrines—to the cougar of the 
north, the west, the south, and the east, that they will intercede for 
the cloud people to gather and water the earth. Hii/chamoni are 
also deposited to the sun father that he will invoke the cloud people 
to water the earth, and also that he will embrace the earth that the 
crops ay grow. Others are deposited in the fields as payment to the 
cloud people for the services requested of them. 


SOCIETY OF WARRIORS. 


The Society of Warriors and the Knite Society have a ceremonial 
chamber in common; and in a certain sense these societies are closely 
allied, the former having had originally as its presiding officers Ma/a- 
sewe and U’yuuyewé, the twin children of the sun, the latter society 
having derived its name from the arrows which were given by the sun 
father to the invulnerable twins, and with which they destroyed the 
enemies of the earth. Each of these ‘societies, therefore, has a share 
in the initiation of a victor. 

The killing of an enemy is not sufficient to admit a man into the 
Society of Warriors; he must return with such trophies as the scalp 
and buckskin apparel. The victor carries the scalp on an arrow until 
he draws near to the village, when he transfers it to a pole some 5 feet 
in length, the pole being held with bothhands. The victor’s approach 
is heralded, and if it be after the sun has eaten his midday meal he 
must ot enter the village, but remain near it until morning, food being 
carried to him by the war chief. In the morning the Society of the 
Knife, followed by the Warriors and the male populace of the town, join 
the victor. An extended prayer is offered by the ho/naaite of the Knife 
Society, and then, addressing the spirit of the enemy, he says: ‘‘ You are 
now no longer our enemy; your scalp is here; you will no more destroy my 
people.” The ho/naaite of the Warriors and his vicar respond, “So! So!” 
The air is resonant the remainder of the day with the war song, there 
being occasional intermissions for prayers; and at sundown the ho/na- 
aite of the Warriors and his vicar, with the victor, bearing the pole and 
scalp between them, lead the way to the village, followed by the mem- 
bers of the society, and then the Knife Society, led by its ho/naaite and 


22 THE SIA. 


his vicar. After encircling the village from right to left, the party en- 
ters the ceremonial chamber, when the scalp is deposited before the 
meal painting, the ho/naaite of the Knife Society having prepared the 
painting and arranged the fetiches about it in the morning before going 
to meet the victor. The two large stone images of Ma/asewe and 
U’yuuyewé, which are brought out only upon the initiation of a victor 
into the Society of Warriors, are kept in a room exclusively their own; 
these particular fetiches of the war heroes are never looked upon by 
women, consequently they have remained undisturbed in their abiding 
place a number of years, the exception being when all the fetiches and 
paraphernalia of the cult of the Sia were displayed in 1887 for Mr. 
Stevenson’s and the writer’s inspection. The members of the Knife 
Society sit on the west side of the room and the Warriors on the east 
side, the ho/naaites of the societies sitting at the north end of either 
line, each ho/naaite having his viear by his side, and the victor by the 
side of the vicar of the Warriors; he does not join in the song, but sits 
perfectly still. At sunrise the scalp is washed in yucca suds and cold 
water by each member of the Knife Society, and the victor’s hands are 
then bathed for the first time since the scalping, and he proceeds to 
paint his body. The face and lower portion of the legs are colored red 
and the remainder black, and galena is then spread over the greater 
portion of the face. The Knife Society wears white cotton embroidered 
Tusayan kilts and moccasins, and the Warriors wear kilts of unorna- 
mented buckskin, excepting the fringes at the bottom and the pouch 
made from the buckskin apparel captured from the enemy. The victor 
wears the buckskin kilt, moccasins, and pouch, and he carries a bow 
and arrows in his left hand, and the pole with the scalp attached to it 
in the right. Each member of the society also carries a bow and arrows 
in the left hand and a single arrow in the right. The members of the 
Knife Society have gourd rattles in their right hands and bows and 
arrows in the left. The hair of all is left flowing. 

An arrow point is placed in the mouth of the victor by the ho’naaite 
of the Knife Society, and they all then proceed to the plaza, the mem- 
bers of each society forming in a line and the victor dancing to and 
fro between the lines, raising the scalp as high as the pole will reach, 
but he does not sing or speak a word. The numbers in the lines are 
increased by the men of the village carrying war clubs and firearms, 
keeping up a continual volley with their pistols and guns until the 
close of the dance at sundown. The women are not debarred from 
exhibiting their enthusiasm, and they join in the dance. 

Upon their return to the ceremonial chamber the scalp is again 
deposited before the meal painting and the ho/naaite of the Knife Society _ 
proceeds with the final epic ritual which completes the initiation of the 
victor into the Society of Warriors, closing with these words: “‘You 
are now amember of the Society of Warriors,” and he then removes 
the arrow point from the victor’s mouth. The members, in conjunction 
with the victor, respond ‘Yes! Yes!” 


"NOS ONISIY SHL OL YSAVHd 


STEVENSON. } SONGS. 123 


The cotton shirt and trousers are then donned and the scalp is 
carried to the scalp-house (a cavity in the earth covered with a mound 
of stone) and deposited with food for the spirit of the departed enemy. 
Again returning to the ceremonial chamber, fast is broken for the first 
time during the day, when a feast, which is served by the female rela- 
tives of the victor, is enjoyed. After the meal they go to the river and 
remove all evidences of the paint upon their bodies. Continency is 
observed four days. 

The few songs of the cult which the writer was able to collect are 
direct invocations for rain, or for the presence of zoomorphie beings in 
ceremonials for healing the sick, a few words sufficing for many unex- 
pressed ideas. The epic ritual of the Sia is so elaborate that much time 
and careful instruction are required to impress it upon the mind, and the 
younger men either have not the mind necessary for the retention of 
the ritual or will not tax their memories; therefore the web of Sia myth 
and religion is woven into the minds of but few. 

The aged theurgists were eager tointrust to the writer the keeping 
of their songs, which are an elaborate record of the lives of their mythic 
heroes and of the Sia themselves. 

The Sia sometimes adopt the poet’s license in their songs and alter 
a word; for example, the name for “badger” is tuo’pi, but is changed 
in the sko’/yo song for rain to tupi/na, because, they say, the latter word 
renders the stanza more rhythmical. And, again, different words are 
syhonymously used. 

The his’tiiin and quer’/rinna have each a similar song of petition for 
rain, this song having been given to the his’tiin by the sun. It will be 
remembered that the name of this society indicates the knives or 
arrows of lightning given to the heroes by their sun father. 


SONGS. 


A RAIN SONG OF THE SHU/-WI CHAI/AN (SNAKE SOCIETY). 


1. Hén’-na-ti 2. Hén/-na-ti shi/-wan-na 
He’-iish He’-iish shi-wan-na 
Ptr’-tu-wish-ta Pur’-tu-wish-ta shi-wan-na 
Kow-mots Kow-mots shi/-wan na 
Kash’-ti-arts Kash/-ti-arts shi/-wan-na 
Ka/-chard Ka’‘-chard shi/-wan-na 


(1) Translation:—Heénnati, white floating masks, behind which the 
cloud people pass about over ti/ni’a for recreation; He‘iish, masks like 
the plains, behind which the cloud people pass over ti/ni/a to water the 
earth; Pirtuwishta, lightning people; Kowmots, thunder people; 
Kashtiarts, rainbow people; Ka/chard, rain, the word being used in 
this instance, however, as an emphatic invocation to the rulers of the 
cloud people. 

(2) Shi/wanna, people. 


124 THE SIA. 


Free translation:—An appeal to the priests of ti/nia. Let the white 
floating clouds—the clouds like the plains—the lightning, thunder, rain- 
bow, and cloud peoples, water the earth. Let the people of the white 
floating clouds—the people of the clouds like the plains—the lightning, 
thunder, rainbow and cloud peoples—come and work for us, and water 
the earth. 


3. Sha/-ka-ka 4, Sha/-ka-ka shi/-wan-na 
Shwi/-ti-ra-wa-na Shwi/-ti-ra-wa-na shi/-wan-na 
Mai’-chi-na Mai’-chi-na shi/-wan-na 
Shwi/-si-ni-ha-na-we Shwi/-si-ni-ha-na-we shi-wan-na 
Marsh’-ti-tii-mo Marsh’ ti-tii-mo shi/-wan-na 
Mor’-ri-tii-mo Mor’-ri-tiai-mo shi/-wan-na 


Translation:—Sha‘kaka, spruce of the north; Shwi’tirawana, pine of 
the west. Mai’china, oak of the south. Shwi/sinihanawe, aspen of the 
east. Marsh’titiimo, cedar of the zenith; Mor’ritiimo, oak of the nadir. 

(2) Shi/wanna, people. 

Free translation:—Cloud priest who ascends to ti‘nia through the 
heart of the spruce of the north; cloud priest who ascends to ti’nia 
through the heart of the pine of the west; cloud priest who ascends to 
ti/nia through the heart of the oak of the south; cloud priest who 
ascends to ti/nia through the heart of the aspen of the east; cloud 
priest who ascends to ti’nia through the heart of the cedar of the 
zenith; cloud priest who ascends to ti‘nia, through the heart of the oak 
of the nadir; send your people to work for us, that the waters of the 
six great springs may impregnate our mother, the earth, that she may 
give to us the fruits of her being. 

Though the trees of the cardinal points are addressed. the supplica- 
tion is understood to be made to priestly rulers of the cloud peoples of 
the cardinal points. 


5. Hén/-na-ti ka/-shi-wan-na 
He’-tish ka/shi-wan-na 
Pir’-tu-wish-ta ka/shi-wan-na 
Kow-mots ka/shi-wan-na 
Kash-ti-arts ka/shi-wan-na 
Ka/chard ka/shi-wan-na 


ka/shi-wan-na (all people). 
Free translation:—AII the white floating clouds—all the clouds like 
the plains—all the lightning, thunder, rainbow and cloud peoples, come 
and work for us. 


6. Sha/-ka-ka ka/-shi-wan-na 
Shwi/-ti-ra-wa-na ka/-shi-wan-na 
Mai’-chi na ka/-shi-wan-na 
Shwi/-si-ni-ha-na-we ka/-shi-wan-na 
Marsh/-ti-tiai-mo ka/-shi-wan-na 


Mor’-ri-tii-mo ka/-shi-wan-na 


STEVENSON. | SONGS. 125 


Free translation: — 


Priest of the spruce of the north, send all your people to work for us; 
Priest of the pine of the west, send all your people to work for us; 
Priest of the oak of the south, send all your people to work for us; 
Priest of the aspen of the east, send all your people to work for us; 
Priest of the cedar of the zenith, send all your people to work for us; 
Priest of the oak of the nadir, send all your people to work for us. 


7. Heén’-na-ti ho/-chin-ni 
He’-iish ho’-chain-ni 
Pir-tu-wish-ta ho/-chéin-ni 
Kow’-mots ho/-chiin-ni 
Kash/ti-arts ho/-chiin-ni 
Ka/-chard ho/-chan-ni 


Translation :—Ho’chiinni, arch ruler of the cloud priests of the world. 
; I 


Free translation :— 
Ho’chiinni of the white floating clouds of the world; 
Ho’chiinni of the clouds like the plains of the world (referring to the cloud people 
behind their masks) ; 
Ho’chiinni of the lightning peoples of the world; 
Ho’chiinni of the thunder peoples of the world; 
Ho/chiinni of the rainbow peoples of the world; 
Ho’chinni of the cloud peoples of the world—send all your peoples to work for us. 


8. Sha-‘ka-ka ho/-chan-ni 
Shwi’ti-ra-wa-na ho’ chiéin-ni 
Mai’-chi-na ho/-chan-ni 
Shwi/si-ni-ha-na-we ho/-chiin-ni 
Marsh’-ti-tii-mo ho’-chiin-ni 
Mor’-ri-tii-mo ho/-chén-ni 


Free translation :— 


Ho’chiinni of the spruce of the north; 

Ho‘chiinni of the pine of the west; 

Ho’chinni of the oak of the south; 

Ho’chinni of the aspen of the east; 

Ho’chiinni of the cedar of the zenith; 

Ho’chiinni of the oak of the nadir; send all your peoples to work for us, that the 
waters of the six great springs of the world may impregnate our mother the 
earth that she may give to us the fruits of her being. 


A SONG OF THE SHU/WI CHAI’/AN (SNAKE SOCIETY) FOR HEALING 
THE SICK. 


1. Ska/-to-we chai/-iin Quis’-sér-a chai/-iin 
Ka’-span-na chai/-iin Hu’-wa ka-chai’-iin 


Ko/-quai-ra chai/-iin Ya/-ai chai’-in 


126 THE SIA. 


Translation.—Snake Society of the north, Snake Society of the west, 
Snake Society of the south, Snake Society of the east, Snake So- 
ciety of the zenith, Snake Society of the nadir, come here and work 
with us. 

2. Ho/-na-ai-te Ska/-to-we chai’/-in 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ka/-span-na chai-an 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ko’-quai-ra chai’-an 
Ho/-na-ai-te Quis-sér-ra chai/-iin 
Ho’-na-ai-te Hu’-wa/-ka chai’-ain 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ya/-ai chai’-iin 


An appeal to the ho/-naaites of the snake societies of the cardinal 
points to be present and work for the curing of the sick. 


3. Mo’-kaite chai/-an Ka/-kan chai/-an 


Ko/-hai ehai’-iin Tiii/-mi chai’-iin 
Tu-o/-pi chai’-iin Mai’tu-bo chai/-ain. 


An appeal to the animals of the cardinal points to be present at the 
ceremonial of healing. 


4. Ho’-na-ai-te Mo kaite chai’-in 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ko/-hai chai’-ain 
Ho’/-na-ai-te Tu-o/-pi chai’-an 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ka/-kan echai/-iin 
Ho’-na-ai-te Ti-d/-mi chai/-in 
Ho’-na-ai-te Mai’-tu-bo chai’-ain 


An appeal to the ho/naaites of the animal societies of the cardinal 
points to be present at the ceremonial. 


A RAIN SONG OF THE SKO/YO CHAI/AN (GIANT SOCIETY). 


1. Cher-és ti mu ko wai’ ya tu ai’ ya mi wa wa Ish to wa 
Middle of the world door of shi/pa-po my medicine is pre- Arrow of light- 
below cious, it is as my ning 
heart 


titka ‘simaiah  kosh’ te an 
come to us echo 
2. Kai/nuaweeh shakaka ka’ shi wannati ka/ rutsiniah 
Who is it “spruce of all your people your thoughts 
north” 


ti’ ka tsi mai ah 


come to us 
3. Kai/nuah wehe hén’na ti ka/rutsiniah ti’ ka ‘si mai ah 
Who is it “white tloat- your thoughts come to us 


ing clouds” 


ka’ shi wan nati ka/rutsiniah ti’ ka tsi mai ah 
all your people your thoughts come to us 


STEVENSON. ] SONGS. 127 


4, Kai/nuahweeh he/ishshitsi ka/rutsiniah ti! k& tsi mai ah 
Who is it “clouds like the your thoughts come to us 
plains” 


5. Kai/nuah we he ishto wa ka/rutsmiah ti’ kii tsi mai ab 
Who is it “arrow of your thoughts come to me 
lightning” 

6. Kai’ nu ah weeh ha’ a ‘si tsi’ at ‘sini ka’ shi wan nati  ka/ 

Who is it “earth horizon” all your people your 
rutsiniah ti’ ka ‘si mai ah 

thought. come to us 

Free translation.—We, the ancient ones, ascended from the middle 
of the world below, through the door of the entrance to the lower 
world, we hold our songs to the cloud, lightning, and thunder peo- 
ples as we hold our own hearts; our medicine is precious. (Addressing 
the people of ti‘nia:) We entreat you to send your thoughts to us that 
we may sing your songs straight, so that they will pass over the 
straight road to the cloud priests that they may cover the earth with 
water, so thatshe may bear all that is good for us. 

Lightning people, send your arrows to the middle of the earth, 
hear the echo (meaning that the thunder people are flapping their 
wings among the cloud and lightning peoples). Who is it (the singers 
pointing to the north)? The people of the spruce of the north. All 
your people and your thoughts come to us. Who is it? People of 
the white floating clouds. Your thoughts come to us, all your people 
and your thoughts come tous. Who is it (pointing above)? People of 
the clouds like the plains. Your thought comes to us. Who is it? 
The lightning people. Your thoughts come tous. Who is it? Cloud 
people at the horizon. All your people and your thoughts come to 
us. 


A SONG OF THE SKO/YO CHAI/AN (GIANT SOCIETY) FOR HEALING THE 


SICK, 
Ants 5 lhe Seas Hae ee wa/-mi 
Sand painting 
i Kea =n sainee ee WOss cen eh mo/‘kai-ra —_ho/-na-wa-ai-te 
Who isit cougar theurgist 
nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
allis yours take away all disease 
2. Kai'-nu-a....-- Wie sos ne eh ko/-hai-ya ho/-na-wa-ai-te 
Who is it bear theurgist 
nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
allis yours take away all disease 
3. Kai-nu-a:.--.- WO. =-.-: eh tu’-pi-na __ho/-na-wa-ai-te 
Who is it badger theurgist 


nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
all is yours take away all disease 


128 THE SIA. 


4, Kai-nu-a...... WEae aes eh ka/-kan-na _—sho/-na-wa-ai-te 
Who is it wolf theurgist 
nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
allis yours take away all disease 
5. Kai-nu-ai......W@s-.<-¢ eh tii/-mi-na__—siho’-na-wa-ai-te 
Whois it eagle theurgist 
nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
allis yours take away all disease 
6. Kai-nu-a. .---- WO. <2.-: eh  ma/i-tu-bo  ho/-na-wa-ai-te 
Who is it shrew theurgist 
nu-ro-wa-ah ka/-tsi-ma-ah 
allis yours take away all disease 


Free translation.—Lion of the north, see the sand painting which you 
have given us (a voice is heard). Whoisit? “The lion.” [am but your 
theurgist; you possess all power; lend me your mind and your heart 
that I may penetrate the flesh and discover the disease. Through me; 
your theurgist, take away all disease. 

This appeal is repeated to each of the animals named. 


A RAIN SONG OF THE HISTIAN CHAI/AN (KNIFE SOCIETY). 


1. Ha/-ta-we sér'-ra-tse yu/-wa_ ti’tii-mi ka/-wash-ti-ma_ ko/-ti 


Corn pollen Daaa over the there north spring of the north mountain 
roac 
2. Ha/-ta-we sér’-ra-tse yu’-wa po’-na ‘si/-pin’ ko/-ti 
Corn pollen pass over the there west spring of mountain 
road the west 
3. Ha/-ta-we sér/-ra-tse yu’-wa ko’wa tow’-o-tu-ma_ ko/-ti 
Corn pollen ne over the there south spring of the south mountain 
Toa! 
4, Ha/-ta-we sér/-ra-tse yu/-wa ha/-na-mi ku/-chiin ko’-tt 
Corn pollen pass over the there east spring of mountain 
road the east 
5. Ha/-ta-we sér/-ra-tse yu’-wa_ ti/-na-mi_ ko/’-wa-tu-ma_ ko/-ta 
Corn pollen maasiever the there zenith spring of the zenith mountain 
roac 
6. Ha/-ta-we sér/-ra-tse yu’-wa ntr/-ka-mi_ sti/-a-chin-na_ ko/-ti 
Corn pollen ee over the there nadir spring of the nadir mountain 
roa 


Free translation—Corn pollen pass over the north road! to the spring 
of the north mountain, that the cloud people may ascend from the 
spring in the heart of the mountain to ti/nia and water the earth. The 
same is repeated for the five remaining cardinal points. 


A RAIN SONG OF THE HISTIAN CHAI/AN (KNIFE SOCIETY). 


Hoe eae hase liv hee eres ho’ 
16 WAKEn Glen ceee ti‘ti-mi  ka/-wish-ti-ma  sha/..... ka-ka_  ka/-shi 
There north spring spruce of the north all cloud 
+ ates wan.....-na_ha/-ti 
people where 
2, Yu/-wa-po-na-mi shwi/-ti-ra-wa-na = ka/-shi..- . -- Wan\.. 2.2 na 
There in the west pine of the west all people 
ha’-ti 
where 


1 Here the singers sprinkle pollen to the north with an under wave of the hand. 


STEVENSON. | SONGS. 129 


3. Yu'-wa......ko’/-wa-mi “se-ya mai’-chi-na ka/-shi. -.... wan...... 
There south great oakof the south all people 
na ha’-ti 
where 
AS Na Syyciel =) Pi- hanes na-mi  shwi'Ssi-ni-ha-na-we  ka/shi...... 
There east aspen of the east all 
WhjNoe ssac na ha-‘ti 
people where 
5. Yul-wa..:--. ti/na-mi marsh/-ti-tii-mo ka/-shi-....-. Wanlss- a5: na 
There the zenith cedar of the zenith all people 
ha’-ti 
where 
65 Yulewars-- = 2: nar’-ka-mi mor’-ri-taé-mo ka/-shi...... WANS... 2a na 
There earth oak of the earth all people 
ha’-ti 
where 
CEO! ha: 12% liviioteooe ho! 


The Quer‘rainna has the same song. 
Free Translation— 

1. Where are all the cloud people of the spring or heart of the spruce 
of the north? There in the north [the singers pointing to the north]. 

2. Where are all the cloud people of the pine of the west? There in 
the west [the singers pointing to the west]. 

3. Where are all the cloud people of the great oak of the south? 
There in the south {the singers pointing to the south}. 

4, Where are all the cloud people of the aspen of the east? There 
in the east [the singers pointing to the east}. 

5. Where are all the cloud people of the cedar of the zenith? There 
in the zenith [the singers pointing upward]. 

6. Where are all the cloud people of the nadir? There [the singers 
pointing to the earth]. 


PORTION OF A RAIN SONG OF THE HISTIAN CHAI‘/AN (KNIFE SOCIETY). 


Ha’ ah oh haie dr ha’ ah oh hai e iir! 


Ss You-Wiis eee ti/-i-ta shi/-pa-po ni/-ma mo/-kaite ha/-ro-tse 
There north entrance to ascended cougar man 
lower world 


Ha’ ah oh haie ir ha’ ah oh hai e ar 
Dey MU=Waers: 2 2 = ti/-i-ta shi/-pa-po ni/ma_ ko/-hai-ra_ ha/ro-tse 


There north entrance to ascended bear man 
lower world 


Ha/ ah oh haie ar ha/ ah oh hai e dir 


3. YU Wa. 2+. ti’-i-ta shi/-pa-po ni/-ma_ tu’-pi-na_ha/-ro-tse 
There north entrance to ascended badger man 
lower world 


Ha’ ah oh haie air ha’ ah oh hai e air 
4, Yu-wa....-: ti/-ita shi/-pa-po ni/-ma ka/-kan-na_ha/-ro-se 


There north entrance to ascended wolf man 
lower world 


Ha’ ah oh haie dir ha/ ah oh hai e iir 
De CUR Wiale cer ti’-i-ta shi/-pa-po ni/-ma_ ti-é/mi_ha/ro-se 


There north entrance to ascended eagle man 
~ lower world 


Ha/ ah oh haie ir ha/ ah oh hai e ar 


1 Can not be translated. 


11 ETH——9 


130 THE SIA. 


6. Yu-wa..-..-. ti/-i-ta shi/-pa-po ni/ma mai-tu-bo ha/-ro-tse 
There north entrance to ascended shrew man 
lower world 


An appeal to the animals of the cardinal points to intercede with the 
cloud people to water the earth. This song is long and elaborate. It 
begins by stating that their people, the cougar people and the others 
mentioned, ascended to ha/arts, the earth, through the opening, shi’- 
papo, in the north. It then recounts various incidents in the lives of 
these beings, with appeals at intervals for their intercession with the 
cloud people. 


A RAIN SONG OF THE QUER/RANNA CHAI’‘AN. 


Hén/-na-ti he/-iish O/-shats Ta/-wac Mo/-kaite ko’hai Tu-o/-pi 
White floating clouds like sun moon cougar bear badger 
clouds. the plains 


Ka/kan Ti-i/-mi Mai-tu-bo Ma/-a-se-we Uyuuyewé  Sa’-mai-hai-a 
wolf eagle shrew elder war hero younger warhero name of warrigr of 
the north 


Shi/-no-hai-a Yu/-ma-hai-a Ah/-wa-hai-a Pe/-ah-hai-a_ Sa/-ra-hai-a 
name of warrior nameof warriorof name of warriorof name of warrior name of warrior 


of the west the south the east of zenith of nadir 
Wai-ti-chiin-ni  ai-wan-na-tuon-Di Shi’-wan-na-wa-tu-un  hi-an-ye 
medicine water bowl cloud bowl ceremonial water vase Imakea 
road of meal 
Hi’-ah-iir-ra hi/-a-mo-ni Hi-shi-ko-yatsas-pa sho/-pok-ti-i-ma 
the ancient road the ancient road white shell bead woman whirlwind 
who lives where the sun 
descends 
Sis/-sis-tin-na-ko ya’/-ya ko’-chi-na-ko Mér’-ri-na-ko ktr’-kan-ni-na-ko 
creator mother yellow woman of blue woman of red woman of the south 
the north the west 
Ka/-shi-na-ko quis-sér-ri-na-ko mu-nai-na-ko 
white woman of slightly yellow woman dark woman of the nadir 
the east of the zenith. 


Free translation.—White floating clouds. Clouds like the plains 
come and water the earth. Sun embrace the earth that she may be 
fruitful. Moon, lion of the north, bear of the west, badger of the 
south, wolf of the east, eagle of the heavens, shrew of the earth, elder 
war hero, younger war hero, warriors of the six mountains of the world, 
intercede with the cloud people for us, that they may water the earth. 
Medicine bow], cloud bowl, and water vase give us your hearts, that the 
earth may be watered. I make the ancient road of meal, that my song 
may pass straight over it—the ancient road. White shell bead woman 
who lives where the sun goes down, mother whirlwind, father Sis’si- 
stinnako, mother Ya‘ya, creator of good thoughts, yellow woman of the 
north, blue woman of the west, red woman of the south, white woman 
of the east, slightly yellow woman of the zenith, and dark woman of the 
nadir, I ask your intercession with the cloud ‘people. 


PRAYER FOR SICK INFANT, 


While the Sia have great faith in the power of their theurgists, indi- 
vidually they make efforts to save the lives of their dear ones even 
after the failure of the theurgist. Such is their belief in the supplica- 


STEVENSON. ] PRAYER FOR SICK CHILD. 131 


tions of the good of heart, that the vice-theurgist of the Snake Society, 
who is one of the writer’s staunchest friends, rode many miles to solicit 
her prayers for his ill infant. He placed in her hand a tiny package 
of shell mixture done up in a bit of corn husk, and, clasping the hand 
with both of his, he said: ‘‘ Your heart being good, your prayers travel 
fast to the sun and Ko’pishtaia.” He, then, in the most impressive 
manner, repeated the following prayer: 

(1) Ku-ehor-pish-tai-a (2) Ku-chor-na-tia-ni (3) Ku’ ti ot se & ta (4) Pai’- 
ii-tii-mo ki-techin-ni (5) Ha/-miha/-notch (6) U-wa mash-ta-ni (7) Ka/a- 
winck (8) Ya/-ya (9) U-aé-mtts (10 Ka/-a-winek (11) Sha/-mi winck 
(12) U-we-chai-ni (13) Nina mats (14) fi to Ni (15) tsi tu ma fii to fi (16) 
Na’ wai pi cha. 


Explanation of prayer by governor for his sick child. 


(1) Your thoughts and heart are united with Ko/pishtaia; you daily 
draw the sacred breath of life. 

(2) Your thoughts are great and pass first over the road to the sun 
father and Ko’pishtaia. 

(5) Our thoughts and hearts are as one, but yours are first. 

(4) A man of the world. 

(5) Of the tobacco family. 

(6) You will be to the child as a mother, and the child will be as your 
own for all time to come; your thoughts will always be for one another. 

(7) The hearts of ourselves and the child be united and as one 
heart henceforth; those of us who pray for the child will be known by 
the child and the child by us, even though the child has not been seen 
by us; we will know one another by our hearts and the child will greet 
you as 

(8) Mother. 

(9) Take the child into your arms as your own. 

(10) That the hearts of ourselves and the child’s be united and as 
one heart; henceforth those of us who pray for this child will be known 
by the child and the child by us; though the child has not been seen 
by us, we will know one another by our hearts. 

(11) May he have a good heart. 

(12) May all good words come straight from his heart and pass over 
the straight road. 

(18) While he is growing from childhood to youth. 

(14) While he is growing from youth to manhood. 

(15) And may he be valued as he grows from manhood to old age. 

(16) May the child be beautiful and happy. 

When one is ill from the heat of the sun he sprinkles corn pollen or 
meal to the sun, saying, ‘‘ Father, I am ill in my head, it reaches my 
heart; I pay you with this meal; I give it to you as food, and will be 
thankful to you to take away my malady.” 


: Referring to the child. 


132 THE SIA. 
CHILDBIRTH. 


One of the most sacred and exclusive rites of the Sia is associated 
with childbirth. 

The accouchement here described was observed in May, 1890, at this 
pueblo. Upon discovering the woman to be in a state of gestation, 
the writer made every effort to obtain her consent, and that of the doe- 
tress and members of her family to be present at the birth of the child. 
She kept vigilant watch upon the woman and on the morning of the 
twenty-second learned that the event was imminent. 

Upon inquiring of the father of the women the same morning why_ 
he did not go to the fields, he replied, “I can only sit and wait for the 
little one to come; I must be with my daughter.” He was busy dur- 
ing the day making beads of bits of shells, reducing them to the proper 
size by rubbing them ona flat stone, afterwards piercing each piece by 
means of arotary drill. The following day he sat weaving a band to tie 
his grandsow’s hair. The woman worked as usual with her sewing and 
prepared the family meals. 

After the evening meal (which was some time before dark) on the 
22d, the family, consisting of the parents of the woman to be confined, 
her husband and two boys of 8 and 9 years, gathered in the family 
living room (this room being 15 by 35 feet). It was evident that the 
woman was regarded with great consideration and interest, especially 
by her fond parents, who by the way, were foster parents, the woman 
being a Navajo. At the time of the removal of the Navajo to the 
Bosque Redondo, this child was left by her mother in the pueblo of Sia 
and has since lived with her foster parents. 

On the evening of the 23d they gathered as before into the living 
room, which had been specially prepared for the event. A small quantity 
of raw cotton, a knife, and a string lay upon a shelf, and the infant’s 
small. wardrobe, consisting of a tiny sheet of white cotton, pieces of 
ealico and a diminutive Navajo blanket, which were gifts to the child, 
were laid on a table in the farther end of the room. The family sat in 
anxious expectancy. 

It is the woman’s privilege to select her officiating ho/naaite theur- 
gist, and if her husband or father be a ho/naaite, or vicar of a cult 
society, She usually selects one or the other, otherwise she requests her 
husband to visit the ho’naaite of her choice and ask his services; in 
the absence of her husband her brother goes. The woman, holding 
shell mixture! in her right hand (when meal or shell mixture is used 
in connection with the dead it is held in the left hand), breathes four 
times upon it, that the expected child may have a good heart and walk 
over one straight road, and then hands it to the bearer of her message 
to be presented to the ho/naaite, this shell mixture being the only 
compensation received for his services. 

In this case the woman chose her father. 


1 Shell mixture and sacred meal are synonymous. 


STEVENSON. ] RITES WITH CHILDBIRTH. 133 


At 8 o’clock she was seized with the first stage of labor, and her 
mother at once made a fire in the fireplace, and a low, heavy stool, cut 
from a solid block, was placed in front of it. The woman took her seat 
upon the stool, with her back to the fire, wearing her cotton gown, 
woven dress and belt, and a small blanket around her. 

The doctress (Fig. 19) and sister of the woman’s husband, who had 
been summoned, arrived almost immediately. The father and husband 
removed their moccasins and the women had their legs and feet bare. 
The father took his seat upon a low chair in front of his daughter, the 
doctress sat to her left, clasping an ear of yellow and purple corn, and 
the writer by the side of the doctress, holding a medicine-stone which 
had been given her some days previously by the doctress to be used on 
this occasion. The husband sat upon his wadded blanket against the 


Fig. 19.—Sia doctress. 


wall, and by his side were his two sons and his sister, she having with 
her an infant and a child some 2 years of age. The night was warm 
and the door of the room was left open. . 

The ho/naaite laid three small buckskin medicine bags on the floor 
in front of him (one containing shell mixture, another the pollen of 
edible and medicinal plants, and the third a plant medicine powdered), 
and, holding the quill ends of two eagle plumes between his hands, he 
repeated in a low tone the following prayer ; 

T’i-wa-u-wak’ nai/-she-eh shan/-nai ha/-arts. Nai’-she-eh pitonipina- 
mu-tsa. Na/-wai-pi-cha-u-wak. Li-wa-u-wak’, ma/-wai-pi-cha-u-wak. 

Mish’-tcha hiitch-tse ko’-ta-wa oh-wi-chai-ni u-wak. Now’-a-muts 
Pi-to-ni p/ina-mu-tsa. Ya/-ya ko’pish-tai-a ha/-arts shan’-nai  Nai’- 
she-eh u-wak’, pi-to-i pi-na-mu-tsa. 

Na/-wai-pi-cha u-wak. 


134 THE SIA. 


The unexpressed idea is that the child is to be received upon its sand 
bed, which is symbolic of the lap of its mother earth. That it will be 
as one without eyes, and it will not know its father’s Ko’pishtaia. May 
the Ko’pishtaia make its heart to know them. 

Free translation: ‘‘ Here is the child’s sand bed. May the child have 
good thoughts and know its mother earth, the giver of food. May it 
have good thoughts and grow from childhood to manhood. May the 
child be beautiful and happy. Here is the child’s bed; may the child 
be beautiful and happy. Ashes man, let me make good medicine for 
the child. We will receive the child into our arms, that it may be 
happy and contented. May it grow from childhood to manhood. May 
jt know its mother Ut/sét, the Ko’pishtaia, and its mother earth. May 
the child have good thoughts and grow from childhood to manhood. 
May it be beautiful and happy.” 

He then gave a pinch of the powdered-plant medicine to the woman 
for the good health of the woman and child, and her mother, lifting 
ashes from the fireplace with her right hand, deposited them upon the 
floor in front of the woman. The father, then, standing, dipped the 
ashes with his eagle plumes, holding one in either hand, and, striking 
the under side of the plume held in the left hand with the one held in 
right, threw the ashes to the cardinal points. Hach time, after throw- 
ing the ashes, he passed the plumes down each side of the woman. 
When the plumes are struck the ho’naaite says: Mish’*cha hiitch’'se 
kétawa ohwichaini u/wak—‘“Ashes man, permit me to make good 
medicine for the child.” 

The ho’/naaite discovers the diseased parts of the body through the 
instrumentality of ashes, and with the scattering of ashes to the car- 
dinal points, physical and mental impurities are cast from those pres- 
ent and the chamber is also purified. 

Again the sprinkling of the ashes was repeated, but instead of run- 
ning the plumes down each side of the woman, the ho’naaite held them 
in his right hand while he stood to the right of the woman and, point- 
ing the feather ends down, began at the top of the head and passed 
the plumes in a direct line in front and down the center of the body, 
with a prayer for the safe delivery of the child. At the close of this 
ceremony the doctress stood to the right side of the woman, and, pla- 
cing the tip end of the corn to the top of her head, blew upon it and 
passed that also in a straight line down the center of the body, with a 
prayer that the child might pass through the road of life promptly and 
safely. This was repeated four times, when the doctress returned to 
her seat. The ho/naaite then offered a short prayer and placed a pinch 
of medicine in the woman’s mouth, after which he left the house and 
went to the end of the placita and sprinkled meal to the east, praying 
that the sun father might bestow blessings upon the child. In a short 
time the woman passed down the long room, apparently in considera- 
ble pain, but bearing herself with dignified composure. Her mother 


STEVENSON. ] RITES WITH CHILDBIRTH. 135 


brought a cloth to the point where the ceremony had been held and 
emptied the contents (sand) upon the floor, and with her hands flat- 
tened the mound into a circle of 20 inches in diameter and some 5 
inches deep. On this she laid a small black sheepskin, the sister-in- 
law placed a bowl of water upon coals in the fireplace, and the mother 
afterward brought a vase of water and gourd and set it by the side of 
the fireplace. A urinal was deposited beyond the center of the room, 
and still beyond was a vase of fresh water. The mother spread a wool 
mattress at the south end of the room and upon it a blanket, and in 
the center of the blanket a black sheepskin, and a wool pillow was laid 
at the head; a rich Navajo blanket was folded and laid by the side of 
this bed. Now, all was in readiness and an early delivery was evi- 
dently expected. The woman would sit for a time either upon a low 
stool or a chair, and then pass about in evident pain, but no word of 
complaint escaped her lips; she was majestic in her dignity. But few 
words were spoken by anyone; all minds seemed centered on the im- 
portant event to come. ‘It was a sacred hour, too sacred for spoken 
words, for Siis’sistinnako was to bestow the gift of a new life.” 

The whole affair was conducted with the greatest solemnity. At 11 
o’clock the woman, whose suffering was now extreme, changed the small 
blanket which she wore around her for a larger one, which fell from her 
shoulders to the floor, and stood before the fireplace while the doctress 
standing behind her violently manipulated her abdomen with the palms 
of her hands. (The Zuni observe a very different mode of manipulation.) 
The ho/naaite, who no longer acted professionally, but simply as the 
devoted father of the woman, took his seat upon a stool on the far side 
of the sand bed from the fireplace, the woman kneeling on the sand 
bed with her back to the fireplace and the doctress sitting on a low 
stool back of the woman. The woman clasped her hands about her 
father’s neck and was supported at the back by the doctress, who, 
encircling the woman with her arms, pressed upon the abdomen.! The 
father clasped his hands around his knees, holding a stone fetich of a 
cougar in the palm of the right hand, and the sister-in-law, standing to 
the left of the woman, placed the ear of corn to the top of the sufterer’s 
head and blew upon it during the periods of pain, to hasten the birth 
of the child. The prayer that was blown into the head was supposed 
to pass directly through the passageway of life. After each paroxysm 
the woman rose and passed about the room in acalm, quiet way. Some- 
times she would sit on a low chair; again she would sit in front of the 
fire toasting her bare feet, and then leaving the extremely warm room 


‘After the religious services it is usual for the ho/naaite to absent himself, even though he be the 
wonan’s husband or father; his remaining being an evidence of unusual devotion. The mother-in- 
law may be present at childbirth, but not the father-in-law unless he be the chosen ho/naaite for the 
occasion, and his affection for the daughter-in-law prompting him to remain. this, however. being very 
rare. ‘Should the expectant mother fail to bend her thoughts upon the event to come the child would 
not care to be born and would lie still and die."’ It is rare for a Sia woman to die in childbirth; or for 
a child to be stillborn. 


136 THE SIA. 


would walk about outside of the house. The pains were very frequent 
for three hours, the longest interval being thirty minutes, the shortest 
thirty seconds, the average being ten minutes, the pains continuing 
from three to twenty minutes. Though her suffering was great, 
nothing more than a smothered groan escaped her lips. The doctress 
seemed perfectly ignorant and unable to render any real assistance. 
The only attempt made by the doctress to hasten the birth was an 
occasional manipulation of the abdomen, after which she placed the ear 
of corn at the head of the woman, and after blowing upon it passed it 
down the middle of the body four times, as before, and the heating of 
the person by heaping a few coals upon the floor and putting upon 
them cobwebs, the woman standing over the coals while the mother 
held the blanket close around her feet. This failmg in its desired 
effect, scrapings from one of the beams in an old chamber were placed 
on coals, the woman standing over the coals. It is claimed by the Sia 
that these two remedies are very old and were used when the world 
was new. After a time a third remedy was tried—the fat of a cas- 
trated sheep was put on coals heaped in a small bowl, the woman also 
standing over this—but all these remedies failed. The woman occa- 
sionally assisted herself with a circular stick 4 imches in length 
wrapped with cotton. After 2 o’clock a. m. the father became so 
fatigued that the sister-in-law, instead of blowing upon the corn, stood 
back of him and supported his forehead with her clasped hands. The 
ear of corn, when not in use, lay beside the sand bed. As the night 
waned the woman gradually became more and more exhausted, and at 
half past two the mother laid several sheepskins upon the floor and on 
these a blanket, placing two pillows at the head of this pallet, and 
then taking a pinch of meal from the bowl which was at the right side 
of the bed, which had been prepared for use after the birth, put it 
into the right hand of the woman, who now knelt upon the sand bed, 
leaning upon her father’s shoulder while he, in the deepest emotion, 
stroked her head. As the woman received the meal she raised her 
head and the sister-in-law handed the ear of corn to the father, who 
held it between his hands and prayed, then running the corn from the 
crown of the woman’s head down the body in a direct line and hold- 
ing it vertically while the woman sprinkled the meal upon it and 
prayed to Ut/stt that she might pass safely through the trials of parturi- 
tion. She was now so exhausted that she was compelled to lie on the 
pallet; twice she raised from the pallet and took position for delivery. 
The two babies of the sister-in-law slept on blankets, and the two 
sons of the woman who had been sent from the room early in the even- 
ing had returned and were also sleeping on rugs. At 4 o’clock the 
parents, in alarm at the interrupted labor, sent for a prominent ho/na- 
aite, and the husband of the woman, who had left the room at the ap- 
proach of extreme labor. The husband, in company with the ho/naaite, 
soon appeared, the former removing both his moccasins, the latter the 


STEVENSON. ] RITES WITH CHILDBIRTH. 137 


one from his right foot only. The newly arrived ho/naaite sent the sis- 
' ter-in-law for a small bowl of water, and into this he sprinkled a pinch 
of medicine (a specimen of this root was obtained) and then requested 
the woman to drink the water. It was with difficulty that she stood 
while she drank the medicine, and allowed the ho/naaite to practice his 
occult power, blowing upon the head and then blowing in a straight 
line down the center and in front of the body. The blowing was 
repeated four times, when the ho/naaite, standing back of the woman, 
put his arms around her, pressing hard upon the abdomen. After 
repeating a short prayer he replaced lis moccasin and left the room, 
and the woman sank exhausted to her pallet, where she lay in a semi- 
conscious condition until half past 5 in the morning. 

Fetiches of Quer’riinna and of the cougar had been placed under 
her pillow and a third fetich (a concretion) in her right hand. The 
father kept a constant vigil, while the anxious mother moved quietly 
about seeking to relieve the woman by many little attentions. The 
mental agony of the parents was great, the more intense sufferer being 
the father, whose devotion to: his daughter through her entire illness 
seemed without precedent. At half past 5 the woman opened her 
eyes and, raising herself, clasped her father’s neck and made another 
great effort, and failing, she returned to her pallet, weeping from sheer 
discouragement. After a time the mother induced her to sit up and 
take food; a basket of waiavi and a piece of jerked meat which had 
been broiled over the coals in the same room were placed by the bed, 
when the mother hastened to another room for the corn-meal gruel she 
had prepared. (During the time this gruel is boiling itis dipped with a 
gourd and held high and poured back into the pot; after it is removed 
from the fire it is passed through this same process for some time. 
When it is ready to drink it islight and frothy. ‘lhe mixture is com- 
posed of corn meal and water.) The woman ate quite heartily and 
drank two bowlfuls of the gruel. She had hardly finished her meal 
when she requested her father to hasten to his seat, and kneeling upon 
the sand bed she clasped his neck as before; the pain lasted but a 
minute and she returned to her bed. She was scarcely down, how- 
ever, when she jumped up and knelt beside the pallet, the child being 
born by the time the woman’s knees had reached the floor, the birth 
occurring at half past 6 o’clock. The excitement was great, as the 
birth at this moment was a surprise. The father was too absorbed in 
his daughter to think much of the infant, but the old mother was 
frantic for fear the child would be smothered. The writer was called 
to hasten and rub the father’s moccasin down the woman’s back; the 
toe of the moccasin must be downward. This was to hasten the pas- 
sage of the placenta, which promptly followed. A sheepskin was with 
difficulty gotten under the child, and finally the skin was pushed for- 
ward as the woman raised herself, and the child was taken by the 
doctress. The woman stood while the doctress raised the child and 


138 THE SIA. 


the sister-in-law the placenta four times to her face, as she expressed 
the wish that the umbilical cord might be severed without danger to 
the child. She then deliberately removed her belt and woven dress 
and walked to the bed which had been prepared for her and lay down. 

The husband of the woman gave an extra sharpening to the knife 
which had lain upon the shelf, and handed it to the doctress, who, first 
placing the child upon the sand-bed, tied the umbilical cord an inch 
and a quarter from the umbilicus, and after cutting it removed the 
child, while the sister-in-law laid the placenta upon the sheepskin and 
swept the sands of the sand-bed upon a piece of cloth, placing the latter 
on the back of one of the little boys. Taking half of the raw cotton 
from the shelf, she laid it on the placenta, with the wish that the um- 
bilicus might soon be healed; and folding the sheepskin, she deposited 
it in a Shallow bowl, and taking a pinch of shell mixture in her right 
hand she carried the bowl from the house, followed by the boy. The 
sand and placenta were cast into the river; the woman saying, “Go! 
and when other women bear children may they promptly follow,” re- 
ferring to the placenta. 

To the doctress was brought a bowl of warm water, with which she 
bathed the child; then a bowl containing yucca and a small quantity 
of cold water and a vase of warm water were set by her, and after 
making a suds with the yucca she added warm water and thoroughly 
cleansed the child’s head, and then bathed the child a second time, in 
yucea suds. and taking water into her mouth from the bowl, she threw 
a solid stream over the child for a remarkable length of time. The 
child was rubbed with the hand, no cloth being used in the bathing. 
The greatest care was observed in cleansing the infant, who was after- 
ward wrapped in a blanket and patted dry. During the bathing the 
grandparents, father, and brothers of the little one looked admiringly 
upon it, with frequent expressions of delight. The remaining portion 
of the umbilical cord was drawn through a wad of raw cotton, which 
was wrapped closely about it, and ashes were then rubbed over the 
child, The infant, a boy, weighed some 8 or 9 pounds, and its head 
was covered with a profusion of black silky hair; it had quite a percep- 
tible red mark covering the center of its forehead. It seemed brighter 
from its birth than children of civilized parentage, and when twenty 
days old was as observing aS many of our children at two months. 

The cradle was brought forward by the grandfather, and the diminu- 
tive Navajo blanket spread over it. The tiny sheet was laid on the 
doctress’s lap under the child. The writer was then requested to rise 
and receive the child; and as she held the little one wrapped in the 
sheet the grandfather offered a prayer of thanksgiving, and after 
sprinkling meal upon the writer gave her a pinch of it. She could not 
dream what was expected of her, but she ventured to make four lines on 
the child’s breast, and sprinkled the remainder of the meal to the east. 
The venture was a happy one, for it was just right. The grandfather 


STEVENSON. ] RITES WITH CHILDBIRTH. 139 


said: “The child is yours; I make it a gift to you.” The writer then 
returned the child to the doctress, and the grandfather proceeded to 
arrange the cradle, which has a transverse ridge, provided with a niche 
for the neck. ‘Two bits of calico, folded several times, were laid on the 
blanket, and on this a piece of white cotton. The infant was placed 
nude upon its bed, and a piece of white cotton was laid over it from the 
neck to the lower part of the abdomen, extending on either side of the 
body and passing under the arms, the ends of the cloth being folded 
over the arms and tucked in on the inner sides. The little sheet was 
laid over the child, and the blanket folded around it; and then it was 
strapped to the cradle, which was deposited to the left side of the 
mother, on a white sheepskin. The ear of corn which had been such 
an important element previous to the birth was laid by the right side 
of the child. The grandfather, taking his seat at the foot of the cradle, 
deposited before him the three medicine bags which had been used in 
the ritual previous to the birth, and, holding his eagle plumes in his 
right hand, repeated a prayer. Two loosely twisted cords of native 
cotton, which had been prepared by the father of the infant immediately 
after the birth of the child, were placed under the mother’s pillow, to her 
right side; these were afterwards tied around the ankles of the infant, to 
indicate that it was a child of Siis’sistinnako and that it might know this 
father. After the prayer the grandfather touched the head, either side 
and foot of the cradle, and the child’s body, with a spear point of ob- 
sidian; this was repeated four times for strength of body, limbs, heart, 
and mind of the child; and the spear was passed over the mother’s 
limbs and body for the same purpose. The grandfather then gave the 
child its first food by placing in his own mouth a pinch of a specially 
sacred and valuable medicine composed of the pollen of medicinal and 
edible plants and transferring it into the infant’s mouth from his. He 
then placed a bit with his fingers in the mother’s mouth. The medicine 
was given to the child that he might know all the medicines of the 
earth, and to the mother that her milk which was to nourish the infant 
might be good, so that the child’s heart and mind would be good. 

No attention was given to the woman by the doctress for two hours 
after the birth, when a fresh gown was put on, the gown being changed 
every morning and evening for four days, the one worn in the evening 
having been washed and dried the same day. The sheepskin on the 
bed was changed daily. About 9 o’clock a. m. the grandmother prepared 
a bowl of tea made from freshly gathered cedar twigs steeped in water, 
and the woman drank two gourdfuls. This tea is constantly drunk for 
a designated period, which differs with different clans; some drinking 
it regularly for four months, others taking it but three, and some only 
two months. No water is drunk during the time this liquid is used, 
and continency is observed for the two, three, or four months; the hus- 
band, however, sleeps during this time in the same room, and in this 
particular case the husband slept by his wife’s side. Should a woman 


140 THE SIA. 


break the continenecy, an animal would enter her abdomen and she 
would surely die, for so said the first mother of her clan. 

After the first draft of the tea the woman ate a hearty breakfast 
of tortillas, jerked meat, and corn-meal gruel. Her female relatives 
and friends called to see her and the baby during the day, and she 
chatted as merrily as if nothing had happened. 

The Sia infant is nourished regularly from the time it is born; and in 
this particular case the infant was nursed by a woman whose child was 
three months old, until the third morning, when the mother took it in 
charge. Though the door of the room could not be left open until the 
child should have passed out the fourth morning to see its sun father, 
and the two small windows being stationary, the most fastidious could 
have found no fault with the purity of the atmosphere. The father of 
the woman scarcely left her during the four days. He sat by her bed- 
side, weaving garters, and showing her the tenderest care, and her 
mother did little else than look after the wants of the invalid and infant 
and admire and caress the latter. The woman’s husband was absent 
all day working in the fields, but upon his return in the evening he 
could be found by his wife’s side admiring the baby and saying pleas- 
ing words to the woman of his choice. The family all slept in the same 
room as usual with the addition the first two nights of the woman 
engaged to furnish nourishment to the child, who also had her infant 
with her. 

By half-past 4 on the fourth morning the woman had donned her 
woolen dress and belt and sat upon the bed awaiting the arrival of the 
doctress, who soon came, and after a greeting handed ashes from the 
fireplace to the woman, who receiving the ashes in her right hand 
rubbed her legs and breast for purification, and then put on her moc- 
casins. The grandmother took the infant from the cradle and wrapping 
it in its blanket handed it to the doctress, while the father of the woman 
gave her the two stone fetiches from under her pillow, which she placed 
in her bosom. The doctress then took from the fireplace a bit of char- 
coal and put it into the woman’s mouth that the cold winds might not 
enter through her mouth and-congeal her blood and prevent its flow, 
for should this occur the woman would surely die. The father then 
handed sacred meal to his daughter and the doctress, and again helping 
himself he gave some to the writer. The doctress led the way, carrying 
the infant in her arms and pressing to its breast the ear of corn which 
had played such an important part during parturition, and had since 
lain by the side of the child; the woman followed, also carrying an ear 
of corn, a companion of the first ear (everything associated with life 
must have its dual, and “corn is life itself, for it comes from the heart 
of Ut/sét; were it not for the mother corn none could live.” These two 
ears of corn are afterwards wrapped together and laid under the child’s 
cradle, where they must remain until the next corn-planting time, when 
itis sown in two or four rows, apart from the main field, and when ripe it 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XXXIV 


. 


4 


PERSONAL ADORNMENT WHEN RECEIVED INTO THE THIRD DEGREE 
OF OFFICIAL MEMBERSHIP CULT, SOCIETY. 


i . 
7 
ly 
: 
i 
| 
P| 
~ 
Br es 
tat. i 2” 
Reh pe TARE 
ne ieee ? 
% s 
a ah 
‘cae 
pai > 
aS 
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/ cic 
> : ‘ 
- La 5 


; : - 4) 
i4c) Wein | : ‘ye is as sone 
i> pay i>u ‘LPS ye ra i 
i To 17 


STEVENSON. ] RITES WITH CHILDBIRTH. 141 


is eaten by the child, who takes the nourishment of the mother corn as 
it draws the milk from its mother’s breast). The writer followed after 
the woman and, passing a few feet to the right of the entrance after 
leaving the house, they stood while the grandfather went from the door 
directly to the eastern gateway of his placita and stood facing east, 
where he was joined by the others, the doctress leading the way; she 
stooped at his right. The father of the infant was not present any of 
the time and the grandmother did not leave the house. The grand- 
father prayed and sprinkled meal to the east (Pl. xxx1I1); the mother 
then whispered a short prayer and sprinkled meal to the same point; the 
doctress afterward stooping until she almost sat upon the ground bared 
the child’s head as she held it toward the rising sun and repeated a 
long prayer, and addressing the child she said, “I bring you to see 
your sun father and Ko/’pishtaia that you may know them and they 
you.” At the close of the prayer she led the way to the house, and 
upon entering the woman sat on her bed with her legs extended and 
received the infant from the doctress, who laid the child across the 
mother’s arms with its head to the east; the doctress then laying the 
ear of corn lengthwise on the child’s breast requested the writer to hold 
the corn with her. The grandmother and the two boys stood to the 
left of the woman while the grandfather standing at the feet of the 
child offered a prayer. The doctress then repeated the long baptismal 
prayer, naming the child.’ 

She then placed the infant in the writer’s arms, saying, ‘The child is 
named; it is yours.” When the child was returned to her she washed 
its head in yucea suds, and bathed its body by again fillmg her mouth 
with water and spirting it over the child. It was afterwards rubbed 
with ashes, especially about its face, and the doctress gave it some 
warm water to drink by dipping her fingers into the vase and letting 
the drops fall from them into the infant’s mouth; the child smacked its 
lips in evident satisfaction; and it was then strapped to the cradle 
which was handed the doctress by the grandmother; and the child in 
the cradle was placed on the mother’s lap, and she proceeded to nour- 
ish it. 

The grandfather brought an Apache basket containing a pyramid of 
meal and held it to the infant’s face, then to the mother’s, who blew 
upon the meal. The grandmother then blew upon it (that it might be 
blessed with the best thoughts of the breath of life) and, stooping, the 
grandfather held the basket with both hands while the doctress (Fig. 19) 
held it on the opposite side with her two hands, the grandfather whisper- 
ing a prayer and then retiring to the far end of the room. The doctress 
offered a silent prayer, and left the room without farther ceremony, 
carrying the basket of meal, which was a gift to her from the infant, it 


1The doctress names all infants, one name usually serving the female through life, but the male 
may have a plurality of names; for example, upon his return after a long journey, or after having 


performed some valorous deed his head is bathed in yucea suds by some female member of the cult 
society to which he belongs, or by a member of his clan, when she bestows an appropriate name. 


142 THE SIA. 


being her only compensation for her services. The mother of the infant 
ate heartily and at half-past seven in the morning she walked fully 200 
yards from the house down a declivity, and on her return to the house 
was bathed for the first time since her confinement, she herself doing 
the bathing. 

Fig. 20 is the copy of a photograph of the infant the fourth mornmg 
after birth. 

The lochial discharge ceased after the fourth day, and from this time 
until the expiration of the nine days but one fresh gown was worn each 
day. The infant was bathed each of the first four mornings by the doe- 
tress, and afterwards by the grandmother until the tenth morning, 
when the mother bathedthechild. The infant’s bed was changed several 
times daily, the bedding being put upon the cradle a couple of hours 
after washing. The night of the fourth day the doctress came about 


Fic, 20,—Mother with her infant four days old. 


9 o’clock and bathed the child; the ashes which had been applied to 
the child from its birth after each bath not being omitted. The fifth 
day the skin of the infant showed evidence of exfoliation, and the 
grandfather remarked, ‘When the new skin comes then all will be 
well.” The sixth day the remnant of the umbilical cord was removed 
by lifting the raw cotton, and a finely powdered pigment of bluish-gray 
color was rubbed upon the umbilicus and a cotton cloth laid over it. 
When there is any appearance of suppuration the mother milks a few 
drops from her breast upon the umbilicus and applies fresh pigment. 
Prof. F. W. Clark furnishes the following analysis of this pigment: 
“A slight amount is soluble in water, this consisting of sulphates of 


STEVENSON. ] MORTUARY CUSTOMS. 143 


lime and magnesia. The main portion consists of a mixture of a 
hydrous carbonate of copper (presumably malachite) with a ferrugin- 
ous sand, The copper mineral dissolves readily in dilute acids and, in 
addition to the copper, contains traces of iron and of phosphoric acid. 
Probably an impure malachite pulverized.” 

Though the woman is considered an invalid and exempt from all 
household duties until the tenth morning after childbirth, she passes 
in and out of the house after the fourth morning and occupies herself 
sewing, not more than half of her time being spent in a reclining posi- 
tion. 

The greatest attention was shown this woman and her child by her 
father, mother, and husband, the two men performing the most menial 
services for her and frequently waiting upon the infant. 


MORTUARY BELIEFS AND CUSTOMS. 


It was stated in a previous chapter that the Sia do not believe in a 
return of the spirits of their dead when they have once entered Shipapo. 
There was once, however, an exception to this. The story is here given 
in the theurgist’s own words: 

‘When the years were new and this village had been built perhaps 
three years, all the spirits of our dead came here for a great feast. 
They had bodies such as they had before death; wives recognized hus- 
bands, husbands wives, children parents, and parents children. Just 
after sundown the spirits began arriving, only a few passing over the 
road by daylight, but after dark they came in great crowds and re- 
mained until near dawn. They tarried but one night; husbands and 
wives did not sleep together; had they done so the living would have 
surely died. When the hour of separation came there was much weep- 
ing, not only among the living but the dead. The living insisted upon 
going with the dead, but the dead declared they must wait; that they 
could not pass through the entrance to the other world; they must first 
die or grow old and again become little children to be able to pass 
through the door of the world for the departed. It was then that the 
Sia first learned all about their future home. They learned that the 
fields were vast, the pastures beautiful, the mountains high, the lakes 
and rivers clear like crystals, and the wheat and cornfields flourishing. 
During the day the spirits sleep, and at night they work industriously 
in the fields. The moon is father to the dead as the sun is father to 
the living; the dead resting when the sun travels, for at this time they 
see nothing; if is when the sun returns to his home at night that the 
departed spirits work and pass about in their world below. The home 
of the departed spirits is in the world first inhabited by the Sia.” 

It is the aim of the Sia to first reach the intermediate state at the 
time the body ceases to develop and then return gradually back to the 
first condition of infancy; at such period one does not die, but sleeps 


144 THE SIA. 


to awake in the spirit world as a little child. Many stories have come 
to the Sia by those who have died only for a time; the heart becomes 
still and the lips cold and the spirit passes to the entrance of the other 
world and looks in, but it does not enter, and yet it sees all, and in a 
short time returns to inhabit its earthly body. Great alarm is felt 
when one returns in this way to life, but much faith is put in the stories 
afterwards told by the one who has passed over the road of death. 

A ho/naaite holds a corresponding position in the spirit world. 

When a death occurs any time before sundown, the body is buried 
as soon as it can be prepared for the grave; but if one dies after dark 
the body must not be touched until after sunrise, when it is bathed 
and buried as soon as possible. It is usual for an elderly woman of 
the clan to bathe the body, cold water being used; the head is washed 
first in yucea suds. Sometimes, however, this method is deviated 
from, if the remaining wife or husband has a special friend in some 
other clan. In the case of a man the breechcloth he has worn during 
his last illness is not removed. The immediate relatives in consan- 
guinity and clan are present during the bathing and make the air hideous 
with their lamentations. The body is bathed on the bed upon which 
the party dies and here it remains until burial. The mourners are 
seated around the room, no one being near the bed but the woman who 
prepares the body for burial. If the corpse be a female, after the body 
is bathed a blanket is laid across the abdomen and limbs and tucked 
in on either side, the upper portion of the body being exposed. 

The official members of the cult societies are painted after death, 
just as they were at their initiation into the society, the body having 
been previously bathed. The one exception to this rule—being the 
ho/naaite of warriors (Pl. xxx1v)—will show the change. The painting 
is done by the ho/naaite or vicar of the society to which the deceased 
belonged. Corn pollen is sprinkled on the head. Female officials 
have only their faces painted. When a man is not an official, neither 
his face nor body is painted, but as each man or woman of his clan 
looks upon the body a bit of corn pollen is sprinkled in a line under 
each eye and on the top of the head. While the body is being pre- 
pared for burial, the relatives who are present, amid lamentations, cut 
the apparel of the corpse, including his blankets, into strips and all is 
laid upon the body. After the body has been placed upon the blanket 
which is to wrap it for burial, if it be a man the wife places a quantity 
of food under the left arm, the arms hanging straight by the sides. 
If the wife does not perform this office then some member of his clan 
acts in her place. In the case of the death of a woman a member of 
her clan places the food. Again a small quantity of food is placed 
under the left arm by the man who principally officiates in the wrap- 
ping of the body. This is sometimes done by the son of the deceased. 
The blanket is first folded over one side of the body and then the 
other; then the end next to the head is caught together just above the 


STEVENSON.) MORTUARY CUSTOMS. 145 


head and tied some little distance from the end, tassel fashion, with a 
rope. The rope is fastened around the throat of the corpse and then 
continued around the body to the feet, and the blanket is tied below 
the feet to correspond with the head. Two men perform this service 
and alone carry the body to the grave and bury it without further 
ceremony, though the wailing and weeping is kept up in the house for 
a considerable time. 

If a husband dies the wife is bathed after the burial by a female 
member of her clan. This is done that the one remaining may be 
cleansed of much of her sorrow and be only a little sad. When a wife 
dies the husband is bathed by a female member of his clan. The bath- 
ing of the remaining husband or wife in Zuni is done for a very differ- 
ent reason. When achild dies both the paternal and maternal pa- 
rents are bathed; but children are not bathed when a parent dies. 

The fourth day after death, when the spirit starts on its journey to 
the lower world, after hovering around the pueblo in the meantime, 
a ceremonial is held by the society to which deceased belonged. If 
the person was not a member of one of the cult societies the family select 
the ho/naaite they wish to have perform the ceremony. <A hi/chamoni 
which was made on the third day by the theurgist is deposited on the 
north road for the spirit to carry to its future home. A vase of food is 
deposited at this time to feed the spirit on its journey, and if any other 
pieces of clothing have been found they are cut and thrown over the 
north road. The clothing must never be deposited whole as the spirit 
of the clothing could not leave the body if it was in perfect condition. 

The road to the lower world, which is to the north (the dead return- 
ing to the world whence they came), is so crowded that the spirits are 
often in each other’s way, for not only the spirits of the Sia pass over 
this road but the spirits of all Indians. The spirits of the dead are 
traveling to their first home and the unborn spirits are passing to the 
villages in which, after a time, they are to be born. 

Upon reaching the entrance to the lower world a spirit is met by two 
guards to the entrance, who say to them, ‘‘ So you have come here,” and 
the spirit replies, ‘‘ Yes.” ‘Where is your credential?” inquires the 
chief guard, and the spirit shows his hi/chamoni, and the guard says, 
upon examining it, “‘ Yes, here is your hii‘chamoni to your mother, Sis’- 
sistinnako, that she may know you came promptly over the straight 
road; she will be pleased.” If the spirit be not provided with hii/cha- 
moni it can not enter the lower world, but must roam about somewhere 
in the north. After examining the hi/chamoni, the guard says, “‘ You 
may enter Shipapo and go to your mother in the lower world.” The 
first one met by the spirit in the lower world is Ut/sét, who says, “You 
have come from the other world?” and the spirit replies, “‘ Yes.” Then 
Ut’stt says, “ You bring a hii/chamoni?” and the spirit replies, “ Yes.” 
“Let me see your hii/chamoni,” and, after carefully looking over it, she 
hands it to Sts/sistinnako, who says, ‘Good! good!” and, pointing to 

11 ETH 10 


146 THE SIA. 


the dead relatives of the newly arrived spirit, she adds, ‘“‘ There, my 
child, are your relatives; go join them and be happy.” When one has 
been very wicked in this world he is not permitted to enter the lower 
world even though he has a hi/chamoni. The guards at the entrance 
can read all hearts and minds, and they put such spirits into a great 
fire which burns in the earth below somewhere not far distant from 
Shipapo. The spirit is burned to death in this fire and can never know 
anything, as it is entirely destroyed. When ti/imonis and ho’naaites 
have performed their duties in this world with unwilling hearts, it is 
known to the mother in the lower world, and when such men enter after 
death they are made to live apart, and alone, and without nourishment 
for a certain period of time, depending upon the amountof purification 
required. Some sit alone for two years; others for five, and some for 
ten before the mother considers them worthy to enter into peace. 

The spirits of all animals go to the lower world; domestic animals 
serving the masters there as they did here. The masters would not 
always recognize them, but Sias/sistinnako knows the property of all. 
The spirits of the prey animals return, and know their friends, in the 
lower world. A ha’chamoni is made for the prey animal when he is 
killed, and a dance and ceremonial are held. The animal carries the 
hii‘chamoni as his credential just as the spirit of the man does. 

The cloud people never die; that is, no one, not even the oldest men’s. 
grandfathers ever knew of or saw a cloud person die. 


MYTHS. 


The writer gave but limited study while at Sia to myths not directly 
connected with their cosmogony and cult. The minds of several of the 
elder men are filled with the stories of the long-ago myth-makers, and 
they believe in the truth of these fables as they believe in their own 
existence, which is the cause, no doubt, for the absence of myth-mak- 
ing at the present time. It must be borne in mind, however, that 
these people have their winter tales and romances which they recog- 
nize as fiction. The animal myths here recorded were recited to the 
writer in a most dramatic manner by the vicar of the Snake Society, 
these portions of the stories where the coyote suffers disappointment,. 
and is cheated of his prey, giving special delight to the narrator. 

The coyote seems to be a despised though necessary object in the mythic 
world of the Indian of the Southwest. He is certainly not reverenced, 
nor is he a being for whom they feel terror. While he is the object of 
ridicule he is also often of great service. Through his cunning he 
supplied the Sia of the upper world with fire by stealing it from Sts’ 
sistinnako in the lower world. When the world was new, people were 
depilous except upon their heads. The coyote said (animals could 
communicate with men then): “It is not well for you to be depilous,” 
and from the pilous growth about his mouth and belly he clothed the 
pubes and axilla of the Sia. 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XXXV 


UNIT OF DESIGN ON FIG 2 


CEREMONIAL WATER VASES- SIA. 


STEVENSON.] COYOTE MYTH. 147 
THE COYOTE ENCOUNTERS DISAPPOINTMENTS. 


One day a shurtstnna (coyote) was passing about and saw a hare 
sitting before his house, and the coyote thought, “In a minute I will 
catch you,” and he sprang and caught the hare, who cried, “Man 
coyote, do not eat me; wait just a minute, I have something to tell you, 
something that you will be glad to hear, something you must hear.” 
“Well,” said the coyote, “I will wait.” ‘Let me sit at the entrance of 
my house and I can talk to you,” and, standing near, he allowed the 
hare to take his seat there. The hare said, “‘ What are you thinking 
of, coyote?” ‘ Nothing,” said the coyote. “Listen, then, to what I 
have to say; I am a hare, and Iam much afraid of people; when they 
come carrying arrows I am very afraid of them, for when they see me 
they aim their arrows at me and I am very afraid, and oh! how I trem- 
ble;” and suiting the action to his words the hare trembled violently, 
until he saw the coyote was a little off his guard; at this instant the 
hare started off at arun. It took a moment for the coyote to collect 
his thoughts, when he followed the hare, but he was always a little 
behind; after running some distance the hare entered the house of his 
companion just in time to escape the coyote. The coyote upon reaching 
the house found it was hard stone and he became very angry. ‘ Alas!” 
cried he, ‘I was very stupid. Why did I allow this hare to fool me? 
I was so anxious to kill him; I must have him. How can 1 catch 
him? Alas! this house is very strong, how can I open it?” and he 
began to work, but after a while he cried, ‘“‘The stone is so strong I can 
not open it.” Presently the hare called, ‘“‘Man coyote, how are you 
going to killme?” “I know how I am going to kill you,” replied the 
coyote, ‘1 will kill you with fire.” ‘“‘Where is the wood?” cried the 
hare, for there was no wood at the house of the hare. ‘TI will bring 
grass,” said the coyote, “and set fire to it and the fire will enter your 
house and gointo your eyes, nose, and mouth, and kill you.” Oh,” 
said the hare, “ the grass is mine, it ismy food, it will not kill me; why 
would my food kill me? It is my friend. No, grass will not kill me.” 
“Then,” cried the coyote, “I will bring all the trees of the woods and 
set fire tothem,” and the hare replied, ‘‘all the trees know me, they 
too are my food, they will not kill me, they are my friends.” The coy- 
ote said, ‘I will bring the gum of the pinon and set fire to it,” and the 
hare eried, ‘Oh, now I am much afraid, I do not eat that and it is not 
my friend,” and the coyote rejoiced that he had discovered a plan for 
getting the hare. He hurried and brought all the gum he could carry 
and placed it at the door of the hare’s house and set fire to it and in a 
short time the gum boiled like hot grease, and the hare cried, “‘Now I 
know I shall die, what shall I do?” and the coyote’s heart was glad. 
Ina little while the hare called, “The fire is entering my house,” and 
the coyote cried to him, “Blowitout”. Atthe same time, drawing near 
to the fire, he blew with all his might to increase the flame. ‘¢Oh!” 


148 THE SIA. 


cried the hare, ‘“‘your mouth is so close you are blowing the fire on to 
me, and I will soon die;” and the coyote put his mouth still closer to 
the fire and thought the hare must die; he blew with all his strength, 
drawing nearer in his eagerness to destroy the hare, until his face was 
very close to him, when the hare threw the boiling gum into the face 
of the coyote and escaped. The coyote’s thoughts were now directed to 
the removal of the hot gum from his eyes and face. It was a long time 
before he could see anything, and his eyes were painful. When he real- 
ized the hare had again escaped him he cried, ‘I am very, very stupid ;” 
and he started off disgusted with himself, and was very sad. After 
traveling a long distance and crossing a mountain he came to a man 
(lynx) sleeping. The coyote was pleased to see the man, and thought, 
“Here is acompanion. I guess the fellow has either worked hard all 
night or traveled much, for he sleeps soundly.” And after thinking 
quite a while, the coyote procured a slender round stick and thrust it 
into his stomach and twisted it very carefully to gather fat. The lynx 
still slept soundly. “I will tell my companion when he awakes,” said 
the coyote, “that I have the fat of the deer on my stick,” and he laid 
it toone side and began thinking. “Ah,I havea thought. In the old 
days my companion’s mouth was not so large; it was small; I will make 
itas it was. His ears were not so large; I will make them as they were. 
His tail was not so long; I will shorten it. His legs and arms and body 
were longer; I will lengthen them;” and he worked and pressed about 
the mouth until it was reduced in size, and so he labored over the ears 
until they were small, and pressed the tail until it grew shorter, and 
then pulled the legs and arms and body until they were the proper 
length. After his work was completed the coyote thought, ‘*This is 
well.” Still the lynx slept, and the coyote called, “Companion!” but 
no answer; the second time, ‘Companion !” and no answer; none coming 
to the third call, the coyote thought, “* Why is it my companion sleeps 
so soundly? he must have traveled hard or worked hard all night,” 
and again he called, “‘Companion!” and the lynx opened his eyes and 
looked about as one does when he has just awakened, but did not 
speak. 

When he discovered that he was unlike his former self he said 
nothing, but thought, “‘That coyote man has done this work.” The 
coyote then bringing the stick, with the fat upon it, said, ‘Companion, 
I wish much to talk with you; you have slept very soundly; I have 
brought you some fat from the deer; eat it; you will like it. I killed 
a deer the other day, and this is the reason I can bring you some fat;” 
and the lynx, thinking the coyote spoke the truth, ate the fat with 
much relish. When the tat had been consumed the coyote said, ‘‘ Well, 
companion, what do you think of the deer fat?” but before the lynx 
made any reply the coyote added, “I lied to you; it is your own fat 
which I took from your stomach while you slept.” The lynx at once 
became very sick and began vomiting. ‘I did not eat it,” cried the 


STEVENSON. | COYOTE MYTH. 149 


lynx. “Yes, you did,” said the coyote. ‘See, you can not keep it;” 
and the lynx continued vomiting until all the fat had been thrown from 
his stomach. He was very angry with the coyote, and thought, ‘‘Some 
time I will play the same trick upon you, man coyote.” 

The two now separated, taking opposite roads; but in a short time 
the lynx returned and followed the coyote, aiming to keep close to him; 
but the coyote soon distanced the lynx, leaving him far behind; the 
coyote, however, did not know that the lynx was following him. After 
he had traveled a long distance he became tired and lay down to rest 
and sleep. After a time the lynx arrived, and finding the coyote 
sleeping, said: ‘Ah! ah! now I will play my trick;” and he called to 
thecoyote, ‘Companion !” and no answer; again he called, “Companion !” 
and no answer; and the third and fourth calls brought no reply. The 
coyote was sleeping soundly. ‘He is surely asleep,” said the lynx, 
and with a stick similar to the one employed by the coyote, he drew 
the fat from the coyote’s stomach and placed it to one side; he then 
proceeded to change the appearance of the coyote; he pulled upon the 
mouth until he made it project, and it was much larger than before; 
then he pulled upon the ears until they became long, and he lengthened 
the tail to twice its size, and he also stretched the body and the arms. 
When he had completed his work he cried four times to the coyote, 
“Companion!” The fourth time the coyote awoke, and the lynx said, 
“T have brought you some deer fat ;” and the coyote was stupid enough 
to believe the story, and ate the fat, for he was very hungry. Then, 
said the lynx, “‘Man, what do you think? Do you think I have lied to 
you? Well, I have lied to you; for the fat is from your own stomach;” 
and the coyote was very angry and vomited all that he had eaten. 
And he cried, ‘“‘ Man lynx, we are even;” and in a little while they 
separated, taking opposite roads. 

The coyote traveled a great distance, and in the middle of the day it 
was very hot, and he sat down and rested, and he thought as he looked 
up to ti/nia, ‘‘ How I wish the cloud people would freshen my path and 
make it cool;” and in a little while the cloud people gathered above the 
road the covote was to travel over, and he rejoiced that his path was 
to be shady and cool; but after he had traveled a short distance, he 
again sat down, and, looking upward, said, “I wish much the cloud 
people would send rain, that my road would be fresher and cooler.” Ina 
little while a shower came, and the coyote was contented and went on 
his way rejoicing; but in a short time he again sat down and wished 
that the road could be very moist, that it would be fresh to his 
feet, and almost immediately the road was wet as though a river had 
passed over it, and the coyote was very contented. 

But after going a short distance he again took his seat and said to 
himself, ‘‘I guess I will talk again to the cloud people;” and he said to 
them, ‘‘I wish for water over my road; water to my elbows, that I may 
travel on my hands and feet in the cool waters; then I shall be refreshed 


150 THE ‘SIA. 


and happy;” and in a little while his road was covered with the water 
and the coyote moved on; but after a time he wished for something 
more, and he sat down and said to the cloud people, ‘I wish much for 
water to my shoulders; I will then be very happy and contented;” and 
in a moment the waters arose as he had wished; but he did not go far 
before he again sat down and talked to the cloud people, saying, “If 
you will only give me water so high that my eyes, nose, mouth, and 
ears are alone above it I will be happy and contented; then my road 
will indeed be cool;” and his prayer was answered. 

But even this did not satisfy him, and after traveling a short dis- 
tance he sat down and implored the cloud people to give him a river 
that he might float over the road, and immediately a river appeared 
and the coyote floated with the stream. He was high in the mountains 
and wished to go below to the hare land. After floating a long distance 
he came to the hare land and saw many hares a little distance off, both 
large and small, and they were on both sides of the river. The coyote 
lay down as though he were dead (he was covered in mud), and lis- 
tened, and presently he saw a woman ka/wate (mephitis) approaching, 
carrying her vase and gourd; she was coming for water. Before the 
coyote saw the ka/wate he heard the gourd striking against the vase. 
As she drew near the coyote peeped at her and she looked at him and 
said: ‘“‘Here is a dead coyote. Where did he come from? I guess 
from the mountains above. I guess he fell into the water and died.” 
When she came closer he looked at her and said: ‘Coie here, woman.” 
“What do you want?” said the ka/wate. “I want you to be my com- 
panion,” said the coyote. ‘I know all the hares and other small ani- 
mals well, and I guess in a little while they will all come here, and 
when they think I am dead they will be very happy.” And the two 
talked much together and the coyote said: “Let us be companions, 
what do you think about it?” “Ihave no thoughts at all,” said the 
ka‘wate. ‘I,” said the coyote, “think we had better work together.” 
And the ka/wate replied: “Itis well.” Then said the coyote: “‘Goand 
bring me four clubs; I want them for the hares.” When the ka/wate 
returned with the clubs the coyote said: ‘‘Put them on the ground and 
cover them with earth.” When this was done he lay upon them. 
Then said the coyote: ‘Go and bring me the seeds from the patifin.” 
(A very tall grass: the seeds when ripe are black.) He put the seeds on 
his mouth, nostrils, eyes, and ears and scattered them over his body. 
This he did that the hares might think him dead and being eaten by 
worms. Then he said to the ka/wate: “Look around everywhere 
for the hares; when you see them, say a coyote is dead; they will soon 
come to look at me and they will dance around me for joy because Iam 
dead. You return with them, and when they dance tell them to look 
to the cloud people while they dance, and then throw your poison (me- 
phitie fluid) up and Jet it fall upon their faces like rain, and when it 
goes in their eyes they can not see, for the poison of the ka/wate burns 


STEVENSON. ] COYOTE MYTH. 151 


like red pepper, and when they become blind we can kill them; you 
will take two of the clubs and I will take two, one in either hand.” 
When the ka/wate reached the hares she spoke to the hare chief. 
“Hare, listen; I saw a dead coyote over there.” “Where?” cried the 
chief. “There by the river.” “You are not lying?” said the chief. 
“No; I speak the truth, there is a dead coyote.” ‘What killed the 
coyote?” “T don’t know what killed him, but I think he must have 
fallen into the water far above and was brought here by the river.” 
And the chief communicated the news to all of his companions and 
they concluded to send one hare alone to see if the ka/wate spoke the 
truth. “Go quickly,” said they to the hare, “and see if the woman 
speaks the truth.” The hare hastened off, and when he reached the 
coyote he looked carefully all about and concluded the coyote had been 
dead some time, for he saw that the body was covered with worms, and 
returning he told his people what he had seen, but some refused to be- 
lieve that the coyote was dead. It was decided to send another mes- 
Senger, and a second hare was dispatched to see if the first one’s story 
was correct. He returned with the same news and so a third and 
fourth were sent, and each came bearing the story that a coyote was 
dead and being eaten by worms. Then the hares decided to go in a 
body and see the dead coyote. The men, women, and children has- 
tened to look upon the dead body of the coyote, and rejoicing over his 
death they struck him with their hands and kicked him. There were 
crowds of hares and they decided to have a great dance. Now and 
then a hare would leave the group of dancers and stamp upon the 
coyote, who lay all the time as though he were dead, and during the 
dance they clapped their hands over their mouths and gave a whoop 
like the war whoop. 

After a time the ka/wate stepped apart from the group and said, “All 
of you hares look up, do not hold your heads down, look up to the 
cloud people while you sing and dance ; itis much better to hold your 
heads up.” All threw their heads back and looked to ti/ni/a. Then 
the ka/wate threw high her mephitic fluid, which fell like rain upon the 
faces and into the eyes of all the hares, and their eyes were on fire; all 
they could do was to rub them; they could not see anything. And the 
coyote quickly rose, and handed the ka/wate two of the clubs, keeping 
two himself, and they killed all of the hares; there was a great number, 
and they were piled up like stones. Then said the coyote, ‘* Where 
Shall I find fire to cook the hares? Ah,” said he, pointing across to a 
very high rock, “that rock gives good shade and it is cool; I will find 
the fire and cook my meat near the shade of the rock;” and he and the 
ka/wate carried all of the hares to this point and the coyote made a 
large fire and threw them into it. When this was done he was very 
warm from his work about the fire and he was also tired, and he lay 
down close to the rock inthe shade. He was now perfectly happy, and 
contented to be quiet, but only for a short time. He must be at work 


152 THE SIA. 


about something, and he said to the ka/wate, ‘*‘ What shall we do now?” 
and she answered; ‘‘I do not know,” then the coyote said, ‘‘ We will 
work together for something pretty; we will run a race and the one 
who wins will have all the hares.” “Oh,” said the ka/wate, ‘how could 
I beat you? your feet are so much larger than mine.” ‘ Well,” said the 
coyote, “I will allow you the start of me.” The coyote made a torch of 
the inner shreds of the cedar bark and wrapped it with yucea thread 
and lighting it tied this torch to the end of his tail. The fire was 
attached to his tail to light the grass that he might see everywhere 
about him to watch the ka/wate that she might not escape him. He 
then said, ‘Woman, I know you can not run fast, you must go first 
and I will wait until you have gone a certain distance.” The ka/wate 
started off, but when out of sight of the coyote she slipped into 
the house of the badger. At the proper time the coyote started with 
the fire attached to his tail. Wherever he touched the grass he set 
fire toit. The ka/wate waited for him to pass and then came out of 
the house of the badger and hastening back to the rock she carried all 
the hares to a high ledge, leaving but four tiny little ones below. The 
coyote was surprised in his run not to overtake the ka/wate. ‘She 
must be very quick,” thought he. ‘How could she run so fast,” and 
after passing around the mountain, all the time expecting to see the 
ka/wate ahead of him, he returned to the rock surely expecting to find 
her there. Not seeing her, he cried, ‘‘ Where can the ka/wate be?” 
He was tired and sat down in the shade of the rock. ‘Why does 
she not come,” thought the coyote; ‘perhaps she will not return before 
night, her feet are so small; perhaps she will not come at all. Strange 
I have not seen her; she must be far off.” The Ka’wate, who was just 
above him, heard all that he said. She watched him and saw him take 
a stick and look into the mound for the hares. (They had covered the 
hares before leaving the place.) He pulled out a very small one which 
he threw away. He then drew a second one, still smaller than the first, 
and this he also threw off, and again a third, and a fourth, each one 
smaller than the other. ‘I do not care for the little ones,” he said, “I 
have many here, I will not eat the smaller ones,” and he hunted and 
hunted in the mound for the hares, but found no more; all were gone, 
and he looked about him and said, ‘‘That woman has robbed me,” and 
he was glad to collect the four he had cast away and eat them, for he 
was very hungry. After his meal he looked about him and found the 
ka/wate’s footprints on the rocks. He hunted everywhere for her, but 
he did not think to look above, and after searching a long time he be- 
came weary and laid down to rest. As he looked upward, he saw the 
woman sitting on the ledge of the rock with the hares piled beside her. 
The coyote was hungry for the hares, and he begged the ka’wate to 
bring him some, and she threw him down a very small one, and the 
coyote was angry with her and still more angry with himself, because 
he could not climb the rock; she had gone where he could not go. The 


STEVENSON. ] COYOTE MYTH. 153 


coyote was very angry when he parted from the ka/wate. After fravel- 
ing a little way he saw a small bird. The bird was hopping about 
contentedly and the coyote thought, “What a beautiful bird, it 
moves about so gracefully. I guess I will work awhile with that 
bird,” and drawing nearer to the bird, he asked, ‘What beautiful things 
are you working at?” but the bird could not understand the coyote, and 
he could only stand and admire the bird. He saw the bird take out his 
two eyes and throw them straight up, like two stones, to ti/nia, and then 
look upward, but he had no eyes in his head; presently the bird said, 
“Come my eyes, come quickly, down into my head,” and immediately 
the eyes fell into the sockets of the bird, and the bird was apparently 
pleased, and the eyes appeared much brighter than before. The coyote 
discovering how improved the bird’s eyes were, he asked the bird to take 
out his eyes and throw them up that they might become brighter, and 
the bird took out the coyote’s eyes and held an eye in either hand for a 
little while, then threw them to ti/nia, and the coyote looked upward, 
but he had no eyes, and he cried, ‘Come back, my eyes, come quickly,” 
and the eyes fell into the coyote’s head. He was delighted with the 
improvement in his eyes, and, thinking that they might be made still 
more brilliant and penetrating by throwing them up a second time, he 
asked the bird to repeat the performance. The bird did not care to 
work any more for the coyote and told him so, but the coyote persist- 
ently urged the bird to throw his eyes up once more. The bird, grow- 
ing a little angry, said, ‘‘ Why should I work for you, coyote? No, I 
work no more for you,” but the coyote was persistent, and the bird a 
second time took out his eyes, this time causing the coyote such pain that 
he cried. As the bird threw up the eyes the coyote looked up to ti/nia 
and cried, “‘Come my eyes come to me!” but the eyes continued to 
ascend and did not return. The coyote was much grieved and moved 
about slowly and awkwardly, for he could not see, and he wept bitterly 
over the loss of his eyes. 

The bird was very much annoyed to be thus bothered with the 
coyote, and said to him, ‘‘Go away now; I am tired of you, go off and 
hunt for other eyes, do not remain to weep and bother me,” but the 
coyote refused to leave and begged and entreated the bird to find eyes 
for him. Finally the bird gathered gum from a pion tree and rolled 
two small bits between the palms of his hands, and, when they were 
round, he placed the two balls into the eye sockets of the coyote, who 
was then able to see, but not clearly as before, and these eyes, instead 
of being black like his other eyes, were slightly yellow. ‘ Now,” said 
the bird, “you can remain no longer.” 

After traveling some little distance the coyote met a deer with two 
tawns; the fawns were beautifully spotted, and he said to the deer, 
“How did you paint your children, they are so beautiful?” The deer 
replied, “I painted them with fire from the cedar.” ‘And how did 
you do the work?” inquired the coyote. ‘I put my children into a 


154 THE SIA. 


cave,” answered thedeer, ‘“‘and built a fire of cedar in front of the cave, 
and every time a spark flew from the fire it struck my children, making 
a beautiful spot.” ‘‘Oh,” said the coyote, “1 will do the same and 
make my children beautiful,” and he hurried to his house and put his 
children into a cave and built a fire of cedar, and then stood off to 
watch the fire. The children cried much, because the fire was very 
hot. The coyote tried to stop their cries by telling them they would 
soon be beautiful like the children of the deer. After a time their 
weeping ceased and the coyote thought his words had comforted them, 
but, in fact, the children were burned to death. When the cedar was 
consumed the coyote hastened to the cave, expecting to find his 
children very beautiful, but instead he found them dead; he was en- 
raged with the deer and ran fast to hunt her, but he could find her 
nowhere, and he returned to his house much distressed and much dis- 
gusted with himself for having been so easily fooled by the deer. 


THE COYOTE AND THE COUGAR. 


When the world was new the coyote was very industrious. He was 
always at work passing around the world everywhere. He was never 
lazy, but his thoughts were not good. He visited one camp of people 
and told them he belonged to the Corn people; at another camp he 
said he belonged to the Knife people. Both times he lied. After a 
while the coyote told the cougar, who was the father of all game, that 
he would like to be a ho/naaite. The cougar replied, ‘‘ When your 
thoughts are good, then you may become one.” ‘TI guess the coyote is 
not lying, he has good thoughts now,” and the cougar said to him, 
‘“‘Come in four days to me and we will make hii/chamoni.” The coyote 
returned on the fourth day and worked eight days with the cougar’ 
preparing hii/chamoni. He was supposed to abstain during this time 
from food, drink, and smoking, and to practice continency. The cougar 
also fasted and practiced continency for the same period of time. Each 
night when it was dark the cougar said, ‘“‘ You, man coyote, now it is 
night, take this food which I give you and offer it to Ko’pishtaia.” 
The first night the coyote returned with a contented heart, and upon 
entering the cougar’s house he sat down. The second night after the 
coyote left the house with the food for Ko/pishtaia, he felt a little hun- 
gry, and he said to himself, ‘‘ Last night I was not hungry, now Lam hun- 
gry, alas! Lamafraid or I would eat this food. Why have I wished to be 
aho/naaite? I have food here and I wish to eat it, for I am hungry and 
yet Tam afraid.” And so he argued with himself until he overcame 
all scruples and ate the food. ‘‘ Now,” said he, ‘I am contented; I am 
no longer hungry;” and he returned to the cougar, pretending he had 
offered the food to Ko’pishtaia, and so the remaining eight nights the 
coyote ate the food which was given him by the cougar to offer to 
Ko’pishtaia, but he said nothing of this to anyone. The cougar grew 


STEVENSON. | THE COYOTE AND THE COUGAR. 155 


to be straight and had no belly, but the coyote did not change in 
appearance, and the sixth night the cougar began to suspect that the 
coyote was not making his offerings to Ko’pishtaia. The coyote told 
the cougar each night that he was contented and was not hungry. ‘I 
think you are a little sad,” the cougar replied. ‘No, Iam not sad; 
my stomach is strong,” said the coyote, “I can fast eight days; I won- 
der that Iam not a little sad. Why am I not hungry? I feel strong 
all the time that I am passing about.” 

On the seventh day the cougar and the coyote worked very hard all 
day making hi/chamoni, and when the work was completed the cougar 
taught the coyote the song which he would sing as ho/naaite of the 
Coyote Society. They sang all the eighth day and night and at the 
conclusion of the song the coyote was ordained a ho/naaite. Then said 
the cougar to the coyote, “Go now and kill a deer, and when you kill 
the deer bring the meat here and we will eat,” and the coyote said, ‘It 
is well;” and he went to hunt the deer. In the early morning the 
coyote saw a deer, but the deer ran fast, and, though he followed him 
all day, he could not get close enough to catch him; he did not carry 
arrows, but was to catch him with his hands, and at night the coyote 
returned worn out. While the coyote was absent the cougar thought, 
“‘T guess the coyote will be gone all day,” and when evening came and 
the coyote was still absent he thought, ‘The coyote has not a good 
head or thoughts for a ho/naaite.” When the coyote returned at night 
the cougar said, ‘‘ Why have you been gone all day and come back 
without a deer?” ‘TI saw a deer,” said the coyote, ‘early this morn- 
ing, and Iran all day following him; I went very far and am tired.” 
“Well,” said the cougar, ‘“ why is it your head and heart cared to be a 
ho/naaite? I gave you food for Ko’pishtaia and you, coyote, you ate 
the food that should have been given to Ko’pishtaia; this is why you 
did not catch the deer to-day. Had you given the food to Ko’pishtaia, 
instead of eating it, you would have caught the deer.” The coyote 
thought much, but did not say a word. He slept that night in the 
cougar’s house, and at dawn the cougar said to one of his own people, 
“you go and catch a deer.” “Well, be it so,” said the companion, 
and he started for the deer before the sun was up. In a short time 
he saw one; it was very near him, and with one jump he sprang upon 
the game and caught it before the sun was yet up, and hurrying back 
to the house of his chief he said, ‘‘ Here is the meat of the deer.” 

The chief was much pleased and contented, but the eoyote was very 
sad, All the companions of the cougar were happy and _ rejoiced. 
“Good, my son!” said the cougar, “I am much contented; we will pay 
the Ko’pishtaia with plumes; now we will eat the flesh of the deer.” 
The chief ate first and the others after him; he would not give any of 
the meat to the coyote, because the coyote’s thoughts were not good. 
The chief enjoyed his food greatly, this being the ninth morning from 
the beginning of his fast. The cougar said to the coyote, “Your 


156 THE SIA. 


thoughts and heart are not good; you are no longer a ho/naaite; go! 
You will henceforth travel quickly over and about the world; you will 
work much, passing about, but you will never understand how to kill 
the deer, antelope, or any game; I do not travel fast, but my thoughts 
are good, and when I call the deer they come quickly.” Since that 
time the coyote is always hunting the deer, rabbit, and other game, but 
is not successful. 


THE COYOTE AND RATTLESNAKE, 


The coyote’s house was near the house of the rattlesnake. The 
coyote said to the snake, ‘‘ Let us walk together,” and while walking 
he said to the snake, ‘‘ To-morrow come to my house.” In the morn- 
ing the snake went to the house of the coyote and moved along slowly 
on the floor, shaking his rattle. The coyote sat to one side, much 
afraid; he became frightened after watching the movements of the 
snake and hearing the noise of the rattle. The coyote had a pot of 
rabbit meat cooking on the fire, which he placed in front of the snake, 
inviting him to eat, saying, “‘Companion, eat.” ‘No, companion, 
I will not eat your meat; I do not understand your food,” said the 
snake. ‘What food do you eat ?” asked the coyote. ‘I eat the yel- 
low flowers of the corn,” was the reply, and the coyote immediately 
began to look around for some, and when he found the pollen, the 
snake said, “‘Put some on the top of my head that I may eat it,” and 
the coyote, standing as far off as possible, dropped a little on the 
snake’s head. The snake said, ‘Come nearer and put enough on my 
head that I may find it.” He was very much afraid. but after a while 
he came close to the snake and put the pollen on his head, and after 
eating the pollen the snake thanked the coyote saying, “I will go now 
and pass about,” but before leaving he invited the coyote to his house: 
“Companion, to-morrow you come to my house.” “Very well,” said the 
coyote, “to-morrow I will go to your house.” The coyote thought 
much what the snake would do on the morrow. He made a small 
rattle (by placing tiny pebbles in a gourd) and attached it to the end 
of his tail, and, testing it, he was well satisfied and said: “This is 
well;” he then proceeded to the house of the snake. When he was 
near the house he shook his tail and said to himself, ‘This is good; I 
guess when I go into the house the snake will be very much afraid of 
me.” He did not walk into the house, but moved like a snake. The 
coyote could not shake the rattle as the snake did his; he had to hold 
his tail in his hand. When he shook his rattle the snake appeared 
afraid and said, ‘Companion, I am much afraid of you.” The snake 
had a stew of rats on the fire, which he placed before the coyote and 
invited him to eat, saying, ‘Companion, eat some of my food,” and 
the coyote replied, “I do not understand your food; I can not eat it, 
because I do not understand it.” The snake insisted upon his eating, 
but the coyote continued to refuse, saying, “If you will put some of 


STEVENSON.] THE SKATONA. IAT 


the flower of the corn on my head I will eat; I understand that food.” 
The snake quickly procured some corn pollen, but he pretended to be 
afraid to go too near the coyote, and stood off a distance. The coyote 
told him to come nearer and put it well on the top of his head; but the 
snake replied, “‘I am afraid of you.” The coyote said, ‘Come nearer to 
me; I am not bad,” and the snake came closer and put the pollen on 
the coyote’s head and the coyote tried to eat the pollen; but he had 
not the tongue of the snake, so could not take it from his head. He 
made many attempts to reach the top of his head, putting his tongue 
first on one side of his nose and then on the other, but he could only 
reach either side of his nose. His repeated failures made the snake 
laugh heartily. The snake put his hand over his mouth, so that the 
coyote should not see him laugh; he really hid his head in his body. 
The coyote was not aware that the snake discovered that he could not 
obtain the food. As he left the snake’s house he held his tail in his 
hand and shook the rattle; and the snake cried, “Oh companion! I am 
so afraid of you,” but in reality the snake shook with laughter. The 
coyote, returning to his house, said to himself, ‘I was such a fool; the 
snake had much food to eat and I would not take it. Now I am very 
hungry,” and he went out in search of food. 


THE SKATONA. 


The myth of the ska’/tona (a monster plumed serpent) who, in the 
old time, ate the people, is familliar to every man, woman, and child of 
Sia. This serpent, who lived in the mountains, did not move to catch 
the people, but drew them to him with his breath; he never called but 
one person at a time, compelling each one to approach sidewise so that 
he could not be seen. The hand was usually grabbed first, then the 
serpent would take the hand into his mouth and gradually devour his 
victim. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 


ETE NOLOGY 


Fr THE 


UNGAVA DISTRICT, HUDSON BAY TERRITORY. 


By LUCIEN M. TURNER. 


CONTENTS: 


Abr od cto ee eee late ere alee enter ee eats ae ee a ere cereale anion ceorerninie f-taie sec 
Fort Chimo and the surrounding region. --....---.....---------.--.----- 
Gli aihe Beas ae ee aie Bae No win tte tenia fare area 
PATETOT ASH een eiesticsic eae eee oat tae ts at ee Oem Se aera leitae onsite oe 
WERRIRIROR...0 + 255650 s4becs coc sod seees ocd none aseen eos ses sacsedacere 
ATam alUlte a amen eee fy ee eae Se ie ai. 1 nee Be othe ee eee ee ew = 

Miamim als esis me ee ae arene mrt eines Sle siaian a eee meecenee 
BITS eee ae eee ee eae eee carta ate soe eetne omnia seis aiemiomeoece aoe 


The native inhabitants of the country—general sketch 
The Eskimo 


Special account of the people around Fort Chimo 
The Koksoagmyut 
Physical characteristics 
Diseases 
Marriage 


Religion 
Outdoor life 
Tattooing 
Clothing 
Household articles 


Tobacco and snuff 


By water 


Story-telling and folklore 
Origin of the Innuit 
The coming of the white people 
Origin of living things on the earth and in the water 


Origin of the quadrangular spots on the loon’s back 
Origin of the gulls 
Origin of: theshawiks css). = Gas - os sens ee 
Origin of the swallow 


11 ETH 11 


(Una Ie ee Ls ee ane 1 ee Ee Bie ime roinae eg ae 
Ghildmenresacheeae seen = asi telseieeye mete Sucjeohis Maia Mob aee ce con seneie 


Dwelling) 2 eases sea a Joceeysad che aap SHcece ese saan ne nase sac eece 


Hoodrandtiteypre panei Onis rr eins he ae ae ele eee se aeeeae Se oe 


162 CONTENTS. 


Special account of the people around Fort Chimo—Continued. 
The Koksoagmyut—Continued. 


Story-telling and folklore—Continued. 


he hares = cre =~ sae a= eiaiat = mare a etal ale ets hela a let at a tite 
ST eye, Oe a ee 
WGI CO yao eee iat sna lm me eed ota ee dnt et lm 
Origin’ of Mosquitoes = <= ome ee a am alae eseeet 
Story of the man and his fox wife......--.--.-.----------------- 
UB Joun fl Se eoa ammo deoe bos selemeataobmeuconstindescacat sseacsseees> 
AGN MGT ERMC Saeko ec oe pee ce hoe eS oe ms aeeoe tose See Sero sess 
Story, ofthe orphan b0yeeeer seen ae eee ee eee 
The origin of the sun, moon, and stars..---.---.---.------------- 
DSCC ON BAS a lem eee a re 
UDC) a Rape cee Se seeu oodocseacbee ssossesscurcerecekeesecneus S255 
MWA om alan SeoasdScnoce Sacer cond ons oonssmeb esses segues 


) 


hey Nenenopior Nas Ope eres ee eee ee eee eee 
(Prim cipal (cham ae eS 0 Steele ee ee a eee 
CON WN e ORE Same sacme cas pasos sero ASI OnE sad S706 sew acce JeSe oan 
Preparation of the skins for clothing . ..-.-.-----.------------------- 
D)swie) Dima 8) ae a sagem ae a ld 
Siewert bn O TSC 5 ere a rata 
ougeholdsutensilss (ee: sesay sees em ees rete etal hee 
Tobacco) and! pipespscrm eset ats ee ee ot etal lle 
Meansxottcats por tei tory are pee tere eee etal eel eee 


LWA EUGY Baad aortas Sosa seo ros Seas goad cat Seos SSacasSesaseccons 
Byllan dy pee see ee eene ee eee eae eee eee 


Weapons - --- =. 2-22 5 )5 beeen ooo ewe ows wien cen einie ne nie tam eee 
hiv nb yaa RoE an osee se sesso aaa eee eas sromiscascocanen css. .oschc 
Miscellaneous implements, tools, ete .....-------.--.---------------- 
PASINTT STINT ALS eae eta ee te ee 
LOE Ih gal PRA eet eee aasclosdocdos seer moesccdae seats Sanoedcseaars 
Lari Gye ee sons seem Ren Assen aed todos sooHercooi=mededesae qos ec: 


Story of the wolverine and the brant -......---.-.-.....--------- 
Siiopaont Wake) whiney A see ye 5 - en deapeoeecs Asessenes-He dsscoe5 
Mherdéeriandsthe squinnel y= seers eee eee eer 
The young man who went to live with the deer -.-.-----..----.- 
The wolf’s daughter going to seek her lover---------- saeeeeleeee 
MHre 6) @va spy can saa ae ee ee 
IAC wolverine Gestroys 1s SIS b@T ae eee 
Therab bit'an ds the tr ots see eee tee sere eee ee 
The wolverine andthe moc Kiss vee eae ae ee ees 
Creation of people by the wolverine and the muskrat ----------- 
Origin of the whitish spot on the throat of the marten .---..---. 
The Indian and! his beaver wile jose. eo ee eee 
The:venturesome/harer-ec- ele] ease eee eae ees 
The spirit guiding a child left by its parents-..--.--.-.-.--------- 
Mae ,of two dire tami Ory a sels eee eee ete eee ae et eee 
Mhe starving WwolVerimes sec es ese eee ele eel 
The starving Indians -----.2-=-------- 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Page 

IPGATE EY OXekokV le uviewwonm Koksoakshivenss.-2--- -<ta-se cae see eseeesccseer 1 140 
ORR | Skim oO} Gen ties ad secioe soos Gea ae ee BRE eee nesses 226 
RRENCV MS LON e LOD AGCONpIPGSl: <-n eee tiene Leena enn cape laee 302 
XXXIX. Birchbark canoe, Nenenot, Koksoak river pattern..-..-.... 304 

XL. Nenenot snowshoe—‘“‘ swallow-tail” ....--.-----------.---- 308 

XLI. Nenenot snowshoe—“ beaver-tail” .......-..--.-.----.----- 310 

XLII. Nenenot snowshoe—“‘round-end”..-.-...------------------ 312 
XLIII. Doll, Indian woman, full dress, Nenenot -......-..-.------ 326 

IMC g Vile WD) Vata aes as BAR COOR TAS ee A RAIRocr GAaePOS te asa nrOEoe rs aOSnce 192 
BR METSTO CU ous 2568 dood oa55 62 Soaelsbocesecds Psoecbonboer scenes scos 197 
235) BeltOLemaotoe doll ees tft aa a pen a ale noe acta Ole aa settee arya cipi a 198 
24, Talisman attached to magic doll .....-....--..-...-.-----.--------=- 199 
QO ae ATS ET ATL Se eee me, Se a eee Rise ay to che) So eee ee Sashes ata nee oe 199 
26 ee L Alin ane eye SAR er eee RE ee asta etioraehe wos RoE Se ee ae ees 199 
iy RAUSMaAN se: octserct scm Scocls Sa ees see see cere secre cases soeeeeneees 200 
28 bskimonvomanisiamule tice = =-cee sae eeeee a ecioeairame cee aees eee 201 
20 aS kM ONIN S INK Cap eae eee ease eee ane eleeiee eae ena eye 209 
S30 Eiskimomansdeerskinicoah) (ronh)) ---s2 sees aes oe eee ee = 210 
ol; Eskimo man’s deerskin (coat (back) 2222 -2--- a2 eee tessa =e eee 311 
32.) DSkimo man’s sealskin) coat (front) 2-4-5.) 422-2 eee 212 
33. ‘Hskimo\ man’s sealskin'coat (side 22... : 3522. 222. 2-22. 222 ees n ne 213 
of Eskimonwomranis!deerskinycoat=-s. 5 os sere -a0sse secre se ene Sees 214 
JO eUSKLNOLWOMan’s deerskinyCOat-a= see ae senttes melee ofae sees nee asiceee 215 
36>, Lskimongnonianrs deerskini cote ses sas seach caesarean eee ae eee 215 
Oi. Skim onwomMmanis;d66rs kimicoabwresseassee eae cae ce ones eee a 216 
Je sbskimoswomanis sealskinicoat2== cers. seme basse onasc eee sere 216 
oo. Biskim Oworiam sd COLS Kin CO Mtese eae aia oe ae ere ee neato ne eine eae 217 
LOSeB ack wie wiOh Same) oss sence cet ch See eeeermcccee ences ccm et inss 217 
410 SE Sic Oo; DOOUSS =n 21-5 5 Rises ak eae wees eco eens es cals atin ea eee 218 
A BEGIN OMSNOESS dae eee PR ee re (eee eae eee nee eee ee 219 
43. Tee shoes, Hudson strait Eskimo ...--.-----.--- (bee aoe eae aes 219 
44, Long waterproof sealskin mitten .........----.---22.-----+--c22- ---- 220: 
455 Waterproof) piu trock: of epee s-issetscn eae sae vate oe aes canes sees 221 
AGS SNOMpeO sees —— trons. eee ay Se sete eA ys eee = eae aaa 222 
AG ONO POOR OS Neale Rater elt sen aoe errata sie ere Gea eee 223: 
48. Deserted Eskimo snowhouses near Fort Chimo -.__-...-.-.---.------ 224 
494 Soapstone lamp) Koksoaemynter: 9-2 soe eeee seer eee sone eee eee 229 
505 Soapstone lamp, Koksoagmyut--.- 2.2.2. 22-- 2.222. 2-225. 222)22-222-- 229 
OLS Soapstonellamp; Koksoasmyut. - 225 ssae 22222 eee sages n= se ser 229 
b2. ph rame fordnyin oe Mibbense = 2- =. 2. =2 sss — ee ese ae se aie ee 230 
Ho. psoapstonerkettle S222 2b saels. ccna - cds cde ae Se eee ee aise seem seedasee 230 
od SOapstone! Kettle se. vate pea sea scatenceh sea cecceee es escl-ben eee 231 


FIG. 55. 
, eas KIN DUCKSL cas oe os- ce oe ee ee a a eee ae ee ee 
+ (PORIBEINCUD! 2 ea5 555 Seecec Sone ee ee ee eee eee 
nLObSGco pONCh in 525545. pee eee eee eee eee eee 
Es kame) Wai aie = Se ore Sa are ee rae ee eae 
iDogrwhip) 22s 52 ost 35-2 naa ee ee ee eae ee eee eee 
~ Bow; East’ Main bskimo (back) (2-20 )2 28.2 eee ee 
Bow, Hast: Main ‘Hskimo \(side)- 2a. 6: see ee es See eee 
. Arrow, Bast) Main Mskimo -.-2255. 25625 scca- 92s se eee eee 
~ Arrow, Hast Main Eskimo 2) 4 :<. -3- 2202-022 eee eee eee 
Arrow; East Main Eskimo’ .....\.: 2. 2.222 )-02s05- 5 seesaw esse eee 
; Bow-case, Bast Main Wskimo:..< 2c. 2-25 eee oe eos eee eae oo ee eee 
. Hand spear for killing seals, from kaiak, Koksoak...-....---....---- 
a Loggle head for hand cspeat 2. see ae ae nee ee ee 
hSealskin float =~ eee oa oe ite he gee el ee ee ae eee 
. Lvory ‘Snow, knite, Koksospmy ibys a oo eee see e eee 
. Back-seratcher, Koksoapmyut)<.202- 2-252. o= eee oe ee eee 
. Lvory needle\case, Koksoagmyittt - = 2-22-22. oes a= eee 
. Ivory needlevcase; Koksoagmiymt 2- . 22 c eet ne sere a ee 
. Sealskin needle cushion, with thimble, Koksoagmyut--.---.....----- 
5.’ Cup and balls Roksoapmy pits. — = ess ae see ee 
. Football and driver, Koksoagmyut----....--...---------<-=-----:--- 
= Dominoes, Hudson straitiskimess.>: 2262-— oben 
. Eskimo:doll, mane?! 225 22325-0207 was cst ae ie oe Beene ee eo ae 
2 Eskimo'doll} swomamss 22 2 sceepaascs eee Ge eee ans oe 
Sobiskimo) oll, swomanss— onus ease eee ee See ee eee eee 
. Eskimo doll, -woman.2: 22 i542 -eesadseo= eee se ae eee ee ee eee eee 
~ DSkimo violin. 2.422 Ses sarees oat a sac See eee oe ee 
. Birds carved in lVvory -.< 2.52 - S22 Peas con eee eee | eee 
. Human feure.carvedlnelvory ss ee ose e = = as eee eee 


85. 


89. 


90. 
91. 


92. 
93. 
94. 
95. 
96. 
ite 


98. 
99. 


100. 


101. 
102. 
103. 
104. 


105. 


106. 
107. 
108. 
109. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Wooden. dish) >---s-.*..--.. 5.228 Sheba eee See eee 


Indian medicinewlod eer ace ee Re aire ee are ere 


* Indian amulet of bearskin). 225: s S04. osesec asec ees eee 
- Indian buckskin’ coat, man’s (front)? 2- = - 45254-4422 -- sass ee 
= Indian buckskin"coatwanan’si(baek)e= sese aes Pee ee eee 


Detail of pattern painted on Indian garment. ------.--..-------.---- 
Detail of pattern painted on deerskin robe.....-....---------------- 
Indian, buckskinilepoings 225232222 2. Se. noon eee nee aoe eee 
Indian moccasins’ £.-4.-2.2 sins ase esd es aise e aaa ee ee eee ees 
Indian mittens 22) o2 so) oe. soot oe eee bee ene eee aa ee 
Beaded headband, Nenenot = 2. = 3255.45. 22a on eee eee ee 
Man’s; winter coat’ (front)).~ =2-2. <tc 25 een en ee ee ee 
Man’s winter coat (back): ..232226 2.224) 2222-25 esee eee see meee 
Detaal of ornamentabionie = S20 = = =e as ee ae oe ae Pee Ree ssS-5 
Man’s winter coat, with hood =22-2-- oop. - sce nee ee eee 
Man’s winter coat, with hood --.--....---.---- BSHat ence sore eae he oe 
Nenenot woman in full winter dress--.---.---.-------------<==-+++----- 
Sealskin headband; Nenenot.<-. 95 242 5-2-2 ee See ee ee ees 
Skin‘seraper (front), Nenenot.) 22.22 os. ca eee ee eee 
Skiniscraper (side); "Nenenot - 2-2 2-— oe eee ee ee eee eee eee 
Skan=cleanine, tool, Nenenobi-. -2.-2- --= eee aare eee ee ee eee 
Skin-cleaning tool (iron-bladed), Nenenot- ---....-.----------------- 
Paint stick, Nenenot-an-2-c-.05 Sot cackce See ae eee eee eee 
‘Paintistick; Nenenots..56 2 2455-Ces2.. coor a 6 eee ee eee 
Paintistick, ‘Nenenot/i22 3. =)-=- 425 26 bs eo eee ee eee 


FiG.110. 
111. 
112. 
113. 
114. 
115. 
116. 
inti 
118. 
119; 
120. 
121. 
192. 
123. 
124. 
125. 
126. 
127. 
128. 
129. 
130. 
tS 
132. 
133. 
134. 
135. 
136. 
137. 
138. 
139. 
140. 
141. 
142, 
143. 
144, 
145. 
146. 
147. 
148. 
149, 
150. 
151. 
152. 
153. 
154. 
155. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PaintStiCk,  NONONOb == seasoned ta ane eee aoe rare eae SEE 
PaIMijCUp EN ONCMO basa ster ante ate ae eiei ai eee ne eee eee eee oe 
Raint cups Nenenot?=6 2526 nae apa a aces gele cen) ee = lois Sots an Mee ee oe = 
PAINE CUP NONEN Obese aaa Mera aslo netsapistet lca ieee io eee otra 
INeneno tein diam ten bere ance yaa eee aie ae ese ee ed ase saee 
Wioodentbuekes, ;Nenenoteccs=: a-oec pm eeaia se ae pe so race ce see ae 
Birehiparkabasket,eNenenOb seers see ena eae ee eee ree aes 
Birchbarkibasket: INenenotes-=- 4.55. cs se eaae.a-e eeeass aa ee oe ee 
PlonexpestlenNeneno thse eee eee eee sia serie ta a-e eiee ee 

Wooden spoon or ladle) Nenenot. ...-22---52---sen- o:---- -- 65 - se eoe- 
iWoodenspoonfor ladles Nenenot-s 2 =. emer e ce seis = eee eee ee se 
Wiooden'spooni or ladles Nenenot- 2-5-2252 == ee o2 ee a=en 2 - = 
Wioodensspaomorladie;, Nenenota=-pe- noe seee ese ee eae ee 
Stoneitobaccospipe soe sesso e perm lany-)aiein aaa ale eine Slee eee cles a= cleee 
Papeycleanery N GNEN Obie es eet tate aera ine nial se eet eet tee 
Spoon'forapplying grease to.canoe.--.- 2.025. 2---- 5 ---- eee a= 
Toboryan; Nenenot, side wiew,.--5- 22652-22226 = S=eeeee soe Sains ae 
Toboggan, Nenenot, from above ......-.--------:-------- eee 
Nenenotisnowshoessinmlespali anes seen ee ee aera Seca eee 
Nenenotisnowshoe,/sinplesbar * = 2 eae eS ate ee ae 
Snowshoe needle; Nenenotie—-o. S52.) 22s2-sc<=)2- 2 sees oe s+ one eee se 
Woodenisnowshoe, Little Whale river 2-2 ..2052--:- 54-22 2252-<---:- 
bow Nenenotsesaa= sees) See c cess aoa e eo sa te ese. settee eee 
AT TOW ABN CD ONO bie ee tsae es mye ee miacee a cence ane ceaa ts eters cee os 
Aran INGICOG, 53565 Par eA Dene a Sao RSS ces BACs Sane ames Aah eects S 
JT BON A INGICINO 636 oes BeeG > nb dab conmeodune Bogen See Cao sHe eae Ase asE Cre 
PATTON PNORCHO tia: wro= <leeeia semis Sei sein sine ee ee alae seinie Sian ae ania <clee ee 
IDE TOTES) INGTON Sh cocucedoassassneedsocesdsaotes Eoossd ages secene 
White whale spear, Little Whale river .................--.....----- 
Point of white whale spear enlarged .......-....-.----------- Smee 
Reindeersnare;pNONONO tsa - meme case eee sicee eee sae esas eee oes 
CrookedtknitesNenenotice. = -3-,s0 s2.4seeles mince a aoe. See oe eee eee 
AtwlMeN enon 0 titer cee sje iis reais Se sce tens meee aoe eee eee 
Snows shovel WNenenotic- en. - asaserie sce-ee ee eee ae eee oe eS: 
cesCOOPPNGDeNOt ne maf Oyen ee oes ee sae eee occas ae 
Comb, with birchbark case and cleaner...........-.---..----.------ 
Boaraswor woman's) hare oo. 2s: ato. ween Sewisee -b oes ce etees eee 
SWUM PAV OT ke cereraarelele teint = as wee ee eee eee eaee eee 
Hishhqokvandslines=-ces: tenes oe a cee ccc Senn ceaaas soe eee se 
Cuprandiiball Nenenot 22-5 <3 = sae as-< no sersee Geen Seue < Aeein@eeearo nee 
Dram NGM ON Ob esse ee Bae oie ce ae eee eee See ye 
Drom Ui cblenwhale river a.m \-- sas cacise ee aie Sacer eee 
attlowN ehenot:ssee oeiscas sot tects ose eaten comanitee sete ieee es 
‘Rarget, reimdeer, DUCK: ous 22 ola secisee oe acec Gute eee tes aeeesoes 
argetyTremadeer; dO rs -cemscq\- 2-22 ee eee ee eee reas ee ee eee 


ETHNOLOGY OF THE UNGAVA DISTRICT, HUD- 
SON BAY TERRITORY. 


By Lucien M. TURNER. 
(EDITED BY JOHN MURDOCH.) 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ungava bay is on the northern coast of old Labrador—the last great 
bight of the strait between the ocean and the mouth of Hudson bay. 
Its chief affluent is Koksoak or South river, which is several hundred 
miles long and takes its rise in a picturesque festoonery of lakes looped 
through the highlands half way down to Quebec. 


FORT CHIMO AND THE SURROUNDING REGION. 


Fort Chimo is in longitude 68° 16/ west of Greenwich and latitude 
58° 8’ north. The post is on the right bank of the Koksoak river, 
about 27 miles from its mouth. The elevation of the level tract on 
which the houses are situated is but a few feet above high-water mark. 
The location was selected on account of its comparative dryness, and 
also because the river affords a safer anchorage in that vicinity than 
lower down. 

The early Moravian missionaries, long before established on the At- 
lantic coast, desired to extend their labors for the conversion of the 
Eskimo to their teachings. About the year 1825 a vessel ascended the 
Koksoak river for the purpose of selecting a new missionary station. 
Nearly opposite Fort Chimo is a beacon, yet standing, erected by the 
people of that vessel. Their reception among the natives was such 
that they gave a glowing account of it on their return. The Hudson 
Bay Company immediately took steps to erect a trading post upon the 
river, and a small party was sent in the year 1831 from Moose Factory 
to establish a trading post where the trade would appear to promise 
future development. The men remained there, obtaining a precarious 
subsistence, as the vessel delivering them supplies visited that place 
only once in two years. Their houses were simple, consisting of a 
single structure for the official in charge, another for the servants, and 
two more for the storage of goods. A palisade was erected around the 

167 


168 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


houses to prevent the intrusion of the natives, Indians and Eskimo, 
who were so lately at war with each other that the rancorous feeling 
had not subsided and might break out afresh at any moment without 
warning. The remnants of the palisade were yet visible in 1882. The 
establishment of this trading post had a pacifying influence upon the 
natives, who soon found they could do better by procuring the many 
valuable fur-bearing animals than by engaging in a bloody strife, which 
the traders always deprecate and endeavor to prevent or suppress. 
After many trials to establish an overland communication with the 
stations on Hamilton inlet, it was found to be impracticable, and in 1843 
the station was abandoned. 

John M’Lean, in a work entitled ‘‘Twenty-five Years in the Hudson’s 
Bay Territory,”! gives an account of that portion of the country that 
came under his knowledge from the year 1838 to 1845. 

In the year 1866 the steamer Labrador was built and sent with a 
party to reestablish the post at Fort Chimo. Since 1866 the post has 
been a paying station, and in later years a good profit has been made. 

Fort Chimo is the chief trading station of the Ungava district. The 
Ungava district proper is the area embraced by the watershed whose 
outflow drains into Ungava bay. The eastern boundary is formed by 
the foothills on the west side of the coast range, which is the western 
limit of Labrador. This range has a trend northwest and southeast to- 
latitude 60°, where it makes a somewhat abrupt angle and pursues a 
nearly north course, terminating with Cape Chidley and the Buttons, 
the latter a low group of islets some 7 miles north of the cape. 
The southern boundary is the “ Height of Land,” near latitude 55°. 
This region is estimated to be from 1,000 to 3,000 feet above sea level. 
The greater portion of it is comparatively level, and on its surface are 
innumerable lakes of various sizes, some of which are quitelarge. The 
western boundary is not so well known in the southern part of the 
region, aS it has been seldom traversed. It seems to be a high eleva- 
tion extending toward the north-northwest, as numervus streams run 
from the southwest and west toward the central or Koksoak valley. 
Eskimo who have traversed the region many times report that the eleva- 
ted land abruptly ends near 58° 30’, and that there is formed a wide 
swampy tract, estimated to be about 80 miles wide, which opens to the 
northeast and southwest. The northwestern portion of the district 
is a great area abounding in abrupt hills and precipitous mountains of 
various heights. These heights, estimated to range no higher than 
2,600 feet, terminate abruptly on the western end of the strait, and 
the numerous islands in that portion of the water are, doubtless, peaks 
of this same range continuing to the northwest. 

It will be thus seen that the district of Ungava is a huge amphi- 
theater opening to the north. The interior of the district is excess- 
ively varied by ridges and spurs of greater or less elevation. The 


1 Two vols. in one. London, 1849. 


TURNER. ] THE HEIGHT OF LAND. 169 


farther south one travels, the higher and more irregularly disposed 
are the hills and mountains. These spurs are usually parallel to the 
main ranges, although isolated spurs occur which extend at right 
angles to the main range. The tops of the higher elevations are coy- 
ered with snow for the entire year. The summits of the lower ones are 
shrouded with snow as early as the Ist of September, and by the Ist 
of October the snow line descends nearly to their bases. The lower 
lands are full of swampy tracts, lakes, and ponds. 

The more elevated regions are totally destitute of vegetation, except 
the tripe des roches, which gives to the hills a somber color, anything 
but inspiring. Fully three-fourths of the more elevated region is, with 
the exception of black lichens, barren rock. Everywhere is the evi- 
dence of long continued glacial action. The southern exposures of all 
the hills show the same character of wearing, and, in many instances, a 
fine polish on the rocks forming their bases. This smoothness extends 
nearly to the summits of the higher peaks. These again are somewhat 
rougher and often broken into jagged, angular fragments, frequently 
of immense size. The more moderate elevations are usually rounded 
summits on whose higher portions may be found huge bowlders of rock 
having a different character from that upon which they rest, proving 
that they were carried there by masses of ice in the glacial ages. The 
northern extremity of all the ridges and spurs indicate that the glacial 
sheet moved to the north-northwest, for these portions of the rocks are 
so jagged and sharp edged as to appear to have been broken but yes- 
terday. 

The rivers of this district are numerous and several are of great size, 
although but two of them are navigable for more than 100 miles, and 
this only for boats of light draft. 

The river usually known as George’s river (Kan/gtik¢lua/luksoak) is 
the largest on the eastern side. This stream takes its rise about lat- 
itude 55° and pursues a moderately tortuous course nearly northward 
and falls into the eastern side of Ungava Bay. It has a wide bay-like 
mouth narrowing rapidly at the mouth proper. Swift rapids are formed 
here on account of an island near the center. Beyond this the river 
expands and has an average width of half a mile for a distance of about 
18 miles where the river bends eastward and forms rapids for over 
2 miles. It is navigable for the steamer Labrador only about 12 miles. 
Beyond the rapids it runs tolerably smooth and deep for nearly 40 
miles and thence to the source is a series of rapids and falls, rendering 
portages frequent, and making it utterly impracticable for even a heavy 
skiff to ascend beyond 70 miles from the mouth. Indians assert that 
high falls occur about 150 miles from the mouth of the George’s river. 
The water is said to fall from a terrific height, almost perpendicularly, 
and it causes the ground to tremble so that the thundering noise may 
be heard for more than a day’s journey from it. 

The tide at the mouth of George’s river rises 53 feet, and at the 


170 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


Anchorage, opposite the newly established station of Fort George, 
some 12 miles from its mouth, 42 feet. 

Whale river is the next important river toward the east. Off the 
mouth of this river isa huge island, locally known as Big island. This 
high island extends parallel to the course of the river, and a reef, con- 
necting its upper end with the mainland, becomes dry at low water. 
The course of Whale river is not well known. About 40 miles up this 
stream it suddenly contracts and becomes a mere creek, forming the 
outlet of a large lake, whose position is not satisfactorily determined. 
It is to the banks of this lake that certain families of the Indians re- 
pair for summer fishing. 

The next large river is the Koksoak. This stream is the largest in 
the district. It takes its rise from lakes situated on the plateau— 
the “Height of Land,’—and pursues a course having a general 
direction north-northeast. On emerging from the lake it is rather 
. small, but forks and unites again about 40 miles below. The current is 
is sluggish at the upper end, and the eastern branch is so narrow that 
the Indians have to part the overhanging alders and willows to afford 
their canoes a passage. This branch is said to be the shorter way to 
the lake and is not so difficult to ascend, the eastern branch being 
shallow and containing a number of rapids. 

Below the junction of the branches the river rapidly becomes larger 
aud contains several very high falls, below which the river flows north- 
west for a couple of hundred yards and then curves to the north-north- 
east for a distance of 5 miles. This portion is only about 700 feet wide. 
It then turns abruptly westward and rushes swiftly through a narrow 
gorge only 200 feet wide for a distance of about 7 miles. This course is 
noted for several rapids, through which a boat can not make its way 
without great difficulty. At the end of this 7-mile run the river again 
bends abruptly to the east, and continues that course with little north- 
ing until the last bend, some 65 miles below, is reached. At the lower 
end of the 7-mile run the ledges and reefs are too numerous to count. 
From this place to the mouth of the Larch river the Koksoak is ob- 
structed by islands, bars, and shoals. Below these, however, it 
becomes quite broad, until nearly opposite the high point or promontory 
below the mouth of the Larch (Pl. xxxv1). From this locality it is mo- 
notonous till the last bend is reached, some 4 miles above Fort Chimo, 
where it suddenly turns to the north and pursues that direction to the 
sea with little variation. At the last bend, however, a large island, 
locally known as Big island, not only obstructs but ends navigation 
for boats drawing over 6 feet. Small boats, such as skiffs and native 
boats, ascend to the lower end of 7-mile run. The principal obstruc- 
tion to travel in any kind of vessel in the Koksoak from Big island 
to the mouth of the Larch river is the presence of two falls or rapids 
about 40 miles from Fort Chimo. 

The extreme rise and fall of the tide at the mouth of the river is 62 


"YSAINY HVOSHOU NO MZIA 


i 


ADSOIONHL3 JO NvV3"NE 


480d34 IVNNNVY HLIN3A313 


1AXXX “Id 


TURNER. ] AROUND FORT CHIMO. 171 


feet 5 inches. The usual rise and fall is from 8 to 12 feet less, depend- 
ing on the stage of the river. At Fort Chimo the tide rises as much 
as 31 feet. The backwater is held in check as far as the upper rapids 
in a common stage of water, and during a high rise in the month of 
June the water is “backed” some 3 miles beyond the upper rapids. 

The branches of the Koksoak river are few and unimportant. The 
larger tributary is the Larch river. It is a rapid and almost unnavi- 
gable stream of variable depth, mostly shallow, and 100 to nearly 400 
yards wide. 

At about 40 miles from its mouth the Larch forks, the lower or 
southwest fork draining the eastern sides of the same mountains whose 
western slopes are drained by the Little Whale river. This southwest 
fork of the Larch river is quite small and scarely capable of being 
ascended, although it may, with great caution, be descended. This 
is the course followed by the Little Whale river Indians when they 
traverse the country to join the Naskopies of the Koksoak valley. 
The northwest branch of the Larch is still smaller and is reported to 
issue from the swampy tract of land in about latitude 58° 30/. 

The next large river is the Leaf. Its mouth is about 34 miles north- 
west of Fort Chimo, and it flows into a peculiarly shaped bay named 
Tass/iyak, or “like a lake.” The length of the river proper is estimated 
to be but 40 miles, flowing from a very long and narrow lake, having its 
longer axis extending southwestward and draining the greater part of 
the swampy tract lying in latitude 58° 30’. The southwestern portion 
of this tract is merely an area covered with innumerable small lakes so 
intimately connected by short water courses that it is difficult to 
determine whether water or land constitutes the greater part of the 
area. The rivers to the west are of less importance and drain the 
rugged area forming the northwestern portion of the district, or that 
part lying under the western third of Hudson strait. 

The principal portion of Hudson strait that came under my observa- 
tion is Ungava bay. This bay is a pocket-shaped body of water lying 
south of the strait and toward its eastern end. Soundings in various 
portions of this bay indicate a depth of 28 to 70 fathoms for the central 
area. The bottom appears to be uniformly the washings from the fresh- 
water streams. The extreme tides of Hudson strait tend to produce 
the most violent currents in this bay. Opposite the entrance of Leaf 
river bay is a whirlpool of considerable size, which causes much trouble 
to navigation. It is safe enough at high water but very dangerous at 
half-tide. 

The large island known as Akpatok lies in such a position as to 
break much of the current along the south side of the middle of the 
strait, but to give additional force to the currents at either end. This 
island is about 100 miles long and has an average width of 18 miles. 
It is the largest island in the strait proper. 

The coast line of the northwest portion of the mainland is imperfectly 


We THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


known, as is the western coast forming the eastern shore of Hudson 
bay. Navigation in any portion of Hudson strait is attended with 
much danger, not alone from the tremendous energy of the tides but 
also from the quantity of ice to be found at all times. During the 
months of August and September the strait is comparatively free from 
large fields of ice, but after that date the harbors, coves, and other 
anchorages are apt to be frozen up in a single night. 


CLIMATE. 


The temperature is controlled by the direction of the wind. The 
warmest winds are southeast, south, and southwest during the sum- 
mer. The northeast winds bring (if backing) fog, rain, or snow; the 
north wind is usually cold and disposed to disperse the clouds. The 
northwest wind is always very cold in winter and chilly in summer. 
Westerly winds are moderate in winter and summer. The southerly 
winds are warm at all seasons if blowing hard, but very cold if blowing 
lightly in winter. I think the coldest light winds of the winter are 
from a point little west of south. They are doubtless due to the cold 
from the elevated region—the Height of Land. 

The greatest amount of cloudiness oceurs in the spring and fall; 
rather less in July and August, and least during December, January, 
and February. The average cloudiness for the entire year is not less 
than eighty-two hundredths of the visible sky. 

Sleet falls mostly from the middle of September to the beginning of 
December. Snow then succeeds it and continues to be the only form 
of precipitation until the middle of April, when sleet and snow fall 
until the first rain sets in. The season of rain is very erratic. It may 
rain by the first of May, but rarely does. Snow falls every month in 
the year; the 2d of July and the 6th of August were the dates farthest 
apart for this form of precipitation. The character of the rain is usually 
moderate to hard for the summer showers; although several notable 
exceptions of abundant dashes occur during late June and all of July. 
The August and September rains are usually light to moderate, but 
often persistent for several days. The snowfalls are light to heavy in 
character, rarely, however, lasting more than twenty-four hours. The 
sleet is usually precipitated in severe squalls. The lower grounds are 
permanently covered with snow by the 1st of December, this covering 
remaining until the 10th of June. At the latter date only the heavier 
drifts and the snow of the ravines remain. It entirely disappears by 
the last of July at all elevations no higher than that of Fort Chimo. 

The higher hills retain snow until the last of August, but none is to 
be seen in the vicinity of Fort Chimo after that date. By the middle 
of September snow again covers the tops of the distant high hills. 

Fogs rarely occur so far inland as Fort Chimo. Those occurring are 
in July and August. At times they are very dense; and, as they form 
during the earliest hours of the day, they are usually dissipated by 4 


‘TURNER. ] CLIMATE AND VEGETATION. 173 


to 7 a.m. While the ice is setting in the river, and driven back and 
forth by the tides, huge volumes of steam arise from the inky water 
and are spread over the land by the light winds prevaiing at that sea- 
son. This moisture deposited on the bushes and trees forms a most 
beautiful sight. 

AURORAS. 


Auroras may be seen on most of the clear nights of the year. The: 
month of June is, on account of its light nights, the only month in 
which an aurora is not observable. 


VEGETATION. 


The northern limit of trees on the Labrador coast is in latitude 57°. 
Here the conifers are stunted and straggling. Beyond the coast range 
they attain a slightly higher altitude and thence continue to a point 
about thirty miles north of the mouth of George’s river. On the west- 
ern side of the mouth of this river the trees are pushed back 15 to 20 
miles from the sea. At the mouth of Whale river, the trees attain a 
height of 30 to 50 feet on the eastern (right) bank and within 2 miles 
of the shore. On the left bank the trees do not approach to within 10 
to 15 miles of the coast. At the mouth of False river they form a 
triangular extension and attain considerabie size, due in great measure 
to the peculiar formation of a huge amphitheater whose north wall 
serves as an admirable protection against the cold winds from the bay. 
On the western side of False river the tree line extends in a south- 
westerly direction across the Koksoak and to the banks of the Leaf 
river nearly at its source from the large lake. From the south side of 
this lake the trees are very much scattered and attain inconsiderable 
size, scarcely fitted for other uses than fuel. 

A line from this lake southwest to the eastern shore of Hudson 
bay forms the northern limit of trees for the northwest portion of 
the region. The people (Eskimo only) who dwell north of this line are 
dependent upon the stunted willows and alders, growing in the deeper 
ravines and valleys having a southern exposure. Large pieces of wood 
are much sought for by the Eskimo of the northwest portion, for use 
in constructing their kaiaks, umiaks and paddles, as well as spear 
shafts and smaller requirements for which the distorted. stems of wil- 
low and alder will not suffice. 

South of the line given as the northern limit of trees the growth 
slowly attains greater size and extension of area. The timber north of 
the Height of Land is comparatively small, the spruce and larch rarely 
attaining a size greater than 12 to 15 inches at the ground and rapidly 
tapering up for 2 feet or so above the surface. Above the height of 2 
feet the stems slowly taper and, in a few instances, produce symmet- 
rical stems for more than 15 feet. The trees growing within 40 miles 
of Fort Chimo seldom exceed 10 inches in diameter, and of the larger 


174 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


trunks the logs are selected to form the material from which the walls 
of all the buildings at that place are constructed. 

The alders, willows, and a few other bushes attain a greater or less 
size, depending upon the situation and amount of protection afforded. 
IT have seen as large stems of these shrubs growing within a mile of 
Fort Chimo as I have seen at either Davis inlet or Rigolet. 

The flowering plants are sparsely scattered over the northern areas, 
and then only in most suitable soils. The ground remains frozen from 
the last of October—earlier some seasons—to the last of May, or even 
into the middle of June. The appearance of the annuals is sudden, 
and they rapidly attain their full size and quickly fall before the chill- 
ing winds of autumn. 


ANIMAL LIFE. 
MAMMALS. 


The marine mammals alone appear to be well known, but the number 
of cetaceans can certainly be increased above the number usually re- 
ported inhabiting the waters immediately bordering upon the region. 

The phocids are best known for the reason that off the shores of 
southeast Labrador the pursuit of species of this family is carried on 
each spring to an extent probably surpassing that anywhere else on the 
face of the globe. ; 

At the mouth of Little Whale river, the white whale is taken to the 
number of 500 each year, although the capture is steadily decreasing. 
The Indians here do the greater part of the labor of driving, killing, 
flaying, and preserving them. At Fort Chimo another station for the 
pursuit of white whales is carried on. Here the Eskimo do the driving 
and killing, while the Indians perform the labor of removing the blub- 
ber and rendering it fit for the oil tanks into which it is placed to put 
it beyond the action of the weather. The skin of the white whale is 
tanned and converted into a leather of remarkably good quality, espe- 
cially noted for being nearly waterproof. 

Of the land mammals, the reindeer is probably the most abundant 
of all. It is found in immense numbers in certain localities, and forms 
for many of the inhabitants the principal source of subsistence, while 
to nearly all the residents its skins are absolutely necessary to pro- 
tect them from the severity of the winter. 1 

The black, white and brown bears are common enough in their re- 
spective areas. The former rarely ranges beyond the woodlands, never 
being found so far north as Fort Chimo. The white bear is common in 
the northern portions bordering the sea and is occasionally found as far 
south as the strait of Belleisle, to which it has been carried on icebergs 
or fields of ice. Akpatok island and the vicinity of Cape Chidley are 
reported to be localities infested with these brutes. The brown or bar- 
ren-ground bear appears to be restricted to a narrow area and is not 


TURNER. } ANIMAL LIFE. 175 


plentiful, yet is common enough to keep the Indian in wholsome dread 
of its vicious disposition when enraged. 

The smaller mammals oceur in greater or less abundance according 
to the quality and quantity of food to be obtained. The wolves, foxes, 
and wolverines are pretty evenly distributed throughout the region. 
The hares are found in the wooded tracts for the smaller species and on 
the barren regions for the larger species. 


BIRDS. 


The actual residents were accertained to be less than twenty species 
for the northern portion of the Ungava district. 

Of the actual residents the two species of the genus Lagopus are the 
most abundant of all birds in the region, and form an important article 
of food for all classes of people inhabiting the district. The winter ex- 
erts an important influence on the smaller resident species. During the 
winter of 188283 the number of the four species obtained of the genus 
Acanthis was almost ineredible. Their notes might be heard at any time 
during that season, which was cold, though regularly so, and not spe- 
cially stormy. In the winter of 1883~84 not a single individual was ob- 
served from the middle of November to the last of March. The same 
remarks may well apply to the white-winged crossbill (Loxia leucoptera), 
which was very abundant the first winter, but during the last winter a 
very small flock only was observed and these were apparently vagrants. 

Among the water birds, certain species which were expected to occur 
were conspicuously absent. The character of the country forbids them 
rearing their young, as there is little to feed upon; and only a few 
breed in the immediate vicinity of Fort Chimo. Among the gulls, 
Larus argentatus smithsonianus is certainly the only one breeding in 
abundance within Ungava bay. Of the terns, the Arctic tern (Sterna 
paradise) was the only one ascertained to breed in Hudson strait. I 
am not certain that they do breed there every year. Although I saw 
them in early July, 1883, under conditions that led me to believe that 
they were on their way to their nests, yet it was not until 1884 that a 
number of eggs were secured near that locality. 

Of the smaller waders, but two species were actually ascertained to 
breed in the vicinity of Fort Chimo, yet two or three other species were 
observed under such circumstances as to leave no doubt that they also 
breed there. 


“HE NATIVE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTRY— GENERAL 
SKETCH. 


THE ESKIMO. 


The northern portions of the coast of the region undee consideration 
are inhabited by the Eskimo, who designate themselves, as usual, by 
the term ‘“Innuit,” people (plural of innuls, ‘a person”). That they 
have been much moditied by contact with the whites is not to be doubted, 


176 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


and it is equally certain that their language is constantly undergoing 
modifications to suit the purposes of the missionary and trader, who, 
not being able to pronounce the difficult guttural speech of these people, 
require them to conform to their own pronunciation. The region inhab- 
ited by the Innuit is strictly littoral. Their distribution falls properly 
into three subdivisions, due to the three subtribal distinctions which 
they maintain among themselves. The first sub division embraces all 
the Innuit dwelling on the Labrador coast proper and along the south 
side of Hudson strait to the mouth of Leaf river, which flows into 
Ungava bay. 

These people apply the term Si hi’ ni myut to themselves and are thus 
known by the other subdivisions. This term is derived from Sa hi’ 
nik, the sun, and the latter part of the word, meaning people (literally 
“those that dwell at or in”); hence, people of the sun, sunny side, be- 
cause the sun shines on them first. At the present time these people 
are confined to the seashore and the adjacent islands, to which they 
repair for seals and other food. South of, Hamilton inlet I could learn 
of but one of these people. 

The Innuit of pure blood do not begin to appear until the missionary 
station of Hopedale is reached. Here a number of families dwell, 
although mostly at the instigation of the missionaries. Between this 
station and Hebron are several other Moravian missionary stations, at 
each of which dwell a greater or less number of pure Innuit. North 
of Hebron to Cape Chidley there are but few families, some seven in 
all, embracing a population of less than 40 souls. On the west side of 
Cape Chidley, as far as the mouth of George’s river, only about eight 
families live. These with the George’s river Innuit comprise less than 
50 individuals. There is a stretch of coast bordering Ungava bay, 
from George’s river to the Koksoak river, which is uninhabited. 

The Koksoak river people include only four or five families and num- 
ber less than 30 souls. The next people are those dwelling at the 
mouth of Leaf river, but they are more properly to be considered under 
the next subdivision. 

The exact number of the Sihinimyut could not be definitely deter- 
mined. They are subdivided into a number of small communities, 
each bearing a name compounded of the name of their home and 
myut, ‘‘the people of.” 

The inhabitants of Cape Chidley are known as Ki lin‘ig myut, from 
the word ki lin‘ik, wounded, cut, incised, lacerated; hence, serrated, on 
account of the character of the rough rocks and mountains. 

The natives of George’s river are known as Kan/gik¢lua/luksoag- 
myut; those of the Koksoak river are known as Koksoagmyut. 

The second subdivision includes the Innuit dwelling on the area 
lying between the mouth of Leaf river, thence northward, and along 
the south side of Hudson strait. Their western and southern limit 
extends to about latitude 60°. 


TURNER.] THE PEOPLE. 177 


These Innuit are known by the other subdivisions as Ta hd4g myut. 
They apply the same term to themselves. The word is derived from 
Ta hak, a shadow; hence people of the shade or shadow as distin- 
guished from the St hi’ ni myut, or people of the light or sunshine. 
These people are but little influenced by contact with the white trad- 
ers, Who apply to them the term “‘ Northerners.” Their habits and cus- 
toms are primitive, and many appear to be entirely distinct from the 
customs of their neighbors south and east. The character of the region 
in which they dwell is very rugged. Huge mountain spurs and short 
ranges ramify in every direction, forming deep valleys and ravines, 
along which these people must travel to reach the trading station of 
Fort Chimo of the Ungava district, or else to Fort George of the Moose 
district. 

The distance to the former is so great that only three, four, or five 
sledges are annually sent to the trading post for the purpose of convey- 
ing the furs and other more valuable commodities to be bartered for 
ammunition, guns, knives, files and other kinds of hardware, and to- 
bacco. Certain persons are selected from the various camps who have 
personally made the trip and know the trail. These are commissioned 
to barter the furs of each individual for special articles, which are men- 
tioned and impressed upon the mind of the man who is to effect the 
trade. The principal furs are those of the various foxes. Among them 
are to be found the best class of silver foxes, and wolverenes and wolves. 
Those to be sent are procured the previous winter, and when the snow 
falls in November or early December the line of sleds starts out for the 
trading post. The sled which represents the wants of the more west- 
ern of these Innuit speeds to where the second may be, and they repair 
to the place of meeting with the third, and thus by traversing the line 
of coast the arctic caravan is made up. Provisions are supplied by the 
wayside, and when all is in readiness a southern course is traveled until 
the frozen morasses on the south of the hills are reached. Thence the 
course is toward Leaf river and across to Fort Chimo. By the last 
week of April or the first week of May the visitors are expected at the 
trading post. They usually bring with them about two-fifths of all the 
furs obtained in the district; indeed, the quantity often exceeds this 
amount. They seldom remain longer than the time needed to complete 
their bartering, as the rapidly melting snow warns them that each day 
of delay adds to their labor in returning. 

The homeward journey is more frequently made along the coast, as 
there the snow is certain to remain longer upon the ground. It is not 
infrequent that these travelers experience warm weather, which detains 
them so long that they do not reach the end of their journey until the 
middle of the summer or even until the beginning of the next winter. 
Many of the Innuit whe accompany these parties have never seen white 
men until they arrive at Fort Chimo; women are often of the party. 
These people are usually tall and of fine physique. The men are larger 

11 ETH 12 


178 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


than the average white man, while the women compare favorably in 
stature with the women of medium height in other countries. 

They have quite different customs from those of their present neigh- 
bors. Their language is dialectically distinct; about as much so as 
the Malimyut differ from the Kaviagmyut of Norton Sound, Alaska. 
The Tahagmyut have a rather harsh tone; their gutturals are deeper 
and the vowels usually rather more prolonged. They are much given 
to amusement and still retain many of the old games, which the Sahi‘ni- 
myut have forgotten or no longer engage in. Their dead are treated 
with no ceremony. They simply lash the limbs of the deceased to the 
body and expose the corpse to the elements, removing it, however, from 
immediate sight of the camp. Old and infirm people are treated with 
severity, and when dependent upon others for their food they are sum- 
marily disposed of by strangulation or left to perish when the camp is 
moved. 

Women are held in little respect, although the men are very jealous 
of the favors of their wives, and incontinence on the part of the latter 
is certain to be more or less severely punished. The male offender, if 
notoriously persistent in his efforts to obtain forbidden favors, is 
usually killed by the injured lover or husband. 

Gambling is carried on to such a degree among both sexes that even 
their own lives are staked upon the issue of a game. The winner often 
obtains the wife of his opponent, and holds her until some tempting 
offer is made for her return. The only article they possess is frequently 
wagered, and when they lose they are greeted with derision. The women, 
especially, stake their only garment rather than be without opportunity 
to play. The usual game is played with a number of flattened pieces 
of walrus ivory. On one side are a number of dots forming various 
crude designs, which have received names from their fancied resem- 
blance to other objects. These must be matched. The game some- 
what resembles dominoes, and whether it is original with these Innuit 
I was unable to conclude. They stoutly maintain that it originated 
with themselves. I suspect, however, it had its origin in the imitation 
of some one who had observed the playing of dominoes on board of 
some of the whaling vessels visiting these waters. 

For other amusements these Innuit indulge in a number of tests of 
personal strength, such as wrestling and leaping. 

Feasts are held at stated times in huge structures built of snow blocks. 
The exact signification of these feasts was not learned, owing to the 
limited stay these people made each year at Fort Chimo. Their dress 
consists of the skins of seals and reindeer. The sealskins are worn 
during rainy weather and by those who arein the canoe or kaiak. The 
skirts of their garments are ornamented with an edging of ivory pieces 
cut into a pear-shape, having a small hole pierced through the smaller 
end. 

These pieces of ivory, often to the number of many scores, give a 


TURNER.] THE PEOPLE. iis) 


peculiar rattle as the wearer walks along. Their boots are noticeably 
different from those made by the Koksoak river people, inasmuch as the 
soles are often made with strips of sealskin thongs sewed on a false 
sole, which is attached to the under surface of the sole proper. The 
strips of thong are tacked on by a stout stitch, then a short loop is 
taken up, and another stitch sews a portion of the remainder of the strip. 
This is continued until the entire under surface consists of a series of 
short loops, which, when in contact with the smooth ice, prevents the 
foot from slipping. This sort of footgear is not made in any other por- 
tion of the district. 

The third subdivision comprises the Innuit dwelling on the eastern 
shore of Hudson bay, between latitudes 53° and 58°, 

The number of these Innuit could not be definitely ascertained, as 
they trade, for the most part, at Fort George, belonging to the Moose 
district. Each year, however, a party of less than a dozen indiviuals 
journey to Fort Chimo for the purpose of bartering furs and other val- 
uables. Those who come to Fort Chimo are usually the same each year. 
In language they differ greatly from the Koksoak Innuit, inasmuch as 
their speech is very rapid and much harsher. Many of the words are 
quite dissimilar, and even where the word has the same sound it is not 
unusual that it has a meaning more.or less different from that used by 
the Koksoak Innuit. As these people have been long under the advice 
and teachings of the missionary society of London, it is to be expected 
that they, especially those nearer the trading station, are more or less 
influenced by its teachings. Their customs differ somewhat from the 
other Innuit, though this is due in a great measure to the impossibility 
of procuring the necessary food, and skins for garments, unless they 
are constantly scouring the plains and hills for reindeer or the shore 
for seals and other marine creatures. 

These people are called by their neighbors and themselves I’tivi’ 
myut, Iti’vik signifies the other, farther, distant side (of a portion of 
land); hence, the word Itivimyut means people of the other side. 
The northern Itivimyut are probably the most superstitious of all the 
Innuit dwelling in the region under consideration. 

Although the missionaries have devoted considerable energy to the 
work of converting these people, and though many of them profess 
Christianity, these professions prove on examination to be merely 
nominal. As soon as the converts are beyond the teacher’s influence, 
they return to the shaman for guidance. 

In the spring of 1883 a party of these people visited Fort Chimo. 
A great number of the Koksoak people were ill, some 30 miles above 
the station. The visitors had among them a shaman renowned through- 
out the land. He, with the connivance of two or three of the people 
with whom he stopped, began some of the most astonishing intrigues 
to dispel the evil spirit afflicting the people. Several men were parted 
froni their wives, and these were compelled to dwell with other men 


180 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


who were at the bottom of the conspiracy. Other couples had to flee 
from that place to prevent being divorced, at least temporarily. After 
a time the visitors descended to Fort Chimo, and while the bartering 
was going on the shaman announced his conversion to Christianity, 
and vowed never again to return to practicing shamanism. On the 
return of the harried fugitives they passed the camp of the Koksoak 
river people, where they had a few days before been the guests, and 
stole their supplies of reindeer meat and other valuable property, even 
attempting to purloin a kaiak; and they had proceeded many miles 
thence before they were overtaken and compelled to relinquish the 
stolen property. They wereseen some months after by some Tahag- 
myut, to whom they stated their fear of returning among the Koksoak 
people. A more plausible scamp does not dwell in those regions than 
this shaman, whose name is Sapa. His power over the spirit control- 
ling the reindeer is widely believed in and invoked by the other sha- 
mans, who feel incapable of turning the heads of the deer and thus 
compelling them to wander in the desired direction. 

Among these people only have I heard of a son who took his mother 
as a wife, and when the sentiment of the community compelled him to 
discard her he took two other women, who were so persecuted by the 
mother that they believed themselves to be wholly under her influence. 
She even caused them to believe they were ill, and when they actually 
did become so they both died. : 

In former years the Innuit extended entirely around the shore of 
Hudson bay. Now there is a very wide gap, extending from the 
vicinity of Fort George, on the eastern coast, to the vicinity of Fort 
Churchill, on the western coast. At the present time the Innuit 
occupy the areas designated in these remarks. That they formerly 
extended along the Atlantic coast far to the south of their present 
limit is attested by an abundance of facts. 

The Innuit of the eastern shore of Hudson bay, the Itivimyut, 
informed me that the Innuit dwelling on the islands of Hudson bay, 
more or less remote from the mainland to the east, are termed Ki’gik- 
tag’myut, or island people. They relate that those islanders have 
quite different customs from the mainland people, inasmuch as their 
clothing consists of the skins of seals and dogs, rarely of reindeer 
skins, as the latter are procurable only when one of their number 
comes to the shore to trade for such articles as can not be obtained on 
his locality. The spear, kaiak, bow and arrow are used, and they 
have but little knowledge of firearms. These people are represented 
as often being driven to greatest extremity for food. It is said that 
their language differs considerably from that of their neighbors. 

The Innuit, as a rule, are peaceful and mild-tempered, except when 
aroused by jealousy. They are, however, quick enough to resent an 
insult or avenge an injury. They form a permanent attachment for 
the white man who deals honestly and truthfully with them, but 


TURNER.] THE INDIANS. 181 


if he attempts any deception or trickery they are certain to be ever 
suspicious of him, and it is difficult to regain their favor. 

Their courage and ability are not to be doubted, and when they are 
given a due amount of encouragement they will perform the most 
arduous tasks without complaint. 


THE INDIANS. 


The Indian inhabitants of this region may be divided into three 
groups, differing but slightly in speech, and even less in habits. 

(1) The Mountaineers, “‘Montagnais” of the early Jesuit missiona- 
ries, roam over the areas south of the Hamilton inlet and as far as the 
Gulf of St. Lawrence. Their western limits are imperfectly known. 
They trade at all the stations along the accessible coast. Many of them 
barter at Rigolet and Northwest river. 

In customs they differ little from the Indians to the north of them. 
Their means of subsistence are the flesh of reindeer, porcupines, and 
various birds, such as geese, ducks, ptarmigan, and grouse. 

The habits of the reindeer in this portion of the country are very er- 
ratic. They are often absent from large tracts for several years, and 
appearing in abundance when little expected. The scarcity of the rein- 
deer renders the food supply quite precarious; hence, the Indians rely 
much upon the flesh of the porcupine, hare and birds for their prin- 
cipal food. 

Their clothing is of the tanned skin of the deer when they are able 
to procure it. As nearly all the skins of the reindeer are used for gar- 
ments, few are prepared for other purposes; hence the northern stations 
(Fort Chimo) furnish great numbers of these skins in the parchment con- 
dition to be purchased by the Mountaineers, who cut them into fine 
lines for snowshoe netting and other purposes. 

They procure the furs of marten, mink, fur beaver, muskrats, lynxes, 
wolverines, wolves, and foxes. A considerable number of black bears 
are also obtained by these Indians. By the barter of these furs they 
procure the articles made necessary by the advent of the white people 
among them. They are quiet and peaceable. Many of them profess a 
regard for the teachings of the Roman missionaries, who have visited 
them more or less frequently for over a hundred and fifty years. I was 
unable to obtain the term by which they distinguish themselves from 
their neighbors. That they are later comers in the region than the 
Innuit is attested by the bloody warfare formerly carried on between 
them, of which many proofs yet exist. The Mountaineers applied to the 
more northern Indians the term of reproach, “Naskopie.” This word 
denotes the coutempt the Mountaineers felt for the Naskopies when 
the latter failed to fulfill their promise to assist in driving the Innuit 
from the country. 

It was impossible to obtain a satisfactory estimate of the numbers of 
the Mountaineers. My stay in their vicinity was too short to learn as 
much about them as was desired. 


_ 


182 . THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


(2) The Indians dwelling to the southwest of the Ungava district 
differ rather more than the Mountaineers, in their speech, from the In- 
dians of the Ungava district. They average, for both sexes, slightly 
taller than the Naskopies. The men are spare, and have small limbs 
and extremities. The cheek bones are also more prominent, although 
this is partly due to the thin visage. The women are disposed to be 
stout, and in the older women there is a decided tendency to corpulence. 
The complexion, too, is considerably darker. The men wear long hair, 
usually cut so as to fall just upon the shoulders. The hair of the women 
is quite heavy, and is worn either in braids or done up in folds upon the 
side of the head. 

In their personal habits they are much more tidy than their eastern 
relations. Their dress differs but little from that of their neighbors. 
The women dress in cloth made of material procured from the traders, 
and some of these appear respectable enough when so dressed. They 
have been so long in contact with the white people at Moose Factory, 
some of whom had brought their wives from home with them, that the 
women have imitated the dress of the latter. Certain of these women 
are skillful in working fancy articles. The men occupy their time in 
hunting and fishing. The reindeer have in recent years_become so 
searce in the vicinity of Fort George that many of the Indians have left 
that locality and journeyed to the eastward, dwelling in proximity to 
the Naskopies, or even with them. 

Both sexes are mild and sedate, although the women are exceedingly 
garrulous when well acquainted. 

These Indians are often employed to assist in the capture of the 
white whale, which ascends the lower portions of the larger streams of 
that district. They are the only Indians whom I have seen eating the 
flesh and blubber of these whales. The Naskopies will not touch it, 
declaring it to be too fat. The fins and tail are portions highly prized 
while they are helping render out the blubber of these whales at Fort 
Chino. 

A point of great dissimilarity between the Naskopies and the Little 
Whale river Indians is that the birch-bark canoe of the latter is much 
more turned up at each end, producing a craft well adapted to the 
swift currents of the rivers. The occupants are skillful boatmen, and 
will fearlessly face wind and wave that would appall the heart of the 
Naskopie. Sails are sometimes erected ina single canoe. At times 
two canoes are lashed together and a sail spread from a single mast. 
This double boat is very convenient for the traveler. These people 
are strongly addicted to the practice of polygamy; and while they are 
Christians externally, they are so only as long as they are within the 
reach of the missionary. 

Among those who had come to dwell in the Ungava district were 
several who had, because of the opportunity, taken two wives. The 
missionary, E. J. Peck, suddenly appeared among them as he was on 


TURNER. ] THE HABITS OF THE INDIANS. 183 


his way to London. On learning of the conduct of the people he gave 
them a sound rating and besought them to relinquish the practice. 
They assented, and sent the second wives away until the missionary 
was out of the country, and then they took them back. 

' Girls are often taken as wives before they attain puberty, and for this 
reason they seldom have large families. Two, three, or four children 
form the usual number for each family. They are satisfied if the first 
child is a male; and to the mother who delivers only female children a 
term of contempt is often applied. The women appear to be well 
treated, and occasional laxity of morals is not noticed among them so 
long as it is not notorious. 

Their beliefs and traditions were not learned by me, on account of the 
presence of these people at Fort Chimo when other labors occupied my 
entire time. 

Their purchases are made with furs of the same kinds as those pro- 
cured in the Ungava district. The black bear is procured in great 
numbers by these Indians. They preserve the under lip, dressed and 
ornamented with beads and strips of cloth, asa trophy of their prowess. 

The harpoon used in striking the white whale of their rivers is an 
implement doubtless peculiar to those people, and much resembles that 
of the Innuit. 

(3) The third division of Indians includes those dwelling for the 
most part in the Ungava district. The total number of these Indians 
is about 350. They apply the term Ne né not—true, ideal men— 
to themselves, although known by the epithet Naskopie, which was 
applied to them by the Mountaineers of the southeastern portion of the 
region. 

They differ slightly in customs from their neighbors, but their speech 
is somewhat different, being very rapidly uttered and with most sin- 
gular inflections of the voice. A conversation may be begun in the 
usual tone, and in a moment changed to that of a whining or petulant 
child. It is impossible for the white man to imitate this abrupt inflec- 
tion, which appears to be more common among the males than the 
females. During ordinary conversation one would erroneously sup- 
pose, from the vehemence of gesture, that the speaker was angry. 
They are much more demonstrative than their neighbors, often shout- 
ing at the full strength of their voices when an ordinary tone would 
apparently suttice. That their voice is penetrating may be inferred 
from the fact that during quiet days it is not unusual for parties to con- 
verse from opposite sides of the Koksoak river, at Fort Chimo, where 
the river is nearly a mile and a half wide. 

As certain words are spoken in a voice scarcely louder than a whis- 
per, I did not believe it possible that they could understand each other 
at so great a distance, until I saw the people on the opposite shore 
doing what they were bidden by those with me. 

When the women get together it is amusing to observe the eagerness 


184 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


of the old crones endeavoring to make their voices heard above the 
rest. The clerk, while trading with them, often teases them until the 
entire number turn their voices on him, and the only relief he has is to 
expel them all from the store and admit one or two ata time, while the 
remainder throng the windows and shout at the top of their voices. 

During the spring, when flocks of Canada geese are winging their 
way northward, the Indians will imitate their notes so closely that the 
birds do not discover the source until too late. Some of the party 
make one note, while the others imitate the other note. It seldom fails 
to beguile the geese to the spot. 

Owing to the impossibility of getting a reliable person to teach me 
the language of these people I was able to procure but few words. 
The number obtained, however, is sufficient to prove that the people 
of this region, excluding the Innuit and whites, belong to the Cree 
branch. The Mountaineers and Little Whale river Indians belong to 
the same stock, and the difference in their language is due wholly to 
environment. 

The Indians and Innuit of this region are more or less directly in 
contact. At Fort Chimo it is especially so. Here, as elsewhere, they 
do not intermix, an Indian never taking an Innuit wife or the Innuit 
taking a squaw for a wife. I knew of one instance where a Naskopie 
went to dwell with some Innuit camped near the mouth of the Kok- 
soak, but after remaining away for a few days he returned to his own 
people. 


SPECIAL ACCOUNT OF THE PEOPLE AROUND FORT CHIMO. 
THE KOKSOAGMYUT. 


The Eskimo with whom I was brought in contact at Fort Chimo were 
those belonging to that immediate vicinity. They term themselves 
Koksoagmyut, or people of the Koksoak or Big river. 

The people who apply this name to themselves do not number more 
than a score and a half. There are but four families, and among these 
are some who belong to other localities, but now dwell with the Kok 
soagmyut. ‘They consider themselves a part of the people dwelling as 
far to the north as the western end of Akpatok island, and to the east 
as far as George’s river. The Eskimo dwelling between those points 
have similar habits, and range indiscriminately over the hunting 
grounds of that locality, seldom going farther southward than the con- 
fluence of the Larch river or the North river with the Koksoak. 

Among these few natives now inhabiting the Koksoak valley we find 
the men to be above the stature usually ascribed to the Eskimo. All 
but one of the adult males are above 5 feet 8 inches. The smallest 
man is little more than 54 feet tall. Allare well proportioned and pre- 
sent an exceptionally good physique. The females are also well pro- 
portioned, and, in fact, appear to compare well with females of civilized 


TURNER. ] AROUND FORT CHIMO. 185 


countries as far as their stature is concerned. The lower extremities of 
both sexes really are shorter than the general appearance would indi- 
eate, and thus the body is somewhat longer. The great individual 
variation in the proportional length of the legs is doubtless the result 
of the way infants are carried in the hood on the backs of the mothers. 
In this constrained position the limbs were obliged to conform to the 
shape of the body on which the child, in a manner, grew. While the 
limbs are not decidedly curved, yet they are not so nearly under the 
body as those of the whites. In walking, theinner edges of the feet 
often touch each other, and, in a manner, tend to cause the boots to 
slip outward on the feet. 

The head, hands, and feet appear fairly proportioned; although, as a 
rule, they have small hands and feet. The females have proportionally 
smaller feet than hands. The head may seem larger than it really is, 
on account of the flattened features of the face. 

The average nose is large and flat, and the prominence of this organ 
is often diminished by the wide cheeks and overhanging forehead. In 
most cases the chin projects less than the nose. The average face is 
round and flat, but there are exceptions, as I have seen one or two 
persons whose faces were a regular oval, and with the exception of the 
flat front, seen from a side view, were as well formed as one will meet 
among other people. 

The skin has the same differences of color as among white people. 
The greater number of people are moderately dark, but this depends 
very greatly on the season of the year. I have not seen any white 
people so much changed as these are by the exposure to the summer 
sunshine. In the winter they are confined to their huts and bleach to 
a lighter color. A couple of weeks’ exposure renders them scarcely re- 
cognizable as the same persons. The young children are usually lighter 
than the adults, although some are quite dark. The hair is coarse, 
long and abundant, and always straight. 

The few half-breeds seen at Fort Chimo are the young children of 
the male servants of the company, who have in two instances taken 
full-blooded Eskimo women for wives and who were married by the 
agent of the company. These children are quite pretty, the male fa- 
voring the mother and the girl resembling the father. With these, as 
with the children of natives,much depends on the cleanliness of the 
person. The soot and other filth accumulating on their faces and 
hands, seldom washed, of course modifies the appearance of the ex- 
posed portions of the body. Some of the girls would be attractive 
enough if a copious amount of water was used to remove the ridges of 
dirt which are too plainly visible. The hands are often much disfig- 
ured from numerous cuts and bruises, which, when healed over, leave 
a heightened scar of a whitish color quite different in color from the 
surrounding tissue and often presenting an unsightly appearance. 

By the time puberty is attained the girls quickly change, and in a few 


186 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


years begin to show the result of their arduous life by the appearance 
of wrinkles, haggardness, and general breaking down, which, although 
it may progress slowly, is seldom recovered from. 

Like the rest of the Innuit, the Koksoagmyut are usually peaceful 
and mild tempered. Among themselves affrays are of rare occurrence. 
Jealousy arouses the worst passions, and the murder of the offender is 
generally the result. When a person becomes so bad in character that 
the community will no longer tolerate his presence he is forbidden to 
enter the huts, partake of food, or hold any intercourse with the rest. 
Nevertheless, as long as he threatens no one’s life, but little attention 
is paid to him. Should he be guilty of a murder, several men watch 
their opportunity to surprise him and put him to death, usually by ston- 
ing. The executioners make no concealment of their action. and are 
supported by public opinion in the community. 

In the case of a premeditated murder, it is the duty of the next of 
kin to avenge the deed, though years may pass, while the murderer 
pursues his usual occupations undisturbed, before an opportunity 
occurs to the relative for taking him by surprise. Sometimes the victim 
is not overcome and turns upon the assailant and killshim, The man, 
now guilty of two murders, is suffered to live only at the pleasure of 
the people, who soon decree his death. That murder is not approved, 
either by the individual or the community, is well attested by the fact 
that the island of Akpatok is now tabooed since the murder of part of 
the crew of a wrecked vessel, who camped on that island. Such a ter- 
rible scene was too much, even for them; and now not a soul visits 
that locality, lest the ghosts of the victims should appear and suppli- 
cate relief from the natives, who have not the proper offerings to make 
to appease them. 

Aged people who have no relatives on whom they may depend for 
subsistence are often quietly put to death. When an old woman, for 
instance, becomes a burden to the community it is usual for her to be 
neglected until so weak from want of food that she will be unable to 
keep up with the people, who suddenly are seized with a desire to 
remove to a distant locality. If she regains their camp, well for her; 
otherwise, she struggles along until exhausted and soon perishes. 
Sometimes three or four of the males retrace their steps to recover a 
lost whip or a forgotten ammunition bag. They rarely go farther than 
where they find the helpless person, and if their track be followed it 
will be found that the corpse has stones piled around it and is bound 
with thongs. 

An old woman at Fort Chimo had but one eye, and this was con- 
tinually sore and very annoying to the people with whom she lived. 
They proposed to strangle her to relieve her from her misery. The 
next morning the eye was much better and the proposed cure was 
postponed. 

Cases of suicide are not rare, considering the few people of that 


TURNER. | DISEASES. 187 


locality. Pitching themselves from a cliff or producing strangulation 
are the usual methods. Sometimes a gun is used. Remorse and dis- 
appointed love are the only causes of suicide. 

A man discovered, during a period of great scarcity or food, that 
while he went in quest of food his wife had secretly stored away a 
quantity of fish and ate of them during his absence only. Coming 
home unexpectedly, he caught her eating and she endeavored to secrete 
theremainder. He quietly went out of the snow hut and blocked up the 
entrance. She inquired why he did so. His reply was for her to come 
out and she would discover why it was done. His tone was not at all 
reassuring. She remained within the hut and perished from starva- 
tion, knowing she would be killed if she went out. 

Instances are reported where, in times of great scarcity, families have 
been driven to cannibalism after eating their dogs and the clothing and 
other articles made of skins. Unlucky or disliked women are often 
driven from the camp, and such must journey until they find relief or 
perish by the wayside. 


DISEASES. 


The principal diseases from which these people suffer are pulmonary 
troubles, chietly arising from their filthy manner of living in crowded 
huts, too ill ventilated to allow the escape of the odors emanating from 
their own bodies and from accumulations of slowly decomposing animal 
food. All openings must be closed as quickly as possible in order to 
economize the heat within, for when once chilled it is difficult to restore 
the house to the proper degree of warmth. An Eskimo would always 
prefer to erect a new hut of snow rather than pass the night in one 
which has been deserted for only a single night if the doorway has not 
been tightly closed with a block of snow. 

Within the walls, reeking with the exhalations of various putrid mat- 
ters, the people breathe and rebreathe the air filled. with poisonous 
gases; so fully one-half of the Eskimo die of pulmonary troubles. The 
other prevailing diseases are those causing devitalization of the blood, 
such as scurvy. Sores break out on the shoulders, elbows, knees, and 
ankles. The ravages of these diseases proceed at an astonishing rate, 
soon carrying off the afflicted person. 

The means of relief usually employed are those which the shaman (or 
conjurer, as he is locally known) is able to effeet by working on the im- 
agination of the sick, who is in this condition easily influenced. The 
will power of both the patient and shaman is stretched to its utmost 
tension, and as faith with them, as with many others of fairer skins, 
often produces more of the relief than the ministrations of drugs or 
drafts, the cure is effected, or else the shaman, like the physician, 
has not the devil on his side. 

The magnitude of the disease is generally measured by the amount 
of the patient’s worldly wealth. 


188 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


- MARRIAGE, 


A woman is married as soon after puberty as a male comes along 
who has the requisite physical strength to force her to become his wife. 
Many of the females are taken before that period, and the result isthat 
few children are born to such unions and the children are generally 
weakly. 

The ceremony between the couples is quite simple. The sanction of 
the parents is sometimes obtained by favor or else bought by making 
certain presents of skins, furs, and other valuables to the father and 
mother. The girlis sometimes asked for her consent, and, if unwilling, 
often enlists the sympathy of the mother, and the affair is postponed to 
a more favorable opportunity, or till the suitor becomes disgusted with 
her and takes somebody else. 

If the parents are not living, the brothers or sisters must be fayvora- 
ble to the union. There is often so much intriguing in these matters 
that the exact truth can seldom be ascertained. 

Where all obstacles are removed and only the girl refuses, it is not 
long before she disappears mysteriously to remain out for two or three 
nights with her best female friend, who thoroughly sympathizes with 
her. They return, and before long she is abducted by her lover, and 
they remain away until she proves to be thoroughly subjected to his 
will. I knew of an instance where a girl was tied in a snow house for 
a period of two weeks, and not allowed to go out. She finally sub- 
mitted, and they returned with the other couple, who were less obstrep- 
erous, and doubtless went along to help their male friend and com- 
panion. The woman left her husband in the course of two or three 
weeks, and when he was asked about it he acknowledged that she had 
pulled nearly all the hair from his head and showed numerous bruises 
where she had struck him. This same woman was afterward tied to a 
sled to make her accompany the man she subsequently chose as her 
husband, who wished her to go to another part of the country. It was 
a lively time, some of the old women pushing her and persuading, the 
younger ones doing all in their power to obstruct her. QOhildren are 
often mated at an early age, and I have known of several instances 
where two friends, desirous of cementing their ties of fellowship, engage 
that their children yet unborn shall be mated. In such instances the 
children are always recognized as married, and they are allowed by the 
parents to be so called. I knew a small boy of less than seven years 
who always addressed a girl of apparently a year older as his wife. 

The marriageable age of the female varies greatly, although puberty 
takes place early. I have known of a child of fourteen having children. 
Theard of a half-breed girl, on the Labrador coast, who became a 
mother a few months after the age of thirteen. 

Monogamy is generally the rule, but as there are so many counteract- 
ing influences it is seldom that a man keeps a wife for a number of 
years. Jealousy resulting from a laxity of morals produces so much 


TURNER. ] MARRIAGE, 189 


disagreement that one or the other of the parties usually leave with 
little ceremony. 

In rare instances, where there is a compatibility of temper and a dis- 
position to continence, the pair remain together for life. 

Many of the girls bear children before they are taken for wives, but 
as such incidents do not destroy the respectability of the mother the 
girl does not experience any difficulty in procuring a husband.  Llle- 
gitimate children are usually taken care of by some aged woman, who 
devotes to it all her energies and affections. 

The number of children born varies greatly, for, although these Eski- 
mos are not a prolific race, a couple may occasionally claim parentage 
of as many as ten children. Two or three is the usual number, and 
many die in early childhood. 

When the family is prosperous the husband often takes a second 
wife, either with or without the approval of the first, who knows that 
her household duties will be lessened, but knows also that the favors of 
her husband will have to be divided with the second wife. The second 
wife is often the cause of the first wife’s leaving, though sometimes she 
is sent away herself. Three or four wives are sometimes attained by a 
prosperous man, and one instance was known where the head of the 
family had no less than five wives. The occupation of a single snow 
house by two or three wives brings them into close intimacy and often 
produces quarreling. The man hears but little of it, as he is strong 
enough to settle their difficulties without ceremony, and in a manner 
better adapted to create respect for brute strength than affection for 
him. 

The females outnumber the males, but the relationship among the 
Koksoagmyut is now so close that many of the males seek their wives 
from other localities. This, of course, connects distant people, and in- 
terchange of the natives of both sexes is common. 

Separation of couples is effected in a simple manner. The one who 
so desires leaves with little ceremony, but is sometimes sought for and 
compelled to return. Wives are often taken for a period, and an ex- 
change of wives is frequent, either party being often happy to be re- 
leased for a time, and returning without concern. There is so much 
intriguing and scandal-mongering among these people that a woman 
is often compelled by the sentiment of the community to relinquish 
her choice and join another who has bribed a conjurer to decide that 
until she comes to live with him a certain person will not be relieved 
from the evil spirit now tormenting him with disease. 

The only way for the couple against whom such a plot has been laid 
to escape separation is for them to flee to another locality and remain 
there until the person gets well or dies, whereupon the conjurer declares 
it was their cohabitation as man and wife which afflicted the invalid. 
A designing woman will often cause a man to cast off the legal wife 
to whom he is much attached and come and live with her. In such in- 


190 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


stauces the former wife seldom resents the intrusion upon her affections 
and rights but occasionally gives the other a severe thrashing and an 
injunction to look to herself lest she be discarded also. The children 
of the cast-off woman are frequently taken by her and they go to live 
with her relatives as menials on whom devolve the labor of severest 
kinds, she being glad to obtain the refuse of the hovel to support her 
life in order that her children may be well taken care of. 

Some wives are considered as very “unlucky” and a 2r trial are 
cast off to shift for themselves. A woman who has obtained the reputa- 
tion of being unlucky for her husband is eschewed by all the men lest 
she work some charm on them. 

In social relations the head of the family comes first, and the oldest 
son second, the other sons following according to respective ages. 

The sons of the first wife, if there be more than one wife, take pre- 
cedence over those of the second or third wife. It may be that a 
man has lost his first wife and takes another. The sons of these two 
are considered as those of one wife so far as their relation to each 
other is concerned. When the father becomes superanuated or his 
sons are old enough to enable him to live without exertion, the man- 
agement of affairs devolves on the eldest son, and to the second is 
delegated the second place. Each may be occupied in different affairs, 
but the elder alone chooses what he himself shall do. 

If the father live to a great age, and some of the men certainly at- 
tain the age of more than 80 years, he may have great grandchildren 
about him, and these never fail to show respect for their ancestor. 

All this family may dwell in a single tent, or in two or more tents. 
Where the leader directs, there they all repair, although each one 
who is at the head of a family may be left to employ himself as he may 
prefer. These sons, with their wives and children, form a community, 
which may have other persons added to it, namely, the persons who 
are related to the wives of the sons. There may be but one community 
in a locality, and this is locally known to the white people as the “‘ gang” 
of the head man. 

Families whose members have decreased in number by death or by 
marriage may seek the companionship of one of these communities for 
protection. The new arrival at once acknowledges his dependence and 
is, In a manner, under the influence, if not control, of the leader of the 
community which he joins. 


DREN. 


A new born babe must not be washed until six or eight hours have 
elapsed. It is then placed to the breast and rarely gets any water to 
drink until old enough to help itself to it. 

The child may be named while yet in utero. There being no dis- 
tinctions for sex in names the appellation can scarcely be amiss. Sev- 
eral names may be acquired from the most trivial circumstances. Old 


TURNER. ] CHILDREN. 191 


names may be discarded and new names substituted or certain names 
applied by certain people and not used by others. 

Love for offspring is of the deepest and purest character. I have 
never seen a disrespectful Eskimo child. Mothers and fathers never in- 
flict corporal punishment on their children, for these are early taught 
to obey, or rather they are quick to perceive that their parents are 
their protectors and to them they must go for assistance. Orphan girls 
are taken as nurses for small children, and the nurse so employed has 
seldom any trouble in controlling the child. 

Among young children at play the greatest harmony prevails. An 
accident resulting in sufficient harm to cause tears obtains the sympa- 
thy of all, who strive to appease the injured child by offers of the great- 
est share of the game, the little fellow often smiling with the prospec- 
tive pleasure while the tears yet course down his begrimed cheeks. In 
a moment all is forgotten and joyous shouts sound merrily as the 
chubby youngsters of both sexes redouble their exertion in playing 
football or building toy houses in the newly fallen snow, where, on the 
bed of snow within the wall of the hut, the doll of ivory, wood or rags 
rolled into its semblance, plays the part of hostess whom they pretend 
to visit and with whom they converse. 

Among the younger boys and girls, of 10 or 12, there is a great 
spirit of cheerful rivalry, to prove their ability to secure such food as 
they are able to capture. If they can procure enough to purchase some 
ammunition with which to kill ptarmigan they soon have a certain 
amount of credit. This enables them to provide some coveted luxury 
for their parents, who, of course, aid and encourage them to become suc- 
cessful hunters. Within the huts the girls display their skill by sew- 
ing fragments of cloth into garments for dolls or striving to patch 
their tattered clothes. 

The older boys look with contempt upon these childish occupations 
and, to show their superiority, often torment the younger ones until 
the father or mother compels them to desist. Pranks of various kinds 
are played upon each other and they often exhibit great cunning in 
their devices to annoy. These boys are able to accompany their elders 
on hunting trips and run ahead of the team of dogs attached to the sled- 


BURIAL CUSTOMS. 


When a person dies the body is prepared by binding it with cords, 
the knees being drawn up and the heels placed against the body. The 
arms are tied down, and a covering of deerskin or sealskin is wrapped 
around the body and fastened. The nearest relatives on approach of 
death remove the invalid to the outside of the house, for if he should die 
within he must not be carried out of the door but through a hole eutin 
the side wall, and it must then be carefully closed to prevent the spirit 
of the person from returning. The body is exposed in the open air 
along the side of a large rock, or taken to the shore or hilltop, where 


192 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


stones of different sizes are piled around it to prevent the birds and ani- 
mals from getting at it. (See Fig. 21.) Itis considered a great offense 
if a dog be seen eating the flesh from a body. In case of a beloved 
child dying it is sometimes taken with the people to whom it belonged 
if they start for another locality before decomposition has progressed 
too far. 


Fic, 21, Eskimo grave. 


The dying person resigns himself to fate with great calmness. Dur- 
ing illness, even though it be of most painful character, complaint is 
seldom heard; and so great is fortitude that the severest paroxysms 
of pain rarely produce even a movement of the muscles of the coun- 
tenance. 

The friends often exhibit an excessive amount of grief, but only in 
exceptional instances is much weeping indulged in. The loss of a 
husband often entails great hardships on the wife and small children, 
who eke out a scanty living by the aid of others who are scarcely able 
to maintain themselves. 

These people have an idea of a future state and believe that death 
is merely the separation of the soul and the material body. The spir- 
its of the soul go either up to the sky, “keluk,” when they are called 
Kelugmyut, or down into the earth, ‘“‘Nuna,” and are called ‘ Nuna- 
myut.” These two classes of spirits can hold communication with each 
other. 

The place to which the soul goes depends on the conduct of the per- 
son on earth and especially on the manner of his death. Those who 
have died by violence or starvation and women who die in childbirth 
are supposed to go to the region above, where, though not absolutely in 


TURNER. } RELIGION. 193 


want, they still lack many of the luxuries enjoyed by the Nunamyut. 
All desire to go to the lower region and afterwards enjoy the pleasure 
of communicating with the living, which privilege is denied to those 
who go above.~ 

If death result from natural causes the spirit is supposed to dwell on 
the earth after having undergone a probation of four years rest in 
the grave. During this time the grave may be visited and food offered 
and songs sung, and the offering, consisting of oil and flesh, with to- 
bacco for smoking and chewing, is consumed by the living at the grave. 
Articles of clothing may also be deposited near the grave for the spirit 
to clothe itself after the garments have disappeared in the process of 
decay. It is customary to place such articles as may be deemed of 
immediate use for the departed soul in the grave at the time the body 
is interred. Ammunition, gun, kaiak and its appurtenances, with a 
shirt, gloves, knife, and a cup from which to drink are usually so de- 
posited. The spirit of the dead man appropriates the spirits of these 
articles as soon as they decay. It is often said when an article be- 
comes lost that so-and-so (mentioning his name), has taken it. 

Some of the people prefer to expose their dead on the flat top of a 
high point extending into the water. The remains of others are placed 
along the shore and covered with rocks, while still others are taken to 
the smooth ridges on which may nearly always be found a huge bowlder 
carried by glacial action and deposited there. Here generally on the 
south side the body is placed on the bare rocky ridge and stones are 
piled around and upon it. 

While these people have but little fear of the dead man’s bones they 
do not approve of their being disturbed by others. The Indians, how- 
ever, are known to rifle the graves of Eskimo to obtain the guns, cloth- 
ing, etc., which the relatives of the deceased have placed there. 

There are no such elaborate ceremonies pertaining to the festivals 
of the dead among the people of Hudson strait as obtain among the 
Eskimo of Alaska. 


RELIGION. 


Among these people there is no such person as chief; yet there is a 
recognized leader who is influenced by another, and this last is the con- 
jurer or medicine-man. These two persons determine among themselves 
what shall be done. It sometimes happens that slight differences of 
opinion on the proper course to pursue collectively will cause them to 
go in different directions to meet after afew months’ separation, by 
which time all is forgotten and former relations are resumed. 

All the affairs of life are supposed to be under the control of spirits, 
each of which rules over a certain element, and all of which are under 
the direction of a greater spirit. Each person is supposed to be at- 
tended by a special guardian who is malignant in character, ever ready 
to seize upon the least occasion to work harm upon the individual whom 

11 ETH——13 


194 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


it accompanies. As this is an evil spirit its good offices and assistance 
can be obtained by propitiation only. The person strives to keep the 
good will of the evil spirit by offerings of food, water, and clothing. 

The spirit is often in a material form in the shape of a doll, carried 
somewhere about the person. If it is wanted to insure success in the 
chase, it is carried in the bag containing the ammunition. 

When an individual fails to overcome the obstacles in his path the 
misfortune is attributed to the evil wrought by his attending spirit, 
whose good will must be invoked. If the spirit prove stubborn and re- 
luctant to grant the needed assistance the person sometimes becomes 
angry with it and inflicts a serious chastisement upon it, deprives it of 
food, or strips it of its garments, until after a time it proves less refrac- 
tory and yields obedience to its master. It often happens that the 
person is unable to control the influence of the evil-disposed spirit and 
the only way is to give it to some person without his knowledge. The 
latter becomes immediately under the control of the spirit, and the 
former, released from its baleful effects, is able successfully to prose- 
cute the affairs of life. In the course of time the person generally re- 
lents and takes back the spirit he gave to another. The person on 
whom the spirit has been imposed should know nothing of it lest he 
should refuse to accept it. It is often given in the form of a bundle of 
clothing. It is supposed that if in hunting somebody merely takes the 
bag to hang it up the influence will pass to him. The spirit is sup- 
posed to be able to exert its influence only when carried by some ob- 
ject having life. Hence the person may cast it away for a time, and 
during that period it remains inert. 

Besides this class of spirits, there are the Spm of the sea, the 

land, the sky (for be it understood that the Eskimo know nothing of 
the aay the winds, the clouds, and everything in nature. Every cove 
of the seashore, every point, island, and prominent rock has its guard- 
ian spirit. All are of the malignant type and to be propitiated only 
by acceptable offerings from persons who desire to visit the locality 
where it is supposed to reside. Of course some of the spirits are more 
powerful than others, and these are more to be dreaded than those 
able to inflict less harm. 

These minor spirits are under the control of the great spirit, whose 
name is “Tung ak.” ‘This one great spirit is more powerful than all 
the rest besides. The lesser spirits are immediately under his control 
and ever ready to obey his command. The shaman (or conjurer) alone 
is supposed to be able to deal with the Tung ak. While the shaman 
does not profess to be superior to the Tung ak, he is able to enlist his 
assistance and thus be able to control all the undertakings his profes- 
sion may call for. 

This Tung ak is nothing more or less than death, which ever seeks 
to torment and harass the lives of people that their spirits may go to 
dwell with him. 


TURNER. ] RELIGION. £95 


A legend related of the origin of the Tung ak is as follows: A father 
had a son and daughter whom he loved very much. The children fell 
ill and at last died, although the father did all in his power to alleviate 
their sufferings, showing his kindness and attentions to the last mo- 
ment. At their death the father became changed to a vicious spirit, 
roaming the world to destroy any person whom he might meet, deter- 
mined that, as his dear children died, none others should live. 

Tung ak visits people of all ages, constantly placing obstacles in 
their pathway to prevent the accomplishment of their desires, and 
provoking them beyond endurance so as to cause them to become ill 
and die and go to live with him. Tung ak no longer knows his own 
children and imagines all persons that he meets to be his children. 
Famine, disease, and death are sent abroad to search for these lost 
children. 

People at last began to devise some means of thwarting the designs 
of Tung ak and discovered that a period of fasting and abstinence 
from contact with other people endowed a person with supernatural 
powers and enabled him to learn the secrets of Tung ak. This is 
accomplished by repairing to some lonely spot, where for a greater or 
less period the hermit abstains from food or water until the imagina- 
tion is so worked upon that he believes himself imbued with the power 
to heal the sick and control all the destinies of life. Tung ak is sup- 
posed to stand near and reveal these things while the person is under- 
going the test. When the person sees the evil one ready to seize upon 
him if he fails in the self-imposed task to become an ‘‘Angekok” or 
great one, he is much frightened and beseeches the terrible visitor to 
Spare his life and give him the power to relieve his people from mis- 
fortune. Tung ak then takes pity on him, and imparts to him the 
secret of preserving life, or driving out the evil which causes death. 

This is still the process by which the would-be shaman fits himself 
for his supernatural duties. 

The newly fledged angekok returns to his people and relates what 
he has seen and what he has done. The listeners are awed by the 
recitals of the sufferings and ordeal, and he is now ready to accom- 
plish his mission. When his services are required he is crafty enough 
to demand sufficient compensation, and frankly states that the greater 
the pay the greater the good bestowed. A native racked with pain 
will gladly part with all of his worldly possessions in order to be re- 
stored to health. 

The shaman is blindfolded, or else has a covering thrown over his 
head to prevent his countenance from being seen during the incan- 
tation. The patient lies on the ground before him and when the shaman 
is worked up to the proper state of frenzy he prostrates himself upon the 
afflicted person and begins to chase the evil fromits seat. The patient 
often receives blows and jerks sufficiently hard to dislocate the joints. 
As the spell progresses the shaman utters the most hideous noises, 


196 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


shouting here and there as the evil flees to another portion of the body, 
seeking a retreat from which the shaman shall be unable to dislodge 
it. After a time victory is declared; the operator claims to have the 
disease under his control, and although it should escape and make 
itself again felt in the patient, the shaman continues until the person 
either gets well or dies. If the former, the reputation of the shaman 
is increased proportionally to the payment bestowed by the afflicted 
one. If he dies, however, the conjurer simply refers his failure to the in- 
terference of something which was beyond his control. This may have 
been the influence of anything the shaman may at the moment think 
of, such as a sudden appearance in the changing auroras, a fall of 
snow, or a dog knocking down something outside of the house. If the 
people deny that the dog did the act, the shaman replies that the dog 
was the instrument in the hands of a spirit which escaped him. Any 
little incident is sufficient to thwart thesuccess of his manipulations. 
If any person be the subject of the shaman’s displeasure he or she 
must undergo some sort of punishment or do an act of penance for the 
interference. It is not unusual to see a person with the harness of a 
dog on his back. This is worn to relieve him or somebody else of 
a spell of the evil spirit. The tail of a living dog is often cut from its 
body in order that the fresh blood may be cast upon the ground to be 
seen by the spirit who has caused the harm, and thus he may be ap- 
peased. Numerous mutilations are inflicted upon animals at the com- 
mand of the conjurer, who must be consulted on nearly all the important 
undertakings of life in order that he may manage the spirits which will 
insure success. 

The implicit belief in these personages is wonderful. Almost every 
person who can do anything not fully understood by others has more 
or less reputation as a shaman. 

Some men, by observation, become skilled in weather lore, and get 
a great reputation for supernatural knowledge of the future weather. 
Others again are famous for suggesting charms to insure success in 
hunting, and, in fact, the occasions for consulting the conjurer are prac- 
tically innumerable. One special qualification of a good shaman is the 
ability to attract large numbers of deer or other game into the region 
where he and his friends are hunting. 

Some of these shamans are superior hunters and, as their experience 
teaches them the habits of the deer, they know at any season exactly 
where the animals are and can anticipate their future movements, in- 
fluenced greatly by the weather. Thus the prophet is able to estimate 
the proximity or remoteness of the various herds of stragglers from the 
main body of deer which were in the locality during the preceding fall 
months. These hunters have not only a local reputation but are 
known as far as the people have any means of communication. 

In order to cause the deer to move toward the locality where they 
may be desired the shaman will erect, on a pole placed in a favorable 


TURNER. ] THE TALISMANS. 197 


position, an image of some famous hunter and coujurer. The image 
will represent the power of the person as conjurer and the various par- 
aphernalia attached to the image assist in controlling the movements 
of the animals. 

I obtained one of these objects at Fort Chimo. (Fig. 22.) It is quite 
elaborate and requires a detailed description. It is intended to repre- 


ete 


Fic, 22. Magic doll. 


sent a celebrated conjurer living on the eastern shore of Hudson bay. 
He occasionally visited Fort Chimo where his reputation as a hunter 
had preceded him. His name is Sa/pa. 

He is dressed in a complete suit of the woolen stuff called ‘ strouds” 
at Fort Chimo, trimmed with black and with fancy tartan gartering. In 


198 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


the belt of polar-bear skin (kak-cung’-unt) (Fig. 23) are hung strings 
of colored beads and various amulets. These are, first, a wooden doll 
(Fig. 24) (Inug’-wak, a little man) hung to the belt so that he faces out- 
ward and is always on the alert; then, two bits of wood (agéwak) (Fig. 
25) to which hang strands of beads and lead drops; next, a string of 
three bullets (Fig. 26) to symbolize the readiness of the hunter when 
game approaches; and, last, a semicircular piece of wood ornamented 
with strings of beads (Fig. 27). 

This iast is called the tu-a/-vi-tok, or hastener. The hunter holds it 
in his hand when he sights the game, and the tighter he grasps it the 


3) 
F 


Fic. 23. Belt of magic doll. 


faster he is supposed to get over the ground. It is supposed that by 
the use of this one may be able to travel faster than the wind and not 
even touch the earth over which he passes with such incredible speed 
that he overtakes the deer in a moment. The entire affair, as it hung 
on the pole, was called tung wa/gn e/nog ang’, or a materialization of a 
Tung ak. 

This object hung there for several days until I thought it had served 
its purpose and could now afford to change ownership. The local con- 


TURNER. ] THE TALISMANS. 199 


jurer was thus compelled to invoke the assistance of another. [am 
happy to add that the deer did come, and in thousands, actually run- 
ning among the houses of the station. 

The shaman of the community possesses great influence over its 
members. He very frequently decides the course to be pursued by 
man and wife in their relations with each other, and, conspiring with 
some evil old woman who loves to show preference for a young man, he 
often decrees that husband or wife shall be cast off. 

If the person become ill the wife is often accused of working some 
charm on her husband in order that she may enjoy the favors of another. 


Fig. 25. Talisman. 


5 E 
Fig. 24. Talisman attached LI Zb SUSIE iS 


to magie doll. 


A woman whose husband had recently died was espoused by another 
who soon after became violently ill. She nursed him with the greatest 
assiduity until he convalesced. At this period his mother, with the 
advice of some old hags, decreed that she had been the sole cause of 
her husband’s illness and must leave the tent. Her things were pitched 
out and she was compelled to journey in quest of her relatives. 

Another illustration came under my notice. 

A widow was taken to wife by a Koksoak Eskimo. He was soon 
taken violently ill and she was accused by the shaman of being the 
cause of it, as the spirit of her deceased husband was jealous. Unless 
she were cast off the Koksoak man would never recover. It was then 


200 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


also found that unless the wife of another man should desert him and 
become the wife of a man who already had two of this woman’s sisters 
as wives the sick man would die. The woman and her husband 
escaped divorce by fleeing from the camp. E 

The shaman may do about as he pleases with the marriage ties, 
which oftener consist of sealskin thongs than respect and love. Many 
old hags have acquired great repu- 
tations for being able to interpret 
dreams. An instance of dream in- 
terpretation, which also illustrates 
how a person nay acquire a new 
name, came under my observation. 
A woman, sitting alone, heard a 
noise like the rapping of someone 
at the door desiring admittance. 
She said, ‘‘Come in.” No one ap- 
peared, and she inquired of the 
girl who acted as nurse for her 
child if anyone had knocked at 
the door. A negative answer was 
given. Further questioning of a 
white man, who was asleep near 
by, revealed that he had made no 
such sound. The woman knew 

Fig. 27. Talisman. that no man had died within the 
place and so his spirit could not be seeking admittance. She went 
to an old woman and related the affair, and was informed that it was 
the rapping of her brother, who had died suddenly some two years 
before. She must go home and prepare a cup of tea, with a slice of 
bread, and give it to the nurse, as her brother, Nakvak (the one who 
died) was hungry and wanted food. She especially enjoined upon the 
woman that the girl must now be known as Nakvak (meaning ‘‘found”) 
and that through her the dead would procure the food which, although 
it subserves a good purpose in nourishing the living, tends, by its ac- 
companying spirit, to allay the pangs of hunger in the dead. 

As I have already said, everything in the world is believed to have 
its attendant spirit. The spirits of the lower animals are like those of 
men, but of an inferior order. As these spirits, of course, can not be 
destroyed by killing the animals, the Eskimo believe that no amount 
of slaughter can realy decrease the numbers of the game. 

A great spirit controls the reindeer. He dwells in a huge cavern 
near the end of Cape Chidley. He obtains and controls the spirit of 
every deer which is slain or dies, and it depends on his good will whether 
the people shall obtain future supplies. The form of the spirit is that 
of a huge white bear. The shaman has the power to prevail upon the 
spirit to send the deer to the people who are represented as suffering 


TURNER. ] AMULETS. 201 


for want of food. The spirit is informed that the people have in no way 
offended him, as the shaman, as a mediator between the spirit and the 
people, has taken great care that the past food was all eaten and that 
last spring, when the female deer were returning to him to be delivered 
of their young, none of the young (or foetal) deer were devoured by the 
dogs. After much incantation the shaman announces that the spirit 
condescends to supply the people with spirits of the deer in a material 
form and that soon an abundance will be in the land, He enjoins upon 
the people to slay and thus obtain the approval of the spirit, which loves 
to see good people enjoy an abundance, knowing that so long as the 
people refrain from feeding their dogs with the unborn young, the 
spirits of the deer will in time return again to his guardianship. 

Certain parts of the first deer killed must be eaten raw, others dis- 
carded, and others must be eaten cooked. The dogs must not be al- 
lowed to taste of the flesh, and not until an abundance has been ob- 
tained must they be allowed to gnaw at the leg bones, lest the guardian 
spirit of the deer be offended and refuse to send further supplies. If 
by some misfortune the dogs get at the meat, a piece of the offending 
dog’s tail is cut off or his ear is cropped to allow a flow of blood. 

Ceremonies of some kind attend the capture of the first slain animal 
of all the more important kinds. I unfortunately had no opportunity 
of witnessing many of these ceremonies. 

As a natural consequence of the superstitious beliefs that I have de- 
scribed, the use of amulets is universal. Some charms are worn to 
ward off the attacks of evil-disposed spirits. Other charms are worn as 
remembrances of deceased relatives. These have the form of a head- 
less doll depending from some portion of the garment worn or the up- 
per part of the body. 

As many of their personal names are derived from 
natural objects, it is usual for the person to wear a 
little image of the object for which he is named or a 
portion of it; for example, a wing of the bird, or a bit 
of the animal’s skin. This is supposed to gratify the 
spirit of the object. Strange or curious objects never 
before seen are sometimes considered to bring sue- 
cess to the finder 

Two articles selected from my collection will illus- 
trate different forms of amulets. The first, No. 3018, 
is a little wooden model of a kaiak. The other (3090, 
Fig. 28) was worn on the back of a woman’s coat. It 
is a small block of wood carved into four human 
heads. These heads represent four famous conjurers 
noted for their skill in driving away diseases. The Fic. 28. Eskimo wo- 
woman, who cane from the eastern shore of Hudson’s Sareea 
bay, was troubled with rheumatism and wore this charm from time to 
time as she felt the twinges of pain. She assured me that the pain 


202 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


always disappeared in a few hours when she wore it. It was with the 
greatest difficulty that I persuaded her to part with it. She was, how- 
ever, about to return home, and could get another there. 


OUTDOOR LIFE, 


The Eskimo acquire an extended knowledge of the country by early 
accompanying their parents on hunting trips, and as they have to rely 
upon memory alone, they must be observant and carefully mark the 
surroundings from all the views afforded. The faculty of memory is 
thus cultivated to an astonishing degree, and seldom fails, even in the 
most severe weather, to insure safety for the individual. I knew a 
native stick his ramrod in the ground among scattered stalks of grass 
which attained the height of the rod, yet after several hours he found 
the spot again without the least hesitation. Every rise of land, every 
curve of a stream, every cove in the seashore, has a name descriptive 
of something connected with it, and these names are known to all who 
have occasion to visit the place. Though the aspect of the land is 
entirely changed by the mantle of snow which covers all the smaller 
objects, a hunter will go straight to the place where the carcass of a 
single deer was cached many months before on the open beach. The 
Eskimo are faithful guides, and when confidence is shown to be reposed 
in them they take a pride in leading the party by the best route. In 
traveling by night they use the north star for the guide. Experience 
teaches them to foretell the weather, and some reliance may be placed 
on their predictions. 

Their knowledge of the seasons is also wonderful. The year begins 
when the sun has reached its lowest point, that is, at the winter 
solstice, and summer begins with the summer solstice. They recognize 
the arrival of the solstices by the bearing of the sun with reference to 
certain fixed landmarks. 

The seasons have distinctive names, and these are again subdivided 
into a great number, of which there are more during the warmer 
weather than during the winter. The reason for this is obvious: so 
many changes are going on during the summer and so few during the 
winter. The principal events are the return of the sun, always a 
signal of joy to the people; the lengthening of the day; the warm 
weather in March when the sun has attained sufficient height to make 
his rays less slanting and thus be more fervent; the melting of the 
snow; the breaking up of the ice; the open water; the time of birth 
of various seals; the advent of exotic birds; the nesting of gulls, 
eiders, and other native birds; the arrival of white whales and the 
whaling season; salmon fishing; the ripening of salmonberries and 
other species of edibles; the time of reindeer crossing the river; the 
trapping of fur-bearing animals and hunting on land and water for 
food. Each of these periods has a special name applied to it, although 
several may overlap each other. The appearance of mosquitoes, sand- - 


TURNER.] OUTDOOR LIFE. 203 


flies, and horseflies are marked by dates anticipated with considerable 
apprehension of annoyance. : 

In order to sketch the annual routine of life, I will begin with the 
breaking up of the ice in spring. The Koksoak river breaks its ice 
about the last of May. This period, however, may vary as much as 
ten days earlier and twenty days later than the date specified. The 
ice in Ungava bay, into which that river flows, must be free from the 
greater portion of the shore ice before the river ice can push its way 
out to sea. The winds alone influence the bay ice, and the character 
of the weather toward the head waters of the river determines its time 
of breaking. 

The Eskimo has naturally a keen perception of the signs in the sky 
and is often able to predict with certainty the effects of the preceding 
weather. When the season has sufficiently advanced all the belong- 
ings of each family are put together and transported down the river on 
sleds to where the ice has not yet gone from the mouth of the river. 
It is very seldom that the river ice extends down so far. To the edge 
of the ice the tent and dogs, with the umiak, kaiak, and other personal 
property, are taken and then stored on shore until the outside ice is 
free. 

The men wander along the beach or inland hunting for reindeer, 
ptarmigan, hares, and other land game. The edge of the water is 
searched for waterfowl of various kinds which appear earliest. Some 
venturesome seals appear. In the course of a few days the ice in the 
river breaks up and the shore ice of the bay is free; and if there is a 
favorable wind it soon permits the umiak to be put into the water, 
where, by easy stages, depending on the weather, the quantity of float- 
ing ice, and the food supply, the hunters creep alongshore to the object- 
ive point, be it either east or west of the Koksoak. Sometimes the party 
divide, some going in one direction and others in another. 

The men seek for seals, hunting in the kaiak, the women and chil- 
dren searching the islets and coves for anything edible. As soon as 
the season arrives for the various gulls, eiders, and other sea birds to 
nest the women and children are in high glee. Every spot is carefully 
examined, and every accessible nest of a bird is robbed of its contents. 
By the 25th of June the people have exhausted the supply of eggs from 
the last situations visited and now think of returning, as the birds have 
again deposited eggs and the seals are becoming scarcer. 

The Eskimo arrange to assist the company to drive white whales 
when the season arrives. This is as soon as they appear in the river at 
a sufficient distance up to warrant that the measures pursued will not 
drive them out of the fresh water, for if they left they would not soon 
return. The date usually fixed upon is about the 12th of July. The 
natives are summoned, and a large sailboat or the small steam launch 
is sent along the coast to the place where the people were expected 
to arrive the 5th of the month. The natives are brought to the 


204 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


whaling station, where they encamp, to await the setting of the nets 
forming the sides of the inclosure into which the whales are to be driven. 

The natives spear the whales in the pound, drag them ashore, skin 
them, and help take the oil and skins to the post, some eight miles 
farther up the river. 

The same natives who engaged in the whaling are employed to attend 
the nets for salmon, which arrive at variable dates from the 25th of 
July to the 1st of September. Two or more adult male Eskimo, with 
their relatives, occupy a certain locality, generally known by the name 
of the person in charge of that season’s work. The place is occupied 
until the runs of the fish are over, when it is time for the natives to be 
up the river to spear reindeer which cross the river. 

This hunting lasts until the deer have begun to rut and the males haye 
lost the fat from the smallof the hack. Theseason is now so far advanced 
that the ice is already forming along the shore, and unless the hunter 
intends to remain in that locality he would better begin to descend the 
river to a place nearer the sea. The river may freeze in a single night 
and the umiak be unable to withstand the constant strain of the sharp- 
edged cakes of floating ice. 

The head of the family decides where the winter is to be passed and 
moves thither with his party at once. Here he has a few weeks of rest 
from the season’s labors, or spends the time constructing a sled for the 
winter journeys he may haveinview. The snow has now fallen so that a 
snow house may be constructed and winter quarters takenup. A num- 
ber of steel traps are procured to be set for foxes and other fur-bearing 
animals. The ptarmigans arrive in large flocks and are eagerly hunted 
for their flesh and feathers. The birds are either consumed for food or 
sold to the company, which pays 64 cents for four, and purchases the 
body feathers of the birds at the rate of 4 pounds of the feathers for 
25 cents. 

The Eskimo soon consume the amount of deer meat they brought with 
them on their return and subsist on the flesh of the ptarmigan until the 
ice is firm enough to allow the sleds to be used to transport to the 
present camp meat of animals slain in the fall. 

The traps are visited and the furs are sold to the company in ex- 
change for flour, tea, sugar, molasses, biscuit, clothing, and ammuni- 
tion. Hunting excursions are made to various localities for stray bands 
of deer that have become separated from the larger herds. 

The white men employés of the company have been engaged in cut- 
ting wood for the next year’s fuel, and the Eskimo with their dog teams 
are hired to haul it to the bank, where it may be floated down in 
rafts when the river opens. 

Thus passes the year in the life of the Eskimo of the immediate 
vicinity of Fort Chimo. Some of the Koksoagmyut do not engage in 
these occupations. Some go to another locality to live by themselves; 
others do not work or hunt, because it is not their nature to do so. 


TURNER. ] OUTDOOR LIFE. 205 


In all undertakings for themselves they deliberate long, with much 
hesitation and apparent reluctance, before they decide upon the line of 
action. They consult each other and weigh the advantages of this over 
that locality for game, and speculate on whether they will be afflicted 
with illness of themselves or family. When the resolution is finally 
made to journey to a certain place, only the most serious obstacles can 
thwart their purpose. 

At all seasons of the year the women have their allotted duties, which 
they perform without hesitation. They bring the wood and the water, 
and the food from the field, if it is not too distant, in which case the 
men go after it with the dog teams. The women also fashion the skins 
into clothing and other articles, and do the cooking. After a hunt of 
several days’ duration the husband’s appearance is anxiously awaited, 
as is indicated by the family scanning the direction whence he is ex- 
pected. The load is taken from the sled or boat and the incidents of 
the chase recited to the ever ready listeners. 

In the early spring the women are busily engaged in making boots 
for summer wear. The skins of the seals have been prepared the fall 
before and stored away until wanted. The method of tanning the 
skins is the same for each species, differing only in its size and weight. 

Certain large vessels made of wood or metal, chiefly the latter, as 
they are easily procured from the traders, are used to hold a liquid, 
which is from time to time added to. When a sufficient amount is 
collected it is allowed to ferment. During the interval the skin of the 
seal is cleansed from fat and flesh. The hair has been removed by 
shaving it off or by pulling it out. The skin is then dressed with an 
instrument designed for that purpose, made of ivory, deerhorn, stone, 
or even a piece of tin set in the end of a stout stick several inches 
long. The skin is held in the hand and the chisel-shaped implement 
is repeatedly pushed from the person and against a portion of the 
skin until that part becomes pliable and soft enough to work. It is 
further softened by rubbing between the hands with a motion similar 
to that of the washerwoman rubbing clothing of the wash. Any por- 
tion of the skin which will not readily yield to this manipulation is 
chewed with the front teeth until it is reduced to the required plia- 
bility. After this operation has been completed the skin is soaked in 
the liquid, which has now ripened to a sufficient degree to be effective. 
In this it is laid for a period lasting from several hours to two or three 
days. The skin is now taken out and dried. The subsequent opera- 
tion of softening is similar to that just described, and is final. It is 
now ready to be cut into the required shape for the various articles for 
which it is intended. Ifitis designed for boots for a man, the measure 
of the height of the leg is taken. The length and width of the sole is 
measured by the hand, stretching so far and then bending down the 
long or middle finger until the length is measured. The width of one, 
. two, or more fingers is sometimes used in addition to the span. The 


206 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


length is thus marked and the skin folded over so as to have it doubled. 
The knife used in cutting is shaped like the round knife used by the 
harness-maker or shoemaker. 

There is in our collection a wooden model of this form of knife (No. 
3022), which nowadays always has a blade of metal. Formerly slate, 
flint, or ivory was used for these blades. 

The instrument is always pushed by the person using it. The eye 
alone guides the knife, except on work for a white man, and then greater 
care is exercised and marks employed indicating the required size. 
This round knife is called filo. 

Another important duty of the women is taking care of the family 
boots. When a pair of boots has been worn for some time, during a 
few hours in warm weather they absorb moisture and become nearly 
half an inch thick on the soles. When taken off they must be turned 
inside out and dried, then chewed and scraped by some old woman, 
who is only too glad to have the work for the two or three biscuit she 
may receive as pay. Any leak or hole is stitched, and when the sole 
has holes worn through it, it is patched by sewing a piece on the under 
side. The thread used in sewing the boots is selected from the best 
strips of sinew from the reindeer or seal. 

Some women excel in boot-making, and at some seasons do nothing 
but make boots, while the others in return prepare the other garments: 
When the time comes in spring for making sealskin clothes, the women 
must not sew on any piece of deerskin which has not yet been sewed, 
lest the seals take offense and desert the locality which has been selected 
for the spring seal hant, to which all the people look forward with long- 
ing, that they may obtain a supply of food different from that which 
they have had during the long winter months. As there can be no 
harm in killing a deer at this season, the flesh may be used, but the 
skin must be cast away. 

As before stated, the entire family accompany the expeditions; and 
as the females are often the more numerous portion of the population, 
they row the umiak at their leisure, now and then stopping to have a 
few hours’ run on shore and again embarking. While thus journey- 
ing they are at times a sleepy crowd, until something ahead attracts 
attention; then all become animated, pursuing the object, if it be a half- 
fledged bird, until it is captured. Great amusement is thus afforded 
for the time, after which they relapse until some excitement again 
arouses them from their apparent lethargy. At the camp the men go 
in quest of larger game, leaving the women and children, who search 
the shore for any living creature they may find, destroying all that 
comes in their way. Smoking, eating, and sleeping occupy them until 
they arrive at a locality where food is abundant. There they earnestly 
strive to slay all that comes within reach, and thus often obtain much 
more than they require, and the remainder is left to putrefy on the 
rocks. The women do the skinning of the seals and birds obtained on 


TURNER. | TATTOOING. 207 


this trip. The skins of birds are removed in a peculiar manner. The 
wings are cut off at the body, and through the incision all the flesh and 
bones are taken out. The skin is then turned inside out. The grease 
is removed by scraping and chewing. The skin is dried and preserved 
for wear on the feet or for the purpose of cleansing the hands, which 
have become soiled with blood or other offal in skinning large game. 

When the season arrives for hunting the reindeer for their skins, 
with which to make clothing for winter, the women help to prepare the 
flesh and bring the wood and water for the camp, while the men are 
ever on the alert for the herds of deer on the land or crossing the 
water. The women hang the skins over poles until the greater portion 
of the animal matter is dry, when they roll them up and store them 
away until the party is ready to return to the permanent camp for the 
winter. Here the skins collected are carefully examined and suitable 
ones selected for winter garments. 

The skins are moistened with water and the adherent fleshy parti- 
cles are removed with a knife. They are then roughly seraped and 
again wetted, this time with urine, which is supposed to render them 
more pliable. The operation is practically the same as that of tanning 
sealskins. The hair is, of course, left on the skin. When the skins 
are finally dry and worked to the required pliability, they are cut into 
shape for the various articles of apparel. The thread used in sewing 
is simply a strip of sinew of the proper size. The fibers are separated 
by splitting off a sufficient amount, and with the finger nail the strip is 
freed from all knots or smaller strands which would prevent drawing 
through the needle holes. The thread for this purpose is never twisted 
or plaited. The needle is one procured from the trader. Small bone 
needles, imitations of these, are sometimes used. In former years the 
bone needle was the only means of carrying the thread, but this has 
now, except in the rarest instances, been entirely superseded by one 
of metal. 

The thimble is simply a piece of stiff sealskin sewed into a ring 
half an inch wide to slip on the first finger, and has the same name as 
that member. In sewing of all kinds the needle is pointed toward the 
operator. The knife used in cutting skins is the same as that pre- 
viously described. Scissors are not adapted to cutting a skin which 
retains the fur. So far as my observations goes, scissors are used only 
for cutting textile fabrics procured from the store. 

In the use of a knife women acquire a wonderous dexterity, guiding 
it to the desired curve with much skill, or using the heel of the blade 
to remove strips which may need trimming off. 


TATTOOING, 


In former years the women were fancifully tattooed with curved 
lines and rows of dots on the face, neck, and arms, and on the legs up 
to mid-thigh. This custom, however, fell into disuse because some 


208 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


shaman declared that a prevailing misfortune was the result of the tat- 
tooing. At present the tattooing is confined to a few single dots on 
the body and face. When a girl arrives at puberty she is taken to a 
secluded locality by some old woman versed in the art and stripped 
of her clothing. A small quantity of half-charred lamp wick of mossis 
mixed with oil from the lamp. A needle is used to prick the skin, and 
the pasty substance is smeared over the wound. The blood mixes with 
it, and in a day or two a dark-bluish spot alone is left. The operation 
continues four days. When the girl returns to the tent it is known 
that she has begun to menstruate. A menstruating woman must not 
wear the lower garments she does at other times. The hind flap of her 
coat must be turned up and stitched to the back of the garment. Her 
right hand must be half-gloved, or, in other words, the first two joints 
of each finger of that hand must be uncovered. The left hand also re- 
mains uncovered. She must not touch certain skins and food which 
at that particular season are in use. 


CLOTHING. 


Like most Eskimo, the Koksoagmyut are clothed almost entirely 
in the skins ot animals, though the men now wear breeches of mole- 
skin, duck, jeans, or denim procured from the trading store. Reindeer- 
skin is the favorite material for clothing, though skins of the dif- 
ferent seals are also used. The usual garments are a hooded frock, 
of different shapes for the sexes, with breeches and boots. The latter 
are of various shapes for different weather, and there are many pat- 
terns of mittens. Rain frocks of seal entrai] are also worn over the 
furs in stormy weather. Some of the people are very tidy and keep 
their clothing in a respectable condition. Others are careless and 
often present a most filthy sight. The aged and orphans, unless the 
latter be adopted by some well-to-do person, must often be content 
with the cast-off apparel of their more fortunate fellow-beings. 

The hair of the skins wears off in those places most liable to be 
in contact with other objects. The elbows, wrists, and knees often are 
without a vestige of hair on the clothing. The skin wears through 
and then is patched with any kind of a piece, which often presents a 
ludicrous appearance. 

The young boys and girls are dressed alike, and the females do not 
wear the garments of the adults until they arrive at puberty. It isa 
ludicrous sight to witness some of the little ones scarcely able to walk 
dressed in heavy deerskin clothing, which makes them appear as 
thick as they are tall. They exhibit about the same amount of pride 
of their new suits as the civilized boy does. They are now able to go 
out into the severest weather, and seem to delight in rolling around in 
the snow. 

Infants at the breast, so small as to be carried in the mother’s 
hood, are often dressed in skins of the reindeer fawns. The garment 


TURNER. | CLOTHING. 209 


for these is a kind of “combination,” the trousers and body sewed 
together and cut down the back to enable the infant to get them on. 
A cap of calico or other cloth and a pair of skin stockings completes 
the suit. 

Both men and women wear, as an additional protection for their feet 
in cold weather, a pair or two of short stockings, locally known as 
‘““duffles,” from the name of the material of which they are made. 
These ‘‘duffles” are cut into the form of a slipper and incase the 
stockings of the feet. Over these are worn the moccasins, made of 
tanned and smoked deerskin. The Eskimo women are not adepts in 
making moccasins; a few only can form a well-fitting pair. They 
often employ the Indian women to make them, and, in return, give a 
_ pair of sealskin boots, which the Indian is unable to make, but highly 
prizes for summer wear in the swamps. 

The Koksoagmyut do not wear caps, 
the hood of the frocks being the only 
head covering. There is, however, in 
my collection a cap obtained from one 
of the so-called ‘ Northerners,” who 
came to Fort Chimo to trade. This 
cap (No. 5242, Fig. 29) was evidently 
copied from some white man’s cap. 
The front and crown of the cap are 
made of guillemot and sea-pigeon 
skins, and the sealskin neckpiece also 
is lined with these skins, so that when 
it is turned up the whole cap seems to 
be made of bird skins. 

We may now proceed to the deserip- 
tion of the different garments in de- 
tail. 

The coat worn by the men and boys, 
and by the girls until they arrive at womanhood, has the form of a 
loose shirt, seldom reaching more than 2 or 35 inches below the hips, 
and often barely covering the hips. The neck hole is large enough to 
admit the head into the hood, which may be thrown back or worn over 
the head in place of a cap. 

The Innuit of the southern shore of the western end of Hudson Strait 
often cut the coat open in front as far up as the breast (Figs. 30 and 
31, No. 3224). The favorite material for these coats is the skin of the 
reindeer, three good-sized skins being required to make a full-sized coat 
for a man. Coats made of light summer skins are used as under- 
clothing in winter and for the only body clothing in summer. The 
skin of the harp seal (Phoca grenlandica) is also used for coats, but only 
when the supply of reindeerskin runs short, or when a man can afford 
to have an extra coat to wear in wet weather. It is not a very good 

11 ETH——14 


Fig. 29. Eskimo birdskin eap. 


210 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


material for clothing, as the skin is roughly tanned, and no amount of 
working will render it more than moderately pliable. Figs. 52 and 33 
represent a sealskin coat. These coats are often trimmed round the 
edges with fringes of deerskin 2 or 3 inches wide, or little pendants of 
ivory. 


Fic. 30. Eskimo man’s deerskin coat (front). 


The collection contains eleven of these coats, Nos. 3221, 3498-3500, 
and 3558 of deerskin, and Nos. 5228, 3533-3537 of sealskin. 

The peculiar shape of the woman’s coat is best understood by refer- 
ence to the accompanying figures (Figs. 34, 35, 36, 37 and 38). The 
enormous hood is used for carrying the infant. When sitting, the 
female usually disposes the front flap so that it will lie spread upon 
the thighs, or else pushes it between her legs, while the hind flap is 
either thrown aside or sat upon. 

It is not unusual for the women to display considerable taste in 
ornamenting their garments, using the steel-gray pelt of the harp seal 
to contrast with the black of the harbor seal, and so on. The edges of 
the hood and sleeves are frequently trimmed with skin from a dark 


TURNER. ] CLOTHING. 211 


colored young dog, or astrip of polar bear skin, whose long white hairs 
shed the rain better than those of any other mammal. 

It is not rare to find loops of sinew or of sealskin attached to the 
breast or back of a woman’s garments. These are for tying small arti- 
cles, such as a needle case or a snuff-bag, to the clothing fer convenience 
and to prevent loss. 

A peculiar style of ornamentation is shown in Fig. 39 and 40, No. 
3005, a woman’s coat from Fort Chimo. The front of the skirt is fringed 


Fig. 31. Eskimo man's deerskin coat (back.) 


with little lead drops, bean-shaped in the upper row and pear-shaped 
in the lower, and pierced so that they can be sewed on. These lead 
drops are furnished by the trader at the price of about a cent anda 
half each, in trade. The trimming of this frock cost, therefore, about 
$4. The four objects dangling from the front of the frock are pewter 
spoon-bowls. Across the breastis a fringe of short strings of different 
colored beads, red, black, yellow, white, and blue. Jingling ornaments 
are much prized. 


212 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The tin tags from plug tobacco are eagerly sought for, perforated 
and attached in pendant strands 3 or 4 inches long to sealskin strips 
and thus serve the place of beads. I saw one woman who certainly 
had not less than a thousand of these tags jingling as she walked. I 
have also seen coins of various countries attached to the arms and 
dress. One coin was Brazilian, another Spanish, and several were 


Fia. 32. Eskimo man’s sealskin coat (front). 


English. Coins of the provinces were quite numerous. These were 
all doubtless obtained from the sailors who annually visit the place, in 
exchange for little trinkets prepared by the men and women. 

The collection contains five of these coats, Nos. 3005, 3225-3227 of 
deerskin, and 3504 of sealskin, The last is a very elaborate garment, 
made of handsomely contrasted pieces of the skin of two kinds of 
seals, the harbor seal and the harp seal, arranged in a neat pattern. 

It is not common to come across a garment of this kind, as the 
skins of the proper or desired kinds are sometimes hard to obtain, 


foaNEE.| WOMEN’S GARMENTS. 213 


The woman may be several years in getting the right kind and may 
have effected many exchanges before being suited with the quality and 
color. The darkest skins of the Ka sig yak (harbor seal) are highly 
prized by both sexes. The women 
set the higher value upon them. 
The men wear two styles of leg cov- 
ering, namely, breeches like a white 
man’s, but not open in front, and 
reaching but a short distance below 
the knees, or trousers ending in 
stocking feet. Sometimes in very 
cold weather these trousers may be 
worn under the breeches. Both 
breeches and trousers are very 
short-waisted. Long stockings of 
short-haired deerskin with the hair 
in are also worn. ‘The women in 
winter wear breeches made of deer- 
skin fastened around the hips by 
means of a drawstring and extend- 
ing down the legs to where the tops 
of the boots will cover them a few 
inches. Some of the women wear 
trousers which reach only to the up- 
per part of the thighs and are con- 
tinuous with the boot which covers 
the foot, though in that case a pair 
of half-boots are added to protect 
the feet. The hips are covered with 
breeches which descend low enough 
on the thigh to be covered by the 
leggings. This style of apparel for 
the lower portion of the body is — ¥'%-33—Eskimoman’s sealskin coat (side). 
often extravagantly patched with various colored pieces of white and 
dark strips of skin from the abdomen and sides of the reindeer. 
When new and not soiled they are quite attractive and often contrast 
well with the tastefully ornamented coat. 

The long boots or leggings are removed when dirty work is to be 
done. Thus, skins to be scraped and dressed are held against the 
bare leg. 

The leggings also serve as pockets to hold various kinds of little 
things, like knives, tobacco, and so on. 

A person rarely owns more than a single pair of breeches; con- 
sequently I was unable to obtain any for the collection. 

The boots and shoes are of different materials and somewhat. differ- 
ent patterns for different seasons of the year. All have moccasin 


214 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


soles of stout material turned wp an inch or two all round the foot, a 
tongue covering the top of the foot, joined to a broad heel band which 
passes round behind the ankle. Then the legs are either made long 
enough to reach to the knee or else almost to the ankle. These half- 
boots are worn over the fur stockings in warm weather, or outside the 


Fiqa. 34. Eskimo woman's deerskm coat. 


long boots in very severe weather. Indian moccasins are aiso worn, 
sometimes over a pair of inside shoes and sometimes as inside shoes. 

For thick waterproof soles the skin of the beaver or the harp seal is 
used. The former wears the better. White whale skin is also used 


TURNER.) WOMEN’S GARMENTS. 215 


for indoor shoes, or for shoes to be worn in cold dry weather; the skins 
of the smaller seals are used, sometimes with the flesh side ont and the 
hair in, sometimes with the grain side out. These thinner skins are 
comparatively waterproof if the black epidermis is allowed to remain 


Fia. 35. Eskimo woman’s deerskin coat. Fia. 36. Eskimo women’s deerskin coat. 


on. The beautiful creamy-white leather, made by allowing the skin to 
ferment until hair and epidermis are scraped off together and then 
stretching the skin and exposing it to dry cold air, does not resist 
water at all, and can only be used for soles in perfectly dry weather. 

Buekskin soles are also used to enable the wearer to walk better 
with snowshoes on, as the feet are not so liable to slip or clog with 


216 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


snow as they would be if the footing were of sealskin. This latter has 
also another serious disadvantage. If itis very cold it does not permit 
the moisture from the feet to pass out as it freezes, rendering the boot 
stiff and slippery on the snowshoe, while the buckskin is porous and 
readily allows the moisture to escape. 


Fig. 37. Eskimo women’s deerskin coat (back). Fia. 38.—Eskimo woman's deerskin coat (side). 


The tongue and heel band are generally made of tanned sealskin, 
2ontrasting colors being often used. The legs are of sealskin, with the 
hair on, or of reindeer skin. 

The figures represent a pair of sealskin boots with buckskin feet 
(Fig. 41) and a pair of half boots with white sealskin soles, black seal- 


TURNER. ] WOMEN’S GARMENTS. FAT 


skin tongue and heelstrap, and buckskin teps (Fig. 42). The tanned 
and smoked reindeer skin for these tops was purchased from the Nas- 
copie Indians. 

A peculiar style of shoe (Fig. 43), of which I collected four pairs, is 
used by the so-called “ Northerners,” who derive most of their subsist- 
ence from the sea in winter, and who constantly have to travel on the 
ice, which is often very slippery. To prevent slipping, narrow strips of 


Fig. 39.—Eskimo woman’s deerskin coat. Fic. 40. Backside of same. 


sealskin are sewed upon a piece of leather, which makes an undersole 
for the shoe, in the manner shown in the figure. 

One end of the strip is first sewed to the subsole and the strip pushed 
up into a loop and stitched again, and so on till a piece is made big 
enough to cover the sole of the shoe, to which it is sewed. These ice 
shoes are worn over the ordinary waterproof boots. 

As I have already said, these boots are all made by the women. The 
sole is cut out by eye and is broadly elliptical in shape, somewhat 
pointed at the toe and heel. The leg is formed of a single piece, so that 


218 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


there is but one seam; the tongue or piece to cover the instep may 
or may not be a separate piece. Ifit is, the leg seam comes in front; if 
it forms one piece with the leg piece, the seam is behind. When the 
leg is sewed up and the tongue properly inserted the sole is sewed on. 
It is tacked at the heel, toe, and once on opposite sides of the foot, to 
the upper. The sewing of the sole to the upper is generally begun at 
the side of the seam and continued around. Perpendicular creases 
at the heel, and more numerously around the toes, take up the slack of 
the sole and are carefully worked in. The making of this part of the 
shoe is most difficult, for unless it is well sewed it is liable to admit 
water. The creases or “ gathers” are stitched through and through 
with a stout thread, which holds them in’ place while the operation 
proceeds, and which besides has a tendency to prevent the gathers 
from breaking down. The heel, which comes well up the back of the 
boot, is stiffened by means of several threads sewed perpendicularly, 
and as they are drawn shorter than the skin, they prevent the heel from 
falling and thus getting ‘run down.” 

The seams of the boots, which are turned inside out during the opera- 
tion, are so arranged on the edges that one will overlap and be tacked 
with close stitches over the rest of the seam. This is done not only for 
comfort when the boot becomes dry and hard while being worn, but also 
to take the strain from the stitches which hold the edges together. The 
value of a pair of boots depends much on the care bestowed in tanning 
and in sewing. 

The hands are protected by mit- 
tens of different materials. Fur or 
hair mittens are worn only in dry 
weather, as the hair would retain too 
much moisture. 

Among the Innuit the mammals 
are divided into two classes: the 
noble and the inferior beasts. ‘The 
skins of the former are used, though 
not exclusively, by the men, while 
the latter may be worn only by the 
women. Noman would debase him- 
self by wearing a particle of the fur 
of the hare or of the white fox; the 
skins of these timid creatures are 
reserved for the women alone. Hither 
sex may wear the skins of all other mammals, except at certaiu times, 
under restrictions imposed by superstition. 

The women wear mittens of hare or fox skin, with palms of sealskin 
or Indian-tanned bird’s skin. Reindeer skin with the hair on is also used 
for mittens. The heavy skin from the body is selected for the sake of 
warmth. When these mittens are to be used when driving dogs the 
palm is made of sealskin, to enable the wearer to get a firm grasp on 


Fia. 41, Eskimo boots. 


TURNER.] WOMEN’S GARMENTS. 219 


the whip handle. The skin of the deer’s forelegs, which has hair of a 
different character from that on the body, also makes excellent mittens, 
specially suited for handling snow in building the snow huts. Mit- 
tens are sometimes fringed round the wrist with a strip of white 
bearskin to keep out the wind. 


Fig. 42. Eskimo shoes 


All mittens have such short thumbs that they are very inconvenient 
fora white man, who habitu- 
ally holds his thumb spread 
away from the palm, whereas 
the Innuit usually keep the 
thumb apposed to the palm. 
The wrists of the mitten also 
are so short that considerable 
of the wrist is often exposed. 
The sleeves of the jacket are 
generally fringed with wolf or 
dog skin to protect this ex- 
posed portion of the wrist. 

Similar mittens of black 
sealskin are also worn by the 
men during damp weather, or 
when handling objects which 
would easily soil a pair of 
furred mittens. I have never 
seen a woman wear this kind 
of covering for the hand. It appears to be exclusively worn by the men. 

The men who engage in the late fall seal hunting protect their hands 
with waterproof gauntlets, which reach well up over the forearm. 
These keep the hands from being wet by the spray and by the drip 


Fig. 43. Ice-shoes, Hudson strait Eskimo. 


220 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


from the paddle. Fig. 44, No. 90074, represents one of these long 
mittens, made of black tanned 
sealskin, and edged with a strip 
of hairy sealskin over an inch 
wide. The back or upper por- 
tion of the mitten is made of 
a single piece of black skin, the 
edge of which is crimped and 
turned under to protect the fin- 
gers. The palm is a separate 
piece, joined to the back piece, and 
on it is a projecting part to form 
theinner half of the thumb. The 
outer half of the thumb and the 
under side of the forearm are 


tothe palm portion and that which 
covers the back of the hand and 
arm, so that, including the edging 
of hairy skin, there are only four 
pieces of skin entering into the 
make of a pair of these mittens. 
They are worn only by the men, 
and only when they are engaged 
in work where the hands would be immersed in water during cold 
weather. As the skin from which they are made is the same as that 
used for water-tight boots, it is obvious that no moisture can touch 
the skin of the hand. 

For protection from rain and wet they wear over their other clothes 
a waterproof hooded frock (Fig. 45) made of seal entrails, preferably 
the intestines of the bearded seal (Hrignathus barbatus). The intes- 
tines of animals killed in October are considered the best for this pur- 
pose. They then are not so fat and require less dressing to clean them. 
The contents are removed and they are filled with water and thor- 
oughly washed out. The fat and other fleshy matter adhering are re- 
moved by means of a knife used as a scraper. This being done, the in- 
testine is inflated with air and strung along the tops of the rocks to dry. 
When dry it is carefully flattened and rolled into tight bundles, like a 
spool of ribbon, and laid away until wanted. 

When required for use it is split longitudinally, and when spread 
open is of variable width from 3 to 5 inches, depending on the size of 
the animal. The edges of the strips are examined and any uneven por- 
tions are cut off, making the strip of uniform width. There are three 
separate pieces in a garment—the body and hood as one and the sleeves 
as two. Sometimes the sleeves are made first and sometimes the body 
is sewed first, and of this latter portion the hood is first formed. Strips 


Fia. 44. Long waterproof sealskin mitten. 


made of a single piece, stitched - 


TURNER.] CLOTHING. Dy l 


are sewed edge to edge with the exterior of the intestine to form the 
outside of the garment. The edge is turned down, so as to leave a width 
of a third of an inch, and turned to the right; the other strip is simi- 
larly folded, but turned to the left and laid on the other strip. Sinew 
from the back of a reindeer or from a seal is made into threads a yard 
or more in length and of the thickness of medium-sized wrapping 
cord, The needle is usually of a number 3 or 4 in size or of less diame- 
ter than the thread in order that the thread shall the more effectually 
fill up the hole made by the needle. The two strips are then sewed 
with stitches about nine to the inch, through and through, in a man- 


= 
Ee 
x EL 
SRE = 
2. SS 
r =~ = RK 
Ceo 
Ts i. 
VX 


‘yethatesa 7B 
MHA tae ‘ 


x 
Sy, 
a 


Fic. 45. Waterproof gutfrock. 


ner, I believe, termed running stitches. When a sufficient length is 
obtained a third strip is added, and so on until the required number of 
perpendicular strips form a sufficient width to surround the body. The 
outer edges are then joined and the body of the garment is complete. 
Portions are cut out and the hood assumes the desired shape, resem- 
bling a nightcap attached to the body ofanightgown. The sleeves are 
sewed in a similar manner and affixed to the body of the garment. The 
seams run perpendicularly and not around the body in a spiral manner 
as in garments made by the natives of Alaska for similar purposes. 
The edge of the hood, the wrists, and the bottom of the garment are 


222 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


strengthened by means of thin strips of sealskin sewed on the outside 
of those parts where they are most liable to be torn. The garment is 
worn during wet weather or while in the kaiak traveling on a rough sea. 
The bottom of the garment is tied around the hoop of the kaiak in 
which the wearer sits and thus effectually sheds the water from the 
body, except the face, and keeps it from entering the kaiak. 

Sometimes a drawstring closes the hood tightly around the face and 
prevents the spray from entering. The string is usually tied at the top 
of the hood, in which case it is rather difficult to untie. 

When not in use the material must be well oiled and rolled up or it 
will become so stiff that it can not be worn until it has been relaxed by 
dipping in water. The sinew with which it is sewed swells when wet 
and tightens the seams. 

There is great difference in the length of the garments worn by the 
eastern and the western Eskimo as well as in the manner of arranging 
the strips of which they are made. The one worn by the people of 
Hudson strait scarcely reaches to the hips of the wearer and is long 
enough only to tie around the hoop of the kaiak. The ones worn by 
the Eskimo of Northern sound, Alaska, falls to the knees, and those 
made by the Aleuts are so long that they interfere with the feet in walk- 
ing. The material prepared by the eastern natives is not so good, as 
it is coarser and stiffer than that of the sea lion (Humatopias stelleri), 
used by the natives of Alaska. 

The weight of one of these garments when dry scarcely exceeds 6 or 
7 ounces, 

To protect the eyes from the glare of the snow, which is especially 
trying when the sun is still low in early spring, snow goggles are 
worn made to admit the light only through a narrow slit. (Figs. 46, 


Fic. 46, Snow goggles—front. 


and 47.) Nos. 3186, 3187, 3188, 3189, 3190, 3191, 3192, 3193, 3197, 3198, 
3199, 3200, and 3201 in the collection show such snow goggles made of 
wood. A somewhat curved piece of wood is fashioned to fit the face 
over the eves; a notch is fitted for the nose to rest in. The lower side 


TURNER. ] EYE-PROTECTORS. 223 


is about half an inch thick, forming a flat surface. The front is perpen- 
dicular and blackened with soot or gunpowder mixed with oil and ap- 
plied to darken the front surface to absorb the light of the sun’s rays. 
Above this is a ledge of half an inch projecting over the narrow longi 
tudinal slit through which the wearer may look. This projection is 
sometimes not blackened on the underside, and where wood is scarce it 
is left off altogether. Within, on the side next to the eyes, it is usually 


FiG. 47. Snow-goggles—rear. 


gouged out to allow the eyelashes free movement. A piece of sealskin 
is affixed at each end and either tied in a knot over the head to hold 
the wood in position, or else a wider strip of skin is slit and one portion 
worn on the top of the head while the other fits the back orf the head 
to prevent the goggles from falling off when the wearer stoops down. 


DWELLINGS, 


The winter dwellings of the Eskimo of Hudson strait consist of the 
usual form of snow house. In this connection I may as well state that 
the popular impression that the snow house described by Arctic travel- 
ers is the only thing to be called an iglu is quite erroneous. The word 
“jolu” is as fully generic in the Eskimo language as the word “house” 
is in the English language. The correct term, as applied by the Eskimo, 
to the snow house used as a dwelling is “ig lu ge ak” (Fig. 48.) 

The first requisite for a snow house 1s snow. It must be of sufficient 
depth and possess certain well-defined qualities. The snow may fall, 
but until it has acquired sufficient depth for the sizeof blocks required 
and firmness enough for strength to withstand the superposed weight of 
the structure it is useless. An instrument termed snowknife (pintk), 
shaped like a short sword, is used for the purpose of cutting the blocks. 
The Eskimo seeks a place where the insertion of the knife into the bed 
of snow will prove that the snow is in the proper condition. He must 


224 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


then cut out a block of a size convenient to be lifted. This is usually 
rejected as it may be irregular or broken. Additional blocks, in size 
from 8 to 10 inches thick, 2 feet wide, and slightly more in length are 
cut by a motion much resembling the act of sawing, cutting the depth 
of the blade. The knife then cuts the bottom off squarely and the 
block is lifted out, the builder standing where the first blocks were cut 
from. The blocks are arranged on the bank of snow around the pit in 
which the man stands. The first block usually is somewhat triangular 


Fic. 48. Deserted Eskimo snow houses, near Fort Chimo. 


in Shape for a purpose hereafter mentioned. The second block is eut 
out and placed near the first, the end clipped with the knife to allow 
the first joint to be close together. A third block is cut and placed by 
the end of the second. It will now be seen that the line of blocks is not 
straight, but curved concavely within. Additional blocks are cut and 
placed end to end with each other until the first one laid is reached. 
Here a longer block is cut to lay upon the inclined side of the triangu- 
lar-shaped block first used and so placed as to “ break” the joints, and 
thus render the structure more stable. Additional blocks are placed 
on the first row, and as the operation proceeds it will be seen that the 
blocks lie in a spiral form, gradually drawing in as the structure rises, 
forming a dome-shaped wall of snow. The key block at the top is 
carefully cut to fit the aperture and inserted from the outside by the 
assistance of another person. AI] the joints are carefully stopped up 
with spawls of snow or with snow crushed between the hands and 
forced within the crevices. 

The floor of the snow house is the bed of snow from which the build- 


TURNER. ] DWELLINGS. 225 


ing material was taken. The door is cut by taking blocks of snow 
from under the bottom row of the foundation blocks. A trench is 
made, and along the side of it the blocks are placed. An arched coy- 
ering of the material forms a sheltered passageway to the door. 

When the snow house is to be occupied for a considerable time the 
doorway may have walls of snow blocks piled as high as the shoulders, 
with the top left open. This shields the entrance from wind and drift- 
ing snow. Various forms of entrance are constructed, often very tor- 
tuous; and when made a refuge by the numerous dogs they are not 
pleasant paths along which to creep on hands and knees, for a panic 
may seize some cowardly canine and all the dogs struggle to get sud- 
denly out into the open air. Vicious animals often wait until a white 
man gets about half way through the entry and then make a sudden 
assault on him. : 

The interior of the house is arranged according to the number of 
persons inhabiting it. 

A raised bed, on which to sit during the day and sleep during the 
night, is formed either by leaving a part of the snow-bank or else by 
bringing in blocks and arranging them as a solid mass. On this are 
spread bows of spruce, or dry grass, if obtainable, otherwise fine twigs 
of willow or alder, and over these heavy reindeer or bear skins are 
thrown. On these bed-skins are laid other softer skins of reindeer, 
with which to cover the person on retiring to sleep. A window is 
sometimes set in the side of the structure toward the sun. This is 
simply a piece of thick, clear ice, from a lake, set in the wall of the 
dome. It admits light, although itis generally light enough during 
the day within the snow-house unless the walls be built particularly 
thick, but great thickness in certain situations becomes necessary lest 
the winds and drifting snow wear away the sides of the structure, 
causing it to admit the cold or tumble down. Around the outside of 
the hut is sometimes built a protecting wall of snow blocks, two or 
three feet high, to prevent the drifting snow from wearing away the 
side of the dwelling. A storm of a single night’s duration is often 
sufficient to destroy a house. 

The interior walls, in severe weather, become coated with frost films 
from the breath, ete., condensing and erystallizing on the inside of the 
dome and often presenting by the lamplight a brilliant show of 
myriads of reflecting surfaces scintillating with greater luster than 
skillfully set gems. 

If the roof is not carefully shaped it is liable to cave in from the 
heat within softening the snow, especially in moderate weather, and 
then the entire structure falls. 

Where the owner of the house has considerable possessions which 
must be protected from the dogs and the weather, a similar structure 
is prepared alongside of the dwelling and often connected with it by 

11 ETH 15 


226 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


means of a communicating passage-way. An exterior opening may be 
made and closed with a block of snow. The larger articles, such as 
bags of oil and bundles of skins, are put inside before the walls are up, 
if intended to be stored for some time. 

As I have slept in these snow-houses I can assert that, while very 
uncomfortable, they afford a protection which can not be dispensed 
with. When the doorway is open they soon become very cold, and 
when closed upon several persons the heat becomes intolerable. Odors 
from the food remain long after the remnants are disposed of, and 
where one has been occupied for a long period the accumulation of 
refuse becomes so great that a new structure is indispensable in order 
to get rid of it. All the work of the different members of the family 
is performed within the walls. The skins of animals are dressed and 
tanned there. The offal of game and the hair from dressed skins 
mingle in one mass, which soon putrefies and creates such a stench 
that only an Eskimo with most obtuse sense of smell could inhabit the 
place. 

When spring comes the huts begin to melt and in the course of a 
few warm days fall down. If the weather is too inclement to permit 
a skin tent to be oceupied, the first hole im the wall may be patched 
with a deerskin, but this will afford very limited protection from the 
cold of nights, for, however warm the days, the nights will, until late 
in May, be so cold that only the older individuals withstand the 
cold. ; 

When the structure falls, melted by sun or rain, the miserable 
occupants must erect temporary shelter of deerskin or cloth on the 
bare rocky ridges. Those too poor to own a skin tent have often but 
a blanket of deerskin, stretched over three or four poles, set to shelter 
them from the chilly northerly winds usually prevailing at that season. 

Here they must sojourn until the ice breaks from the shores of the 
coves and bays, enabling the hunters to procure seals from the sea. 
Along the shores one may often find camping sites of these poor wan- 
derers searching through the day for food and at night camping under 
the lee of a wall of rock with little other covering than that worn dur- 
ing the day and this often soaked with spray or rain. 

Improvidence and indolence result in the most cruel privations 
toward the end of winter. Many who are too weak and emaciated 
from lack of food to pursue the chase to gain a living starve before 
reaching the sea and are left to perish. 

When the season is more advanced, and the weather warm enough, 
those who are industrious and provident enough to be the possessors 
of sealskin tents, move into them for the season. 

The skin tent (Pl. xxxvit) is usually made of the skins of the largest 
square flipper seals, those too heavy for any other purpose or not nec- 
essary for other uses, 


“IN31 OWIMS3 


ASOTONH13 20 NvaHuns 


4180d34 IVONNY HLIN3A313 


HAXXX “Id 


TURNER. ] THE TENT. Denk 


The number of skins necessary to form a tent varies with the size 
required. Generally as many as ten to fifteen are used, and such a 
tent will accommodate a good sized family. 

The hair is seldom removed from the skin, which is simply stretched 
as it comes from the animal and freed from fat and fleshy particles. 
The edges are trimmed and a sufficient number of skins are sewed to- 
gether to form a length for one side of the tent. The length of the in- 
dividual skins makes the height of the tent. A similar width is pre- 
pared for the opposite side. The two pieces meet at the rear of the 
structure and are there tied to the poles. A separate piece forms the 
door and may be thrown one side when a person enters or goes out. 
The poles of the tent are arranged as follows: Two pairs of poles are 
joined near the ends with stout thongs and erected with the lower ends 
spread to the proper width, forming the ends of the tent, on which the 
ridgepole is laid. A single pole is now placed near each end of the 
ridgepole, resting on the upright pairs, to prevent Jateral motion. 
Two more such braces are placed on each side and spread so as to give 
a somewhat rounded end to the tent. Near the middle of the ridge- 
pole is a pair of shorter poles leaning against it to prevent the weight 
of the sides from bending the ridgepole. It will be seen that eleven 
poles are necessary to support along tent, as the skins are very heavy. 
The skins and poles can be transported when the umiak is able to 
carry them. 

In case of continued rains the skins are placec so as nearly to meet 
over the ridge and additional skins cover the space left between the 
edges. When the tent is to be taken down the two widths are folded 
over, each by itself, and then rolled into a compact bundle by begin- 
ning ateach end and folding toward the center, leaving sufficient space 
between the rolls for a person to get his head and shoulders in. Two 
persons, one for each roll, now assist the carrier, who kneels, bows his 
head, and places the load on his head and shoulders. The two assist 
him to rise and the heavy load is taken to the umiak and placed in the 
bottom for ballast. The shorter poles are first laid in on the ribs of 
the boat to keep the skins from the water should any seep through the 
seams. The second bundle of tenting is laid on the first. 

The tent of skinsis the usual shelter during the season from the first 
rain until a sufficient fall of snow occurs in the early winter from which 
to construct an iglu gheak. 

The interior of the skin tent is necessarily quite roomy on account 
of the number of occupants. The farther end often has a stick of 
timber laid across the floor, and behind this is the bedding for the owner, 
his wives, and children. A man who is able toowna tent of this char- 
acter is also wealthy enough to have two or more wives. Along the 
remainder of the sides within lie the other occupants, either in groups 
or singly, depending on the degree of relationship existing between 


228 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


them. Guests and others temporarily abiding withthe host are as- 
signed any portion of the tent that the host may choose to select, usu- 
ally, if great honor is to be shown, the place lately occupied by himself. 
The central portion is reserved for a fireplace for cooking and heating 
purposes. In this structure is carried on all manner of work incidental 
to the season. The tent is taken from place to place by means of the 
umiak when the food supply of a locality is exhausted or another re- 
gion promises greater abundance. 

All these summer occupations require a number of persons to success- 
fully prosecute them, hence the number dwelling in one tent is not 
often detrimental, as the adults walk along the shore to drag the boat 
or relieve it from their weight. 

The owner of a tent is considered an important individual, and his 
favor is retained by every means. <A period of illness may cause him 
to lose all his belongings and then on recovery he has to start life 
anew. Several seasons may elapse before a sufficient number of skins 
will be procured for him to make a tent, and this is inmovable without 
a boat to transport it, for when a sled might be used for that purpose 
there is always enough snow from which to erect a shelter. : 

During the winter the skins are stored away on posts erected for the 
purpose, or on piles of rocks where the various species of small animals 
will not destroy them by eating holes in the oily skin. Mice and ermines 
are very destructive to these skins, often causing sad havoe in a short 
time. By the spring the owner may be miles away from the scene of 
the previous autumnal hunt and be unable to go after the tent, which, 
with the summer rain and decay, becomes useless, imposing the severe 
task of collecting skins for a second tent. 

In former times these people inhabited permanent winter houses 
like those used by the Eskimo elsewhere, as is shown by the ruins of 
sod and stone houses to be seen in various parts of the country. 
These appear to have had walls of stone built up to support the roof 
timbers, with the interstices filled up with turf or earth. From the de- 
pression remaining in the inside of these ruins, the floor seems to have 
been excavated to a greater or less depth. 

The present inhabitants relate that their ancestors dwelt in these 
huts, but can not explain why they were deserted, or why such 
structures are not erected at the present day. 


HOUSEHOLD ARTICLES. 


There is very little in these dwellings that can be called furniture, 
besides the bed places already referred to. The other articles requisite 
for housekeeping consist of a lamp of soapstone, kettles to hang over 
it, a frame suspended above the lamp for drying various articles, and 
sundry wooden bowls, buckets, and cups, besides similar vessels made 
of sealskin, 


TURNER. ] HOUSEHOLD ARTICLES. 229 


The lamp (poqila), which is the only source of heat and light in the 
snow house, is, roughly speaking, a large shallow bowl of soapstone 


Fig. 49. Soapstone lamp, Koksoagmyut. 


filled with oil, which is burned by means of a wick of moss, arranged 
round one edge of the bowl. 
The material from which these lamps are made occurs in isolated 


Fia. 50. Soapstone lamp, Koksoagmyut. 


bowlders on the surface of the ground at various places in the region. 
These bowlders are often of great size. 

The general form of these lamps, which will be best understood from 
the figures (Figs. 49, 50, 51), is nearly always the same, the variations 
being apparently due to the lack of material. The cavity for holding 
the oil varies in capacity, according to the size of the lamp, from half a 
pint to nearly three quarts. It is, however, never filled to the brim, 


Fig. 51. Soapstone lamp, Koksoagmyut. 


for fear it should run over. The consumption of oil depends upon the 
number of wicks lighted at once, and also on the character of the 
wick. 

The wick in general use is prepared from a kind of moss, which 
grows in large patches close to the ground, the stalks rising perpen- 


230 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


dicularly, and the whole so matted together that it may be cut into any 
desired form. From these patches pieces are cut an inch or two wide, 
a third of an inch thick and two or three inches in length, and laid 


Fig. 52. Frame for drying mittens. 


away todry. When one of these is to be used the woman squeezes 
the fibers together with her teeth, trims it, and sets it in the oil, and 
lights it. The light from one of these wicks is nearly equal to that of 
an inch wick fed with a good quality of kerosene. The heatis very great. 


Fig. 53. Soapstone kettle. 


For cooking, a larger wickis used, or two of the smaller ones set side by 
side. Over the lamp is placed a frame for drying wet boots, mittens, 
and such things. Fig. 52 represents one of these (No. 3048), which is 
a semicircle or bow of wood with the ends fastened toa straight piece 
of wood. Across these strands of sineworsealskin forms a sort of net- 


TURNER. HOUSEHOLD ARTICLES. 231 
ting having large meshes. On this rests the article to be dried. Un- 
der this is a support formed of two sharp-pointed pegs which are stuck 
into the snow forming the side of the hut. On the outer end of these 
is fastened, or laid across them, a piece of wood. The shape of the 
support is that ofa long staple with square corners. In some instances 
the pegs form only a wide V-shape, and the frame for supporting the 
articles laid directly on this. A block of wood hollowed out to receive 
the convex bottom of the lamp is sometimes used to support the latter. 

In former times cooking over these lamps was universally performed 
in kettles of soapstone, in which cooking was also done by putting 


Fic. 54. Soapstone kettle. 


heated stones into the water. These soapstone kettles are, however, 
quite superseded by utensils of civilized manufacture. I, however, suc- 
ceeded in collecting two full-sized stone kettles, and one little one, made 
for a child’s toy. The figures (Figs. 53, 54) show the shape of these ves- 


Fia. 55. Wooden dish. 


sels sufficiently well. The handles are made of strips of whalebone. 
The larger kettle (No. 3179) is nearly 13 inches long, and will hold nearly 
a gallon. They were made of different capacities in former times, vary- 
ing from about a pint to a full gallon. 

Oblong shallow dishes (pu-ghu/-tak) for holding oil or food are carved 
from larch knots. The-figure (Fig. 55) represents a model of one of 


232 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


these. Buckets and cups of various sizes for holding water and other 
fluids are made of tanned seal skin sewed with sinew. The sides of the 
bucket are a strip of seal skin bent into a ring, 
with a round piece of seal skin sewed on for a 
bottom. Sometimes a seal-skin bail is added, 
or a wooden handle sewed to the lips of the 
cup, making it into a dipper (Figs. 56, 57.) 
Wooden baskets are made in a simiilar fashion 
strip of spruce 
wood is bent near- 
ly circular. The 
ends of the strip 
are fastened with 
fine iron wire. The 
bottom is a sepa- 
rate piece and has 

: a rim or edge for 
Via. 56. Sealskin bucket. Fie, 57, Sealskin enp. the upper part to 


set on, and is held in place by means of small wooden pegs driven 
through and into the bottom. 

The capacity of these vessels is seldom more than a couple of quarts, 
and generally less. They are principally used to ladle water into the 
cooking kettles. All these vessels of native manufacture are being 
rapidly displaced by tin cups and small kettles. 


FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION 


Under certain conditions a great portion of their food is eaten raw, 
but it is invariably cooked when it conveniently can be. Frozen food 
is consumed in great quantities. I have seen them strip and devour 
the back, fat, and flesh from the body of a deer while the fibers were yet 
quivering. The entrails of many species of birds are taken from the 
body and, while yet warm, swallowed much after the manner of swallow- 
ing an oyster. The eggs which have been incubated to an advanced 
degree are as eagerly devoured as those quite fresh. 

The deer meat, killed the previous fall and frozen for three or four 
months, is cut into huge chunks and gnawed with as much satisfac- 
tion as though it was the finest pastry. On such occasions I have seen 
the person appointed to chop up the frozen meat scatter the pieces 
among the expectant crowd with as little ceremony as that of throwing 
ears of corn to the hogs in apen. For achange the frozen pieces of 
meat are sometimes warmed or thawed before the fire. 

The blood of the deer is often mixed with the half-digested mass of 
food in the stomach of the animal, and the stomach, withits contents, 
with the addition of the blood, eatenraw or boiled. Sometimes it is 
laid aside to ferment and then frozen and eaten in this condition. 


TURNER. ] FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION. Zoo 


Strips of fat froma seal and the blood of the animal are put into a 
kettle and heated. The oily liquid is eaten with the greatest relish. 
Seal oil is used for food in about the same manner aS we use syrups. 
Years of almost daily intercourse with these people have failed to show 
the ability of any person to drink seal or whale oil without illness 
resulting. They never drink pure oil under any circumstances, ex- 
cept as a laxative. The statement often made that these people 
drink oil as food is simply preposterous. Such statements doubtless 
arose from seeing other preparations of food having an abundance of 
oil upon them. Lean flesh is often dipped into oil and then eaten. If 
partaken of without oil in as great quantities as these people require, 
a torpid condition of the liver and alimentary canal results, and they 
thus employ the pure oil to relieve themselves. 

Vegetable food is little used exceptin the vicinity of the trading sta- 
tions. Those accustomed to the use of flour, bread, peas, beans, and 
rice are very fondof them, and often express regret that they will be 
deprived of them when on their hunting expeditions. 

Native plants afford little help as food. During the season when the 
various berries are ripe all the people gorge themselves. They have a 
special fondness for the akpik (Rubus chamomorus). ‘The sun scarcely 
reddens the side of these berries, locally known as “bake apple,” be- 
fore the children scour the tracts where they grow, and eat of the half- 
ripened fruit with as much relish as the civilized boy does the fruit pur- 
loined from a neighbor’s orchard. Other berries contribute their share 
as food. 

When on trips the women often gather a few green herbs and put 
them in a kettle of water and make an infusion in lieu of tea. They 
are fond of tea, coffee, and sugar. Molasses is eaten alone or with 
something dipped in it. 

The Eskimo drink often and astonishing quantities of water at a 
time. If the weather be very cold they often drink the water which 
has been heated on a fire, asserting that the hot water does not weaken 
them as much as cold water would do. 

When a seal has been killed and is being brought to camp, the 
hunter signifies his success from a distance, and those in camp raise a 
joyous shout. The animal is drawn ashore and skinned. The flesh is 
devoured raw as the process goes on, or may be divided, certain por- 
tions being given the different persons. The blood is collected, and 
when the meat is boiled it is mixed with the hot liquid and forms a 
nutritious dish, eagerly devoured by both adults and young. The 
children revel in this dish to a sacrifice of cleanliness. 

The feast is continued until the flesh has been devoured and the peo- 
ple gorged to their utmost capacity. Stories are told and general 
good humor prevails. The different species of fish which frequent the 
shallow waters of the bays are used as food. 


204 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 
TOBACCO AND SNUFF. 


All the adults are addicted to the use of tobacco, both for smoking 
and chewing and in the form of snuff, although it is not everyone 
that uses tobacco in all three ways. 

The plug tobacco, used for smoking and chewing, is carried in a 
small pouch of seal skin attached to the belt, which keeps it from being 
dampened by perspiration or rain. Watches are also carried in the 
same receptacle. Fig. 58 (No, 74485) is such a bag, made of hairy 
sealskin. The edges alone are trimmed with lighter colored strips of 
seal skin. A string holds the mouth of the bag together after it is 
rolled up. A loop at one corner enables the bearer to affix it to his 
belt when traveling to avoid the necessity of opening the bag in which 
he usually carries such small things. } 

Leaf tobacco is preferred for the preparation of snuff, but as this is 
not always to be had plug is often used. This is shredded up and 


Fia. 58. Tobacco pouch, 


dried, and when dry enough is reduced to a powder by inclosing a 
quantity in a fold of seal skin and pounding it with a stone or stick. 

Snuff is kept in a purse-shaped bag, closed at the mouth with a 
thong. To itis attached a little spoon made of ivory. Various forms 
of this implement are made. The general appearance is that of a com- 
mon spoon, of which the ends and sides of the bowl are cut off. At 
the end of the handle is a slight depression for containing the snuff, 
which is held firmly against the orifice of the nostril and inhaled by a 
sudden indrawing of the breath while the thumb of the other hand 
closes the opposite nostril. 

The old women appear more addicted to the use of snuff than any 
of the men. The effect of inhaling the strong snuff is quickly shown 
in the face. It seems to affect people more than the use of tobacco in 
any other way. 


‘TURNER. | MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION. DoD 


MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION, 


BY WATER. 


The principal means of conveyance by water with the Eskimo of 
Hudson strait, is the umiak, referred to by most writers as the woman’s 
boat. This appellation is not more applicable than would be the term 
family boat. The women use the boat alone only on rare occasions, and 
then in quiet water and for short distances. Men are nearly always in 
it, and under the guidance of one of these, the boat is used for long 
journeys. 

The form of the umiak, in the region under consideration, differs 
greatly from that of the Eskimo of Bering sea. (See Fig. 59, from a 
model.) 

The size of the boat is variable according to the means of the builder 
and the size of the family to be conveyed in it. The length of the keel 
is from 10 to 25 feet. Over all the length is 1 or 2 feet greater than on 
the keel. It will be thus seen that the ends are nearly perpendicular. 
It is difficult to determine at the first glance which is the bow and which 
the stern, so nearly alike are they. They only differ in the former be- 
ing somewhat wider at the upper edge or rail. 


Fig. 59. Eskimo umiak. 


The keel is a straight piece of wood hewed from a single stick, nearly 
4 inches square. ‘The stem and stern posts are nearly alike, the latter 
having but little slope, and are cut from curved or crooked stems of 
trees. A tree may be found, which, when hewed, will form the stern- 
post and keel in one length. Otherwise the fore and aft posts have 
places cut out for the insertion of the respective ends of the keel, and 
are fastened firmly by stout thongs of sealskin thrust through holes 
bored in the wood and ingeniously lashed. As the bottom of the 
umiak is flat the sides of the bottom are formed of square rails of suffi- 
cient length and given the desired spread. They are held at the ends 
by being joined to the keel. Crosspieces notched at the ends separate 
the bottom rails and are steadied in position by being notched so as 
to sit on the square keel. On the ends of the crosspieces is laid a sec- 
ond rail which prevents them from rising and serves -to strengthen the 
ends of the ribs, which are set alternately with the crosspieces of the 


236 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


keel. The ribs are attached to the lower or bottom rail by means of 
sealskin lashing. Along the upper ends of the ribs is placed a longer 
ra. of smaller diameter and usually shaved round. This rail is usually 
set half its diameter into rounded notches of the upper ends of the ribs 
and fastened by thongs. Within and below the top rail is a shorter rail, 
generally smaller than the upper, tied by thongs to the ribs and posts 
fore and aft. A wide board projecting several inches on each side of 
the stern serves as a seat for the steersman. The ends of the top rails 
are laid over this board and attached to it. A similar board is placed 
at the forward end or bow, but is, of course, longer as that end is the 
wider of the two. 

Three to five thwarts, serving as seats for the occupants, are placed 
at proper intervals, having their ends resting on the inside top rail. 
One of these thwarts also serves to steady the mast, which is stepped 
into the keel and lashed to the thwart. 

On the side of the boat and resting on the top rail are pieces of wood 
firmly lashed. A notch, or rowlock, is cut into them to serve as rests 
for the heavy oars. The oars are held into the notch by means of loops 
of stout thong, the ends of the loops passing each other, one from for- 
ward and the other from aft, and through both of the loop ends the in- 
ner end of the oar is thrust. The loops serve to hold the oar when not 
in use, otherwise it would float away; yet the position of them allows 
the oars to lie alongside in the water. The oars are heavy and as much as 
10 feet long for a large umiak. The women generally run the boat and 
are assisted by the younger men of the party who may not be walking 
along the shore. Two or more females sit side by side and if they be 
insufficient a third person faces them and assists in the labor. It is a 
favorite place for a young man with his sweetheart. The steersman 
sits on the after board and attends to the helm and sail when the latter 
isin use. The sail is a nearly square sheet of cloth spread by a yard 
across the top. The lower corners have each a rope which the helms- 
man holds. A fair wind only can be used to advantage as the oomiak, 
from its flat bottom, is unable to go to windward. With a breeze nearly 
aft they can be made to sail at a good speed. 

The covering of the umiak is made of skins of the largest seals. 
The skins are freed from hair and all adhering flesh and fat, and 
stretched to their utmost tension. 

They are then cut into the proper shape and sewed together. The 
edge of one skin overlaps that of the other and the lap is then tacked 
over the shorter edge and attached to the other skin so as to form two 
seams at each junction. 

Those portions which are to cover the bottom are sewed with special 
care, as the seams are liable to be strained in shoving the boat over the 
oars when it is taken from the water at each camp. When skins are 
sewed side to side in sufficient number to fit the lergth of the frame 


TURNER. ] MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION. 237 


they are lifted around it and temporarily placed in position. The 
superfluous portions are cut out or additional pieces put in until it 
fits properly on the frame. Holes, 3 or 4 inches apart, are cut in the 
edges of the skin and stout thongs are passed through these and oyer 
the top rail to the inner rail, All the strength of the individual is now 
applied to draw the skin over the top rail. Being wet it readily stretches, 
and when the entire covering is drawn sufficiently tight the lashing 
around the rail is permanently fastened. The boat is then turned keel 
up to dry. If the skin has been properly cut and stretched it sounds 
like a drum when struck. 

When in use the greatest care must be exercised to prevent contact 
with rocks, but in shallow water it frequently happens that a hole is 
cut in the skin of the boat, when the rent must be patched with a piece 
of skin. During the winter months the umiak is placed on staging of 
posts to protect it from the ravages of mice and other animals. 

Journeys of considerable length are undertaken in these boats. A 
large family, or two or more families, may remove to a distance to try 
their fortunes. They always stop at night and during bad weather, 
and the journey is accomplished by easy stages. All the portable 
possessions of the family are taken in these boats, which are often 
loaded to such a degree that the older people have to walk along the 
shores and only go into the umiak to relieve some one who desires to 
walk. Where the beach is good a tracking line is attached to the bow 
and those on shore drag the boat along. The dogs which accompany 
the party are sometimes harnessed and made to pull. The tracking 
line is called into requisition whenever a trip is made up ariver to the 
hunting grounds for reindeer. 

The kaiak or skin canoe used by the Eskimo of Hudson strait de- 
longs to the Greenland type. It is quite different from that used by 
the natives of Alaska. These boats vary from 18 to 26 feet in length; 
the greatest width, one-third of the distance aft the hole where the 
rower sits, being one-seventh to one-ninth of the entire length of the 
kaiak. The ends are sharp, the prow much more acute than the 
stern. The bottom is quite flat and the frame for the keel and sides 
at the bottom is arranged similarly to that of the umiak. The prow 
is simply an extension of the keel and slopes above the water to a 
height nearly double that of the stern. The slope of the stern is 
gradual and short. The side timbers at the bottom have the upper 
surface gouged so as to allow the lower ends of the nearly perpendicu- 
lar ribs to rest in the groove. The ribs extend across the bottom, rest- 
ing on the side timber and keel. Their upper ends are inserted in the 
upper rail, which extends the entire length of the kaiak. The upper 
rails are held apart by crosspieces of different lengths, according to 
position. On the top of these upper crosspieces is laid a piece which 
extends to the nose of the kaiak. <A similar, but shorter one, is laid 


238 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


from the hole where the rower sits to the stern of the kaiak. The hole 
for his body is placed between a pair of crossbars where the equilibrium 
will be best maintained. The hoop of wood which outlines the hole is 
variable in shape, but resembles half of a short ellipse, the posterior of 
which is slightly curved to fit the back of the rower. Just forward of 
the seat the upper surface of the canoe is somewhat elevated by the 
curvature of the crossbars, and it thus enables the rower to have 
greater freedom for his limbs than he otherwise would. This particu- 
lar part, the elevation just forward of him, alone resembles any portion 
of the kaiaks used by the Alaskan Eskimo, and of these, only the sub- 
tribes in the vicinity of Bering strait [and thence to Point Barrow.—zs. 
M.| have that part of the kaiak so fashioned, With that exception the 
top of the Hudson strait kaiak is flat on the top. Just forward of the 
hatch, two or three stout thongs are sewed to the outer edge of each 
side of the boat and extend across the top. A similar thong is placed 
behind. Under these thongs are placed the paddle, also the spears, 
and other hunting gear. Small game is sometimes tied to these. 

The outfit, consisting of spears and their appurtenances, properly be- 
longs with the kaiak. Of these implements, there are difterent kinds, 
depending on the game and the season of the year. As the kaiak is 
used only during the seasons of open water it is laid aside durimg the 
winter. 

I remember an instance occurring opposite Fort Chimo. <A kaiak 
had been left until the ice in the river was firm enough to enable the 
vessel to be brought over on it to the station. One day a woman de- 
clared that she could see a wolf tearing the skin from the frame. It 
was scarcely credited, but in the course of half an hour the wolf started 
across towards the post. It was met and showed some disposition to 
attack, but was shot. I watched to see where the men went to look at 
the kaiak, and when they reached the place I was astounded that the 
woman could discern even the kaiak at such a distance. 

The spear used for white whales and large seals consists of a wooden 
shaft of 6 or 8 feet in length, having a projection on the side, made of 
ivory and shaped like the fin of a fish. This fin-shaped piece rests 
against the forefinger, while the remainder of the hand grasps the 
shaft. The lower end of the shaft terminates in a piece of bone or ivory 
of 1 to 14 inches in diameter. (Fig. 67.) A socket is made in the end of 
the bone portion, and the wooden shaft is nicely fitted into it and fas- 
tened either by thongs or rivets. At the farther end of the bone head is 
a thimble-shaped hole gouged out, and into this a short piece of straight 
bone or ivory is fitted, having the ends so shaped that they will work 
smoothly into the hole at the end of the bone head of the spear. The 
farther end of this bone shaft is so shaped that it will work into the 
bone or ivory portion of the piece into which the spear point is fastened. 
The point is shown in the accompanying figure (Fig. 68) and is not 


. 


TURNER. ] THE KAIAK. 239 


much varied in general shape. There are two joints between the spear 
point and the bone shaft head. This enables the spear-point to be- 
come easily detached when the game is pierced. If this were not so, 
the bone or ivory would soon break with the violent motions of the 
animal, and the implement would be rendered useless until repaired. 
Thongs connect the various parts together, also connecting them with 
the main shaft of the spear. A long line, usually left lying in a coil 
just in front of the hunter, gives ample scope for play until the animal 
is exhausted. If the sea is rough or the hunter unable to cope with 
the quarry, the float, to be described below, is thrown over and the 
seal or whale allowed to take its course, the hunter following and en- 
deavoring to harass the animal as much as possible, giving it a stab 
with the hand spear whenever occasion offers. 

In addition to the whale or seal spear, the hand spear, float, and 
paddle, the kaiaker may have a wooden shaft, on the end of which are 
three prongs of barbed iron, each prong 8 to 10 inches long, and set in 
the form of a divergent trident. With this implement, small seals and 
the white-coated young are killed. Birds, too, are sometimes speared 
with this trident. 

The hand board, or implement with which certain spears are hurled, 
is a piece of wood of such shape that a descriptiou will give but little 
idea of its form. It is about 14 inches long, flat, and has a groove on one 
side into which the rear end of the spear shaft rests, and is supported 
by the three fingers of the hand while the index finger fits into a hole 
cut through the board, of the shape to accommodate that digit. The tip 
of the finger rests against the shaft of the spear. Other notches 
are cut along the side of the board to enable the three fingers to lie in 
position to give a firm grasp on the end or handle of the board. The 
thumb turns over so as to lie directly on the spear, to steady it, while 
the other fingers give the spear the necessary straight motion when 
the arm is drawn back and raised nearly perpendicularly. When it 
reaches that position the motion is arrested and the fingers release the 
implement held along the groove. The hand board or thrower is retained 
and the spear recovered if the object has not been struck. If the 
aim was good the spear remains attached to the struggling animal, 
and the hand board is quickly placed under one of the thongs stretched 
across the top of the kaiak. he paddle is held in the left hand and 
ready for instant use. 

The paddle is quite heavy and of variable length, having long, nar- 
row blades, which are alternately dipped into the water. The use of 
the paddle requires some practice before one becomes accustomed to if. 
When in use the paddle rests on the edge of the hoop, forming the 
rim of the hatch, and moves along it in the motion of propulsion. 

As the paddle dips into the water the dripping often causes the 
clothing to become wet. To obviate this, these people use a piece of 


240 {HE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


plaited rope or skin to slip nearly fo the beginning of the blade. This 
causes the dripping to fall outside of the kaiak; and in cold weather is 
very necessary, unless heavy mittens of tanned sealskin be worn. 

An implement used for hooking into the body of a sunken seal or 
whale is made in the following manner: A pieceof wood is prepared 
about 8 feet long and three-fourths of an inch thick, having a width of 
anineh and a half. The lower end of this hasa strong hook made of 
stout iron set intoit. Along the inner edge of the wooden shaft two 
or three notches are cut. The end near the person has a V-shaped 
notch cut into it. This is used for all the purposes of a boat hook, and 
also to retrieve a sunken animal. A weight is attached to near the 
hook end to keep the shaft perpendicular in the water. A line of suffi- 
cient length is attached to it. The hunter has marked the locality, and 
with the hook ‘‘feels” the bottom for the game. When found the hook 
is jerked into the skin and the object brought to the surface. The 
staff is very necessary while the kaiak is being moved through nar- 
row channels among the ice fields. It is, in fact, available in many in- 
stances where the paddle would, from its length, beuseless. The kaiak 
outfit would be incomplete without the hook. 

A young man starts out in life with a gun and ammunition with 
which to procure game. If he has the energy to become a successful 
hunter he will soon be able to make a kaiak, and thus procure the 
marine mammals whose skins will afford a covering for an umiak and 
in the course of time additional skins for a tent. These possessions 
usually come in the order Jaid down, and when they are all procured he 
is generally able to have others under his direction assist in transport- 
ing them from place to place; and thus he becomes the head of a gens 
or family, including his brothers and sisters with their husbands, 
wives, and children. These usually move in a body wherever the head 
may dictate, and all their possessions accompany them on the journey. 
Brothers often live together and own the tent and umiak, the re- 
mainder of the household affairs being considered as individual prop- 
erty and not to be used by all without permission. 

Some of the men are too improvident to prepare these skins when 
they have the opportunity, and thus they are unable to own a kaiak, 
which prevents them from providing themselves with the umiak and 
tent. These persons must live with others or dwell by themselves and 
pass a miserable existence, scarcely noticed by their fellows even dur- 
ing a season of abundance. 

The collection contains one full-sized kaiak, with all its fittings, and 
their models, including a toy kaiak cut froma walrus tusk. The model 
is just 9 inches long and quite perfect in form. The double-bladed 
paddle accompanying is made from the same material, and is six inches 
long. 


ON LAND. 


The universal means of transportation on land is the sled, drawn by 


TURNER. ] TRAVELING ON LAND. 241 


dogs. The number of dogs used to draw a sled varies according to 
the distance to be traveled, the character of the country, the condition 
of the animals, and the weight of the load to be drawn. From one to 
twenty dogs may be used. The common team for general purposes is 
seven or nine animals. 

The method of constructing sleds differs slightly in different parts of 
the region, and then only where the material may be difficult to obtain 
or a heavy sled may not be needed. A tree of a suitable size is 
selected, generally larch, because of its greater strength, although 
somewhat heavier than the spruce. 

It is necessary, for greater strength, that each runner be of a single 
piece of timber. The length of the runner is from 12 to 16 feet; the 
height varies from 10 to 12 inches. The piece mus; be as nearly free 
from knots and crossgrain as possible, for these defects render the 
wood very brittle during cold weather. The runners are roughly hewn 
at the place where originally cut, and, when needed, they are brought 
to the temporary camping place of the Eskimo, and there dressed with 
plane and saw to the required form. The bottom of the runner is 
usually 24 to 3 inches thick, gradually becoming thinner by one-half an 
iich to an inch toward the top. This enables the sled to make a wider 
track at the bottom and encounter less friction of the runner sides 
against the snow crust. The curve at the forward end is long and 
very gradual. There may be as much as 3 feet of the curved part, 
which rises above the level of the lower edge of the runner. This 
enables the sled to creep easily over any obstruction. Therunners are 
now placed parallel, separated by a distance of 14 to 16 inches, and on 
these are fastened crossbars 3 inches wide, of sufficient length to 
allow about an inch to project over the outer edge of each runner. 
Near the ends of these slats is cut a notch on each edge. Sometimes 
a hole is also bored through the slat between the notches. These are 
for the purpose of fastening the slats to the runners. A sufficient 
number having been prepared, and placed 1 or 2 inches apart, they are 
now laid on the flat top of the runner. Holes are bored through the 
top of the runner to correspond with the holes and notches of the slats. 
Through these and over the slats a stout piece of heavy sealskin line 
is threaded, and so on through and over the slats and runner until it is 
firmly fastened. The line must be well soaked in water to render it 
flexible and allow it to stretch, otherwise the joints where it was tied 
would soon work loose. The line shrinks while drying, and draws as 
tight as though made of the best iron. No metal is used, for the 
reason that it would snap as easily as chalk during cold weather. 
The use of the thongs in binding the slats to the runners allows free 
dom to the motion of the sled when passing over inequalities of sur- 
face, where a rigidity of the sled would soon cause it to break. The 
bottom of the runner is shod with iron brought by the traders for that 

11 ETH 16 


242 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


purpose. It is simply extra-wide hoop-iron and of a width to fit. It is 
fastened on with serews, the heads of which are countersunk. 

Another kind of shoe is put on when traveling in very cold weather. 
A swampy track is searched for soil of half-decomposed vegetation 
and pure humus, as nearly free from sand and gravel as possible. It 
must possess certain qualities or it may not have the requisite strength— 
much, I presume, as-mortar often requires to be tempered with more 
or less lime or sand when it is too rich or too poor. The Eskimo tem- 
pers his mortar with the almost impalpable soil found under the larger 
spreading trees of the forest. It is the slowly decomposed vegetation 
fallen from branches and trunks. The manner of preparing it is as 
follows: A large kettle is partially filled with the material and heated 
to the boiling poimt, being constantly stirred, and while yet cool 
enough all coarse sticks, grass blades, pebbles, ete., are carefully re- 
moved as the fingers discover them in working the mortar. The sled 
is turned over with the bottom of the runner up. The mud is now 
applied by the hands, a couple of pounds being taken and pressed on 
the runner, which has previously been wetted. This process of adding 
to the runner is continued until it attains an additional depth of 3 or 4 
inches and a width of 3 to 5 inches. It now resembles the rail of a 
stairway. When it has been thoroughly gone over to fill up any in- 
equalities the sled is set aside in order that the mud may freeze solid. 
The sled must be handled with care, as the least jar or jolt will break 
the “setting” mud. After it is frozen the owner takes a plane and 
planes it down to the proper shape and smoothness. It is somewhat 
difficult to describe the shape in words, unless it be compared to the 
upper part of the T rail of a railroad inverted—neither rounded nor flat, 
but so fashioned as to give the best bearing surface with the least 
friction. When the plane has finished its work the color of the mud 
is arich chestnut brown. The builder now takes water in his mouth 
and spirts it in a spray along the mud. As soon as the water touches 
the runner it must be spread evenly with a hand incased in a mitten of 
reindeer skin, rubbing back and forth until the runner looks like a bar 
of black glass. The sled is then ready for use. Great care is necessary 
to avoid rocks or stones, as these cut the polished mud and roughen it. 
If a sudden lurch causes a portion of the mud to drop out the piece is 
frozen on again by means of water, or if crumbled a piece of ice is cut 
to the shape and caused to adhere by water freezing it to the runner. 

It is not often that one may find a sled shod with bone, as is the 
custom with the Eskimo farther north, and especially farther west. 
The only instance where I have seen bone used was by some of the 
people from the western extremity of Hudson strait. These had only 
a portion of the curve and a part of the runner shod with bone and 
pieces of reindeer horn, secured to the runner by means of pegs. 

The greatest objection to the use of mud is that a few hours of 
warmth may cause it to loosen and render it worthless. The polish 


TURNER. | THE DOG SLED. 243 


suffers when traveling over rough ice, and especially where sand has 
drifted from some exposed bank to the surface of the snow. This 
causes very hard pulling, and soon roughens the running surface of the 
sled. To repair such damage the native stops, at a convenient place, 
to obtain water, which is spirted on the runner and rubbed evenly 
until it acquires a thickness of one-eighth of an inch. This coating of 
ice may last for the entire day of travel where the ‘‘roads” are good. 

The harness for the dogs consists of two large nooses, placed one 
above the other. These are joined by two perpendicular straps of 4 or 
5 inches in length at a sufficient distance from the end to allow the 
head of the dog to pass through so that one noose will lie along the 
back and the other between the forelegs. At the rear ends of the 
nooses is a long thong of the heaviest sealskin of variable length 
depending on the position or place the dog is to have in the team, 
The body harness is made of sealskin, with or without the hair on, 
stout canvas, or other material which may be convenient. Thin un- 
dressed sealskin makes the best harness, and is not so liable to chafe 
the neck of the animal. The trace attached to each dog is generally of 
stout sealskin thong cut three-eighths of an inch wide, and the corners 
are carefully pared until the trace in form resembles a hoop for a small 
keg. The trace varies from 10 to 30 feet in length, and is attached to 
a longer but much stouter thong of heavier sealskin or walrus hide 
prepared in the form described for the trace. The thong to which all 
of the traces of variable lengths are fastened is termed the “bridle.” 
The bridle has, usually, a piece of ivory, called “toggle,” at the end 
farthest from the sled. A few inches back of the toggle is a short 
piece of stout thong plaited in the bridle end. This thong has a slit 
cut in the farther end. It is passed through slits cut in the end of each 
trace and then looped on the toggle. It will now be understood that 
the traces all start from one place, but their different lengths give dif- 
ferent positions to the dogs of the team so that they may move freely 
ainong rough pieces of ice without interfering with each other. This 
has some advantages, but it necessitates watching the traces as they 
are liable to catch around any projection above the surface. 

The bridles are also of varying lengths, from 15 to 40 feet. The rear 
end has two stout thongs plaited into it, forming a loop for each thong. 
These are known as the ‘“‘ yoke,” and are looped over toggles, one on 
each inner side of the runner. 

Any load to be carried on the sled is usually placed so as not to pro- 
ject much over the side, for in deep snow, with a crust too weak to sup- 
port the weight, it would simply act as a drag and seriously impede 
travel if not entirely stop it. The load must also be distributed to the 
best advantage along the sled so as not to have too great a weight at 
either the front or rear, although generally a heavier portion is placed 
behind to allow the sled to steer or follow. The runners are so low 


244 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


that the sled seldom upsets unless the ice is very rough, in which case 
it often requires two men to attend to 1t, another to free the traces from 
obstructions, and a fourth to lead or drive the dogs. A smaller num- 
ber render traveling under such conditions very tedious, 

The driver is always armed with a whip (Fig. 60). There appear 
to be as many kinds of whips as there are individuals using them. 
Each whip characterizes, in a manner, the person who makes it. A 


Fic. 60. Dog whip. 


great amount of ingenuity is expended in preparing the lash, which is 
simply indescribable. The handle of the whip is from 9 to 11 inches in 
length and shaped somewhat like the handle of a sword without the 
guard. A stout loop of thong is affixed to the stoek above where the 
hand grasps it. This loop is thrown over the wrist to prevent the 
weight of the whip drawing the stock from the hand and also to retain 
the whip when it is allowed to trail behind. 

At the farther end of the stock a portion of the wood is cut out to 


TURNER. | MANAGEMENT OF DOG TEAM. 245 


allow the insertion of the end of the lash which is fastened by means 
of finer thongs. The butt end of the lash is five-sixteenths of an inch 
thick and nearly 2 inches wide. It is composed of eight heavy thongs 
plaited in a peculiar manner, depending on the number of thongs used 
and the fancy of the maker. The thongs are plaited by inserting the 
end of each thong through a succession of slits cut at the proper dis- 
tance and so matted together that it is difficult to determine the “run” 
of the thong. The size decreases from the handle by dropping out a 
strand until at 18 inches from the stock only four thongs are left, and 
these form a square plait for a foot in length. This square form is suc- 
ceeded by only two thongs which make a flat plait of 2 feet in length. 
At the end of this a simple piece of heavy thong completes the lash. 
The length of a whip may be as much as 35 feet, weighing 3 or 4 pounds. 
Some of the natives acquire a surprising dexterity with this formidable 
weapon, often being able to snip the ear of a particular dog at a distance 
of the length of the whip. I have known them to snap the head from 
a ptarmigan sitting along the path of the team. Children practice 
with the whip as soon as they can manage it. 

The Eskimo dog fears nothing but the whiplash. They attack each 
other with savage ferocity, and several dogs may be engaged in ter- 
rific battles, yet the swish of a whip or even a stick thrown hurtling 
through the air is sufficient to cause them to slink off in abject terror, 
whining piteously in fear of the expected lash. 

The weight or load put upon a sled mray be as much as 1,200 pounds. 
The character of the road alone determines the weight, number of 
dogs, and rate of travel. The latter may average over a smooth sur- 
face 5 miles hourly for twelve hours continuously, excluding the few min- 
utes given the dogs to “blow” (rest), ete. I knew an instance where 
three men with empty sled and seven dogs traveled 94 miles in eighteen 
hours. I have gone 19 miles in three hours; and again I have known 
only 3 or 4 miles to be made in ten hours, through rough ice or deep, 
newly fallen snow. 

The disposition and condition of the dogs chiefly determines the num- 
ber attached to the sled. With these animals there is the same differ- 
ence as is to be found in horses or other beasts of draft. Some are 
energetic and well-behaved; others as stubborn or lazy as is possible. 
Strange dogs in the team are liable to be pitched upon by all the others 
and with the long traces ensues such an entanglement of lines, dogs, 
and flying snow as is difficult to conceive. The good qualities of the 
dyiver are manifested by his ability in keeping the dogs in order and 
showing promptness in separating them when quarreling. Fighting 
among the dogs can always be prevented by the driver keeping the 
dogs in proper position. 


246 


THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


WEAPONS AND OTHER HUNTING IMPLEMENTS. 


These people are now provided with firearms, which have entirely 
superseded the bow and arrow. 

The bow formerly used in this region appears to have been similar 
to the one obtained from a party of East Main Innuit, who made their 


Fic. 61.—Bow. East Main Eskimo (back). 


Fic. 62.—Bow. East Main Eskimo (side). 


way to Fort Chimo. This bow has accord- 
ingly been figured and described (Figs. 61 
and 62—90137). 

It.is made of larch wood and has a back- 
ing of eight double strands of twisted sinew. 
This sinew is in one piece sixteen times the 
length of the bow. One end is looped and 
passed over one “nock” of the bow and ear- 
ried back and forth from nock to nock eight 
times. This backing has two turns of twist 
put in from the middle to increase its elas- 
ticity, and is lashed to the middle of the bow 
with a stout thong of reindeer skin. The 
bowstring is of twisted sinew with a loop at 
each end. 

With this bow were seven arrows. Three 
of these are for shooting reindeer and wolves. 
They have an iron point set in a short fore- 
shaft of reindeer antler, and a wooden shaft 
about 16 inches long (Fig. 63). Three more 
are pointed with large nails, one of which 
has been beaten to a chisel-shaped point 
(Figs. 64 and 65), They are intended for 
large game at short range, or for small 
game, such as hares and ptarmigan. These 
six arrows are feathered with the tail feath- 
ers of the raven. The last arrow is a sim- 
ple shaft, without feathering or head, and is 
intended for small game, such as a wood 
hare crouching under a spruce tree, or the 
little red squirrel on the top of a low tree. 

In drawing the bow, the Innuit invariably 
hold the arrow between the middle two fin- 
gers of the right hand, and the string is 
drawn with all four fingers, and released by 
straightening them. 

The bow and arrows are carried in bow 
case and quiver fastened together and slung 


on the back. Fig. 66 represents a model (No. 3257) of such a bow case. 
The bow case is made of buckskin and is of sufficient length to con- 


TURNER.] HUNTING IMPLEMENTS. 247 


tain the bow, excepting the extreme end, which is left projecting for 
convenience in handling. The case is tied around the bow at th 
projecting end. The quiver is attached to 
the bow case and contains two models of ar- 
rows for shooting large game. The arrows 
are tipped with leaf-shaped pieces of tin. 
They are feathered with portions of feathers 
apparently taken from the tail of a raven. 
The mouth of the quiver is also drawn up 
with astring to prevent the loss of arrows. 
I have not seen the Eskimo of Hudson strait 
use such a cover for their bows and arrows, 
but the opportunities to observe them are 
very limited, as few are used. I am led to 
conclude that only the poorer individuals of 
either locality have the bow and arrow at 
the present day. 

I have already described the large harpoon 
used for striking white whales and large seals 
from the kaiak. A short-head spear (Fig 67, 
No. 90164) is used for dispatching wounded 
seals or white whales, or for killing white 
whales when they have been driven into a 
shallow arm of the sea when the tide ebbs 
and leaves them partly uncovered. It has a 
short wooden shaft with a ferrule of ivory, 
holding a short ivory loose shaft, kept in place 
by thongs, on which is mounted a toggle head 
like that used on the big harpoon, The line 
is either attached to the kaiak or to a small 
float made of the inflated intestine or skin of 
aseal. The toggle heads for these spears are 
made of ivory, and fitted with iron blades 
(Fig. 68). I have already referred to the 
large sealskin float in describing the kaiak. 

Fig. 69 (No, 3551) is such a large sealskin 
float or 4 va tuk. The skin is removed from 
the body by skinning around the gums and 
carefully taking out all the flesh and bones 
through this orifice. As the operation pro- 
ceeds the skin is turned back and at the 
completion of the work is inside out. The 
flesh side, now the exterior, is carefully 
scraped to free it from all fleshy matter. The 
hind flippers are cut off at the ankle and the 
skin either sewed or stoutly wrapped with yes. 63, 64, and 65.—Arrows. East 
thong. The fore flippers are usually left at- Main Eskimo. 


A 
: 
iE 
ry 


= 


SRSie\SuHe 


—————_ 


=U 


248 


THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


tached to the skin after the flésh has been scraped from them. The 
skin is now inflated with air and hung up to dry. Ina few hours it 


Fic. 66. Bow case. 
East Main Eskimo. 


is turned with the hairy side out and again inflated 
for awhile. The mouth and all other openings in the 
skin are carefully sewed up. A large button of ivory, 
shaped much like a pulley, nearly 2 inches in diame- 
ter, is put where the mouth of the skin is and a por- 
tion of the skin carefully wrapped around it, thongs 
of sealskin tightening the moist skin in the groove of 
the mouthpiece. This piece has a hole about one-third 
of an inch in diameter bored through it. The hind 
flippers and tail have a stick of 2 or 3 inches in length 
placed within the skin and are then firmly bound 
around the stick, which serves to stop up any hole and 
also to furnish a handle by which to drag or hold the 
float. The hole in the mouth-piece is plugged with a 
stopper of wood. When the float is wanted for use 
the skin is inflated. When inflated the float has a 
diameter about two-thirds the length. If it is to be 
attached to a tracking line the float is fastened by 
the stick, which is secured within the skin of the 
hind flippers and dragged backwards. The function 
of the float in this instance is to prevent the tracking 
line from becoming “fouled” among the rocks and 
stones of the beach along which the line runs in tow- 
ing a boat (or umiak). In a similar manner it is 
affixed to the harpoon line used for large marine 
mammals, such as the white whale and the larger 
species of seals. This float not only retards the flight 
of the speared animal, but it serves to mark the spot 
where it sinks, for at certain seasons the seals sink 
as soon as they die. A speared animal always sinks 
more quickly than one shot dead with a ball, probably 
because its struggles are more prolonged in the first 
instance and exhaustion of breath is more complete. 
The hair of the animal whose skin is intended fora 
float is sometimes scraped off before the skin is re. 
moved from the body, otherwise it may be left until 
the skin is partly dry and then be shaved off. The 
manner of loosening the hair is similar to that used 
by butchers of hogs, only that the boiling water is 
poured on and a small patch of hair pulled off at a 


time, instead of submerging the entire animal. The hair from the green 
skin must be carefully pulled out or else the black seurf adhering will 
be detached and thus render the skin less nearly waterproof. 

The skins or bags used for holding oil and fat are prepared in a sim- 


TURNER. ] HUNTING. 249 


ilar manner, excepting that the hair is left on the skin and the hairy 
side left within. The oil and fat are putin the skin at the posterior end 
and it is then tied up like a float. The ; 
largest sealskins are used for oilbags, 
and may contain as much as 300 pounds 
of fat or oil. 

When a sack of oil is sold the bag is 
usually returned to the seller, who again 
fills it with oil or converts the skin into 
bootlegs or soles. The leather having 
become thoroughly impregnated with 
the oil makes the best for wear, often 
resisting moisture for three or four 
days of continuous wet. 

Before leaving the subject of weap- 
ons and their accessories, | may men- 
tion No. 3069, a small pouch made of 
thick sealskin. The shape is somewhat 
like that of a leg of mutton. This is 
used for carrying gun caps. The neck 
is only large enough to permit one cap 
to fall out at a time. 


HUNTING. 


Fig. 67.Hand spear for killing seals from 
kaiak; Koksoak. 


T have already referred briefly to the 
various methods of taking seals, white whales, and other game, while 
describing the boats, spears, and other apparatus used in their pursuit. 

The most important hunt of the year, however, comes in the autumn, 
when the reindeer are migrating in large herds and crossing the rivers. 
The deer are wanted now for their flesh for food and their skins for 
clothing. Everything necessary for the chase is taken in the umiak, 
or, perhaps, a whaleboat, to a locality convenient to where the animals 
cross over. Here the tent is pitched, and a camp is made. The hunt- 
ers scour the neighboring land for herds of reindeer, which are seen 
running about under the impulse to seek the opposite sex. As they 
arrive from different directions, those of one sex must cross the river. 
Since the females furnish the lighter skins for clothing, and the males 
the greater amount of meat and a heavier skin for various purposes, 
deer of both sexes are equally useful. 

A band of three or four, or as many as a hundred, may be sighted 
slowly winding their way through the openings of the timbered areas 
on the opposite side of the river. The native with telescope, or binocular 
in focus, observes their movements until they pause a moment on the 
bank and then plunge quickly into the water, where they keep well 
together until the opposite shore is r sached. Here, if undisturbed, 
they will stand to allow the water to drip from their bodies, and then 
will walk slowly along to a convenient place to climb the bank and 


250 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


penetrate the strip of woods or bushes and emerge into the open coun- 
try beyond. As soon as the native sees the deer everything is put in 
readiness on the kaiak, and with 
quick strokes of the double-bladed 
paddle he is behind and below the 
now terrified animals. They rear 
and plunge in frantie confusion, 
endeavoring to escape their most 
dreaded foe. The hunter calmly 
drives the herd through the water 
as the shepherd does his flock on 
land. Those disposed to break 
away are rounded up and driven 
back. The greatest care must be 
exercised not to let the animals 
get below the kaiak, or they will 
swim faster with the stream than 
the hunter can paddle. As there 
are, generally, two or more kaiaks, 
itis an easy matter for the men 
to drive the animals wherever 
they desire. When the camp is 
above, the deer are driven diag- 
onally across so as to make them 
come out near the camp. If the 
site is below, the animals are 
allowed to drop down to a con- 
venient place. These maneuvers 
depend on the wind, as the sense 
of smell of the deer is very acute 
at this season, and the scent of the camp, if detected, would throw the 
animals into such terror that the greater number would escape. 


Fig 68.—Togglehead for hand spear. 


Fic. 69.—Sealskin float. 


When near the place the hunter takes his deer spear, which is exactly 
like the one used by the Indians, and quietly stabs the animal in a 


TURNER. ] HUNTING DEER. Zoi! 


vital spot, endeavoring so to wound the beast that it will have only 
enough strength to enable it to attain the shallow water or shore, and 
not to wander off. Among the hundreds of times I have had the 
opportunity to witness this, I never knew a deer wounded with the 
spear to turn back to swim in the direction from which it came. They 
appear to dread the water, and strive most frantically to regain the 
land where, if mortally wounded, they stand; the limbs gradually 
diverging to sustain their trembling body; the eyes gazing piteously 
at the foe, who often mocks their dying struggles, or pitches a stone 
at their quivering legs to make them fall. A convulsive struggle as 
the blood fills the internal cavity, a sudden pitch, and the life is gone 
without sigh or groan. As many of the herd as can be speared are 
quickly dispatched and the entire number secured if possible. It is 
supposed that the ones which return to the shore whence they came 
give the alarm and frighten other arrivals away from the starting 
point. The hunters strive to prevent their return, and will often allow 
two, near the camp, to escape in order to pursue the retreating animal. 

Those which have been killed and are lying in the water are dragged 
on land and skinned. The pelt is taken off as that of a beef is when 
skinned by a butcher. The ears and the skin of the head are left on. 
The body is opened and the viscera are removed. The intestines are 
freed from the fat; the stomach is cleansed of the greater portion of its 
contents, and the blood which collected within the cavity is scooped up 
with the hands and ladled into that receptacle; and both are reserved 
for food. The heart and liver are taken to the camp, where they help 
to form a variety in the animal food of these people. Other portions of 
the flesh are also consumed. The sinew, which lies along the lumbar 
region just below the superficial muscles, is exposed by a cut, and with 
the point of a knife or tip of the finger loosened from its adherent flesh. 
One end, usually the forward end, is detached and a stout thong tied to 
it, and it is jerked from its attachment by a vigorous pull. It requires 
a strong person to remove this tendon from the body of a lean animal. 
A stroke of the knife frees the wide layer of sinew from blood and 
particles of flesh. This is now laid aside for awhile, then washed to 
free it from the blood, which would stain it dark in color and also tend 
to diminish the strength of the fibers by rotting them. It is now spread 
out and allowed to dry. The body is cut across the small of the back 
and laid aside. The head is severed from the neck and discarded if 
there be no portion of the horns which is needed to serve some purpose, 
such as a handle for a knife or other tool. If the head be that of a 
young deer it is often taken to the camp and put into a pot and boiled 
in the condition in which it comes from the field. When cooked for a 
long time it becomes very soft; the muscles of the jaw being reduced 
to a semigelatinous condition, which makes an ‘excellent article of 
food. 

The tongue is invariably taken out entire, and is considered the 


252 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


greatest delicacy, either frozen, raw or cooked, or dried and smoked. 
In fact a tongue from the reindeer is good at any time or condition. 

The hindquarters are seldom separated, but are placed within the 
thoracic cavity, and either cached near the scene of slaughter or placed 
on the kaiak and taken to aspot where others are deposited from which 
supplies may be taken when the food for the winter is required. 

Here and there along the bank will be placed the body of a single 
deer, sometimes two or three, which have been killed too far from the 
present camp for the hunter to bring them home. These spots are 
marked or remembered by some visible surrounding, lest the deep 
snows of winter obscure the locality, and often the place can not be 
found when wanted. The cache in which the flesh is deposited is 
simply a few stones or bowlders laid on the ground and the meat put 
upon them. A rude sort of wall is made by piling stones upon the 
meat until it is hidden from the ravages of ravens, gulls, foxes, wolves, 
and the detested wolverine. 

As soon as the hunter considers that the deer of that particular 
locality have ceased to cross, he will repair to another station and go 
through the same process. The deer which are first slain, when the 
hunting season arrives, and the weather is still so warm that the flies 
and decomposition ruin the meat, are reserved for supplies of dog food. 


MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS. 


I have already, in the earlier pages of this paper, referred to various 
tools and implements. 

In addition to these, the Koksoagmyut have comparatively few tools. 

In former ages stone and ivory were fashioned into crude implements 
for the purposes which are now better and more quickly served by in- 
struments of iron or steel. 

These people have now been so long in more or less direct contact 
with traders who have supplied them with these necessaries that it is 
rare to find one of the knives used in former times. Certain operations, 
however, are even to this day better performed with a knife made of 
ivory. The ice from the kaiak bottom or the sides of the boat may 
best be removed by means of an ivory knife, resembling a snow knife 
but shorter. The steel knife is always kept sharp and if so used would, 
on the unyielding, frozen skin-covering of those vessels, quickly eut a 
hole. The Eskimo living remote from the trading stations use a snow 
knife made from the tusk of a walrus or the main stem of the reindeer 
antler. 

That steel or iron is deemed an improvement on the former materiais 
from which cutting instruments were made is shown by the crude 
means now employed. If the person has not a knife an unused spear- 
head, having an iron point, is often employed instead for skinning ani- 
mals and dressing the skins. 

Stone heads for weapons of all kinds have been discarded. Ivory 

\ 


TURNER. ] MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS. 253 


spears are at times used but these only when the hunter is close to the 
prey. 

Some of the men have acquired considerable skill in fashioning iron 

into the required shape. They eagerly stand around anyone who may 
be at work, and evince the greatest curiosity in anything 
new. - 
The collection contains two of the snow knives referred 
to above. No. 3067 is a large snow knife, made from the 
lower portion of the main stem of the horn of the male rein- 
deer. Itis simply half of the split horn with the middle 
scooped out. The length is 12 inches. This form of instru- 
ment is used more especially to smooth down the inequali- 
ties of the blocks of snow after being placed in position. 
No. 3140 (Fig. 70) is a large snow knife made 
of walrus ivory. It is 13 inches long and 
nearly 2 inches wide for the greater part of 
the blade, which terminates in a rounded 
point. The instrument has two edges, and in 
general appearances resembles a double-edged 
Roman sword. The handle is cut to fit to the 
hand. 

Among other peculiar implements collected 
is one represented in Fig. 71 (No. 3555), which 
is a “back-scratcher.” This instrument con- 
sists of a shaft made from a limb of a larch 
tree. Itis 17 inches long and about three- 
fourths of an inch through, flattened to less 
than half an inch and tapering toward the 
end to be heldin the hand. On the lower end 
is adish-shaped piece of reinder horn, two and 

one-eighth inches long and seven-eighths of 
ecu an inch wide. Through the center of the 

Koksoasmyut. niece of horn an oblong hole has been eut for 
the insertion of the shaft or handle. The edges of the 
horn piece are sharp aS can be made. This piece is one- 
third of an inch thick, and having the sharp edge up is 
convenient for thrusting down the back to seratch one’s 
self in places where the hand could not reach on account 
of thick deerskin clothing. The Eskimo name of the in- 
strument is ku-mé-u-tik, or that which removes lice. 

The steel needles obtained from the traders are kept in : 

a little ivory receptacle of various shapes, two of which ‘tence Khe 
are shown in Figs. 72 and 73. Sachi 

This is hollow and filled with any sphagnum moss. One end is per- 
manently closed by a wooden or ivory plug, held in by little pegs. The 
plug in the other end is easily taken out. The needle case is usually 


254. THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


pierced to receive a loop by which it may be hung to the belt or the 
workbag. 
Needles are also kept in a kind of small cushion (Fig. 74) made of 


Fic. 72._Ivory needle case. Fig. 73.—- Ivory needle case. 


Koksoagmyut. Koksoagmyut. 


sealskin, elaborately ornamented with beads and stuffed with sphagnum 
moss. The cushion is perforated around the edge to receive the needles, 
which would not easily go 
through the tough skin. 

Accompanying one of 
these needle cushions in 
the collection is one of 
the old-fashioned thim- 
bles such asare stillused, 
although metal thimbles 
are preferred, It is sim- 
ply a strip of sealskin 
sewed into a ring large 
enough to fit the forefin- 
ger, and is usually at- 
tached to the needle 
cushion by a thong with an ivory toggle on the end, to prevent the 
thimble from slipping off. 

Small articles used in sewing, such as scraps of skin, needle cases, 
sinew thread, thimbles, etc., are carried in sma'l bags of deerskin, which 
are often elaborately ornamented with beads of various colors, like the 
specimen in the collection, No. 3047. 


Fic. 74.—Sealskin needle cushion, with thimble. Koksoagmyut. 


AMUSEMENTS. 


Notwithstanding the fact that these people have had their lot cast 
upon the frozen shores of the sea, they appear happy and contented 
and loath to leave the land of their birth. Although it is a constant 


TURNER.] AMUSEMENTS. 255 


struggle amidst the terrible storms of a region where for eight months 
in the year the soil is frozen and the few warm days of summer bring 
forth a scanty vegetation, yet so strong is their love for these inhos- 
pitable shores that the absent pine for a return and soon lose their hold 
on life if they are not able to do so. 

During the intervals between the hunts and when food is still plen- 
tiful, the Eskimo divert themselves with games of various kinds of their 
own. They are also quick to adopt other games which require outdoor 
exercise. ° 

Football calls out everybody, from the aged and bent mother of a 
numerous family to the toddling youngster scarcely able to do more than 
waddle under the burden of his heavy deerskin clothes. Wrestling 
among the men is indulged in for hours at a time. The opponents 
remove all their superfluous garments, seize each other around the 
waist and lock hands behind each other’s backs. The feet are spread 
widely apart and each endeavors to draw, by the strength of the arms 
alone, the back of his opponent into a curve and thus bring him off his 
feet. Then with a lift he is quickly thrown flat on his back. The fall 
must be such that the head touches the ground. Where the contestants 
are nearly matched the struggle may continue so long that one of them 
gives up from exhaustion. The feet are never used for tripping. Such 
a procedure would soon cause the witnesses to stop the struggle. 

The Eskimo and Indians often engage in comparative tests of their 
strength in wrestling. The Eskimo prove the better men in these 
engagements. Throwing stones at a mark is a sport for the younger 
men, some of whom acquire surprising dexterity. 

If a pack of playing-cards can be obtained they engage in games 
which they have learned from the white people and teach each other. 
Small stakes are laid on the result of the game. The women appear to 
exhibit a greater passion for gambling than the men do. They will 
wager the last article of clothing on their persons till the loser appears 
in a nude condition before spectators. Then the winner will usually 
return at least a part of the clothing, with an injunction to play more 
and lose less. 

The young girls often play the game of taking an object and secret- 
ing it within the closed hand. Another is called upon to guess the con- 
tents. She makes inquiries as to the size, color, ete., of the object. 
From the answers she gradually guesses what the thing is. 

A favorite game, something like cup and ball, is played with the 
following implements: A piece of ivory is shaped into the form of an 
elongate cone and has two deep notches or steps cut from one side 
(Fig. 75). In the one next the base are bored a number of small holes 
and one or two holes in the upper step. The apex has a single hole. 
On the opposite side of the base two holes are made obliquely, that they 
will meet, and through them is threaded a short piece of thong. To 
the other end of the thong is attached a peg of ivory, about 4 inches 


256 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


long. The game is that the person holding the plaything shall, by a 
dextrous swing of the ball, catch it upon the ivory peg held in the hand. 
The person engages to catch it a certain number of times in succession, 
and on failure to 
do so allows the 
opponent to try her 
skill. The skull of 
a hare is often sub- 
stituted for the 
ivory “ball,” anda 
few perforations 
are made in the 
walls of the skull 

Fic. 75.—Cup and ball. Koksoagmyut. to receive the peg. 
It requires a great amount of practice to catch the ball, as the string is 
so short that one must be quick to thrust the peg in before it describes 
the part of a small circle. 

The children sometimes use a stick or other sharp-pointed instrument 
to make a series of straight lines in the newly fallen snow and at the 
same time repeat certain gibberish. This was at first very confusing 
to me, but a woman repeated the words 
and I guessed from her description 
where the idea sprang from. 

These people had heard of the teach- 
ings of the Labrador missionaries (Mo- 
ravians), all of whom are Germans, 
and as the Eskimo of that coast use 
the German numerals in preference to 
their own, the natives of that region 
have at some time repeated the names 
of those numerals to certain of the 
Hudson strait people and they have | 
taught each other. 

The names of the German numerals 
as sounded by the Koksoagmyut are 
as follows. The numbers are one to 
fifteen, consecutively: 

Aii; chu vaii; ta 14ii; pi a’ la; pi 
li pi; tsék si; tsé pa; 4k ta; ndina; 
tsé na; di lu pik; chu vailu puk; ta 
lak si na; pi ik’ sina, and pi lip’ si na. iS 

I have already referred to the game —_—*F1G-76.—Foothail and driver. 1S 
of football as played by these people. 

Fig. 76 represents the football (No. 3070) and the whip for driving 
it. The Eskimo are very fond of this game. All the people of every 
age, from the toddling infant to the aged female with bended back, love 


TURNER. | GAMES, 257 


to urge the ai uk totk, as the ball is termed. The size of the ball 
varies from 3 to 7 inches in diameter. They have not yet arrived 
at perfection in making a spherical form for the ball, but it is often 
an apple shape. It is made by taking a piece of buckskin, or 
sealskin, and cutting it into a circular form, then gathering the 
edges and stuffing the cavity with dry moss or feathers. A cireular 
piece of skin is then inserted to fill the space which is left by the incom- 
plete gatherings. This ball is very light and is driven either by a blow 
from the foot or else by a whip of peculiar construction. This whip 
consists of a handle of wood 8 to 12 inches in length. To prevent it 
from slipping out of the hand when the blow is struck, a stout thong 
of sealskin is made into the form of a long loop which is passed over 
the hand and tightens around the wrist. To the farther end of the 
whip handleare at- 
tached a number 
of stout thongs of 
heavy  sealskin. 
These thongs have 
their ends tied 
around the handle 
and thus form a 
number of loops of 
12 to 20 inches in 
length. These are 
then tied together 
at the bottom in 
order to give them 
greater weight Fic. 77.—Dominoes. Hudson Strait Eskimo. 

when the ball is struck by them. A lusty Eskimo will often send the 
ball over a hundred yards through the air with such force as to knock 
a person down. 

At Fort Chimo the game is played during the late winter afternoons 
when the temperature is 30° or 40° below zero. It is exciting and 
vigorous play where a large crowd joins in the game. 

Sometimes the ball is in the form of two irregular hemispheres joined 
together, making a sphere which can be rolled only in a certain di- 
rection. It is very awkward and produces much confusion by its 
erratic course. Nos. 3461, 3287, and 3460 are footballs of the pattern 
first described. 

The Innuit who come from the western end of Hudson strait, the so- 
called ‘“‘Northerners,” have a game which they play with sets of pieces 
of ivory cut into irregular shapes, and marked on one face with spots 
arranged in different patterns (Fig. 77). The number of pieces in a set 
varies from 60 to 148. The name of the set is A ma zu’ a lat, and 
somewhat resembles our game of dominoes. 

The game is played in the following manner: Two or more persons, 


11 ETH——17 


258 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


according to the number of pieces in the set, sit down and pile the 
pieces before them. One of the players mixes the pieces together in 
plain view of the others. When this is done he calls them to take the 
pieces. Each person endeavors to obtain a 
half or third of the number if there be two 
or three players. The one who mixed up the 
pieces lays down a piece and ealls his oppo- 
nent to match 1t with a piece having a simi- 
lar design. If this can not be done by any 
of the players the first has to match it and 
the game continues until one of the persons 
has exhausted all of the pieces taken by him. 
The pieces are designed in pairs, having 
names such as Ka mit tik (sled), Kaiak (ca- 
noe), Kalé sak (navel), A ma zut (many), a 
tatt sik (1), Ma kok (2), Ping a sut (3), Si ta 
mit (4), and Ta li mat (5). Each of the 
names above must be matched with a piece 
of similar kind, although the other end of the 
piece may be of a dif- 
erent design. A Kam- 
utik may be matched 
with an Amazut if 
the latter has not a 
line or bar cut across 
it; if it has the bar it ¥¢ 
must be matched with 
an Amazut. 

This game is known 
to the people of the Ungava district, but those 
only who have learned it from the Northerners 
are able to play it. The northern Eskimo stake 
the last article they possess on the issue of the 
game. Their wives are disposed of temporarily, 
and often are totally relinquished to the victor. 
I have heard that the wives so disposed of often 
sit down and win themselves back to their former 
owners. 

The little girls play with dolls like civilized 
children, and build little snow huts, where they 
have all their playthings and play at keeping 
house. The collection contains eleven dolls, most te’ 
of them elaborately and accurately dressed, as Fre.79.—Eskimo doll, woman. 
shown by the illustratious (Figs. 78, 79, 80, 81) and large quantities of 
doll clothing. ' 

The only musical instrument which I observed among tnese people 


mI LL 


Fa, 78.—Eskimo doll, man. 


TURNER. ] ART. 259 


was a violin of their own manufacture, made, of course, in imitation 
of those they had seen used by the whites. Its form is sufficiently 
well shown by the figure (Fig. 82), and is 
made of bireh or spruce, and the two 
strings are of coarse, loosely twisted sinew. 
The bow has a strip of whalebone in place 
of horsehair, and is resined with spruce 
gum. This fiddle is held across the lap 
when played. 

The old woman of 
whom I procured the 
instrument was able to 
play several airs—such 
as they sing among 
themselves. I was sur- 
prised at the facility 
with which she made 
the various notes on 
such a crude initation 
of a violin. 


ART. 


Art is but slightly 
developed among these 
people. Their weapons 
and other implements 
are never adorned with 
carvings of animals 
and other natural ob- 

Fig: 80.—Eskimo doll, jects or with conven- 

Mea tional patterns, as is 
the case in so great a degree among the Eskimo of Alaska. They are, 
however, not devoid of artistic skill, as is shown by the good taste 


Fic. 81.—Eskimo doll, woman. 


Fic. 82.—Eskimo violin. 


often exhibited in the trimming of their garments, and also by the dolls, 
which I have already referred to and figured. 


260 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The collection also contains ‘seyeral small ivory carvings, which 
possess considerable artistic merit. Among these, the small ob- 
jects, (Fig. 83), collected from 
the so-called Northerners, rep- 
resent various waterfowl cut from 
pieces of walrus ivory. The vari- 
ous species thus carved are loons, 
ducks, geese, sea pigeons, and 
murres. One represents a female 
eider with two young mounted 
upon her back. It is readily 
discerned, in most instances, 
what position and action of the 
bird was intended to be repre- 
sented. The last shows in the 
plainest possible manner that 
the loon is just starting to swim 
from an object which has given 
it alarm. 

These carvings are fashioned 
from the tusks of the walrus or 
the teeth of various large mam- 
mals, and are simply tests of the 
skill of the worker, who prepares 
them as toys for the children. 
Notwithstanding the assertions 
of others, who claim to have 

Fig. 83.—Birds carved in ivory, knowledge of it, I must state 
that on no oceasion have I seen or heard, while among these people, of 
these objects being used in any game. 

In addition to these we have a very 
artistic figure of a pular bear, and 
two human figures, 1? inches long 
(Fig. 84), representing tattooed wo- 
men, and two carvings representing 
bags of oil. 


STORY-TELLING AND FOLK LORE. 


Like all other Eskimo, the Kok- 
soagmyut are exceedingly fond of 
story-telling. Sitting in the hut, en- 
gaged in their evening work, the old 
men tell what they have seen and 

Fic. §4.—Human figure, carved inivory. heard. The old women relate the his- 
tory of the people of former days, depending entirely on memory, often 
interspersed with recitations apparently foreign to the thread of the 


TURNER.} FOLK LORE. 261 


legend. The younger members sit with staring eyes and countenances 
which show their wondering interest in the narration. Far into the 
night the droning tone of her voice continues reciting the events of the 
past until one by one the listeners drowsily drop to sleep in the posi- 
tion they last assumed. 

Iwas fortunately able to collect a number of these ancient legendary 
stories, some of them of considerable length. 

Ovigin of the Innuit—A man was created from nothing. It was 
summer and he journeyed until he found a woman in another land. 
The two became man and wife, and from them sprang all the people 
dwelling there. [It is extremely difficult to get the native to go beyond 
the immediate vicinity in which he lives while relating these stories 
and legends. They invariably maintain that it was “here” that the 
event took place. | ; : 

The Coming of the White People—The Eskimo were on the verge of 
starvation and had eaten nearly all their food. They saw that in a few 
more days death would come. The greatest Tungaksoak or great 
Tung ak determined to bring relief and prophesied that people having 
light hair and white skins would come in an immense timiak. He 
placed a young puppy on a chip aud another on an old sealskin boot, 
and set them adrift on the water. The puppies drifted in different 
directions, and in the course of time the one on the chip returned and 
brought with it the Indians. A long time after that, when the people 
had nearly forgotten the other puppy, a strange white object like an 
iceberg came directly toward the shore. In a few moments the puppy, 
now aman, announced that the people had come with many curious 
things in their vessel. The man immediately became a dog. 

Origin of living things on the earth and in the water—A long time ago 
aman who was cutting down a tree observed that the chips continued 
in motion as they fell from the blows. Those that fell into the water 
became the inhabitants of the water. Those that fell on the land be- 
came the various animals and in time were made the food of mankind. 
(This was the version given me by a person living at Fort Chimo.) 
Another person from farther west gave the following account of the ori- 
gin of the living things of the earth: Previous to a time when water 
covered the earth the people lived on such food as they could always 
find prepared for them in abundance. They did not know of any ani- 
mals at that time on the land or in the water. The water finally went 
away and the seaweeds became trees, shrubs, bushes, and grass. The 
long seaweeds were the trees and the smaller kinds became the bushes 
and grass. The grass, however, was in some manner put in various 
places by a walrus at a later date than the appearance of the trees. 

A woman who had lost her husband lived among strangers. As they 
desired to change the place of their habitation, they resolved to journey 
to another point of land at a distance. The woman who was depending 
on charity had become a burden of which they wished to rid themselves. 


262 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


So they put all their belongings into the umiak and when they were 
on the way they seized the woman and cast her overboard. She strug- 
gled to regain the side of the boat, and when she seized it, the others eut 
off her fingers which fell into the water and changed to seals, walrus, 
whales, and white bears. The woman in her despair, screamed her de- 
termination to have revenge for the cruelty perpetrated upon her. The 
thumb became a walrus, the first finger a seal, and the middle finger a 
white bear. When the former two animals see a man they try to es- 
cape lest they be served as the woman was. 

The white bear lives both on the land and in the sea, but when he 
perceives a man revengeful feelings fill him, and he determines to de- 
stroy the person who he thinks mutilated the woman from whose finger 
he sprang. 

Origin of the guillemots—While some children were playing on the 
level top of a high cliff overhanging the sea, the older children watched 
the younger ones lest they should fall down the bluff. Below them the 
sea was covered with ice, and the strip along the shore had not yet 
loosened to permit the seals to approach. Soon afterward a wide 
erack opened and the water was filled with seals, but the children did 
not observe them. The wind was cold, and the children romped in 
high glee, encouraging each other to greater exertion in their sports 
and shouted at the top of their voices. The men saw the seals and 
hastened to the shore to put their kaiaks into the water to pursue 
them. At this the children increased their shouts, which frightened 
the seals till they dived out of sight. One of the men was angry, and 
exclaimed to the others, ‘‘I wish the cliff would topple over and bury 
those noisy children for scaring the seals.” In a moment the cliff 
tipped over and the poor children fell among the fragments of huge 
rocks and stones at the bottom. Here they were changed into guille- 
mots or sea-pigeons, with red feet, and even to this day they thus 
dwell among the débris at the foot of cliffs next to the water of the sea. 

Origin of the raven.—The raven was a man, who, while other people 
were collecting their household property preparatory to removing to 
another locality, called to them that they had forgotten to bring the 
lower blanket of deerskin used for a bed. This skin in the Eskimo lan- 
guage is called kak. The man used the word so often that they told 
him to get it himself. He hurried so much that he was changed into 
a raven, and now uses that sound for his note. Even to this day when 
the camp is being removed the raven flies over and shouts “Kak! 
kak!” or, in other words, “Do not forget the blanket.” 

Origin of the quadrangular spots on the loon’s back.—A. man had two 
children that he wished might resemble each other. He painted the 
one (loon) with a white breast and square spots on the back. The 
other (raven) saw how comical the loon appeared, and laughed so much 
that the loon became ashamed and escaped to the water, where it 
always presents its white breast in order to hide the spots of the back 


TURNER. ] FOLK LORE. 263 


which caused so much ridicule. The raven eluded the attempt to-be 
painted in like manner, and stoutly refused to come near. 

Origin of the gulls—Some people in a boat desired to go around a 
point of land which projected far into the water. As the water there 
was always ina violent commotion under the end of the point which 
terminated in a high cliff some of the women were requested to wall 
over the neck of land. One of them got out with her children in order 
to lighten the boat. She was directed to go over the place, and they 
promised to wait for her on the other side. The people in the boat 
had gone so far that their voices, giving the direction, became indis- 
tinct. The poor woman became confused and suspected they wanted 
to desert her. She remained about the cliff, constantly crying the last 
words she heard. She ultimately changed into a gull, and now shouts 
only the sound like “go over, goover, over, ove,” 

Origin of the hawks.—Among the people of a village was a woman 
who was noted for the shortness of her neck. She was so constantly 
teased and tormented about it that she often sat for hours on the edge 
of high places. She changed into a hawk, and now when she sees 
anyone she immediately exclaims, ‘Kea! kea! kea! who, who, who 
was it that cried ‘short neck ??’” 

Origin of the swallow.—Some small children, who were extraordi- 
narily wise, were playing at building toy houses on the edge of a high 
cliff near the village in which they dwelt. They were envied for their 
wisdom, and to them was given the name “Zulugagnak,” or, like a 
raven, which was supposed to know all the past and future. While 
these children were thus amusing themselves they were changed into 
small birds, which did not forget their last occupation, and even to 
this day they come to the cliffs, near the camps of the people, and 
build houses of mud, which they affix to the side of the rock. Even 
the raven does not molest them, and the Eskimo children love to 
watch the swallow build his iglugiak of mud. 

The hare—The hare was a child who was so ill treated and abused 
by the other people, because it had long ears, that it went to dwell by 
itself. When it sees anyone the ears are laid down on the back, for, if 
it hears the shout of a person, it thinks they are talking of its long 
ears. It has no tail, because it did not formerly have one. 

The wolf was a poor woman, who had so many children that she 
could not find enough for them to eat. They became so gaunt and 
hungry that they were changed into wolves, constantly roaming over 
the land seeking food. The cry of the mother may be heard as she 
strives to console her hungry children, saying that food in pleuty will 
soon be found. 

Lice are supposed to drop from the body of a huge spirit, dwelling 
in the regions above, who was punished by having these pests con 
stantly torment him. In his rage to free himself the lice dropped 
down upon the people who condemned him to this punishment. 


ete. 


264 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


Origin of mosquitoes—A maw had a wife who was negligent and 
failed to scrape his skin clothing properly when he returned from his 
expeditions. He endeavored to persuade her to mend her ways and 
do as a wife should do. She was again directed to remove the accu- 
mulated layer of dirt from the man’s coat. She petulantly took the 
garment and cleaned it in such a slovenly way that when the husbaid 
discovered the condition of the coat he took some of the dirt from it 
and flung it after her. The particles changed into mosquitoes, and now 
(in spring), when the warm days come and the women have the labor of 
cleaning clothes to perform, the insects gather around them, and the 
women are thus reminded of the slovenly wife and what befel her. 

Story of the man and his fox wife-—A hunter who lived by himself 
found when he returned to the place after an absence that it had been 
visited and everything put in order as a dutiful wife should do. This 
happened so often with no visible signs of tracks that the man deter- 
mined to watch and see who would serape his skin clothing and boots, 
hang them out to dry, and cook nice hot food ready to be eaten when 
he returned. One day-he went away as though going off on a hunt, 
but secreted himself so as to observe the entrance of anything into the 
house. After a while he saw a fox enter. He suspected that the fox 
was after food. He quietly slipped up to the house and on entering 
saw a most beautiful woman dressed in skin clothing of wondrous make. 
Within the house, on a line, hung the skin of a fox. The man inquired 
if it was she who had done these things.. She replied that she was his 
wife and it was her duty to do them, hoping that she had performed 
her labor in a manner satisfactory to him. 

After they had lived together a short time the husband detected a 
musky odor about the house and inquired of her what it was. She 
replied that she emitted the odor and if he was going to find fault with 
her for it she would leave. She dashed off her clothing and, resuming 
the skin of the fox, slipped quietly away and has never been disposed 
to visit a man since that time. 

The following is a story obtained from Labrador: 

The rivals.—Between two men there existed keen rivalry. Each 
asserted himself to be the stronger and endeavored to prove himself 
superior to the other. One of them declared his ability to form an 
island where none had hitherto existed. He picked up an immense 
rock and hurled it into the sea where it became an island. The other, 
with his foot, pushed it so hard that it landed on the top of another 
island lying far beyond. The mark of the footprint is visible to this 
day, and that place is now known as Tu kik’ tok. 

The jealous man.—A man fell in love with two women and was so 
jealous of them that he would not permit them to look upon others, 
much less speak to them. The women finally wearied of the restric- 
tions placed upon them and resolved to desert the man. They fled 
along the coast until they were faint from hunger. At length they 


TURNER. ] FOLK LORE. 205 


came upon the body of a whale cast on the shore. Here they deter- 
mined to dwell for atime. The man sought for the women in every 
possible place with no success. A conjurer was consulted, and after 
much deliberation, he told the deserted man to journey to a place 
where he would find the carcass of a whale and to secrete himself in 
the vicinity and watch for the women. He started out accordingly 
and before long had the pleasure of seeing the two women. They 
detected the man hastening toward them and tried to secrete them- 
selves until he should get by. He seized one of them, however, and 
bound her with thongs. The other was less disposed to submit, and 
the man put out her eyes to deprive her of the privilege of looking at 
any man. They remained about that locality for some time, and 
various animals of the land came to the carcass to feast upon the re- 
mains. The man caught a great number of foxes and other valuable 
furs and after a time returned to the eamp whence he came. 

Story of the orphan boy.—A small boy, who had neither father, 
mother, nor any living relatives, was dwelling with some people who 
maltreated him in every way their fancy could suggest. He was kept 
in the entry way to the hut, like a dog, and was permitted to eat only 
of the skin of walrus when they had it to give him. At other times they 
would throw to him what they themselves would not eat. They for- 
bade him to have a knife with which to cut his food, and he was com- 
pelled to gnaw the bones like a dog. A little girl, the daughter of the 
head of the family with whom he lived, would secretly take to him a 
knife with which to divide the tough skin of the walrus. She also car- 
ried food of better quality to him when she could do so clandestinely. 
These kind attentions pleased him very much, and made him long for 
an opportunity to escape. But how was he to better his condition 
when the hand of everybody was raised against him on account of his 
treatment at home? The little girl who had so often befriended him 
could not assist him to escape from such a life. He endeavored to lay 
a plan, but it came to naught. There seemed no help for him. One 
night he abandoned all hope and threw himself on the ground in des- 
pair. While there he gazed at the bright moon, and the more intently 
his gaze was fixed upon it the more he thought he discerned the face 
of a man in it, and at last he cried to the man to come and help him 
escape from his miserable life. The man came down- from the moon 
and gave the poor boy a frightful beating, but the more he was beaten 
the larger he seemed to grow. After awhile he became so strong that 
he could handle a large rock as easily as he had hitherto handled a 
little stone. A large, round bowlder from the beach was no more to 
him than a bullet held in the hand of a strong man. 

The moon man then told the boy that he was large enough to take 
care of himself and do as he pleased with the people who had treated 
him so badly. With this the two parted, and the moon man went to 
his hole in the sky, while the boy walked along the beach picking up 


266 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


rocks and tossing them along the shore until the character of the water’s 
edge was entirely changed. When the boy arrived at the hut it was 
daylight, for he had tarried so long on the beach testing his strength 
that the night had slipped away. 

The people were terrified when they saw to what enormous propor- 
tions the abused boy had grown. He became frenzied the instant he 
saw his former persecutors, and seizing first one and then the other in 
his hands dashed them against the rocks. The blood and brains ran 
in streams. One of the men, seeing his doom, begged for his life and 
promised his kaiak, spears, sled, and wife if he should be spared. The 
enraged boy continued the slaughter until only the little girl who had 
so often befriended him was left. She became his wife, and in the 
course of a few hours the man, whose name was Kou jé yuk, became 
of a natural size again and passed his life in comfort. 

This story was obtained from a man from Labrador. The Eskimo 
assert that this occurred near Ohak (often pronounced Okak), now a 
missionary station. They show the rock, which a little imagination 
gives the appearance of having dried blood and brains still upon it. 

The origin of the sun, moon, and stars.—At a time when darkness 
covered the earth a girl was nightly visited by some one whose identity 
she could not discover. She determined to find out who it could be. 
She mixed some soot with oil and painted her breast with it. The next 
time she discovered, to her horror, that her brother had a black circle 
of soot around his mouth. She upbraided him and he denied it. The 
father and mother were very angry and scolded the pair so severely 
that the son fled from their presence. The daughter seized a brand 
from the fire and pursued him. He ran to thesky to avoid her but she 
flew after him. The man changed into the moon and the girl who bore 
the torch became the sun. Thesparks that flew from the brand became 
the stars. The sunis constantly pursuing the moon, which keeps in 
the darkness to avoid being discovered. When an eclipse occurs they 
are supposed to meet. 

Auroras.—Auroras are believed to be the torches held in the hands 
of spirits seeking the souls of those who have just died, to lead them 
over the abyss terminating the edge of the world. A narrow pathway 
leads across it to the land of brightness and plenty, where disease and 
pain are no more, and where food of all kinds is always ready in abun- 
dance. To this place none but the dead and the raven can go. When 
the spirits wish to communicate with the people of the earth they make 
a whistling noise and the earth people answer only in a whispering 
tone. The Eskimo say that they are able to call the aurora and con- 
verse with it. They send messages to the dead through these spirits. 

The sky.—The sky is supposed to be an immense dome, of hard ma- 
terial, reared over the earth, long from east to west and shorter from 
north to south. The edges of the land and sea are bounded by high, 
precipitous sides, shelving outward or sloping inward to prevent any- 


"To 


TURNER.] FOLK LORE. 267 


thing living on the earth from going to the region beyond. There is 
the source of light and heat. The dome of the sky is very cold, and at 
times covered with crystals of frost which fall in the form of snow or 
frost films to the earth, and then the sky becomes clear. The clouds 
are supposed to be large bags of water, controlled by two old women 
who run with them across the sky, and as the water escapes from the 
seams it falls in the form of rain to the earth. The thunder is their 
voice and the lightning is their torch. If a spark falls from this on 
anyone he dies and goes to the region above. 

The winds.—At each of the corners of the earth there dwells an im- 
mense but invincible spirit, whose head is many times larger than all 
the remainder of his body. When he breathes the wind blows and 
his breath is felt. Some breathe violent storms and others gentle 
zephyrs. The male spirits dwell at the north, northeast, northwest, 
and west. The females dwell at the remaining points, and each princi- 
pal spirit has innumerable intermediate and less powerful attendants. 


THE NENENOT OR “‘NASKOPIE.” 


The Indians of the Ungava district are locally known as Naskopie, 
a term of reproach applied to them by the mountaineers (the Montagnais 
of the early Jesuit missionaries) during the-earlier days when the 
former acted falsely in one of their concerted struggles with the Eskimo 
of the eastern coast. 

The name given to themselves is Nenenot, a word meaning true, or 
ideal red men. ‘To the west of these people dwell a branch of the tribe 
along the east shore of Hudson bay. To the southeast dwell the moun- 
taineers. 

The western people differ greatly in customs and many words of 
their language from the Nenenots. The mountaineers differ but little 
in their customs, and only in speech as much as would be expected 
from the different locality in which they dwell. 

These three tribes have distinct boundaries, beyond which they seldom 
wander. Of iate years, however, a gradual influx of the western people 
has poured into the Ungava district, due to the decrease of the food 
supply along that portion of the eastern coast of Hudson bay. 

The Nenenots appear, from the best information I could obtain on the 
subject, to have been driven to their present location during the wars 
waged against them by the Iroquois in times long gone by and remem- 
bered only in tradition. 

They assert that their original home was in a country to the west, 
north of an immense river, and toward the east lay an enormous body 
of salt water. The former was supposed to be the St. Lawrence river 
and the latter to be Hudson bay. When they came to their present 
place they say that they found Eskimo alone, and these only along the 
coast. They are a branch of the Cree stock, as their language clearly 
indicates. 


268 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


Many years ago war was waged upon them by the people whose 
name is remembered with terror even to this day. Most cruel atrocities 
were perpetrated, and in despair they fled from the land of their fathers, 
where they had lived as a numerous people, and were pursued by their 
merciless foes until but a remnant reached what is now known as the 
“Height of Land.” 

Being now driven to a strange land, where they found numerous 

Eskimo on all sides, only a few years elapsed before they encroached 
too greatly upon the land which the Eskimo had always held. Con- 
tention and struggles arose, culminating in a disposition to fight, and 
in the course of time desultory warfare, carried on by single combat or 
organized raids. This lasted for many years, even after the advent of 
the white men as traders along the coast. Some of the battles were 
attended with great slaughter on both sides. The Eskimo seldom ven- 
tured far from the coast on their raids, but fought bravely when at- 
tacked on their own ground. In most instances they outwitted the 
Indians by decoying them into ambush, and killing great numbers of 
them. Within the present century they have been more peaceably 
disposed toward each other. Since the arrival of the white men at 
various points along the coast these troubles have ceased, and the 
Indians and Eskimo are now on intimate terms; not that either party 
have any special regard for the new comers, but they have a mutual 
fear of each other, and the white man now engages their entire atten- 
tion. 

In the early struggles the Indian found the Eskimo to be a sturdy 
opponent, possessed of greater endurance and perseverance than him- 
self. After the conclusion of the troubles they withdrew to their pres- 
ent haunts, and now wander indiscriminately over the land, although 
the Eskimo seldom ventures far into the interior unless it be along the 
valley of some large stream. They even camp alongside of each other, 
and aged Indian men and women, who have been left behind the parties 
of young people who are in quest of fur-bearing animals during the 
winter months, are only too glad to have a camp of jolly Eskimo near 
at hand. With them they can live as parasites until their hosts are 
exhausted of supplies, or until they move to another locality to relieve 
themselves of the importunities of their unbidden guests. 

The Indian is not the physical superior of the Eskimo. It is true 
they are more expert on snowshoes, because the snowshoes belong to 
their mode of life. They are used by the Eskimo only when they can be 
purchased by barter from the Indian. The Eskimo snowshoe is merely 
a rude imitation of the form used by the neighboring Indians. In the 
canoe the Indian is at home; so also is the Eskimo in the kaiak. which 
braves the severest weather and the roughest water, on which the In- 
dian would only gaze in dread and never venture. 

Ability to endure fatigue is less in the Indian than the Eskimo, who 
accomplishes by patient persistence what the Indian desires to do in a 


TURNER. ] THE NENENOT. 269 


hurry. Ihave not observed Indians carry such heavy loads as those 
borne on the shoulders of Eskimo, who, with ease, ascended a hill of 
such abrupt steepness that an unencumbered person climbed it with 
difficulty. Several Eskimo men ascended this hill, each with a barrel 
of flour on bis shoulders. 

The Indian is able to withstand the effect of cold as well as the 
Eskimo. The clothing of the latter is certainly better adapted to pro- 
tect against cold. In times of searcity of food the Eskimo is able to 
go without food for anumber of days and yet perform a considerable 
amount of physical labor, while the Indian would require food on the 
second or third day, and refuse to move until it had been furnished. 

In comparison with a white man under the same conditions the na- 
tives of either class would soon show signs of inferiority, and under 
prolonged exertion but few, even of the Eskimo, would endure the 
strain. The principal strength of these people is shown in their suc- 
cess in the chase. 

The children are obedient to their parents, who seldom ever chastise 
them. Disrespect to parents is unknown, and in their intercourse with 
each other there are no clashings during youth. Not until the jeal- 
ousies awakened under the stimulus of their sexual instincts arouse 
their passions do they begin to show enmity and hatred toward each 
other. 

The males evidently exhibit jealousy to a less degree than the oppo- 
site sex. The men, after a protracted absence from each other, often 
embrace and shed tearsiof joy at meeting. The women are less demon- 
strative. 

The number of children born exceeds the number of deaths. Mor- 
tality appeared to be low for the two years I was near these people. 
The prevailing diseases are of the lungs and bowels. The lung dis- 
eases are induced by constant exposure to extremes of wet and cold 
and the inhalation of foul air laden with terebinthine odors, arising 
from the resinous woods used for fuel. Changes of the wind blowing 
in at the door cause the interior to become filled with smoke, which is 
endured rather than admit the cold air from without. 

Abstinence from fresh food for a long time, with dry meat only to 
subsist upon, is often broken by the sudden capture of deer. This 
affords an opportunity for gorging until the digestive organs are weak- 
ened and serious complications arise. It is quite probable that gluttony 
directly produces half of the illnesses that occur among these people. 
The insufficiency of clothing does not apparently influence health, as 
they seem utterly regardless of exposure, and long continued dwelling 
in the tents probably induces nearly, if not quite, all the other ills afflict- 
jug them. Indolent ulcers and scrofulous complications are frequent, 
hut only in few instances are of such character as to prevent their fol- 
lowing their usual occupations. During illness they are stolid, and 
appear to suffer intense pain without the twitching of a muscle. When 


270 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


death approaches it has but little terror, and is awaited with indiffer- 
ence. 

The remedies employed are only those afforded by the beating of the 
drum and the mumblings of the shaman, who claims to have control of 
the spirit which causes all disease and death. They are, however, 
firm believers in the efficacy of potions compounded by the white 
trader, who is fully as ignorant of the disease as the subject himself is. 
Often a harmless mixture of red ink, red pepper, ginger, or other pun- 
gent substance is given, with a multiplicity of confusing directions, be- 
wildering the messenger dispatched for relief, who, in repeating them, 
often makes mistakes and advises that the whole quantity be swallowed. 
The effect is sometimes magical, and the patient recovers. Powders 
are rubbed over the seat of pain and liniments swallowed with avidity. 
Strange as it may seem, they often report good effects, and rarely fail 
to ask for more of the same kind. Both sexes attain a great age—in 
some instances certainly living over seventy years. Some assert that 
they were well advanced in years before the white men came in 1827. 

The marriage ceremony is simply a consent to live together, obtained 
by request if possible, and by force, if necessary. The man takes a 
wife as soon as he considers himself able to support one. When the 
ceremony is to be undertaken the consent of the girl’s parents or near- 
est relatives is sought, and by holding out tempting inducements in 
the form of presents, the suitor wins them to his favor. The consent of 
the girl, if she has not yet been married is, of course, granted, if she 
desires to comply with the wishes of her relatives. If not, the pros- 
pective husband is informed that they can do nothing to turn her heart. 
The matter is understood, and in a short time she is taken forcibly to 
his or his father’s tent. The tie binding the couple is very loose, and 
on the least provocation may be dissolved by either party. Continence 
on the part of either wife or husband is unusual, and only notorious 
incontinence is sufticient to cause the offender to be put away. Their 
sexual relations are very loose among themselves, but their immorality 
is confined to their own people. To take a second, a third, or even a 
fourth wife, is not uncommon, but the additional wives are taken prin- 
cipally for the purpose of performing labor imposed by the energy of a 
successful hunter. Itisonly he wealthy men who can afford a plurality 
of wives. The several wives often dwell in the same tent, but as jeal- 
ousies frequently arise they resort to fighting among themselves to 
settle their differences. The husband looks on calmly until matters 
go toofar. When he interferes the women are sure of being soundly 
thrashed. A woman, however, often assails her husband, and in some 
instances gives him an unmerciful pounding, much to the amusement 
of the bystanders, who encourage her to do her best. The man is a 
subject for ridicule for weeks afterwards. Either sex can endure being 
beaten, but not being laughed at. They rarely forgive a white man who 
laughs at their discomfiture. An amusing incident occurred within a 


TURNER. | THE NENENOT. PAC(AL 


stone’s throw of Fort Chimo. An Indian had his clothing stripped 
from him by his enraged wife. She then tore the tent from the poles, 
leaving him naked. She took their property to the canoe, which she 
paddled several miles up the stream. He tollowed along the bank 
until she relented, whereupon their former relations were resumed, as 
though nothing had disturbed the harmony of their life. The man was 
so severely plagued by his comrades that for many days he scarcely 
showed his head out of the tet. Rivalry for the favor of a woman or 
man is occasionally the source of serious affrays. An instance was re- 
lated to me where two men sought the hand of a woman, and to settle 
which should have her, they determined to go in their canoes to the 
lake near by and fight with their deer spears. One of the men was 
killed and the other thereupon obtained the woman, who is now living. 

The sexes have their special labors. Women perform the drudgery 
and bring home the food slain by their husbands, fetching wood and 
water, tanning the skins, and making them into clothing. The labor 
of erecting the tents and hauling the sleds when on their journey dur- 
ing the winter falls upon them, and, in fact, they perform the greater 
part ofthe manuallabor. They are considered inferior to the men, and in 
their social life they soon show the effects of the hardships they un- 
dergo. 

The females arrive at puberty at the age of 14 or 15, and are taken 
as wives at even an earlier age. So early are they taken in marriage 
that before they are 30 years of age they often appear as though they 
were 50. Some of them are hideously ugly, and are so begrimed with 
smoke from the resinous wood used for fuel and with filth that it is 
purely guesswork to even approximate their age. The women appear 
to be exempted from the curse of Eve, and deliver their children with 
as little concern as is exhibited among the brutes. The child is not 
allowed to receive nourishment until the third day, and no water must 
touch its body. The infant is swaddled in wrappings of skins and 
cloths. Sphagnum moss is used next the body and changed every other 
day. They begin to walk at an early age, and this is, doubtless, the 
principal cause of the bowing of the legs so often observed. The girls 
are neglected and the boys given every advantage. The latter soon 
discover their importance and rarely fail to show their domineering 
ways to the other sex. 

It is quite rare that twins are born. It is not usual for a mother to 
have more than four children, although as many as six or eight may be 
born. As the paternal origin is often obscure, the person having that 
woman as wife at the time of the child’s birth is supposed to be its 
father. 

The mortuary customs of the Naskopie were but imperfectly learned, 
for when a death occurred at the trading station the body was buried 
like a white man’s. A shallow grave was dug in a sandy soil, as this 
offered less trouble in digging, and the body placed in a rudely con- 


272 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


structed coffin and covered with dirt. A small branch from a tree was 
placed at the head of the grave, but with what signification I could 
not satisfactorily determine. I received the reply that the white men 
put something at the head of their graves, and so do the Indians. 

Away from the post the Indians suspend their dead from the 
branches of trees, if the ground be frozen too hard to excavate, and 
endeavor to return in the following summer and inter the body. A 
person who has distinguished himself among the people is often buried 
where the fire has been long continued within the tent and thawed the 
ground to a sufficient depth to cover the body. The tent is then re- 
moved to another location. The Indians have not that dread of a 
corpse which is shown so plainly among the Eskimo. The former have 
been known to strip the clothing from recently deceased Eskimo, and 
it is not infrequent for them to appropriate the gun or other implement 
placed by the side of a dead Innuit. f 

In response to my inquiry how they disposed of their dead in former 
ages, I obtained evidence that scaffold burial and suspension from trees 
were formerly practiced and that subterranean burials were introduced 
by the missionaries. 

The dead are mourned for according to the position they oceupied in 
life, a favorite child often causing an alarming grief in the mother who 
mourns for many days, constantly bemoaning her loss and reminding 
the listeners of the traits in the child’s nature so well remembered. 
The body is taken to the place of final rest by the friends, the relations 
seldom accompanying it. 

The life of these people is a constant struggle to obtain food and 
raiment. Nothing, however unimportant, is done without much delib- 
ation and repeated consultation with friends. 

They are also guided to a great extent by their dreams, for they im- 
agine thatin the night they are indirect communication with the spirits 
which watch over their daily occupations. Certain persons obtain much 
renown in divining the dreams and these are consulted with the great- 
est confidence. The drum is brought into use, and during its tumult 
the person passes into a state of stupor or trance and in a few mo- 
ments arouses himself to reveal the meaning of the other’s dream. 

Superstition holds these people in its terrible sway and everything 
not understood is attributed to the working of one of the numerous 
spirits. 

Every object, however simple, appears to have its patron spirit, 
which, in order that it may perform its services for the welfare of the 
people, must be propitiated with offerings most pleasing and acceptable 
to it. The rule seems to be that all spirits are by nature bad, and 
must be propitiated to secure their favor. Each person has a patron 
spirit, and these must always be placated lest misfortune come. These 
spirits assume an infinite variety of forms, and to know just What form 
it assumed when it inflicted its baneful effects, the shamans or medicine 


TURNER. ] RELIGION, 273 


men must be consulted. These are supposed to be in direct contact 
with such spirits. The spirit will appear only in the darkness of the 
conjuring house, and then permit itself to be appeased by some atone- 
ment made by the afflicted, which can be made known only through the 
shaman. He alone indicates the course to be pursued, and his direc 
tions, to be explicitly followed, are often so confusing and impossible 
that the person fails to perform them. AlIl these minor spirits are under 
the control of a single great spirit having its dwelling in the sky, a term 
as illimitable with those people as with ourselves. 

Each animal has its protective spirit, which is inferior to those of 
man. The soul, if such expression may be used, of all animals is inde- 
structible, and is capable of reappearing again and again as often as 
the material form is destroyed. There are spirits of beasts, birds, fishes, 
insects, and plants. Each of these has a home to which it returns after 
death, which is simply a cessation of that period of its material form, 
and each may be recalled at the will of the shaman. If an animal be 
killed it does not decrease the number of that species, for it still exists, 
although in a different form. 

The Canada jay is supposed to inform the various animals of the ap- 
proach of Indians, and these rarely fail to kill the jay wherever found. 

A species of mouse is supposed to have such dread of man that it 
dies the instant it wanders near the track of a person. They often find 
these tiny creatures near the path, and believe them to be unable to 
cross it. 

As the dusk of eve draws near, the silent flitting of the common short- 
eared owl (Asio accipitrinus), and the hawk owl (Surnia funeria), 
attracted by the sounds of the camp, creates direst confusion. The 
announcement of its presence causes the entire assemblage of people 
to be alert and hastily suspend some unworn garment, that the bird 
may perceive it and thus know that the people are not so poor in their 
worldly possessions as the spirit Wiq/-ti-qu may think; as it only 
annoys people who are too poor to have extra garments. As this 
short-eared owl frequents only the lower lands, the Indians assert that 
they are compelled to select the higher points of land as their camping 
sites in order to escape from him. 

The shaman, as I have already said, is believed to be able to control 
all these different spirits by his magie art, and to foretell the future, 
but he must be concealed from view while carrying on his mysterious 
performances. Hence a special structure must be erected in which the 
shaman goes through various contortions of body until in a state of 
exhaustion and while in that weakened condition he fancies these 
things which have such wonderful hold on the minds of the people. 

The tent (Fig. 85) is high and of small diameter. Every crack and 
crevice in the tent 1s carefully closed to exclude even the least ray of 
light. 

When within it, the shaman begins his operations by groaning and 

11 ETH——18 


274 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


gradually increasing the pitch of voice until his screeching can be 
heard a great distance. The din of the drum adds confusion to the 
ceremony. This goes on until the shaman announces the appearance 
of the spirit with whom he desires tocommune. Heimplores the spirit 
to grant the request, and in the course of time informs the people out- 
side that he has succeeded in securing the services of the spirit. All 
within becomes quiet and only whisperings are heard. 

The spirit promises to fulfill the obligation he has undertaken, and the 
conjuror throws over the tent and states the result of the interview. 
This result is always favorable, as his reputation depends upon its hap- 
pening. Any untoward circumstance, such as a person turning over a 
stone or breaking a twig from a bush while traveling, is sufficient cause 
to break the spell, and the blame can be laid on the shoulders of such 


Fic. 85.—Indian medicine lodge. 


an offender. Ifthe request be not granted within the stipulated time 
as announced by the shaman at the end of the ceremony, some one is 
certain to have been the cause of displeasing the spirit, who now with- 
holds the favor until reparation for the offense is made. The conjurer 
is not slow to make some one do penance while he himself is gaining 
time, as he takes good care not to attempt anything out of season. 

When an Indian kills one of the larger and fiercer wild beasts it is 
customary to reserve a portion of the skin or other part of the body as 
a memento of the deed. 

These mementos are sacredly kept to show the prowess of the 
hunter and at the same time they serve as a token of the wealth pro- 
cured by bartering the pelt of the animal to the trader. The wolf, 
bear, and wolverine are considered worthy of remembrance, and of the 


TURNER. ] OCCUPATIONS. 275 


first and last mentioned animals a claw or a tip of an ear may serve as 
a souvenir. 

The under lip of the bear (Fig. 86) is the portion preserved. The 
skin is eut off and spread flat to dry. The flesh side of the skin is 
painted with powdered hematite 
mixed with water or oil. 

The outer edges or lips are orna- 
mented with a single row of many- 
colored beads. At the apex or mid- 
dle of the lip is attached a pendant 
in the form of a fish. The fish is 3 
or 4 inches long, made of cloth and 
has a row of beads extending around 
the entire circumference of the 
length of the body. 

These mementos are procured with 
great difficulty from the hunter who 
has risked his life in the struggles 
attending the capture of the beasts, 
for the barren-ground bear of that 
region is nota timid creature like 
the black bear; and unless the 
hunter is well prepared for the ani- Fig, 86.—Indian amulet of bearskin. 
mal he would do well to let it alone. 

The occupations of the sexes are so numerous that a detailed account 
alone would suffice, as the various seasons have their regular routine la- 
bors besides those unexpectedly appearing. In the spring the Indians 
of both sexes come to the post of Fort Chino to trade their winter’s hunt 
of fur-bearing animals. About the middle of March word is brought 
that the camp of old men and women with a number of children, left 
from the parties scattered in all directions during the previous fall, are 
slowly approaching the post. They come by easy stages, camping 
here and there for a day or two, but striving to be near about the time 
that the earlier parties come in to trade. These latter straggle along 
from the middle of April to the last of May, those who had ascended 
the streams to the headwaters often not arriving until after the breaking 
of the ice in the river, which may be as late as the 15thof June. When 
they collect at the post they have an opportunity to meet after a sepa- 
ration of months and enjoy a period of rest. Thetrading of their furs 
and other articles continues slowly until the parties have made their 
selections of guns, ammunition, tobacco, and cloths, a quantity of flour, 
biscuit, peas, beans, rice, and sugar. Molasses is purchased in enor- 
mous quantities, a hogshead of 90 gallons sufficing for ouly three or 
four days’ trade. Other articles of varied character, from needles and 
beads to calico and cloth, are bought by the women. 

The parties receive the allowance given in advance for the prosecu- 


276 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


tion of the ensuing winter’s hunt, after which they are relied onto raft 
down the supply of wood cut by the white men for the next winter’s 
supply of fuel. * This consumes the season until the middle of July, 
Stragglers are out even later. The men, meantime, select the locality 
where they will remain for the summer and fall. The winter is to be 
occupied in getting furs. Each head of a party announces his intended 
location and the parties gradually leave the post for their destination. 
Some of the Indians in former years were employed to assist the salmon 
fishing, but they proved to be unreliable, either through fear of the turbu- 
lent waters of the Koksoak or inattention to their task. They were 
easily allured from the nets by the appearance of any game, and as 
the tides in that river do not wait even for an Indian, serious losses 
resulted from carelessness. Hence their places in later years are filled 
by Eskimo, who are better adapted to the work. 

The various parties disperse in different directions in order that the 
entire district ay afford its products for their benefit. The Indians 
know the habits of the animals in those regions so well that they are 
sure, if they go to a particular locality, to find the game they are in 
quest of. 

The reindeer provides them with the greater part of their food and 
the skins of these animals afford them clothing. 

Although their food consists of reindeer, ptarmigan, fish, and other 
game, the deer is their main reliance, and when without it, however 
great the abundance of other food, they consider themselves starving. 

The deer are procured in several ways, the principal of which is by 
the use of the lance or spear. In the months of September and Octo- 
tober they collect from various directions. During the spring the 
females had repaired to the treeless hills and mountains of the Cape 
Chidley region to bring forth their young on those elevations in early 
June or late May. After the young have become of good size the 
mothers lead them to certain localities whither the males, having gone 
in an opposite direction, also return. They meet somewhere_along the 
banks of the Koksoak river, usually near the confluence of that river 
with the North or Larch. While thousands of these animals are con- 
gregated on each bank small herds are continually swimming back and 
forth, impelled_by the sexual instinct. The hair of the young animals 
is now in excellent condition for aking skin garments. The females 
are thin, not yet having recovered from the exhaustion of furnishing 
food for their young and material for the new set of antlers, which ap- 
pear immediately after the birth of the fawns. The skin is, however, 
in tolerable condition, especially in late October. The back of the 
male is now covered with a Jarge mass of fat known as “back fat.” 
This deposit is about 1 to 14 inches thick by 2 feet broad and 20 inches 
long. The males are full of vigor and in the best possible condition 
at this season, as the antlers have become dry and cease to draw upon 
the animal for material to supply their immense growth, 


TURNER. | HUNTING. 277 


The hunting parties, always on the alert for the herds of deer which 
are hastening to the assembling place, follow them up, and in the 
course of time conjecture at what point they will congregate. Here 
they establish camps and intercept the deer when crossing the streams. 
The canoes are held in readiness, while the hunters scan the opposite 
hillsides for deer filing along the narrow paths through the forests and 
bushes towards the river bank. Arrived there, the deer, after a mo- 
ment’s pause, eagerly take to the water, boldly swimming as they 
quarter down stream with the current. The animals swim high in the 
water, scarcely more than a third of the body immersed. They move 
compactly, in a crowd, their antlers appearing at a distance like 
the branches of a tree floating with the current. The Indian crouches 
low and speeds for the canoe. Silently it is pushed into the water, 
and two or three rowers take their places within. Rapid but noise- 
less strokes given by sturdy arms soon bring the boat below and to the 
rear of the body of deer, who are now thrown into the greatest conster- 
nation as they perceive their most dreaded foe suddenly by their side. 
The deer endeavor to retreat, but the men are between them and the 
shore. The occupants of the canoe now drive the deer quartering up 
stream and toward the shore where the camp is situated. Should 
they, by some mistake on the part of the hunters, start downstream, 
they are certain to be separated, and swim so rapidly that unless 
there be two canoes they will, for the most part, escape. If the 
herd is well kept together they may be driven at the will of the pur- 
suer. He strives to direct them to such spot that when the thrust 
with the spear is given only sufficient vitality will be left to enable 
the stricken animal to regain the shore. When the spear touches the 
vital part, the animal plunges forward and the instrument is withdrawn. 
A hurried thrust pierces another victim, until all the herd, if small, 
may be slain. The wounded animal now feels the internal cavity filling 
with blood, and seeks the nearest land whereon its ebbing strength 
scarcely allows it to stand. A few wistful turns of the head to the 
right or left, a sudden spreading of its limbs to support the swaying 
body, a plunge forward—the convulsive struggles that mark the end. 
If the band is large, some generally escape. Some may be so wounded 
that they plunge into the bushes perhaps but a few yards and there 
lie and die, furnishing food for the beasts and birds of prey. 

The carcases of the deer are stripped of skins and fat and the viscera 
are removed. The fat is laid one side, that from the intestines being 
also reserved for future rendering. 

The skins are taken to the camps and piled up. Those which are not 
to be tanned immediately are hung over poles to dry, the flesh side 
turned upwards. 

The meat is stripped from the bones and taken to the tents, where it 
is exposed to the smoke and hot air over the fire and quickly dried. 
Some of the Indians are so expert in stripping the flesh from the skele- 


278 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


ton that the exact form or outlines of the animal are preserved in the 
process of drying. The drying flesh acquires a very dark brown color 
from the smoke and blood left within the tissues. Certain portions of 
the dry meat, especially those from the flanks and abdominal walls, 
are quite palatable; they are crisp, and have a rich nutty flavor. The 
intercostal muscles are also choice portions, while some of the flesh from 
the haunches is dry and nearly tasteless. The back fat is often dried 
and smoked, but acquires a disagreeable rancid taste. 

The long bones are cracked and the marrow extracted. This sub- 
stance is the most highly prized portion of the animal, and in seasons 
of plenty the deer are often slaughtered for the marrow alone. The fat 
is placed in pots or kettles and rendered over a fire. It is then poured 
into another vessel to cool, and forms a valuable article of trade and a 
necessity for food, and is also required in the process of tanning the 
skins. 

The bones containing the marrow are cracked and placed in a kettle, 
hung over a slow fire, and the substance melted. The marrow brings 
a higher price than the tallow, and is esteemed a choice article of food. 
The heads are thrown to one side until the decomposing brain is wanted 
to bemixed with the semi-putrid liver for the purpose of tanning the skins. 
When the flesh has dried sufficiently it is taken down and put into 
packages of about thirty pounds’ weight each. These bundles are 
enveloped in the parchment like subcutaneous tissue, and stored away 
until they are needed for food. A species of mold attacks the flesh if 
it is not frequently inspected and dried, but as it is harmless, it does 
not injure the meat. Indians for weeks at a time subsist entirely on 
this dried meat. They also have a season of plenty when the female 
deer and the bucks of less than two years are on their way to the Cape 
Chidley region. Here the females bring forth their young unmolested 
by the old bucks and also less annoyed by the myriads of mosquitoes 
which throng the lower parts of the country. 

The crossing place of the females and young bucks is at or near Fort 
Chimo at least each alternate year. About the 5th to the 10th of May 
the assembled Indians anxiously await the coming of the game. In 
the course of a few days the welcome ery of “Deer!” is heard, and the 
camp immediately becomes a scene of great excitement—men hurrying 
to get their guns and ammunition, women shouting the direction of the 
game, and children running to the higher eminences to watch the herds. 

The men endeavor to occupy a narrow defile, where the herd will pass 
between the hills to the level land beyond. Somestation themselves at 
the top of the ravine, while the swiftest runners hasten to the head of 
the defile to lie in ambush until the deer, urged from behind, rush past, 
to be met with a volley of balls from all sides. Panic seizes the ani- 
mals, and wherever they turn an Indian confronts them. Until the 
deer recover from their paralysis, and once more obey their instinct to 
escape, numbers of them stand quietly waiting to be slaughtered; 


TURNER.] HUNTING DEER. 279 


others walk unconcernedly about, seemingly deprived of the power of 
flight. The Indians hurriedly close upon them, and in a few minutes 
the entire herd is destroyed or dispersed in all directions. 

The guns used on this occasion are the cheapest kind of muzzle-load- 
ing single-barreled shotguns. The balls used are of such size that they 
will drop to the bottom of the chamber. No patching is used, and a 
jar on the ground is deemed sufficient to settle the ball upon the pow- 
der. The employment of a ramrod would require too much time, as 
the Indian is actuated by the desire to kill as many as possible in the 
shortest time. They do not use the necessary care in loading their 
guns, and often the ball becomes lodged in the chamber and the gun 
bursts when fired. When shooting downhill the ball often rolls out. 
Tt is surprising that so few fatal accidents occur. A quantity of pow- 
der is poured directly into the gun from its receptacle, the ball dropped 
down, and a cap taken from between the fingers, where it was placed 
for convenience. Hunters often practice the motions of. rapid loading 
and firing. They are remarkably expert, surpassing the Eskimo in this, 
though the Eskimo is far the better marksman. 

A third method pursued is that of snaring the deer. 

A plan adopted to capture deer in the winter is as follows: A herd 
of deer is discovered, and men and women put on their snowshoes. 
The deer are surrounded and driven into a snowbank many feet deep, 
in which the affrighted animals plunge until they nearly bury them- 
selves. The hunters, armed with the lance, pursue them and kill them. 
This means of procuring deer is only adopted when the herd is near a 
convenient snowbank of proper depth. The snow falling in the winter 
collects in gullies and ravines, and only in seasons where there has been 
an abundance of snow will it attain sufficient depth to serve the pur- 
pose. 

Smaller game, such as ducks, geese, ptarmigan, hares, rabbits, por- 
cupines, beavers, and an occasional lynx, afford variety of food. Ptar- 
migan are slaughtered by thousands. Hundreds of pounds of their 
feathers annually purchase small trinkets for the Indian women, and 
during this season it is unusual to see a woman without some feathers 
of these birds adhering to her clothing or hair. 

The women and men annually destroy thousands of the eggs and 
young of these birds. Rabbits and hares, too, fall beneath the arrow 
or shotgun. Poreupines are more common toward the sources of the 
streams falling into Hudson Strait. They are found in trees, from 
which they gnaw the bark and terminal portions of the branches for 
food. The porcupine must be carefully cleaned lest the flesh be unfit 
for food. The hair and spines are removed by scorching or by pouring 
hot water over the body. 

Of the carnivorous mammals the lynx only is eaten, and this when 
other food is scarce. Bears are so rare that they form but an unim- 


280 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


portant portion of the Indian’s diet. Wolverines, wolves, and foxes 
are never eaten. 

Fish of various kinds are plentiful. The lakes and streams abound 
with salmon in summer, and trout, white fish, suckers, and a few less 
common species are eagerly sought for food. Fish are caught with the 
hook or net. Fishing through holes in the ice affords an ample supply 
of fine trout, and the net set along the shore upon the disappearance 
of the ice is sure’to reap a rich haul of white fish, suckers, and trout. 

In the preparation of the food little care is exercised to prevent its 
coming in contact with objectionable substances. The deer meat is 
laid upon the stones of the beach and particles of grit imbed them- 
selves in the substance. The flesh for cooking is often dropped into 
the vessels in which the tallow or marrow is being rendered. Neither 
children nor adults have any regular periods of eating, but appear to 
be always hungry. Itis thus not unusual to see a filthy child thrust 
its hand into-the cooling fat to obtain a choice portion of meat as it 
settles to the bottom. 

The dry meat is often pounded into a coarse powder by means of 
stone or metal pestles. The meat is placed upon a smooth, hard stone 
for this purpose. The ligaments are picked out, and when a sufficient 
quantity has been prepared it is put into baskets or bags and stored 
away for future use. The cracked bones from which the marrow was 
extracted are calcined and reduced to powder and used as an absorbent 
of the fat from the skins in the process of tanning. 

The unborn young of the reindeer, taken from the mother in the 
spring, are considered a prime delicacy by Indians, as well as Eskimo. 
The eggs of various species of birds are eagerly sought for, and it mat- 
ters little whether they are fresh or far advanced in incubation. The 
embryo bird, with the attached yolk of the egg, is swallowed with 
infinite gusto. The Indian seldom eats raw flesh unless dried meat be 
excepted. 

Enough has been written concerning the reindeer to show that with- 
out it the very existence of the Indian would be imperiled. Both food 
and clothing, the prime necessities of life, are obtained from the 
animal, and its numbers do not seem to decrease with the merciless or 
thoughtless slaughter. Hundreds of careases are never utilized. I 
counted 173 carcases on one side of the river in going a distance of 
about 80 miles, and when I came to their camps I saw incredible piles 
of meat and skins going to waste. The winter months are occupied 
by men in hunting the various fur-bearing animals, the principal of 
which are white, red, cross, and black or silver foxes, martens, minks, 
wolverines, wolves, muskrats, and beavers: these are abundant. Few 
lynxes and bear are obtained. A considerable number of others are 
found in this region and afford fine skins. 

Steel traps are generally set, various sizes of traps being used for the 
different animals. A great number of otter and beaver are shot in the 


TURNER. | CLOTHING. 281 


water. Deadfalls consisting of a log of wood set upon figure-4 triggers 
rarely fail to kill mink and marten. The lynx is usually taken by means 
of a snare with the loop over acirele of low pegs surrounding the tongue 
of the figure-4 set of triggers. The spring, usually a hthe sapling, 
is strong enough to lift the forelegs of the animal from the ground when 
the noose encircles its neck. 

The Indian conceives the wolverine to be an animal embodying all 
the cunning and mischief that can be contained in the skin of a beast. 
To its cunning is added great bodily strength, enabling this medium- 
sized animal to accomplish destruction apparently much beyond its 
strength. 

Every other animal in the 
forests where it dwells prefers 
to give it the path rather than 
engage in struggle with it. 
When seized in a trap a wol- 
verine offers a sturdy resist- 
ance. Even a famished wolf, 
to my personal knowledge, will 
stand and look at it, but not 
attempt to cope with it. In 
this particular instance, how- 
ever, the wolf may have con- 
sidered the predicament of the 
wolverine another means of 
strategy employed by that ani- 
mal to entrap the wolf, and so 
deemed it wise to remain ata 
respectful distance. 

* Every form of torture which 
the Indian mind is capable of 
conceiving is inflicted upon 
this animal when it is cap- 
tured. All manner of vile 
names aud reproaches are ap- 
plied to it. The Indian enjoys 
relating how he singed its fur 
off, broke its bones, and tor- 
mented it in many ways, as it : 
slowly expired under his hand. Fic. 87.—Indian buckskin coat, man’s (front), 


3). 
| 
4% 


itis. * 


Wise 


CLOTHING. 


The apparel worn by the Ungava Indians is quite distinet for the 
different sexes. The method of preparing the skins for the manufac- 
ture of garments is the same, but the forms of the garments for the 
sexes are so different as to require special consideration, 


282, THE HUDSON BAY 


ESKIMO. 


The garments worn by the men differ somewhat according to the 
season of the year, for the extremes of climate are very great. The 


F ia, 88.--Indian buckskin coat, mari’s (back). 


clothing of the men con- 
sists of a coat, breeches, 
leggings, moccasins, 
gloves or mittens, and cap 
or headdress. 

The coat consists of the 
skins of the reindeer 
tanned into a thoroughly 
pliable condition by the 
process to be described 
presently. 

The shape of the gar- 
ment worn in summer 
(Figs. 87 and 88) is some- 
what similar to that of a 
frock coat, but without the 
tails. The back is cut 
from a single skin and the 
skirt cut up from below. 
Into this is inserted a 
piece of sufficient width 
to allow movement of the 
lower limbs. The sides 
are from the second skin, 
split down the middle of 
the back and sewed to the 
skin, forming the back of 
the garment. The back 
skin forms the covering 


for the top of the shoulders aud extends to the collar seam. The 
side skins form the front and neck of the garment. The sleeves are 


F ia. 89.—Detail of pattern painted on Indian garments. 


made of a third skin, and fre- 
quently have a rell or cuff to 
increase the length, if neces- 
sary. The collar is merely a 
strip of skin sewed to the 
neck. It is usually turned 
down. The front is usually 
open, and if made to be closed 
it is held in position by a belt 
or gaudily colored scarf of 
woolen or cotton purchased 
from the trader. 


The seams of the clothing are always sewed with sinew like that 
used by the Eskimo. There are but two seams which run the entire 


TURNER.] CLOTHING. 283 


length of the coat, and these are the side seams. The seam at the 
skirt, the armhole, sleeve, and collar are the shorter ones. The coat is 
always more or less ornamented with extravagant painted designs. 
The colors and other materials used for painting these designs will be 
described in another connection, as well as the manner of applying 
them. 

The patterns of these de- 
signs will be best understood 
by reference to the figures, 
which show some of them in 
detail (Figs. 89, 90). 

The colors used often pre- 
sent startling combinations 
of red, blue, yellow, and 
brown. The portions of the 
garments upon which these 
colors are placed are the 
front edges of the opening 
of the coat, the wrists, and 
rings around the arms or 
sleeves, the skirt and pyra- 
mid-shaped designs over the hips. The piece intended to widen the 
skirt behind is always entirely covered with a design of some kind. 
Over the outside of the 
seams a line of paint is 
always applied, nearly 
always of a red or brown 
color. 

Frequently a series of 
quadrate blotches or 
squares produced by 
variously colored lines 
runs from the apex of 
the piece inserted in the 
skirt to the collar. 

The length of the coat 
is such as to reach to the 
middle of the thigh. The 
coverings tor the lower 
limbs and for the hips f 
are quite distinet. For g 
the hips the garment is & 
a sort of breeches of 
which the legs are so 
short as only to cover ey eae 
the upper portion of the Coe Fia. 91.— Indian buckskin leggings. 
thigh. The breeches are held in place by means of a drawstring in front, 


Fia. 90.—Detail of pattern painted on deerskin robe. 


284 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


A pair of these breeches is never ornamented with paint, as they are 
usually not exposed to view. 

A pair of leggings extends from the upper portion of the thigh to the 
ankles. The leggings (Fig. 91) are each made of a single piece some- 
what in the form of a narrow bag open at each end. They are held in 
position by means of a string attached in front and fastened to the 
upper portions of the breeches. The seam is on the outer side of the 
leggings and along it is sewed a strip of deerskin having the edges cut 
into fringe. The leggings are painted in much the same fashion as the 
coat. 

The moccasins (Fig. 92) are rarely ornamented, except with beads on 
the tongue or else with a strip of red, blue, or black cloth. 

In the construction of a moccasin the measure of the foot is taken if 
it is intended for a person of importance or if the maker attempts to do 
skillful work. The sole is cut out first in the shape of a parallelogram. 
The edges are turned up and creases made around that portion of the 
deerskin which surrounds the toes and a part of the side of the foot. 


Fic, 92.—Indian moccasins. 


The creases are made perpendicular in order to take up a portion of 
the slack of the skin. They are held in position by a stout sinew thread 
run through each one and around to the other side to prevent -them 
from separating and thus “ bagging” over the toes. This is the most 
particular part of the work and on these stitches depend the skill of 
the maker. The sides of the foot and heel are not creased as the heel- 
seam takes up the slack for the posterior portion of the moccasin. 

The tongue of the moccasin is a piece cut into a shape resembling 
that member with the tip of it over the toes. This is sewed to the 
edges of the creases, and between it and the creases is often sewed 
a narrow welt of skin or cloth. The superfluous edges of the slipper- 
shaped shoe are now trimmed off, and the top, or portion to cover the 
ankle, is sewed on. This portion is a long narrow strip of inferior 
skin of sufficient size to overlap in front and to come well above the 
ankles. It is left open like the tops of laced shoes. Just below, or at 
the edge of the tops, a long thong of deerskin is inserted through sev- 
eral holes, which allows it to pass around the heel and below the 


TURNER. ] CLOTHING. 285 


ankles, bringing the ends in front over the tongue. The ends of the 
tops are laid carefully over one another and wrapped round by the 
ends of the thongs which hold the moccasins on the feet. 

Certain portions of the skin make better footwear than other parts. 
The neck skins too thick and stiff to allow the creases around the 
toes to be properly made; the flanks are too thin; while the neck is 
useful for the tongues, the sides for the bottoms, and the flanks and 
portions of the back, scarred by the grubs infesting the animal, for 
the tops and strings. | 

Moceasins for young children often have a seam parallel with the 
toes and the creasing is thus obviated. Those for wearing in the tent 
or in the dry vicinity of the camp have no tops and are held to the 
foot by means of a drawstring. 

As most of the strain in 
walking comes upon the 
tongue, and this portion is 
usually ornamented, it is 
necessary that it should be 
of a good quality of leather. 
A piece of black, blue, or 
red cloth is generally laid 
over the tongue for orna- 
ment. There is sometimes 
bead work on this portion, 
but as these people are not 
skillful in the art of dispos- 
ing the many colored beads 
they are not much used for 
that purpose. 

A single deerskin will F 
make five to seven pairs of ) =” 
moccasins foran adult,and \4" 
aS they last but two or 
three weeks as many as fif- 
teen to twenty-five pairs Fic. 93.—Indian mittens. 
are necessary for each adult. 

The hands are protected with mittens (Fig. 93) made of smoked deer- 
skin. The skin is folded, and along the fold the shape of the mitten is 
cut so as to leave a part by which the two pieces are joined, and the 
edges formed in the cutting are sewed together. The thumb is made 
as follows: A tongue-shaped piece is cut out of the palm and the base 
of that piece is left as the part te form the under or inner covering for 
the thumb. <A piece is now trimmed that will fit the place cut out and 
the two parts sewed together. 

The thumb of the Indian is, as a rule, shorter than that of the white 
man, and a pair of native-made mittens are quite uncomfortable until 


286 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


the thumb portion has been recut and sewed. The wrists of the mit- 
tens are often gaudily ornamented with strips of red or black cloth. 
Designs of simple character, such as lines and cross lines producing 
lattice-work figures, are frequently painted on the back of the mitten. 
Beads in rows and zigzag lines ornament the wrist, and strands of 
beads are pendant from the outside seams. The strands are often 
tipped with tassels of variegated woolen threads. The mittens intended 
for severe weather are often lined with the thin skin of a feetal rein- 
deer, which has short, soft hair. Great exertion often causes the hands 
to perspire and moisten the hair, and this freezes the instant the mit- 
ten is removed from the hand, and is liable to freeze the fingers 
within it. 

The head-dress of the men for the summer is often a large cotton 
handkerchief wound turban-fashion around the head to prevent the 
long hair from blowing over the face. These handkerchiefs are of the 
most gaudy patterns, and if they are not worn a simple thong of deer- 


Fic. 94.—Beaded headband. Nenenot. 

skin serves the purpose. The girls and newly married wives often 
make bands of beads, some of which are quite attractively designed, 
for their lovers or husbands. These bands are about an inch wide and 
several inches long. The ends are lengthened with strips of skin. The 
band is placed over the forehead and tied by the strings behind. These 
headbands are generally the most intricate designs of bead work which 
these Indians display (Fig. 94). 

A cap of deerskin is often worn, but it always seems to be in the way, 
and is used mostly in wet weather. A piece of stiff deerskin is some- 
times made into the shape of a visor of a cap and worn over the eyes 
during the spring when the glare of the sun on the snow produces such 
distressing inflammation of the eyes. It is fastened to the head by 
means of straps tied behind. The greater part of the men prefer to go 
without head covering. Some who are able and love a display of faney 
colors have a cap made of red cloth and ornamented with beads worked 
into extravagant patterns. The cap is a high conical affair, and from 
the weight of beads upon it often falls to one side of the head. 


TURNER. | CLOTHING. 287 


The winter coat (Figs. 95, 96) worn by the males is of different 
pattern from that worn in summer, and is made of skins with the hair 
inside. 

Two skins, one of which forms the back of the coat the other the 
front, are sewed by side seams running from the armpit to the bottom 
of the skirt. On the shoulder a seam runs to the neck on each side, 
the back skin extending high enough to form the neck while the other 
skin reaches to the neck in front. Here it is slightly cut out or slit for 
a distance of several inches to allow the insertion of the head through 
the neck hole. 

Sometimes a \y- 
shaped piece is in- 
serted into the slit at 
the front of the neck. 
To widen the skirts a 
similar shaped piece 
is let into the middle 
of the back skin; or 
it may be put between 
the side seams for the 
same purpose. The 
bottom of the skirt is 
decorated. (Fig. 97.) 

At the back of the 
neck a piece about 8 
inches square is at- 
tached to the garment. 
This sometimes serves 
as a collar, and some- 
times it gives addi- 
tional protection by a 
double thickness to 
the shoulders, very 
often the first part to 
feel the effect of the 
piercing winds. 

A few of the coats for winter have a hood attached to them (Fig. 98, 
99) sewed on the back of the neck, which when drawn over the head 
serves af once as cap and protection. 

The collar and hood are invariably made from the skins on the sides 
of the head of the deer. If two or more head skins are required they 
are sewed into the form of the deer’s head. The collar is ornamented 
with fringes cut from the edges of the skin. Sometimes the interscap- 
ular protection is cut into three or four points, each one of which is the 
cheek skin of a deer, and sewed only a portion of the length, the re- 
mainder being left free and terminating with a series of long strands or 
fringes. The sleeves of these garments have nothing peculiar about them. 


Fia. 95.—Man’s winter coat (front). 


288 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


As the Indian 1s always in the vicinity of the herds of deer it is an 
easy matter for him to obtain the skins when in best condition, and 


Fic, 96.—Man's winter coat (back). 


£ eres 


Fic. 97.— Detail of ornamentation. 


from the finer skins su- 
perior garments are 
made. The shape of the 
Indian’s coat is not so 
well adapted to afford 
protection as that of the 
Eskimo ; hence, the white 
men inthis region invyari- 
ably adopt the clothing 
of the latter in cold 
weather. 

Indians eagerly accept 
any cast off garment 
which a white man has 
worn, and they often 
procure the clothing of- 
fered for trade. Trousers 
are in much demand. 
Coats are deemed great 
prizes, especially in the 
wet seasons when the 
moisture would certainly 
ruin their own clothing 
by causing the hair to 
fall off or totally destroy 
the shape of the tanned 


skin garments. For underclothing the Indian man uses an additional 


suit of ordi- 
nary clothing 
or else dons a 
shirt pro- 
eured from 
the trader. 
Drawers are 
rarely worn. 
That these 
people are lit- 
tle suscepti- 
ble to the ef- 
fects of cold 
may~ be. in- 
ferred from 
the fact that 


l have seen them come to the trading post of Fort Chimo in the mid- 


TURNER. | CLOTHING. 289 


dle of winter when the thermometer had not registered higher than 20° 
below zero for weeks, with no protection for their legs except a pair of 
old buckskin leggings so short that the bottom did not reach within 3 
or 4 inches of the dilapidated moccasins. The feet were, so far as 
could be ascertained, chiefly protected by a wrapping of old baling 
cloth covered with a pair of moccasins which no white man would have 
been seen wearing. I observed also that no additional clothing was 
purchased for the return trip. 

The garments worn 
by the women in the 
warmer season consists 
of thin dresses of calico 
purchased from the 
traders. Thin shawls 
serve to protect the 
head and shoulders. 
The feet are incased in 
moccasins. Some of 
the women are able to 
purchase dresses of 
cloth, and these are cut 
into a semblance of the 
dresses worn by the 
women of civilized 
countries. It is not 
rare to see a woman 
wearing a skirt made 
from the tanned skin 
of the deer. The lower 
portions of the skirt 
are often fancifully or- 
namented with lines 
and stripes of paint of 
various colors, extend- 
ing entirely around the 
garment. A piece of See 
baling cloth is often Fic, 98.—Man's winter coat, with hood. 
fashioned into a skirt and worn. 

The females appear to be less susceptible to the sudden changes of 
the summer weather than the men. At least they exhibit less concern 
about the thickness of their apparel. It is not unusual to see a woman 
whose only clothing appears to be a thin dress of calico. During the 
winter the women dress in the most comfortable skins (Fig. 100), blankets, 
shawls, comforts, leggings. and moccasins. During exceptionally severe 
weather, they appear as traveling wardrobes, doubtless carrying their 
all on their back, and in some instances presenting a most comical ap- 

11 ETH——19 


290 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


pearance as, loaded with clothing of most miscellaneous character, they 
waddle over the snow. The winter cap is similar to that worn by the - 
men, but is not so peaked. It is an object on which they expend a 
great amount of labor. The material is usually a kind of cloth locally 
known as Hudson bay cloth, either red, dark blue, light blue, or black. 
The caps of the men and women are usually made from the better 
grades of this cloth, while the dresses of the womey and the leggings 
of the men are of he inferior grades. 

If the cap is to be all one color, in which case it is always red, the 
cloth is cut in two pieces only, and put together so as to produce a cup- 
shape. Sometimes 
five or six pieces are 
cut from two orthree 
different colors of 
cloth and the strips 
sewed together. 
Over the seams 
white tape is sewed 
to set off the colors. 
In the center of the 
strip is a rosette, 
cross, or other de- 
sign worked with 
beads, and around 
the rim rows of 
beads variously ar- 
ranged. 

The body is cov- 
ered with a heavy 
robe made of two 
deerskins sewed to- 
gether. This robe 
is often plain, and 
when ornamented 
designs are painted 
only on the bottom 
of the skirt. These 
robes are always of 

al skins with the hair 
Fic. 99.—Man’s winter coat, with hood. on. The flesh side 
is often rubbed with red ocher while the extreme edge may be painted 
with a narrow stripe of the same mixed with the viscid matter ob- 
tained from the roe of a species of fish. The edge stripe of paint is 
always of a darker brown than the other colors from the admixture of 
that substance with the earth. 

This garment is put upon the body in a manner Pinole to describe 


TURNER. ] CLOTHING. 291 


and difficult to understand even when witnessed. It is held together 
by small loops of sinew or deerskin. A belt around the waist keeps 
it up. 

The women also wear in winter a sleeveless gown reaching little below 
the knees and as high as the chin. The sleeves are put on separately, 
like leggings. They are usually made of red or black cloth. 

The gown is often extravagantly decorated with paint. The flesh 
side of the skin is rubbed with red ocher, on which are painted in de- 
scribable designs. A strip of deerskin dotted with beads borders the 
gown, and from the edge of the strip hang strings of these ornaments, 
terminating in variously colored tassels of thread. 

The leggings of the women differ 
from those of the men. They extend 
higher and the bottoms cover the tops 
of the moccasins. They are made of 
skin or cloth, the latter black or red. 
To cut out a pair of leggings requires 
skill. The cloth is doubled and then 
cut nearly in a circular form. <A size 
sufficient to fit the limb is sewed up 
leaving the crescent-shaped remainder 
a flapping ofnament. The “wings” are 
often edged with cloth of a different 
color and on the outer border rows of 
beads complete the decoration. The 
two crescents are left free, and as the 
wind separates them they flap most 
fantastically. They are always worn 
so as to be on the outer side of the legs. 
The bottoms of the leggings are heavily 
loaded with numerous rows of fancy 
beads. 

Moceasins are alike for both sexes. 

As additional protection from cold 
the shoulders are covered with a man- 
tle of soft skins from young deer. ie. 100.—Nenenot woman in full winter 
Blankets purchased from the traders dress: 
are also sometimes thrown over the shoulders or around the waist. 

Children are clad like adults, excepting that their apparel is less 
carefully made and they often present a disgusting appearance, with 
their clothing glazed with filth and glistening with vermin. 

Infants usually have their garments made in the “combination” 
form. The cap forms a separate piece and is fitted so closely that it is 
not removed until the growth of the head bursts the material of which 
the cap is made. 

When traveling men and women smoke or snuff a good deal. To- 


292 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


bacco and a few other necessary articles are carried in a bag known as 
‘fire bag.” ‘These are made of cloth and trimmed with beads, and are 
often quite tastefully ornamented. 

The detailed figures which I have presented show much better than 
any description the designs used in ornamenting their clothing. Some 


Oa 


NO 


Fa, 101,—Sealskin headband. Nenenot. 


of the patterns are rude copies of the designs found upon cheap hand- 
kerchiets, scarfs, and other printed fabrics. 

I have already spoken of the headbands worked for the men by their 
wives and sweethearts. Such a 
headband, made of sealskin pro- 
cured from the Eskimo, is shown 
in Fig. 101 (No. 3449). The 
headband is used to support the 
weight of a load carried on the 
back, relieving the strain on the 
shoulders and making it easier 
to breathe. The band passes 
over the forehead to the back, 
where it is attached to the load. 

Various forms of these head- 
bands or portage straps are 
made. Sometimes a piece of 
birch bark is placed under the 
strap where it touches the fore- 
head. It is said that the bark 
does not become wet from the 
moisture induced by the se- 


vere exertion and thus burn the 


F1G, 102.—Skin seraper Fig. 103.—Skin seraper 
(front). Nenenot. (back). Nenenot. head. 


PREPARATION OF THE SKINS FOR CLOTHING, 


Having now given a general description of the clothing of the Nene- 


TURNER. ] PREPARATION OF SKINS. 293 


not, | may proceed to describe the process of preparing the skins of 
which this clothing is made. The skins of the deer, which are to be 
converted into buckskin and parchment, are laid to one side ina heap, 
just as they came from the bodies of the animals or after they have 
gone through a process to be subsequently deseribed. : 

When the skins have laid in this heap for several days decomposi- 
tion sets in and loosens the hair so it will readily pull out. When the 
pelt is ready for scraping it is thrown over a round stick of wood some 
3 or 4 inches in diameter and 3 or 4 feet long, one end of which rests 
on the ground while the other is pressed 
against the abdomen of the woman who 
is doing the work. Then she takes a 
tool like a spoke shave (Figs. 102, 103, 
No. 3162) made from the radius of the 
deer, by cutting a slice off the middle 
part of the back of the bone, so as to 
make a sharp edge while the untouched 
ends serve for handles, and with this 
scrapes off the loosened hair. 

The sharp edge of the bone instru- 
ment coming against the hairs pushes 
or pulls them out but does not cut the 
skin. 

The flesh side of the pelt is now 
worked to free it from particles of flesh 
and blood, together with as much of 
the moisture in the skin as may be 
hastily done, for if the person has a 
great number of skins to attend to she 
must work rapidly lest they decompose 
too much and putrefy. 

Where the hunter has great success 
in killing deer many of the skins are left 
untouched because there is no one to at- 
tend to them and they are thus wasted. 

When the pelts of the deer or other 
large animals have been taken from the 
carcass they are allowed to dry with 
the adherent flesh, fat, and ligaments until a convenient opportunity 
occurs to remove those portions from the skin, which must be moistened 
to permit them to be more readily scraped off. Ifthe fresh skins are 
to be cleaned immediately, they are operated upon in the same man- 
ner as those previously dried. All the skins of fur-bearing animals and 
those furnishing skins for clothing and other purposes must be scraped, 
otherwise they would soon be soiled by the infiltration of the fat among 
the hairs. 


Fig. 104.—Skin-cleaning tool. Nenenot. 


294 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


To remove the adherent particles on the flesh side of the skin a pe- 
cular instrument has been devised. The tibia, or large bone of the 
hind leg of the reindeer, is used for this purpose (Fig. 104). The pe- 
culiar shape of the bone renders it particularly well adapted to form a 
combination of saw, chisel, and gouge at the same time. The lower 
portion of the bone is cut squarely off. A part 
of one side of the remainder is cut so as to leave 
one side (the inner side of the bone) in the shape 
of a chisel, having either a straight edge or else 
slightly rounded. On this edge are cut a num- 
ber of fine notches, which give the edge of the 
instrument a serrated form. Some of the bones 
have a spatula-shaped piece of iron or steel cut 
with the serrations upon it and the metal piece 
set in the cavity of the bone. If the leg of a deer 
is not convenient a wooden handle shaped like 
the long handle of a mortising chisel is fashioned, 
and to it is affixed the metal point by means of 
stout lashings (Fig.105). Around the upper por- 
tion of the wooden shaft a notch or groove is cut, 
and in this is tied a stout thong in such manner 
as to form a loop to prevent the hand from slip- 
ping down the smooth bone when the blow is 
struck. 

The manner of using this instrument is peculiar 
and effective. The skin is thrown, with the flesh 
side up, over a stake 2 or 3 feet high driven 
firmly into the ground.. The person kneels down 
before the stake, and when the skin is placed so 
as to afford a convenient portion to begin upon, 
an edge is taken between the fingers of the left 
hand and lifted slightly from the ground. A blow 

é is given with the tool which separates the sub- 

Fig. 105.—Skin-cleaning tool, eytaneous tissue, and by rightly directed blows 
iron-bladed. Nenenot. 3 . 4 

this may be separated from the skin entire. 

The skin is then laid aside for further working. The subcutaneous 

tissue is washed and dried, after which it is used for a variety of pur- 
poses, such as coverings for bundles of dried meat and other articles, 

The skin is worked over with this instrument to free it from a portion 
of its moisture and is now ready to receive the tanning material which 
consists of a mixture of putrefying brain, liver, and fat. They some- 
times soak the skin in wine, which is reputed to add greatly to the last- 
ing qualities of the leather, but the odor of that liquid lasts as long as 
the skin. 

The tanning material is laid on the flesh side of the skin in a thin 
layer and by rubbing with the hands it is well worked in. Several 


TURNER. ] PREPARATION OF SKINS. 295 


hours or days elapse and the superfluous matter is scraped off. The 
skin is then scraped and rubbed between the hands, the harder portions 
with a scraper resembling a small scoop, until all the skin is worked 
into a pliable condition. If the skin is yet too oily a quantity of pow- 
dered chalk, clay, calcined bone, or even flour, is thoroughly rubbed 
over it to absorb any fatty matter yet remaining. 

The skins having the hair on, for clothing, or those intended for 
buckskin, are treated in this manner. Those intended for parchment 
are simply rubbed with a quantity of fat, and then allowed to dry in 
that condition, being of a yellowish or pale glue color. 

Where a great number of skins haveto be prepared, and some of the 
more energetic men hayeas many as two or three hundred buckskins and 
parchment skins for the spring trade, a constant application to this 
labor is necessary in order to prepare them in season. This, in.a man- 
ner, accounts for the number of wives which an energetic or wealthy 
man may have in order that the products of the chase falling to his 
share may be promptly attended to. 

When the skins intended for sale are selected they are bundled up 
and covered with parchment skins or the subcutaneous tissue. 

The skins intended for use among themselves are generally inferior 
grades, such as those cut in the skinning process, or else those obtain- 
ed in the earlier or the later part of the season. 

A species of gad fly infests the deer, puncturimg the skin on both 
sides of the spine, and depositing within the wound an egg which in 
time is transformed into a grub or larva. These larve attain the size 
of the first joint of the little finger, and at the opening of the spring 
weather work their way through the skin and fall to the ground, where 
they undergo metamorphoses to become perfect insects. 

A single animal may have hundreds of these grubs encysted beneath 
the skin, which, on their exit, leave a deep suppurating cavity, which 
heals slowly. The skin forming the cicatrices does not have the same 
texture as the untouched portions. 

When the skin is dressed it reveals these scars, and of course, the 
value of the skin is diminished according to their number. The In- 
dian often endeavors to conceal them by rubbing flour or chalk over 
them. 

The season when the skins are in the best condition is from Septem- 
ber to the middle of December. The freshly deposited eggs have not 
yet produced larve of sufficient size to injure the skin, and the wounds 
produced by those dropping out in the month of May have healed and 
left the skin in condition. 

Certain skins intended for special purposes must be smoked. The 
process of smoking tends to render it less liable to injury from mois- 
ture. Thepyroligneous vapors act as antiseptics and thus at least 
retard decomposition of those articles most exposed to wet. The tents 
and foot wear are always tanned with the smoke and this process is 


296 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


always subsequent to that of bringing the skins into the pliable eondi- 
tion. 

The process adopted by these Indians in smoking the deerskins is 
as follows: The woods are searched for rotten wood of a special 
character, It must be affected with a kind of dry rot which renders 
the fibers of a spongy nature. This is procured and thoroughly dried. 
The skins to be smoked are 
selected and two of nearly 
the same size and condition 
are chosen, and sewed into 
the form of a bag with the 

Fig. 106.—Paint stick. Nenenot. hairy side within. The after 
portions of the skin are suspended from a convenient pole and the head 
and neck portions left free or open. To the edges of these is sewed a 
cloth, usually a piece of baling cloth, and this is also left open. The 
rotten wood is placed in a pan or vessel and as it smol- 
ders, never burning into a blaze, the pale, blue, pungent 
smoke is allowed to ascend within the cavity of the 
deerskin bag. The cloth is merely to form a conduit for 
the smoke as the skin should not be too near the fire. 

As the process continues the skins are inspected be- 
tween the stitches of the sewing and when the opera- 
tion has progressed sufficiently they are taken down. 
It will now be found that the surface has assumed a 
pale, clear brown color, the shade of which depends on 
the length of the exposure to the smoke. 

The cloth is removed and the skins are immediately 
folded, with the smoked side within, and laid away for 
several days to season: If, however, the skin be left to 
the influence of the air the coloring matter immediately 
disappears leaving it of a color only slightly different 
from what it was before it was smoked. 

The sears, made by the larve of the insects, do not Hig. 1s 
“take” the smoke as well as the healthy portions and so present a 
pitted or scaly appearance. From the skins having an abundance of 
the scars are made the tents and inferior grades of moceasins and the 
tops of the betterclass of foot- 
wear. 

The paints used for decorating 

He the buckskin garments are ap- 
Tia. 108,—Paint stick. Nenenot. plied by means of bits of bone 
or horn of a peculiar shape best understood from the figures (Figs. 
106-110). 

Those with two, three or four tines are used for making the compli- 
cated patterns of parallel lines, and are always made of antler, while 
the simple form is sometimes of wood. 


TURNER:] DECORATION. 297 


A_ block of wood with one or more bowl-shaped cavities cut in it (Fig. 
111) serves to hold the mixed paints, especially when several colors are 
to be used in succession. 

Small wooden bowls 
are also employed. 
(Figs. 112-113.) 

The pigments used 
are procured from dif- 
erent sources. From the traders are obtained indigo in the crude con- 
dition or in the form of washing blue, vermilion in small buckskin bags, 
and a few other colors. An abundance of red earth occurs in several 
localities. The pigments 
are reduced to the finest 
possible condition and 
kneaded with the fingers 
until ready for the addi- 
tion of water often mixed 
with a slight quantity of oil or tallow. A favorite vehicle for the paint 
is the prepared roe of a sucker (Catastomus) abounding in the waters of 
the district. The female fish are stripped of the mass of ova which is 
broken up in a vessel and 
the liquid strained through 
a coarse cloth. The color is 
a faint yellow which becomes 
deeper with age. The fluid 
is allowed to dry and when required for use is dissolved in water. It 
has then a semiviscid consistence aud in this condition is mixed with 
the various pigments. When a yellowish color is desired the fish-egg 
preparation is applied alone. The albumen gives sufficient adhesive 
quality to the paint and produce a 
rich glaze, giving a good effect to 
! the otherwise dull colors. 

The process of preparing the 
crude mineral colors is quite tedi- 
ous as the attrition is produced by 
rubbing the substance between two 
smooth stones, a little water occa- 

ua sionally being added to hold the 
Fig. 112 —-Paint cup. Nenenot. particles together. The prepared 
paints are put in the vessels already described, and when ready for use 
a quantity is taken with the finger and placed in the palm of the hand 
while the other fingers hold the instrument by which it is to be ap- 
plied. The paint stick is carefully drawn through the thin layer of paint 
spread on the other palm and a quantity, depending on the thickness 
ot the layer, adheres to the edges of the appliance and by a carefully 
guided motion of the hand the lines desired are produced. The eye 


Fig. 109.—Paint stick. Nenenot. 


Fic. 110.—Paint stick. Nenenot. * 


Fic. 111.—Paint cup. Nenenot. 


298 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


alone guides the drawing, however intricate it may be. The artist fre- 
quently attempts to imitate some of the delicate designs on a gaudy 
bandana handkerchief or some similar fabric. The principal source of 
the hematite is a lake near the headwaters of George’s river where it_ 


Fig. 113.—Paint cup. Nenenot. 


occurs aS a mass of disintegrated rock along the margin. The water 
has by freezing split great quantities from the mass and when there is 
a strong wind from the opposite direction the water is often lashed into 
a blood-red foam. 


DWELLINGS. 


The Nenenot live, both in summer and in winter, in deerskin tent, 
(see Fig. 114), which are constructed in the following manner: A suffi- 


Fig. 114.—Nenenot Indian tent. 


cient number of small poles cut from the woods are deprived of their 
branches and brought tothe camp site. A location is selected and the 
poles are erected in a circle, with tops leaning toward the center so as 
to form a cone 10 to 14 feet in height, having a diameter at its base of 


TURNER. ] DWELLINGS. 299 


from 10 to 18 feet. The skins forming the cover are those of the rein- 
deer, and those selected for this purpose are usually of an inferior 
grade. A sufficient number are sewed together to form a strip long 
enough to reach around the poles when set up. As the tents differ in 
size according to the number of people who occupy them, the skins 
sewed together may be from eight to twelve. The first strip is made 
for the lower part of the poles and is attached to them by means of 
strings fastened within. A second strip is made to go around the up- 
per part of the poles, and is, of course, correspondingly shorter. It is 
placed last so as to overlap the lower breadth and thus prevent rain 
and snow from blowing in. The door is usually made of one large skin 
or two smaller ones. It is tied to the poles at the upper corners and 
at the lower has a small log of wood as a weight to prevent it from 
flapping. The poles at the apex are not covered and through them the 
smoke from the fire built in the center within ascends and finds exit. 

The interior of the tent is arranged to suit the occupants. The floor 
is usually covered with the branches of young spruce, and when eare- 
fully laid these form an admirable protection from the cold ground and 
a soft carpeting. 

The women who lay this flooring display great taste, and certain of 
them are noted for their skill in disposing the branches. The center 
of the tent is reserved for the fire which is built there among a few 
stones. 

The occupants arrange themselves according to the importance of the 
place they oceupy in the family. The owner or head man is always to 
be found on the side opposite the fire. This is considered a place of 
honor, to which all guests who are to be complimented are invited to 
a seat. 

The other members of the group arrange themselves along the sides 
of the tent, and those who have been adopted into the family occupy 
positions next the doorway. 5 

Over the fire may be poles reaching across the tent, and on these will 
be suspended kettles and pots obtained from the traders. The cooking 
utensils are few in number, one vessel serving various purposes. 

The hunting gear and the skins of animals, together with the articles 
belonging to the females may be seen suspended from various portions 
of the interior. Around the edges are the blankets of deerskin, and 
those bought from the traders, lying in disorder. The outer edge of 
the interior is slightly raised above the center, and affords a convenient 
slope for those who desire to sleep. The occupants always sleep with 
their feet toward the fireplace, around which there is no brush, lest it 
be set on fire during sleep and destroy the tent. 

They have regular hours for sleeping, but as these are only for a period 
of short duration, it is not unusual to find half the inmates asleep at 
any time a tent is visited. 

The preparation of the food appears to go on at all times, and there 


300 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


are no regular hours for partaking of their meals, as each person eats 
when convenient. The food is taken directly from the pot or kettle, 
and each one helps himself. Forks are not used, and the food is divided 
with a knife or torn with the fingers. 


SWEAT HOUSES. 


The Nenenot are in the habit of taking steam baths, for which pur- 
pose they use a suda*ory or sweat house, constructed as follows: A 
number of flexible poles of small size, usually willow or alder, which 
grow to sufficient size along the banks of the streams, are bent to form 
a hemispherical or dome-shaped structure, which is covered with tent 
skins. A sandy locality is selected or one free from snow in winter, 
and a fierce fire is built. When it is well under way a number of stones 
are thrown into the fire to heat. When the heat is sufficient the fire is 
removed and the structure is quickly erected over the hot stones and 
some one from the outside fastens down the edges of the tenting with 
stones to prevent the loss of heat. A kettle of water previously placed 
within the bath house is used to pour over the stones, when heat 
rises to a suffocating degree and produces the desired perspiration. 
Water is not used to bathe in, though sometimes a slight quantity 1s 
poured upon the head only. The bather remains within the hut until 
the heat has nearly exhausted him. 

These baths are frequently taken, and often when he has just started 
on a journey the head of the family will be seized with a desire to have 
a bath. Everything must await this operation before the journey is 
resumed. 

An amusing incident occurred at Fort Chimo in the spring of 1882. 
That season the reindeer were extremely numerous at that place, as they 
were crossing to go to the northeast to drop the fawns. Often when 
the herds or bands were panic stricken they rushed among the Indian 
tents, the houses of the station, and, in fact, everywhere, with yelping 
dogs and screaming women and children at their heels. An old man 
and wife were in the sweat house at a time when a very large drove of 
the deer, in their frantic endeavors to escape their pursuers, headed 
directly for the bath. Some one screamed to the occupants to look out 
for the deer. The man and wife made their exit just as a score or more 
of the animals reached the spot. The man tore up the tenting of the 
bath house and whirled it in the air, while the old woman cut the most 
astonishing antics. The whole population witnessed the occurrence 
and did not fail to help increase the tumult. Signs of former sudatories 
are quite common along the paths where the Indians have traveled for 
many years. 

HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS, ETC. 


Each household is supplied with sundry wooden vessels of various 
sizes (Fig. 115) which serve for buckets for holding water and for drink- 


TURNER. | HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 


301 


ing cups. They are made of strips of thin boards cut from spruce or 
from larch trees, the wider strips being as much as six inches wide and 


one-third of an inch thick. They 


are steamed and bent into ovoid 


or circular forms and the ends 
of the strip overlapping. Then 


they are sewed with split roots § 


from those trees. A groove is 


cut near the lower edge and into 


it is placed a dish-shaped piece 


of wood for a bottom. 
These vessels are identical in 
shape and function with those 


Fic. 115.—Wooden bucket, Nenenot. 


manufactured by the Yukon river Indians of Alaska. 
They also use berry-dishes or baskets like Fig. 116 made from the 


Fig. 116.—Birchbark basket, Nenenot. 


bark of the spruce 
peeled in the spring 
of the year. At this 
time the bark 1s 
quite flexible and 
may be bent into 
the desired shape. 
The corners are 
sewed with coarse 
roots from the same 
tree and the rim is 
strengthened by a 
strip of root sewed 
over and around it 
by meaus of a finer 


strand. These baskets serve a good purpose when the women are pick- 


ing berries, of which they are inordinately 
fond; and during that season it is a rarity 
to see a woman or man without a mouth 
stained the peculiar blue color which these 
berries impart. 

Baskets of this shape frequently have a 
top of buckskin sewed to them, closed with 
a drawstring, aS shown in Fig. 117 (No. 
3485). Such things serve to hold trinkets 
and other small articles. 

Large objects are carried in bags, either 
long or basket-shaped, made of the skins of 


deer legs. The leg skins are scraped and Fic. 117.Birchbark basket, Nenenot. 
worked to a moderate degree of pliability and their edges sewed together 
until a sufficient number have been joined to make the bag of the re- 


302 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


quired size. This bag is used to hold the clothing, furs, and other valu- 
ables. When on a trip they are invariably carried. If the journey be 
performed on foot the two ends are tied with a thong and the bag 
thrown over the shoulder. 

In preparing food stone pestles of various sizes were 
formerly used of the shape shown in Fig. 118. These 
pestles are now mostly out of date and superseded by 
cast-iron ones with steel faces, procured from the 
traders. The metal pounders, however, are so heavy 
that they are objectionable to people who have to 
make their burdens on the portages as light as pos- 
sible. 

Spoons to lift pieces of floating meat from the hot 
liquor in which it is cooked, are made of reindeer 
antler and of wood. The pattern of these spoons is 
shown in the figures (Fig. 119). One shape (No.3351, 
Fic. 118.—Stone pestle, Figs. 120, 121,122), was perhaps copied from a civil- 

Nevieuvl, ized ladle. Pots are suspended over the fire with pot- 
hooks of reindeer antler hung up by a loop of thong. These pothooks 
are also made of wood. 


TOBACCO AND PIPES. 


Like all other Indians, 
these people are inordi- 
nately fond of tobacco 
for smoking, chewing, 
and snuff; the latter, 
however, is used only by 
aged individuals, espe- 
cially the females, whose 
countenances show the Fia. 119.—Wooden spoon or ladle, Nenenot. 
effect in a manner quite disgusting. The men consider a supply of to- 
bacco of as much importance as the supply of ammunition for the pros- 
ecution of the chase. The first 
request upon meeting an Indian 
is that you furnish him with a 
chew or a pipe full. Little satis- 
factory intercourse can be had 
with him until he is mollified by 
a giftof tobacco. The first thing 
that an Indian receives when ar- 
riving at the trading post is a 
clay pipe and a plug of tobacco. The pint of molasses and the 
three or four hard biscuit (which have received the local name of 

‘Canadian padlock,” doubtless because they are so difficult to open), 
are of secondary consideration. When the spring arrivals are camped 


Fic. 120.—Wooden spoon or ladle, Nenenot. 


‘S3dild OOOVEOL ANOLS 


ADOTONHL3 30 NV3HNS 


WNAXXX "Id = LYOd3Y IWNNNY HLN3A313 


ey “ag } 
a4 
—_ 


TURNER. ] HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS. 303 


at the station it is not unusual for several to contribute a number of 
plugs of tobacco and a gallon of molasses. These are boiled together 
and then water is added to the mixture. This villainous compound is 
drunk until a state of stupefaction ensues. The muddled creature 
under the influence of that liquor seems like an idiot. The effect is 
terrible and does not wear away for several days. The pipes used for 
smoking are made of stone obtained from river pebbles, usually a fine- 
grained compact sandstone. The color of this stone varies from a dark 
reddish brown nearly the color SN 
of clotted blood to a lighter 
shade of that color. The red 
stones often have spots of every 
size and shape of a yellowish 
drab which form a strange con- 
trast with the darker colors. 
The darker the stone the less 
spotting it will have. The best 
of all the pipes and those most valued are of greenish sandstone having 
strata of darker colors which appear as beautiful graining when the 
pipe is cut into form and polished. 

Other pipes are of hard slate and very dark without markings. All 
the material is hard and the effect of the fire within renders them har- 
der and liable to crack if used in very cold weather. These pipes vary 
but little im shape (I have figured three—P1. xxxvu and Fig. 123—to 
show the pattern), but there is considerable difference in size. The 
largest ones are made of the green stone, while the smaller ones are 
made of other stones. The 
stem is of spruce wood and is 
prepared by boring a small 
hole through the stick length- 
wise and whittling it down 
to the required size. It is 
from 4 to 8 inches long and is 
often ornamented with a band 
of many colored beads. 

The rough stone for a pipe 
is selected and chipped into crude form. The successive operations of 
wearing it down to the desired size are accomplished by means of a 
coarse file or a harder stone. The amount of labor bestowed upon a 
pipe consumes several days’ time before the final polish is given. 

The value set upon these pipes is according to the color of the stone, 
as much as the amount of labor expended in making them. They are 
always filthy, partly on account of the bad quality of tobacco used. 
The ashes and other accumulations within are removed by means of a 
bodkin-shaped instrument of bone or born. The back of a broken horn 
comb is a favorite material for making a decorated pipe-cleaner (Fig. 


F1G. 121.—Wooden spoon or ladle, Nenenot. 


F1G. 122.—Wooden spoon or ladle, Nenenot. 


304 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


124), The ornamentations consist of cruciform and quadrate figures on 
the handle. The tobacco used for smoking is the commonest black 
plug of very inferior quality, soaked with molasses and licorice. This 
moist tobacco is cut into pieces and a coal of fire placed upon it. They 
prefer this quality, and purchase the lighter and drier kinds only to 
serve as kindling for the darker sort. 

They do not know how to brew or ferment liquors of any kind, and 
as the importation of intoxicants is wisely prohibited, the native has no 
opportunity to indulge in his craving for liquors, the supply of which 
was plentiful in former years. A spruce beer is made by the servants 
of the company for the holidays, and a taste is sometimes given to a 


Fic. 123.—Stone tobacco pipe. Fig. 124.—Pipe cleaner, Nenenot, 


favorite Indian, who is so easily affected that a pint of this mild beer 
will send him reeling and happy to his tent, where it soon becomes 
known that beer is to be had. The importunities for drink are now so 
frequent, that the barrel must be emptied of its contents in order to 
avoid the constant beggings for it. j 


MEANS OF TRANSPORTATION, 
BY WATER. 


All the Indians of this region use birch-bark canoes, of the pattern 
shown in the figure (PI. xxx1x, from a photograph; the collection also 
contains six wooden models of these canoes). The style of canoe used 
by the Little Whale river Indians of the eastern side of Hudson bay 
has very much more sheer at the bow and stern than those used in the 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


BIRCH-BARK CANOE, NENENOT, KOKSOAK RIVER PATTERN. 


= 


TURNER.] TRANSPORTATION BY WATER. 305 


valley of the Koksoak. The canoe of each individual differs from others 
according to the personal taste or need of the maker. The requirements 
are that the canoe shall be able to transport himself and family, together 
with the household property, whenever it is desired to change camps. 
Some of the canoes are small, others large, often possessed by two or 
more individuals in common. 

These canoes are constructed in the following manner: Trees are 
selected which when split will afford a number of straight-gramed 
slats free from knots. These slats are shaved to the required thick- 
ness and laid aside to season. They are 3 or 4 inches wide and less 
than one-third of an inch in thickness. The exterior or longitudinal 
strips are placed so that their edges will touch each other. The inside 
strips or ribs are placed about their own width apart, and of course are 
placed at right angles to the longitudinal slats. They are thinner than 
the side strips and become almost like shavings at the bow and stern. 
The two layers of slats form a kind of shell upon which the skin of 
bark fits tightly. The first process with the bark is to free it from the 
outside scaling layers; the next is to soak it for several days in fresh 

water to soften it; otherwise, when dry it would crack like an eggshell. 

When it has macerated a sufficient time it is taken out and laid over a 
form of clay or other earth, which has previously been roughly molded 
to the shape of the interior of the canoe. The bark is now sewed along 
the edges of the strips with roots of the spruce tree. These are long 
and tough, and resemble splits of rattan when properly prepared for 
the purpose by splitting and shaving with a knife. Various sizes of 
these roots are used for the different portions. The threads are also 
soaked in water until they become so flexible that they may be tied into 
a knot without breaking. 

When the bark skin rudely conforms to the shape of the mold of 
earth, the rails or round strips of wood along the inner edge of the 
canoe are placed in position and the ends of the bark strips laid over 
it and sewed. A second rail is now laid upon the first and drawn 
down to it by means of the root thongs. A piece of wood is shaped for 
the bow and one for the stern and inserted in position, and the end 
seams of the canoe are sewed over these pieces. 

The interior is then ready for the longitudinal strips, which are placed 
at the bottom tirst and gradually built up on each side until the rails 
are reached. The ribs or transverse strips are next placed in position. 
Five or more crosspieces, or thwarts, are fastened to the side rails to 
give stiffness to the sides and to prevent collapsing, and they may be 
set either below or above the rail. The greatest care must be exercised 
to give to both sides of the canoe the same shape and to have the kee] 
evenly balanced. This is rudely regulated by the eye during the process 
of construction. After all the strips are put in, the boat is allowed 
to season and dry. This causes the bark to shrink, and while drying 
the whole is frequently inspected to discover any splits or cracks in 

11 ETH 20 


306 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


the bark. The Indian often wets the canoe, lest it dry too rapidly and 
split under the tension. When the form and make are satisfactory the 
seams are smeared with a mixture of spruce gum (or resin bought from 
the traders’), mixed with seal oil to render it less easily broken. This 
mixture is while hot laid upon the dry surface with a small paddle. 

After the gum has seasoned for a day or so the canoe is put upon the 
water and tested for its speed and seaworthiness. All leaks and needed 
repairs are immediately attended to, and it is at length 
ready for use. 

Many persons have not the skill needed to construct 
a canoe, and they employ those who have had experience 
and are known to build an excellent boat. 

There are two kinds of canoes in use among those In- 
dians, differing only in the shape of the stern and prow. 
The original form was nearly flat along the rails and had 
the bow and stern but little turned up. Of later years 
intercourse with some of their neighbors has induced 
them to modify the nearly straight edge canoe into an 
intermediate shape between their own and that of the 
East Main Indians, whose canoes are yery much turned 
up, and are acknowledged to be far superior vessels to 
those of the Ungava Indians. 

As the forests in the vicinity of Fort Chimo do not 
contain birch trees, and none are found until the head- 
waters of the Koksoak are reached, where they are too 
small to afford bark of sufficient size and thickness, the 
Indians are compelled to procure the bark from the 
traders, who import it from the St. Lawrence river and 
eulf stations to Fort Chimo. It comes in bundles large 
enough to cover a single canoe of moderate size. If a 
canoe is to be very large two bundles are required. The 
value of a black fox skin purchases a bundle of bark. 

During the spring months, while the weather is some- 
what warm, the men are engaged in preparing the strips 
and bark for the canoe which is to convey them up the 
river when the ice breaks and the river is open for navi- 
gation. 

. The paddle has a single blade with a handle scarce:y 
—F more than half the length of the paddle. It is used with 


me pane ken a both hands, the strokes being given on alternate sides as 
canve. it glides through the water. 

When it is necessary that a portage be made the voyager takes the. 
canoe upon his shoulders by letting one of the center thwarts rest on 
the back of the neck. The hands are thrown backward to hold up the 
end of the canoe from the ground. A headband, such as I have already 


described, of birch bark or cioth, often fancifully ornamented with 


'TURNER.] TRANSPORTATION BY WATER. 307 


beads, fits over the forehead and is attached to the sides of the canoe 
by means of thongs, which prevent the canoe from slipping off the 
shoulders as the porter quickly tray- 
erses the narrow pathway through 
the trees and bushes. The ground 

is often so uneven and rough that 
long detowrs have to be made by the 
porter, while the rest of the party 
may goa shorter path to the place 
where the canoe will again be placed 

in the water. <A part of the neces- 
sary equipments for a trip in a canoe 
are pieces of bark, root threads, and 
gum to repair any damage resulting 
from an accidental contact with a 
stone or shag. 

Without the birch-bark canoe the 
Indian would have difficulty in ob- 
taining his living, as it is even more 
necessary than the sled, and nearly 
as useful as the snowshoe. 

The paddles used with these ca- 
noes are about 5 feet long, having a 
blade about 30 inches long and 44 
wide. The handle terminates in a 
sort of knob. The paddle referred 
to, for applying the gum and grease 
to the seams of the canoe, has the 
shape of a flattened spoon with 
rounded bowl (Fig. 125). The gum 
is heated, and while hot is poured 
along the seams and pressed into 
the interstices of the stitches with 
the paddle. When a patch is to be 
applied over a fracture or broken 
place in the bark, it may be made 
to adhere by the sticky properties 
of the gum alone, if the distance to 
be traveled is not great. <A fire is 
then made and the wax heated; the {l 
piece of bark is edged with the gum 
and pressed firmly over the rent. 
A second coat is applied over the : 
edges of the bark, after the firsthas yy¢.126.—-Trobogean,Nenenot, Fis. 127. Tobog. 
become cold. A few minutes suffice sue VIER Feat yate 
to repair an apparently alarming hole, 


308 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 
BY LAND. 


For carrying loads over the snow all the Indians of this region use 
large sleds (Figs. 126, 127) called ta-bas-kan, which is a word equiva- 
lent to the well known name “toboggan.” These sleds, as used among 
the Indians under consideration, differ very greatly in size according to 
the use for which they are designed. 

The method of construction is as follows: A tree is selected as free 
from knots as possible and two boards of less than an inch in thickness 
are hewed or split from it. These boards are further dressed to the 
required thickness and width. The final operation consists in shaving 
them down with a ‘“ crooked 
knife” to little more than half 
an inch in thickness. One 
edge of each board is then 
straightened and the two 
edges placed together. The 
length is rarely more than 
15 feet. The front end is 
steamed or heated in a kettle 
of hot water until the boards 
become flexible. The ends 
are turned up to the desired 
curve and then bent over at 
the end, where they are held 
in position by a transverse 
bar of wood. This bar is 
slightly concave on the side 
next the sled and gives the 
nose a curved shape. The 
curved portion of the front 
may rise as much as 18 inches 
above the surface over which 
the sled travels. At the 
place where the curve begins a second transverse bar is placed, and 
at a distance behind it a third, fourth, and fifth bars are fastened. 
Sometimes an additional bar is to be found on the upper side of the bot- 
tom. These bars are all fastened to the two bottom boards by means of 
thongs of parchment deerskin, and run through holes on the bottom 
boards. On the under side the thongs are let into places cut out between 
the two holes, so that the thongs will not be worn when passing over 
the snow. ‘They are usually fastened in four places, one at each end of 
the bar and one on each side of the crevice between the edges of the 
two boards. From the nose of the first bar run a pair of very stout 
thongs or else twisted sinew, which are drawn tight enough to prevent 
the nose and curve from straightening out. From the end of the first 


Fia. 128.—Nenenot snowshoe, single bar. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL 


NENENOT SNOWSHOE—* SWALLOW-TAIL.”” 


Te eee fe eae et ay ye ee ee ee aa ee 


TURNER. ] TRANSPORTATION BY LAND. 309 


bar to the last one on the heel of the sled is run a stout twisted thong 
under the end of each bar, which there has a notch cut on the under 
side for the line to pass through. This line serves to strengthen the 
sides and prevent the two boards from slipping past each other when 
passing over inequalities of the ground. At the ends of the first bar 
and connected with the side lines are two long stout thongs of twisted 
skin, often 25 feet long. These are used as traces, by which the sled is 
dragged. The shape of the bottom is often fashioned after all the re- 
mainder of the work has been done. The width of the nose is rarely 
more than 9 inches; at the first bar it is about 14 inches and as much 
as 18 inches between the first and second bars. From the widest part 
to the heel it gradually narrows to a width of 5 to 7 inches. 

Two boards are used, as one of sufficient width could not be obtained 
from the forests of that region. Besides, a single board would certainly 
split, while two obviate this 
danger and render the sled less 
stiff. In passing over rough 
places the sled must bend to 
conform to inequalities or else 
it would break. In the con- 
struction of this vehicle the In- 
dian displays much skill and a 
perfect knowledge of the re- 
quirements of the case. The 
load is placed so as to dispose 
the weight on that portion which 
will bear chiefly on the ground. 
The great length of the sled en- 
ables the person to guide it 
more readily. 

When ona journey the younger 
women and the men drag it 
along. When the men return 
to the station to trade they 
alone drag it. A small dog is 4 
sometimes hitched to it by a thong, but as the animal is so small and 
light, it affords but little assistance. The animal, however, would cer- 
tainly wander off in search of game along the track, and by being 
hitched to the sled is kept within bounds. 

All the household effects, consisting of tent, cooking utensils, cloth- 
ing, and other articles are placed on the sled when the people are 
changing camp. 

The Nenenot are skilled in the manufacture and use of snowshoes, 
of which four styles are used, viz: The “swallow-tail,” ‘‘beaver-tail,” 
“round-end,” and ‘single-bar” (Figs. 128,129). The frame is of wood, 
nearly an inch wide and half an inch thick, usually in two pieces, joined 


Fic. 129—Nenenot snowshoe, single bar. 


310 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


by long lap splices wrapped with deerskin thongs, either at the sides 
or ends of the shoe. In the single-bar shoe the frame is on one slip, 
spliced at the toe. Birch is the favorite material for snowshoes, but is 
rarely to be had except by those Indians who ascend the Koksoak to its 
headwaters, so that spruce and larch are generally used. 

The arrangement of the toe and heel bars of the snow- 

shoes will be best understood from the figures. They are 
usually placed within the frame, and set in mortises in the 
inner side of the frame, before the wrapping of the ends of 
the frames has been drawn together; otherwise the bars 
could not be placed in the holes to receive them. 
_ The netting is made of deerskin, with the hair removed, 
and allowed to dry into a condition usually known as parch- 
ment. This is cut into strips of variable width, depending 
on the particular use for which it is wanted. 

A needle of bone, horn, or iron (Fig. 130) is used for net- 
ting the snowshoes. The shape of the implement is flat and 
rounded at each point, to enable the needle to be used either 
backward or forward. The eye which carries the line is in 
the middle. Various sizes of needles are used for the dif- 
erent kinds of netting, of which the meshes differ greatly 
in size. 

The line is generally 10 to 20 feet in length, and when the 
netting is completed it somewhat resembles the seating of 
a cane-bottomed chair. Each individual varies his work 
according to fancy, but as the netting between the bars is 
made of coarser line, more compactly woven, there is less 
difference there than at the toe or heel. 

The netting of the toe is of finer line and meshes than 
the middle or between the bars; while that between the 
heel bar and heel of the snowshoe is finest of all. 

The netting between the bars holds the joints of the 
frames where they lap over each other. 

The toe and heel spaces of netting are held in place by 
the line passing under the threads which are wrapped 
around the bars from the netting between them, and again 
are fastened or slipped through loops of thread or line 

oT seit ea th which are let through the frame of the snowshoe. 
shoe) sited, Near the center of the toe-bar is a space left in the netting - 
between the bars to admit the toes of the wearer and allow 
them free action while walking. This space is semicircular and is in- 
closed by several strands of line passing over the toe-bar and forming 
loops, which have the diagonal lines of the netting passed around them 
and drawn tight. 
The snowshoe is held to the foot by a wide buckskin thong attached 
at the semicircular space back of the toe-bar. The ends must be far 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI 


NENENOT SNOWSHOE—“ BEAVER-TAIL.”’ 


TURNER. ] SNOW SHOES. 311 


enough apart to admit the width of the foot as far as the toes, and 
must be then drawn down to prevent the foot from pushing too far 
forward and striking against the toe-bar. The loop passing over the 
toes must be slack enough to allow free movement of the foot. When 
the strap suits the foot it is passed around the heel of the wearer and 
tied sufficiently tight to give ease and comfort. If too tight, the 
weight soon presses the tendon of the heel. If too loose, it drops down 
and the toe slips from under the toe band. 

The single-bar snowshoes are not much used, because they are some- 
what difficult to make. They are of two styles. One has the bar 
directly under the center of the foot. It is wide, and should be strong 
enough to sustain the weight of any wearer. The other style is where 
the single bar is at the front of the toes, which pattern differs from 


i 


Fig. 131.—Wooden snowshoe, Little Whale river. 


the “beaver-tail” style only in the absence of the heel bar. This 
pattern is considered the easiest of all to wear and walk in when once 
learned. The foot straps are exactly like those of the common kinds. 

The single bar in the middle of the snowshoe renders it a matter of 
great discomfort until one is accustomed to it, as the straps are simply 
loops for the toe and heel. This pattern has been already figured. 
The largest snowshoes ineasure as much as 28 inches across and 3 
feet in length. 

Some of the Indians acquire great expertness in the use of these snow- 
shoes, and are able to run quite rapidly with them. The width of the 
shoes causes one to straddle widely to allow one snowshoe to pass 
above and over the other. Care must be exercised that while brin ging 
the rear foot forward the frame does not strike the ankle and produce 
a serious bruise. In ascending a hill the toe must elevate the snow- 


312 


THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


shoe to avoid a stumble. In descending the body must be thrown well 


Fig. 132—Bow, 
Nenenot. 


back or a pitch heels over head ensues, and sometimes the 
frames strike the back of the head. 

To put them on the feet the foot must enter the loop from 
forward toward the rear, and when the loop is on the foot 
the latter must be turned within the loop and then passed 
under the toe band. 

Everybody wears snowshoes—inen, women, and children. 
Without them travel in winter would be an impossibility, 
and as the capture of furs is made in winter and the ground 
to be hunted over must of necessity be of great area, the 
snowshoe becomes a necessity as much as the canoe in sum- 
mer. 

I collected two peculiar pairs of snowshoes, made of flat 
spruce boards (Fig. 131). Theyare shaped exactly like netted 
snowshoes of the “beaver tail” pattern, and the arrangement 
of the foot strap is the same as usual. 

They came from the Little Whale river Indians, who in- 
formed me that they were worn on soft snow. 

In the spring of the year, when the snow is rapidly melted 
by sun, the netted snowshoes become clogged with slush, 
rendering the weight very fatiguing. Wooden snowshoes 
are admirably adapted for that season of the year, and may 
be made in a few hours, while the netted ones require sey- 
eral days’ assiduous labor. The Indians of the Koksoak val- 
ley do not use the wooden snowshoes. 


WEAPONS. 


In former times these Indians used the bow and arrow 
exclusively, but they have now nearly discarded these wea- 
pons for the guns which they procure from the traders. 

The bow and arrow is, however, still used to kill ptarmi- 
gan, hares, and rabbits. The bow (Fig. 152) consists of a 
piece of larch or spruce wood of 4 to 6 feet in length. It is 
only slightly narrower and thinner at the ends, and nearly 
an inch thick and an inch and a half wide at the central por- 
tions. But little ingenuity is displayed in the construction 
of these weapons. They have considerable elasticity, and if 
broken it is easy to obtain a piece of wood from the forest and 
fashion another. The string is a strand of deerskin, twisted 
or rolled. It is rare to find a bow that has a single string. 

The arrows are usually 2 feet or 30 inches long, and feath- 
ered with three ptarmigan feathers. (Figs. 133-136.) The 
head is usually an egg-shaped knob, terminating in a slender 
point which soon breaks off. 

This weapon is used for small game, as the cost of ammu- 
nition is too great to spend it upon game as readily procured 


Xu 


PL. 


ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


NENENOT SNOWSHOE—‘ ROUND-END.”? 


TURNER. | WEAPONS. 313 


by this cheaper method. The Indian is very expert in the use of the 
bow and arrow, and is able to knock over a ptarmigan or crouching 
hare every time at 25 yards. The force with which the arrow is pro- 
jected is astonishing. I have seen a ptarmigan rolled for many yards 
amid-a perfect cloud of feathers when struck by the arrow. It often 
tears the entire side out of the bird. 

In former years the arrow did great execution among the deer in 
the water or deep snow banks among which they floundered when 
driven into them by the Indian who, on snowshoes, was able to travel 
where the deer sank nearly out of sight. 


Fia. 133.— Arrow, Fia. 134.—Arrow, Fig. 135. —Arrow, Fig. 136.—Arrow, 
Nenenot. Nenenot. Nenenot, Nenenot. 


Among the Indian boys it is yet a favorite amusement to shoot 
small birds with the bow and arrow Small crossbows also are used 
by children. -They have doubtless been made after those brought by 
some white man. The children have great sport with these bows. 

The spear, already referred to, for killing the swimming reindeer, is 
shown in Fig. 137. The wooden shaft is 6 feet long, and the steel 
point, which is made of a flat file beaten down to a quarter of an inch 
square, is 11 inches long. It is set into the end of the shaft and 
fastended by a whipping of sinew. 

The weapon is held by the hand in a manner peculiar as well as un- 
comfortable. The closed hand over the butt end of the weapon is so 


314 ; THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


placed as to have the fingers upward and the outside of the hand 
toward the point, this rather awkward grasp enables the person to let 
go of the weapon in case of threatened disaster resulting 
from a misdirected thrust. The collection also contains three 
models of deer spears, Nos. 3205-3207. These are. often 
also used as arrows to shoot at larger game when the In- 
dian is out hunting ptarmigan, hares,and rabbits. A hun- 
ery wolverene or a famished wolf would prove trouble- 
some to kill with the blunt arrows. These models differ 
from the larger spear 
only in size. 

The Little Whale 
river Indians use a 
peculiar spear for kill- 
ing white whales. 
(Figs. 138,139). It is 
modeled after the Es- 
kimo harpoon, but has 
no ‘loose shaft,” or 


Fic. 137.— Deer ack 138.—White whale spear, Fig. 139.—Point of white 
lance, Nenenot. Little Whale river. whale spear enlarged. 

rather, the fore shaft and loose shaft are in one piece, and has a cireu- 
lar wooden disk fitted to the butt of the shaft, which takes the place of 
the bladder float, and serves to impede the motions of the animal when 


jaa 


TURNER. ] WEAPONS. 315 


struck. Reindeer antler is substituted for the ivory of the Eskimo 
weapon. The blades are of copper or iron and riveted in, These 
spears are 8 or 10 feet long. 

The snare (Fig. 140) forms one of the less important methods of 
procuring these animals. It is of parchment made from the skin of the 
reindeer cut into thin narrow thongs. Several of these strands, usually 
three, are plaited together to form a layer; and of these layers three 
are plaited together to form the snare line. It often is made, however, 
of three single strands cut somewhat wider and creased so that they will 
lie well when the three are plaited. The more strands the greater the 


= 
—_ 5 


i 

is 
( 

V) Ui 


SS \ X 
SS SS 
SSS 


SE, 


Fic. 140.—Reindeer snare, Nenenot. 


flexibility of the line, but as there must be a certain amount of stiff 
ness to hold it in position the many strands must be woven more 
tightly together. The length varies from 10 to 20 feet, and at the 
end is a loop formed by turning the strands back and splicing them. 
Through the loop the other end is passed, and the noose is made. 

When a herd of deer is discovered in a favorable locality the people 
of the vicinity are informed and hasty preparations are made. 

The effort is to cause the deer to pass through a narrow defile con- 
taining bushes. The snares are then placed in position by tying the 
free end of the line to a suitable tree and suspending the noose where 
the heads or antlers will become entangled. Some are placed so that 
when the foot is lifted the noose is carried along and tightens on it, 


316 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The people surround the animals, and at a given signal shout and 
create the greatest din, to confuse the creatures, which plunge toward 
the place where the snares are set. One or two hunters concealed in 
that locality appear suddenly and further confuse the now panic- 
stricken animals, which rush in every direction before their foes. They 
become immeshed in the nooses and are held until their throats are eut 
or they are choked by the cord. 

It frequently happens that two deer will be caught in a single snare. 
The Indians assert that itis a most ludicrous sight to witness two 
sturdy bucks caught by the antlers in a single snare. They appear to 
accuse each other of the misfortune, and struggle terribly to free them- 
selves. In the animals which are strangled by the noose the congested 
blood distends the vems and renders the flesh very dark. 

Previous to the general use of guns the snaring method was of greater 
importance than at the present day. Even now the Indian does not 
lose any opportunity of employing the snare. 

Some of the snares are made of tanned skin, which is softer and is 
often ornamented with strands of beads attached to the end of the line. 
Some of them are colored red, with a mixture of vermilion and hematite 
earths, thinned with water. 


HUNTING. 


Lhave already described the methods of hunting the reindeer and of 
capturing small game. 

The beaver is not plentiful in the Ungava district, and not until the 
headwaters of the Koksoak and the lakes near the source of George’s 
river are reached are they to be found at all, excepting occasional 
stragglers. 

The Indians have few of the skins of this animal to sell at the trading 
post of Fort Chimo. 

The methods of capture differ in some respects from those elsewhere 
employed. 

The habits of the beaver are so well known that a statement of their 
manner of life is unnecessary. 

The food supply north of latitude 55° is so limited in quality and 
quantity that the scarcity of the animals is due entirely to the absence 
of the food necessary for their existence. 

When the dams and structures made by the beaver are discovered 
the people devise means to capture it. 

Ifit is convenient to get at the holes leading to the structure, which 
are always under water so deep that it will not freeze to the bottom, 
they are closed with a stick of wood and an opening made in the top of 
the hut. The animal is then caught by the hind legs or tail and lifted 
out. Itseldom attempts to defend itself at first. As soon as the hunter 
can do so he jerks the animal out, and with a blow on its head kills it. 
If he should pause for an instant from the time the hand is put on the 


TURNER. | HUNTING. 317 


animal until the death blow is given, that very instant he certainly 
will be bitten with teeth so sharp and powerful that the fingers may be 
snipped from the hand as though with a pair of shears. The wound 
thus inflicted is often very severe and difficult to heal, as the bite is 
not only cutting but crushing. 

Where the water can be drained from the pond or lake 
in which the beavers’ hut is built, the Indians often leave 
it high and dry by damming off the supply and allowing 
the water to drain away. As soon as the house is out of 
water the occupant emerges and is killed. Beavers are 
sometimes shot while sporting on the water during moon- 
light nights. 

Some of the animals are captured by means of a net of 
peculiar construction. This net is of fine deerskin thongs 
netted into a circle nearly 2 feet in diameter, with meshes 
about an inch square. The meshes in the outer row are 
threaded upon a stout thong of deerskin, in length about 
four times the diameter of the net. This thong is now tied 
at the ends, and over one end thus tied is slipped a ring 
made of spruce root and wound with sinew to strengthen 
it. This ring is about an inch in diameter, only sufficient 
to allow freedom of the ends of the line. It is fastened 
to one of the meshes of the net in order to keep its place. 

Where the water is too deep and only a single beaver is 
in the lodge the net is carefully spread over the mouth of 
the exit so placed as to form a purse into which the head 
and neck of the animal will be thrust as it leaves the hut, 
The mouth of the purse now tightens from the ring slip- 
ping along the string, and thus strangles the animal or 
else causes it to drown as it struggles to escape from the 
tightening cord. 

The net is said to be a very effective means of capturing 
the beaver and will succeed when it has become too wary 
to be shot on the surface of the water. 

The flesh of the beaver is considered valuable food by Sa 
these people. They prize it highly and prefer the flesh “Yaitv Nona. 
of the female to that of the male. 


MISCELLANEOUS IMPLEMENTS, TOOLS, ETC. 


One of the most important tools used by the Nenenot is the “crooked” 
knife (Fig. 141). These instruments are made from steel files or knife 
blades. They are of various sizes depending on the amount of material 
at hand. The Indian takes a piece of metal and grinds one side of it 
flat and smooth; the other is edged like a drawing knife. The blade is 
now heated and bent to the desired curve. Some are more bent than 
others and some have only the point bent to one side. The few left- 


318 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


handed persons have the blade formed to suit themselves. It is set in 
a handle curved from the user and bent upward like the blade. At the 
end of the handle is generally to be found a thong on which a wooden 
button is placed for attachment to the belt, as no man ever goes off on 
a journey without this knife, however short may be the distance. 

The handle is held in the hand at right angles or across the body and 
invariable drawn toward the user. It is employed for all purposes of 
whittling or shaving wood and one would be surprised to observe what 
large strips will separate when started with this apparently frail blade. 


Fria. 143.—Snow shovel, Fic. 144.—Ice-scoop, 
Fic. 142.—Awl, Nenenot. Nenenot. Nenenot. 


The strips and slats of canoes, paddles, snowshoes, and in fact every- 
thing that can be cut from wood, are made with this knife. It requires 
much skill to guide the blade so as to cut the wood evenly; and to this 
end the thumb, which is placed upon the outer extremity of the handle, 
must steady the blade. The strain of the blade upon the handle is 
very great, and it must be securely held by means of stout thongs 
wrapped around it. 

The crooked knife is a form of instrument in use among the Indians 
and Eskimo alike, and one of the few implements which those widely 
differing people have in common. 


TURNER. ] TOOLS. 319 


Awls (Fig. 142) are made of steel or iron. The back or spring of a 
pocketknife or a portion of a small file appears to be the favorite mate- 
rial for forming them. They are usually chisel-shaped and have rectan- 
gular corners. The handle into which the metal is fastened is gen- 
erally of deer horn. The shape of the handle varies from a Y 
shape to that of a crescent. 

These tools are constantly required for piercing holes in the 
various woods used in manufacture. Articles of simple con- 
struction the Indian prefers to make for himself, rather than pay 
an extortionate price to the trader. He is able to accomplish re- 
markable results with rude tools of his own make. 

Snow shovels are made of wood and are much used, for dur- 
ing the winter, when the snows are constantly accumulating 
around the camps, the occupants necessarily remove some to 
form a pathway from the door of their tent, and as snow forms 
an admirable protection, it is thrown or banked up around their 
tents to prevent the wind from blowing under. In the spring 
nearly all the aged people carry one of the wooden shovels to 
clear away a path or as a help to walk while the slushy snow is 
so treacherous. Fig. 143 represents a common form of wooden 
snow shovel. These are often painted with vermillion or indigo. 

Fig. 144 shows a special form of snow shovel designed for 
cleaning the ice from the holes through which the people fish. It 
usually has a blade made from the brow antler or one of the 
broad palms from the horns of the reindeer. The horn portion 
is attached to the wooden shaft or handle by means of thongs 
running through holes bored for that purpose. 

The ice-picks (Fig. 145) used in times gone by were pieces of 
reindeer horn or bone, shaped like a narrow mortising chisel and 
attached to staffs of wood. The chisel or pick was fastened to 
the staff by means of stout thongs to prevent a side movement 
from the groove into which it was set. The upper end of the 
staff was at times shod with bone or horn so as to be available 
for a walking staff. 

The ice-pick of the present day has a piece of iron or steel 
substituted for the horn or bone; but, being heavy, it is not so 
often carried from place to place. An Indian will in an ineredi- 
bly short time pierce a hole through 3 feet thickness of ice with 
it. A white man can not equal them in this work. 

Combs for the hair are purchased fiom the traders. They are highly 
prized and are kept in little birehbark bags. For cleaning out the 
dirt which collects on the comb the tail of a porcupine is used. The 
needles or spines are picked out of the tail, leaving the stiff, coarse 
hairs, which serve the purpose of cleaning the comb quite well. This 
tailis usually appended to the comb-case. 


Fic. 145. 


320 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The natives sometimes make wooden combs like the one shown in Fig. 
146, in imitation of those purchased. 

After a woman’s hair has been combed half of it is collected on each 
side of the head and rolled 
or wound up on small 
pieces of board (Fig. 147) 
similar in shape to the 
“winders” on which darn- 
ing or knitting cord is 
wrapped. Strands of 
beads are now placed 
upon these to hold the 
hair in place. 

A remarkable object is 
shown in Fig. 148. It is 
one of a pair of boards 
procured from one of the 
Little Whale river Indi- 
aus, by whom they are 
used to assist in swim- 
ming. One board is held 
in each hand and used as 
a paddle to push the 
swimmer along. Indians 
able to swim are scarce. 
I have not seen these 
boards in use, and am not 
able personally to speak 
concerning their alleged 
function. 

The fish-hook shown in Fig. 149 has a barb of steel or iron. It is on 
the smaller hooks made of one of the ribs of the larger trout. 


es 


LAA ANG 


| 


1 


qi 


sy 
| 
SY 


Fic. 146.—Comb, with birckbark case and cleaner. 


AMUSEMENTS. 


The boys have no consideration for the females of their own age, but 
treat them as inferiors and fit 
for nothing but to be subjects 
of almost constant annoyance 
and persecution. When a 
number of boys collect they 
are sure to maltreat the wo- 
, men, even those advanced in 
B years, and appear to delight 
in any opportunity to sub- 

Fic. 147.—Boards for woman's hair. ject them to the rudest mis- 
chief. Ifa woman ventures to peep from the tent in summer a shower 


TURNER.) AMUSEMENTS. 321 


of water is sure to be flung on her by some boy. In winter snow- 
balling is equally annoying, and when parties of women go to the 
woods to get fuel the pack of boys is sure to waylay them as they 
return. If the boys can separate the women their fun is complete; 
their dresses are torn and their bundles of fuel scattered. They often 
retaliate, however, and strip the clothing from some unfortunate boy 
who is compelled to return to camp in a nude condition, much to the 


Fig. 148.—Swimming board. 


amusement of the people. This form of disgrace appears to be the most 
severe which can be inflicted upon a male; and the jokes to which he 
is afterward subjected keep him the object of ridicule for many days. 
Besides practical jokes upon women, running, jumping, wrestling, 
and practicing with the bow and other weapons suited to their age, ap- 
pear to be the principal amusements of 
the boys. The girls have never been 
observed to play at games of any kind. 
Their chief occupation is to keep away 
from the boys. While walking out the 
girls generally toss stones or chips in 
the air and strive to keep at least two 
of them up at onee. The Eskimo often 
practice this also, and, as it appears to 
be a general source of amusement 
among the Innuit, I suspect that the 
Indian borrowed it from them. Wres- 
tling appears to be the principal test 
for physical strength and severe con- 
tests often engage the stronger individ 
uals. They wrestle in the Eskimo 
fashion, and frequently indulge in 
trials of strength with these people. 
As would be expected, the stronger 
Eskimo are always the victors. All these contests, whether among 
themselves or with the Eskimo, are carried on with the best of good 
humor. 
11 ETH 


Via. 149. Fishhook and line. 


21 


322 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 
_ FESTIVALS. 


Feasts are given now and then to celebrate success in hunting and 
similar achievements. 

In 1883 I was invited to attend a feast of furs to be given by one of 
the most energetic of the Indians. We repaired to the tents spread on 
the top of a high wall of rock a few rods from my house. As I ap- 
proached the scene I observed a tent of different construction. It was 
nearly oval at its base and had a diameter of about 18 feet and a length 
oftabout 25 feet. The top was drawn to an apex resembling the com- 
mon roof of a house. The entrance to the structure faced southeast. 
On a pole, supported with one end on the apex of the tent and the other 
resting on a post, were numbers of skins of various animals—wolves, 
wolverine, beaver, otter, foxes, and muskrat, together with a number 
of the finest reindeer skins. The sound of the drum was heard within 
the structure and as I approached the door the noise ceased. [paused 
and was invited to enter. Immediately two old men next the drummer 
moved to one side and motioned me to sit down on the pile of deer- 
skins reserved for me. It was evident that the feast had been in prog- 
ress for some time. Around the interior of the structure groups of men 
were idly disposed, some reclining and others standing. Not a word 
was spoken for some time, and this gave me opportunity to look around. 
The floor was covered with boughs from the neighboring spruce trees, 
arranged with unusual care, forming a soft carpeting for those seated 
within. I saw a number of piles of deerskins and several small heaps 
covered with cloth. To break the silence I inquired if the drum was 
tired. A smile greeted the inquiry. Immediately an old man came 
forward, tightened the snare of the drum, and arranged the string, sus- 
pending it from one of the tent poles at the proper height for use. He 
then dipped his fingers into a vessel of water and sprinkled a few drops 
on the membrane of the drum-head to prevent it from breaking under 
the blows to be delivered. The performer then seized the drumstick 
with the right hand and gave the membrane a few taps; the transverse 
cord of twisted sinew, holding the small cylinders of wood attached to 
it, repeated the vibration with increased emphasis. A song was begun 
and the drum beaten in rythm to the monotonous chant of o-ho, o-ho, 
etc. Three songs with tympanic accompaniment followed. The songs 
appeared alike and were easily learned. In the meanwhile the guests 
were treated to a strange-looking compound which had lain hidden be- 
neath one of the cloths and is known as ‘‘pemmican.” I was solicited 
to accept a piece. The previously assembled guests had either brought 
their own bowls and saucers to eat from or else appropr.ated those 
available. Not to be at a loss, one of the young men remarked that he 
would find one. From among the accumulated filth around one of the 
center poles supporting the structure a bowl was produced. The man 
coolly took the handkerchief which was tied around his forehead to 
keep his matted hair from his face and wiped out the interior of the 


TURNER. ] FESTIVALS AND GAMES. 323 


bowl, and placing a piece of the pemmican within it, handed it to the 
attendant whose duty it was to offer it to me. 

I, however, found it quite inedible. Other guests constantly arrived 
and some departed, made happy by their share of this compound of 
rancid tallow and marrow with a due admixture of pounded dry meat 
of the reindeer. I soon departed, and attempted to take the remnant 
of the pemmican with me. This was instantly forbidden, and informa- 
tion given me that by so doing I should cause all the deer to desert the 
vicinity, and thus make the people starve. I explained that such was 
not my desire, and after wishing continued prosperity and enjoyment, 
I made my way out. I was then informed that the feast would con- 
tinue for a time, and wind up with an invitation to the women, who 
had hitherto been excluded, to come and eat the remnants left by the 
men. At the end of two days thereafter the feast concluded and a 
dance took place. In this performance there was nothing remarkable. 
The men sang songs and kicked up their heels, while the women 
shrugged their shoulders as they swayed their bodies from right to 
left, and assumed various other postures, although their limbs were 
apparently kept in a rigid position, occasionally uttering their plaudits 
as the men made humorous compliments to their generous host. 

This feast was given by one who had been unusually successful in 
the capture of fur-bearing animals, and, to prove his wealth, displayed 
it before the assemblage and gave a feast in consideration of his ability. 
Other feasts of a similar character occur, and differ from this in no 
special feature. 

The principal source of amusement with the men is the game of 
draughts or checkers. While the men are in the tent or on the hillsides 
awaiting the approach of bands of deer their idle moments are employed 
over this game. Neither hunger nor the sight of game is sufficient to 
distract them, so intently are they absorbed. 

The game is played as in civilization, with only sJight differences. I 
ain not aware that wages are laid upon its issue. Some of the men are 
so expert that they would rank as skillful players in any part of the 
world. 

Small boards that may be carried in the hunting bag are used on trips 
to while away the tedium of the long winter evenings with only the light 
of the flickering fire of the dry limbs of spruce. Far into the night the 
players engage, and are only disturbed when one of their tired com- 
panions starts from his sleep to relate a wondrous dream and have it 
expounded by the listeners, who sit aghast at the revelations. 

They also have a game corresponding to “cup and ball,” but it is 
played with different implements from what the Eskimo use, as may be 
seen by referring to Fig. 150. The hollow cones are made from the 
terminal phalanges of the reindeer’s foot. The tail tied to the end of 
the thong is that ofa marten or amink. The player holds the peg in one 
hand, and tossing up the bones tries to catch the nearest bone on the 


324 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


point of the peg. The object of the game is to catch the bone the 
greatest possible number of times. It is in no sense a gambling game. 

The only musical instrument used by these people is the drum or 
tambourine, which is of the form shown in Fig. 151. These drums vary 


Fie. 150.—Cup-and-ball, Nenenot. 


in diameter from 22 to 26 inches, and are constructed as follows: The 
barrel is made of a thin slat of spruce, bent into a hoop, with the ends 
joined in a lap, spliced nearly 
a foot long, which length is 
sewed by four perpendicular 
seams. The stitches are made 
with deerskin thread put 
through perforations, near 
together, made with an awl. 
The next operation is to pre- 
pare for a head a thin rein- 
deer skin, which has been 
tanned. The skin is moist- 
ened and sewed so that. all 
: holes in it are closed. A nar- 

Wien Let hatin, LO TCL, row hoop ofa size to fit tightly 
over the barrel of the drum is made and the moist skin stretched over 
it. The edges of the skin are turned inward, and within this hoop is 
placed the barrel of the drum, 


TURNER. ] MUSIC AND GAMES. 325 


A second hoop, two or three times as wide as the first, is prepared 
and fitted over the barrel and head. It is pushed down as far as the 
elasticity of the membrane will allow, or about half the width of the top 
hoop. Through the outer hoop have been made a number of holes and 
corresponding but alternate holes made in the farther edge of the barrel 
of the drum. 

Through these holes a stout thong is threaded and passing from the 
edge of the barrel to the outer hoop is drawn so tightly as to push the 
inner hoop along the outer circumference of the barrel and thus tighten 
the membrane to the required degree. The outer hoop now projects an 
inch or more beyond the membrane and thus protects it from injury by 
careless handling. 

Across the membrane is stretched a sinew cord on which are strung, 
at right angles to the cord, a number of barrels made from the quills 
of the wing feathers of the willow ptarmigan. Across the underside 
of the membrane is stretched 
a similar cord with quills. 
These serve the purpose of a 
snare on the drum. The stick 
used for beating the drum 
consists of a piece of reindeer 
horn cut so as to have a thin 
and narrow handle a foot in 
length and terminating in a 
knob more than an inch long 
and as thick as the portion of 
horn permits. The drum is 
suspended from the poles of 
the tent by means of thongs. 
The performer tightens the snares, and sprinkles a few drops of water 
on the drumhead lest the blows, cause it to split under the strain. 
Nothing is done, nothing contemplated without sounding the drum. 
It is silent only when the people are asleep or on a tramp from one 
locality to another. 

If a person is ill the drum is beaten. Ifa person is well the drum is 
beaten. If prosperous in the chase the drum is beaten; and if death 
has snatched a member from the community the drum is beaten to pre- 
vent his spirit from returning to torment the living. 

The drumbeat is often accompanied with singing which is the 
most discordant of all sounds supposed to be harmonious. 

The drums used by the Little Whale river Indians (Fig. 152, No. 
3228) differs greatly in construction from those made by the Ungava 
Indians. The size is rarely so great, seldom exceeding 22 inches. 
These drums have two heads or membranes fitted on the barrel and 
secured by means of a single hoop for each head. The two hoops are 
then connected by the tightening strings. 


Fig. 152.—Drum, Little Whale river. 


326 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The membranes are invariably made of deer skin in the parchment 
condition and not of tanned skins. The snares or thongs across the 
heads are finer and have pieces of wood instead of quills as “rattlers.” 
The drumstick is a piece of 
reindeer horn cut as before 
described; or else, as if to 
add to the din, a gun-cap 
} box is pierced through from 
_§ side to side and a few peb- 
“& bles or shot placed within. 
A stick is then inserted in 
the hole through the box 
and the whole covered with 
buckskin to prevent separa- 
tion of the lid and box. This 
makes a distracting noise. 

Rattles for the children (Fig. 153) are made of a hoop of wood bent 
to a circular form and covered with two heads or membranes. Within 
it are placed a few pebbles or shot, to produce a rattling sound when 


Fic. 153,—Rattle, Nenenot. 


Fig. 154.—Target, reindeer, buck. 


the membranes are dry. A cord attached to the circumference enables 
the rattle to be suspended from the tent-pole in front of the child for 
whose amusement it is intended. Other toys are made for the children, 


Fic. 155.—Target, reindeer, doe. 


but they were not easy for us to obtain. Pl. xii represents a doll, 
dressed in a woman’s full suit of clothes. The boys amuse themselves 
by shooting with blunt arrows at images of reindeer, bucks, does, and 
fawns, cut out of flat boards stuck up in the snow (Figs. 154, 155). 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ELEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIIl 


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Na gi 
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DOLL, INDIAN WOMAN, FULL DRESS, NENENOT. 


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TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 327 


FOLKLORE. 


During the long winter nights or during the periods of cold or in- 
clement weather in which the Indians may not venture out, they sit 
around the fire and relate stories intended for the instruction as well 
as entertainment of the younger people. The older men have a great 
stock of these stories, and many of the women are noted for their ability 
in entertaining the children, who sit, with staring eyes and open mouth, 
in the arms of their parents or elders. 

The following stories came to me directly and not through the 
medium of another white person, and probably I am the only white 
person who has heard some of them. I have endeavored to give them 
as nearly in the form of the original as the differences between the 
English and the Indian languages will permit. 

Story of the wolverene and the brant.—A wolverene calling all the birds 
together addressed them thus: “Do you not know that I am your 
brother? Come to me and I will dress you in feathers.” After having 
dressed them up he made wings for himself and said: ‘‘ Now, brothers, 
let us fly.” The brant told the wolverene, “You must not look below 
while we are flying over the point of land when you hear a noise 
below. Take a turn when we take a turn.” 

The first turn they took the wolverene did not look below, but at the 
second turn they took, when they came over the point of land, the 
animal looked below when he heard the noise of the shouting Indians 
and down he came like a bundle of rags.! 

All the Indians ran up to him and exclaimed “There is a brant fallen 
down.” One of the old Indian women got hold of him and began to 
pluck his feathers off, then to disembowel him. She of course smelled 
the horrible stench and exclaimed, “This goose is not fit to eat as it is 
already rotten!” She gave the carcass to one of the children to throw 
away. Another old woman came up and inquired, “Where did you 
throw the brant goose to? How could it be rotten? It is not long 
since it was killed.” The former old woman replied to her, “Go and 
see, if you do not believe.” She went and found nothing but the dead 
wolverene. 

Story of the wolverene.—A wolverene was running along the sea- 
shore and perceived a number of geese, braut, ducks, and loons sitting 
in the water a short distance off. The wolverene addressing them said, 
“Come here, brothers. I have found a pretty bees’ nest. I will give it 
to you if you will come on shore and have a dance.” All the birds 
went on land. The wolverene said, “Let us have a dance and I will 
sing. Shut your eyes and do not open them until we are done dancing. 
He began to sing, ‘A-ho/u-mu-hou-mu/-mu/-hiim’.” The last word was 


‘When the Indians perceive a flock of these brant they make a loud clamor, which frightens the 
birds so much that they lose their senses, fall to the ground and are thus killed. These birds are 
only seen in the spring migrations and then in great multitudes, while in the fall itis rare to see even 
a single individual, as they have a different return route than in spring. 


328 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO 


so often repeated (accompanied with the act of the wolverene snip- 
ping off the heads of the birds) that the loon opened one eye and saw 
the headless ducks kicking. The loon ran to the water and exclaimed, 
“Our brother has killed us!” The wolverene ran after the loon but the 
loon dived under the water and came up a distance off and cried out, 
“A ho ho ho ho ho ho!” The wolverene screamed, ‘Hold your tongue, 
you red-eyed fowl.” The wolverene returned to where the ducks had 
been killed; plucked their feathers off and cleaned them; put them 
into a large kettle and boiled them. 

While attending to the cooking he saw a whisky-jack (Us’ ka teon): 
(Perisoreus canadensis) flying about. The wolverene took a firebrand 
and threw it at the bird, exclaiming, “You will be telling on me, you 
long-tongued bird!” The jay flew away and told the Indians that 
“Our brother (wolverene) has killed a lot of ducks and has them 
cooked,” adding, “I think he is sleeping. ll show you where he is if 
you will come.” The Indians replied, “‘We will go, for we are very 
hungry.” They went and found the wolverene asleep alongside the pot. 
The Indians ate all of the meat of the ducks. After they had finished 
the meat they put the bones back into the kettle and went away. The 
wolverene awakened after a time, took his dish and said to himself, 
“Now, I shall have my dinner.” He poured all the broth into his dish 
and found nothing but the bones remaining. In his surprise he said, 
“Surely, I have been sleeping a long time; the meat is all boiled away.” 
The jay told him that he had told the Indians. The wolverene said, 
“Why did you tell? you stupid bird; I was keeping a nice piece of fat 
for you.! You will not, now, get it for your impudence.” 

The deer and the squirrel.—A reindeer called all the mammals and 
birds together and announced that he would give names to all of them. 
When he came to name the squirrel he inquired of the little creature 
what name it would prefer. The squirrel replied that it would like to 
have the same name as the black bear. The reindeer smiled and in- 
formed the squirrel that it was too small to have the name of the bear. 
The squirrel began to ery and wept so long that his lower eyelids 
became white. 

The young man who went to live with the deer—A young man one 
morning told his old father that he had dreamed the night before that 
a deer had asked him to come and live with them. The old father re- 
plied, “That is a good sign; you will kill many deer after that dream.” 
The young man went away to hunt, and while out he saw a large herd 
of deer. A young doe from the band ran up toward him, and he was 
about to fire at her when she said to him, ‘Do not fire, for my father 
has sent me to you. Please put up your arrows.” She came nearer 
and informed him that her father had sent her to ask him to come and 
live with the deer forever. 


1The jay is well known to be particularly fond of fat of any kind, hence the tempting morsel with- 
held was a source for future reflection. 


‘TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 329 


The young man inquired, ‘* How could I live with you when it is 
upon deer that I live? I live in a tent and can not live outside. I can 
not live without fire. I can not live without water.” The doe replied, 
““ We have plenty of fire, water, and meat; you will never want; you 
will live forever. Your father will never want, as there will be enough 
deer given to him.” The man consented to go with them. The doe 
pointed to adarge hill and said, “That is our home.” She told him to 
leave his deerskin mantle, snowshoes, and arrows on the ground, but 
to keep the bow. As they were walking along they came to a big 
valley. She informed him that that was their path. The two went 
toward the steep hillside and found the ground to be covered with deer. 
Some of the deer were frightened when they saw the man coming, and 
started to run. The doe’s father said to the frightened deer, “‘ Do you 
not pity the poor Indians who have to hunt for their living while we do 
not?” When the young man and the doe came up, the father of the 
doe addressed the young man, asking if he was hungry. The man re- 
plied, “Yes.” The father then gave him a piece of nice meat and some 
fat. After the man had finished eating the father inquired, “Is your 
father also hungry?” The son replied, ‘“‘ Yes.” 

The old buck informed the young man that they would give the son’s 
father some deer to-morrow. After the young man had slept out one 
night nis father, in the morning, went out to look for his son, but 
found only his mantle, snowshoes, and arrows, which had been cast 
aside the day before, and also found the tracks in the valley leading to 
the home of the deer under the hill. The old man returned to his tent 
and told the other Indians that his son had gone away to live with the 
deer. The old man then said, “Let us make snares and we will yet 
take him, as he can not run as fast as the deer.” The Indians prepared 
a number of snare nooses and went to the valley to set them among the 
bushes on the path. The father of the young doe saw what was going 
on in the valley and told the rest, ‘Let us go and give the old man 
some deer.” He told the young man to come with them. The man re- 
plied that he could not accompany them, as he would be left behind in 
no time while they were running. The old buck instrueted the young 
mnan to keep among the rest of the deer and he would not be left be- 
hind them. All the deer then went out to the valley. The young man 
kept among them; and as they were going through the bushes he 
heard the shouts of the Indians who were concealed behind them. 
The deer saw the snares and some of the animals fell into the nooses 
and were caught. The remainder, with the young man, were soon be- 
yond the snares. The Indians began to kill the deer which had been 
taken in the nooses, and when they had finished they found they had 
not captured the young man. They consulted together and decided to 
search among the tracks of the escaped deer to ascertain whether his 
foot-prints were among them. They found his track and also the mark 
of his bow as he had dragged it along in the snow. 


330 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The young man’s father then said, ‘Let him go if he thinks he is 
able to live with the deer;” and the people returned to their tents. 

The wolf’s daughter going to seek her lover.—An old mother wolf one 
morning said to her daughter, ‘‘ You must go and look for your lover or 
else we shall all starve to death, as your brothers can not kill any deer.” 
The daughter inquired of her mother, ‘‘ Whois my lover?” The mother 
replied, ‘The otter is your lover. He lives in the water. If you go to 
the narrows of the lake you will find him.” The daughter said she 
would go. So early in the morning she started off, and as she was go- 
ing along the shore of the lake she saw an open hole in the ice, and 
in the water the otter was sitting. The wolf went up to the otter, but 
the otter swam away and was going to dive, when the wolf said, ‘Do 
not dive and go away. My mothersays you are my lover.” The otter 
asked, ‘‘ How can I be your lover when I live in the water?” The wolf 
replied, ‘“‘ You can live on the land as weli as in the water.” The otter 
answered back, ‘I will not live on the land.” The wolf retorted, “ You 
will have to live on the land, and if you do not come out I shall smother 
you in the water.” The otter said, ‘‘ You can not smother me, for I have 
a number of holes made in the lake ice.” The otter dove into the water 
and disappeared. The wolf began to howl dismally when the otter 
vanished. The wind began to blow and drifted the snow furiously. 
The snow fell into the otter’s breathing holes and filled them with 
slushy snow, which soon froze and completely stopped all the holes in 
the ice but one where the wolf was sitting. This hole was kept clear 
of snow and ice by the wolf scraping it out as fast as it collected. 
Soon she heard the otter going to the holes for breath, but when he 
came near the hole where the wolf was sitting she could hear him 
snuffing for air, and she stood with open jaws ready to seize him when 
he should appear. The otter was nearly exhausted, so the wolf went 
off a little distance, and the otter came up to the surface of the water 
nearly out of breath. He crept out of the water and rolled himself in 
the dry snow to take the water off of his coat of fur and exclaimed to 
the wolf, ‘‘I will live with you; I will live with you.” The wolf then 
addressed her lover and said, ‘Did I not tell you I would smother 
you?” The otter did not reply to this, but asked her, “Have you got 
a piece of line? Give it to me, and I will go to catch some fish for you 
if you will go and prepare a tent.” The wolf drew out a piece of fishing 
line and handed it to the otter. The otter went down into the same 
hole in the ice whence he had come. He was gone some time, and in 
the meantime the wolf was busy making the tent, which was completed 
before the otter returned. Soon after, however, the otter came back to 
the hole with a long string of fish which he had killed and had them 
all strung on the line. He left the string of fish in the hole in the ice 
with one end of it fastened to the ice. The otter rolled himself in the 
snow to remove the water from his fur, and then went to the tent to tell 
his wife to go and get the fish which he had left in the hole in the ice. 


TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 331 


The wolf went and hauled up the line, which was full of fish, and began 
to devour so many that soon she could scarcely move. She hauled the 
remainder of the fish home to the tent. 

The otter was sleeping when she returned. She proceeded to clean 
the fish and put on a large kettle full of the fish to boil for supper. 
She then crept into bed with her husband, and the next morning she 
was delivered of a young otter and a young wolf. After the father and 
mother had taken their breakfast the latter sat with her head hanging 
down and seemed to be in a miserable mood. The otter inquired of the 
wife wolf, “What is the matter with you that you sitso quietly?” The 
wolf answered: “I wish I had some deerskins with which to make 
clothing for the children. How nicely I should dress them!” The ot- 
ter replied: ‘Open the door and I will show you where I get the 
deer.” It was yet early, and the otter went away to seek the deer. 
The otter saw a band of thirty deer, but had no gun with which to kill 
them, so he frightened them, and as they were running away he sprang 
at them each, and jumped through them from end to end. He killed 
all of them in this manner and then rolled in the snow to cleanse him- 
self. After that was done he wended his way home, and on arriving 
informed his wife (for it was then a little after sunset) that on the mor- 
row she should go to bring home the deer he had killed, adding that 
she could follow his track, and thus find them. The wife had a big 
pot of fish cooked for him when he returned, and when he had finished 
his supper he went to bed. As soon as the wife suspected her husband 
to be asleep she went after the deer, and by hauling four at a time she 
soon had them all brought, and laid them before the tent. When that 
was finished she went to bed. In the morning the otter told her to 
get up and make a fire, as she would have to go for the carcasses of 
the deer which he had killed the day before. The wife replied: ‘TI 
have already brought them all home.” The otter asked her: ‘ How 
could you bring them home in the dark?” The wifeanswered: ‘ Look 
out through the door if you do not believe me.” The otter looked and 
saw the thirty deer all piled up before the door. He turned and looked 
at his wife, but made noremark. The wolf asked him: ‘ Why do you 
look at me, so hard?” The otter said: ‘I was wondering how you 
could get them home in such a short time.” The wolf said: ‘Come, 
and take your breakfast, for you will have to help me skin the deer.” 
After they had finished eating their breakfast they began to skin the 
deer, and soon had them done. The wolf told her husband to make a 
stage or scaffold for the meat, adding that she would clean the skins. 
The otter prepared the stage, which in a short time was completed. 
The meat was placed on the stage and the skins hung up to dry around 
the tent. They then went in to take their supper. The wife was not 
in a talkative mood, and soon went to bed. The next morning the 
wolf hung her head down, and the otter seeing her again in such mood, 
inquired what was the matter with her that she should be so quiet. 


332 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The wolf replied: ‘Iam thinking of my poor father and mother and 
brothers; I suppose they will all be starved to death. My old father 
told me to tell you to put a mark on the middle of the lake so they 
would know where lam.” The otter went to the middle of the lake and 
erected a pile as a mark by which the wolf’s relations should know it. 
The brothers of the otter’s wife were on the hill looking for the mark 
set up by their sister’s husband, and when they saw it they ex- 
claimed: ‘Our sister has saved us! our sister has saved us!” 
and ran back to their old father’s home to give him the joyful in- 
telligence that they had seen the mark put up by the husband of their 
sister. The old wolf then told his family that they would go and seek 
their sister and daughter to live with her and her husband. They 
all went to the hill by the lake, and from the top of it they saw the 
mark, and from it they followed the track of the otter until they 
saw the tent in the edge of the woods. They exclaimed: ‘There is 
our sister’s tent, for the deerskins are hanging outside.” They raised 
such a joyful shout at the prospect before them, that the noise fright- 
ened some young otters (for the family had now become larger) which 
were playing outside. The little ones scampered in and hid them- 
selves behind their father’s back. The father inquired, ‘What is the 
matter, that you are so frightened?” The little ones replied: ‘We 
_ are running from the Hunger” (for that was the name they applied to 
the wolves). The mother replied: “Perhaps they see my father, 
mother, and brothers coming.” The otter told his wife to go out and 
see. She complied, and when she opened the door they saw a row of 
gaunt wolves; nothing but skin and bones. The newcomers immedi- 
ately fell to, and began to devour the meat which was on the stage. 
The otter’s wife remonstrated, and said: ‘Do not be so greedy ; my 
husband is not a stingy man. I take my meals when heis sleeping, 
and pretend not to eat much during the day.” They all went into the 
tent and the otter soon went to bed. When they thought he was 
asleep, they began to eat all the raw meat and fish, and soon finished 
it. In the morning when the otter had awakened, he remarked to his 
wife: “I think your brothers will make a fool of me.” The wife 
asked: ‘What makes you think so?” The otter replied: ‘They 
look at me so hard, that I do not know where to turn my eyes.” After 
breakfast the otter and his wolf brothers went away to look for deer. 
They soon came upon a band of them, and the otter told the wolves 
to go and kill them. The wolves ran after the deer, but got only one 
of them. After the deer were frightened by the wolves, the otter 
sprang after the deer and soon killed every one of them in the same 
manner he had killed the others. He then cleaned himself in the dry 
snow and returned home. The wolves had started for the tent before 
the otter, so when the latter returned they asked the otter: ‘‘ How 
many deer did you kill?” The otter replied: “I killed all that were 
in the band,” adding, ‘“‘In the morning you will have to go for the 


TURNER.] FOLKLORE. 333 


deer.” So everything was got ready for an early start and they all re- 
tired to bed. When they awakened in the morning, one of the wife’s 
brothers said to another: ‘Look at our otter brother; he has a white 
mouth.” The otter turned to his wife and said to her: ‘Did I not 
tell you that your brothers would make a fool of me?” The otter then 
took his two otter children in his arms, and told his wife that she 
would have to make her living as best she could, as he would not live 
with her any more, that he was going away to leave her. He darted 
off to the lake, and disappeared under the ice, and was never seen 
again. 

The devil punishing a iar.—A bear (mackwh) had two young cubs 
which she did not want to let know that summer had come, but kept 
them in the den and would not let them go out. The young ones con- 
tinually inquired if the summer had come, and repeated the question 
every time the mother returned from the outside. She invariably an- 
swered, “No.” Some days after she fellasleep, when she had returned 
from one of her trips, and while sleeping her mouth opened wide. The 
young ones said to each other: ‘Surely the summer is come, for there 
are green leaves in our mother’s mouth.” The mother had told her 
children how beautiful was the summer time, how green the trees, how 
juicy the plants, and how sweet the berries; so the cubs, impatient, 
while longing for summer that they might enjoy what was outside of 
their den, knew by the leaves in their mother’s mouth that she had de- 
ceived them. The older cub told the younger that they would slip out 
at the top of the den and go,out while their mother was yet sleeping. 
They crept out and found the weather so fine and the surroundings so 
pleasant that they wandered some distance off by the time she wakened 
from her sleep. She ran out and ealled loudly for her children, seem- 
ingly surprised, and exclaimed: ‘ My sons, the summer has come; the 
summer has come.” The cubs hid when they heard their mother’s 
voice. She called to them until nightfall. The older cub said to his 
brother: “I wish the devil (A-qan’) would hear her and kill her for 
telling us the summer had not come, and keeping us in the house so 
long when it was already pleasant outside.” 

The mother bear soon screamed to her sons: “The devil has heard 
me and is killing me.” 

The cubs heard the devil killing their mother with a stone, pounding 
her on the head. 

They became frightened and ran away. 

A wolverene destroys his sister—A wolverene having wandered far, 
for several days without food, suddenly came upon a bear. The former, 
feeling very hungry, conceived the plan of destroying his larger prey 
by stratagem. The wolverene cautiously approached the bear and ex- 
claimed: ‘Is that you, sister?” The bear turned around and saw the 
wolverene, but in a low tone, which the wolverene did not hear, said to 
herself: “I did not know that I had a brother,” so ran quickly away. 


334 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


The wolverene continued to scream: ‘* Come here, sister, our father has 
sent me to look for you. You were lost when you were a little girl 
out picking berries.” Thus spoken to, the bear approached the sup- 
posed brother, who informed her that he knew of a place, on the hill 
there, where a lot of nice berries were ready for eating, saying: ‘‘ Do 
you not see the berries growing on that hill, sister?” The bear ans- 
wered: “TI can not see so great a distance.” So the two went up the 
hillside where the berries grew. When they arrived at the place, and 
it was some distance off, the bear asked: ‘‘How is it that your eyes are 
so good?” The wolverene replied: My father mashed a lot of cran- 
berries into my eyes and put me into a sweat house.” The bear said: 
‘““T wish my eyes were as good as yours.” The wolverene answered: 
“JT will make your eyes as good as mine if you will gather a lot of 
cranberries while | prepare a sweat house.” The bear went to gather 
berries while the other prepared the house during her absence. The 
wolverene selected a stone having a sharp edge, which she concealed 
under the moss in the sweat house, while she procured a larger stone 
for the pillow. 

After the sweat house was completed the wolverene cried out: 
“Sister, the sweat house is finished!” The bear returned, bringing a 
quantity of berries. They both went into the sudatory, whereupon 
the wolverene instructed the bear to lie with her head upon the stone 
pillow, while he prepared the crushed berries to put in her eyes. He 
then said to her: ‘‘ Now, sister, do not move; you may find the berries 
will hurt the eyes and make them very sore, but they will be better 
soon.” The wolverene filled the bear’s eyes full of the sour berries, 
which made her exclaim: ‘ Brother, they are making my eyes very 
sore.” The wolverene answered: ‘‘ You will find them the better for 
that. After I get your eyes full of the berries I will blow my breath 
on them.” After the eyes of the bear were full of berries the wolver- 
ene said: “You are too good to be a sister,” so he struck her on the 
head with the sharp-edged stone and cleft her skull between the eyes 
and killed her. 

The rabbit and the frog.—One day a rabbit was wandering among 
the hillsides, and at a short distance from him he observed a tent 
belonging to some Indians. Being timid he crept up to the side of 
the tent and peeped through a small hole, and saw inside of it a frog 
sitting near the fire. The rabbit seeing no danger accosted the frog 
thus: ‘Brother, what are you doing?” The frog replied: I am play- 
ing with the ashes. My brothers have gone off hunting and Iam here 
as I have avery sore leg and can not go far.” The rabbit rejoined, 
“come with me and I will keep you?” The frog answered, “I can not 
walk as my leg is too sore.” The rabbit offered to carry the frog on 
his back. The rabbit took the frog and giving him a toss threw him 
on his back and said: “This is the way I will carry you.” So they 
started for the home of the rabbit, where, upon arriving, the rabbit 


TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 335 


placed the frog inside of the tent while the former went out to look 
for something to eat. While seeking food the rabbit suddenly spied a 
smoke curling from among the willows which grew along the branch of 
the creek. He became frightened and started to run homeward exclaim- 
ing. “I have forgotten my crooked knife and I must go quickly to 
get it.” (This part, or what the rabbit says to himself, is sung as a 
song; with an attempt at imitation of the rabbit’s voice.) The rabbit 
ran hurriedly home and sprang into the tent, whereupon the frog ob- 
serving the fright of the other inquired, “ Brother, what is the matter 
that you are so excited?” The rabbit answered, ‘‘ 1 saw alarge smoke.” 
“Where is it?” inquired the frog. The rabbit replied, “It is from 
among the willows along the creek that runs near by.” The frog 
began to laugh at the foolish fear of the rabbit and answered him that 
the smoke proceeded from the lodge of a family of beavers, and taunted 
the rabbit for being afraid of such a timid creature as a beaver when 
they are good to eat, adding that his own (frogs) brothers often carried 
him to the beavers’ houses to kill them when they were out of food; 
although his brothers could never kill any of them. 

The rabbit was pleased to hear the frog was such a great hunter, and 
gladly offered to carry the frog to the lodge of the beavers that some 
food could be procured. The frog accepted the offer and was carried to 
the creek bank. The rabbit then built a dam of stakes across the 
stream and below the lodges in order that the beavers should not 
escape. The frog then directed the rabbit to break into the top of the 
lodge so that the frog might get at the beavers to kill them. While 
the rabbit was breaking into the lodge of the beavers, the frog pur- 
posely loosened some of the stakes of the weir below in order to allow 
the beavers to escape, hoping that the rabbit would become angry at 
him for so doing. When the rabbit saw what mischief the frog had 
done, he took the frog and roughly shoved him under the ice into the 
water. This did not harm the frog as it could live under water as well 
as on land, but the rabbit did not know that, so he believed he had 
drowned his brother the frog. The rabbit then returned to his home, 
regretting he had acted so harshly and began to ery for his brother, 
The frog in the meanwhile, killed all of the beavers and tied them 
together on a string, then slowly crawled to the rabbit’s home with 
his burden on his back. The frog crept up to the tent but was 
afraid to enter so he began to play with the door flap of the tent to 
make a noise to attract the attention of the rabbit within. Finally he 
cried out to the rabbit, “‘ Brother, give me a piece of fire for | am very 
cold.” Therabbit did not recognize the tired, weak voice of his brother 
frog, and, afraid lest it be some enemy endeavoring to entice him from 
his home, picked up a piece of dead coal which had no fire on it and 
flung it outside. The frog then said, “Brother, there is no fire on this 
piece and I can not cook my beavers with it.” The rabbit then ran out 
quickly and tenderly carried the frog inside, and immediately the latter 


336 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


began to moan and appear to suffer so much that the rabbit inquired 
what was the matter and asked if the beavers had bitten him. The 
frog said, “No, it was you who gave me such a hard push that you 
have hurt me in the side.” The rabbit assured the frog that the injury 
was unintentionally caused. The frog then directed the rabbit to pre- 
pare and cook the beavers. The rabbit went out to fetch them but he 
began to eat and didnot stop until they were all devoured. After hav- 
ing finished eating them the rabbit went for a walk. Ere long he 
noticed a huge smoke curling from the farther end of a valley and be- 
coming greatly frightened he exclaimed, ‘I have forgotten my crooked 
knife and I must go quickly to get 1t.” He dashed into his door in a 
terrible state of mind. The frog coolly inquired, ‘“‘ Whatis the matter 
that you are so scared?” The rabbit said, ‘‘I have seen a great smoke 
at the farther end of the valley through which the creek runs.” The 
frog laughed loudly at his fear and said, “They are deer; my brothers 
often had me to kill them, as they could not kill any, when we had no 
meat.” The rabbit was delighted at that so he offered to carry the 
frog toward the place. The frog directed the rabbit to make a snow- 
shoe for the one foot of the frog. The rabbit soon had it made and 
gave it to his brother. The frog then said, ‘‘Carry me up towards the 
smoke.” The rabbit slung the frog on his back and away they went in 
the direction of the deer. The frog then told the rabbit to stand in one 
place and not to move while he (the frog) would work at the deer, and 
when he had finished he would call him up to the place. 

The frog killed all the deer in a very short time, skinned them, and 
stuck the head and neck of one of the deer into the snow so that it 
would be looking toward the place whence the rabbit would come. 
The frog then took the lungs of one of the deer and put it out to freeze. 
The cold turned the lungs white as tallow. The frog shouted for his 
brother rabbit to come quickly. When the rabbit came bounding near 
he saw the eyes of the deer’s head staring at him in a queer manner; 
he was somuch alarmed that he exclaimed to the frog, ‘‘ Brother, hesees 
me.” The frog smiled and said, “I have killed him; he is dead; come 
on; Ihave a nice piece of fat saved for you.” (It was the frozen lungs 
of the deer.) So he gave the rabbit a large piece and told him to eat 
it all and quickly, as it was better when frozen and fresh from the 
deer’s back. The rabbit greedily swallowed large portions and did not 
observe the deception. After a time they built a lodge or tent for the 
night. Some few hours after the tent was made the frozen deer lungs 
which the rabbit had eaten began to thaw and it made the rabbit so 
violently ill that he vomited continually the entire night. The frog 
had served him this trick as a punishment for having eaten all of the 
beaver meat two days before. 

The wolverene and the rock.—A wolverene was out walking on the 
hillside and came upon a large rock. The animal inquired of the 
rock, ‘Was that you who was walking just now?” The rock replied, 


TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 337 


“No, I can not move; hence I cannot walk.” The wolverene retorted 
that he had seen it walking. The rock quickly informed the wolverene 
that he uttered a falsehood. The wolverene remarked, “You need not 
speak in that manner for I have seen you walking.” The wolverene 
ran off a little distance and taunted the rock, challenging it to catch 
him. The wolverene then approached the rock and having struck it 
with his paw, said, “See if you can catch me.” The rock answered, 
“T can not run but I can roll.” The wolverene began to laugh and 
said, “That is what I want.” The wolverene ran away and the rock 
rolled after him, keeping just at his heels. The animal finally began 
to tire and commenced to jump over sticks and stones until at last the 
rock was touching his heels. Atlast the wolverene tripped over a stick 
and fell. The rock rolled over on him and ceased-to move when it 
came upon the hind parts of the wolverene. The animalscreamed, ‘‘Get 
off, go away, you are hurting me; you are breaking my bones.” The 
rock remained motionless and replied, “You tormented me and had 
me run after you, so now I shall not stir until some one takes me off.” 

The wolverene replied, “I have many brothers and I shall call them.” 
He called to the wolves and the foxes to come and remove the rock. 
These animals soon came up to where the rock was lying on the 
wolverene and they asked him, “How came you to get under the rock?” 
The wolverene replied, ‘I challenged the rock to catch me and it 
rolled on me.” The wolves and foxes then told him that it served him 
right to be under the rock. They endeavored, after a time, to dis- 
place the rock but could not move it in the least. The wolverene then 
said, “Well, if you can not get me out I shall call my other brother, 
the lightning and thunder.” So he began to call for the lightning 
to come to his aid. In a few moments a huge dark cloud came rush- 
ing from the southwest, and as it hurried up it made so much noise 
that it frightened the wolves and foxes, but they asked the lightning 
to take off the coat of the wolverene but not to harm his flesh. They 
then ran away. The lightning darted back to gather force and struck 
the rock, knocking it into small pieces and also completely stripped 
the skin from the back of the wolverene, tearing the skin into small 
pieces. The wolverene stood naked, but soon began to pick up the 
pieces of his coat and told the lightning, ‘“ You need not have torn my 
coat when you had only the rock to strike.” 

The wolverene gathered up his pieces of coat and said he would go 
to his sister, the frog, to have her sew them together. He repaired to 
the swamp where his sister dwelt and asked her to sew them. She 
did so. The wolverene took it up and told her she had not put it 
together properly and struck her on the head and knocked her flying 
into the water. Ho took up the coat and went to his younger sister, 
the mouse. He directed her to sew his coat as it should be done. The 
mouse began to sew the pieces together and when it was done the 
wolverene carefully examined every seam and said, “You have sewed 

11 ETH 22 


338 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


it very well; you will live in the tall green grass in the summer and in 
grass houses in the winter.” The wolverene put on his coat and went 
away. 

Creation of people by the wolverene and the muskrat.—As a wolverene 
was wandering along the bank of a river he saw a muskrat swimming 
in the edge of the water. He accosted the latter animal with the in- 
quiry, “Who are you? Are you a man ora woman?” The muskrat 
answered, “I am a woman.” The wolverene informed her that he 
would take her for a wife. The muskrat replied, ‘1 live in the water; 
how can I be your wife?” The wolverene told her that she could live 
on the land as well as in the water. The muskrat went up on the bank 
to where the wolverene was standing. They selected a place and 
she began to prepare a home for them. They ate their suppers and 
retired. Soon after a child was born. The wolverene informed his 
wife that it would be a white man and father of all the white people. 
When this child was born it made a natural exit. In due time a second 
child was born which the wolverene decreed should be an Indian and 
the father of their kind. This child was born from its mother’s mouth. 
After a time a third child was born, and the wolverene announced it to 
be an Eskimo and father of its kind. This child was born ab ano. In 
the natural course of events a fourth child was born, and the wolverene 
decided it to be an Iroquois and father of its kind. This child was 
born from its mother’s nose. After a time a fifth child was born and 
the wolverene decreed it should be a Negro and father of its kind. This 
child was born from its mother’s ears. These children remained with 
their parents until they grew up. Their mother then called them to- 
gether and announced to them that they must separate. She sent 
them to different places of the land, and, in parting, directed them to 
go to the white men whenever they were in need of anything, as the 
whites would have everything ready for them. 

Origin of the whitish spot on the throat of the marten.—A man had a 
wife whom a marten fell in love with and endeavored to possess. 
Whenever the man would go away from his home the marten would 
enter, sit by the womaw’s side, and endeavor to entice her to leave her 
husband and go to live with him. One day the man returned unex- 
pectedly and caught the marten sitting by the side of his wife. The 
marten ran out. The man inquired of his wife what the marten wanted 
there. The woman replied that the marten was striving to induce her 
to desert him and become his own wife. 

The next time the man went off he told his wife to fill a kettle with 
water and put it on the fire to boil. The man went outside and 
secreted himself near the house. He soon saw the marten go into the 
house. 

The man stole quietly to the door of the house and listened to the 
marten, which was talking to his wife. The man sprang into the house 
and said: ‘Marten, what are you doing here, what are you trying to 


TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 339 


do?” The man seized the kettle of hot water and dashed it on the 
breast of the animal. The marten began to scratch his burning bosom 
and ran out into the woods; and because he was so severely hurt he 
now keeps in the densest forests, away from the sight of man. 

The Indian and his beaver wife-—One day an Indian was hunting 
along the bank of a stream and in the distance saw a beaver’s house. 
In a moment he perceived a beaver swimming toward him. He drew 
up and was on the point of shooting it when the animal exclaimed, 
“Do not shoot, I have something to say to you.” The Indian inquired, 
“What is it you have to say?” The beaver asked him, ‘‘ Would you 
have me for a wife?” The Indian replied, ‘I can not live in the water 
with you.” The beaver answered, ‘“ You will not know you are living 
in the water, if you will follow me.” The Indian further remarked that 
he could not live on willows and other woods like a beaver. The beaver 
assured him that when eating them he would not think them to be 
willows. She added, “I have a nice house to live in.” The man re- 
plied, ‘“‘My brother will be looking for me if I come in and he will not 
know where Iam. The beaver directed the man to take off his cloth- 
ing and leave them on the bank and to follow her. The Indian did as 
he was instructed. As he was wading through the water he did not 
feel the water touching him; so they presently began to swim and soon 
reached the home of the beaver. The beaver told him as she pointed 
ahead, ‘“‘There is my home, and you will find it as good and comfort- 
able as your own tent.” They both entered and she soon set before 
him some food which he did not recognize as willow bark. After they 
had slept two nights his brother became alarmed and went to search 
for him, and soon found his track. In following it up his brother came 
to where he had left his clothing on the bank of the stream. 

The brother was distressed at finding such things, so went sorrow- 
fully back to the tent thinking that his brother had been drowned, and 
so told the other Indians when he arrived. With a heavy heart he 
went to bed and in the morning he awakened and told his wife that he 
had dreamed his brother was living with a beaver. He told his wife 
to make some new clothing for the lost brother as he would go and 
seek the haunts of the beavers to discover his brother. The man occu- 
pied himself in making a pair of snowshoes, while the wife prepared 
the clothing. The next day she had the clothing done and he directed 
her to make them into a small bundle as he would start on the search 
early the nextmorning. Other young men desired to accompany him 
on the search, but were advised to remain at home as their presence 
would prevent him from reaching the beaver’s retreat. Early in the 
morning he started off, taking the clothes and snowshoes with him. 
After some time he found the place where the beaver had her house 
and in which he suspected his brother to be living. He went to work 
to make a dam across the stream so as to decrease the depth of water 
around the beaver’s house. The wife had borne two children to the 


340 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


husband by this time, and when the father had seen the water going 
from their house he told the children: ‘ Your uncle is coming and he 
is certain to kill you.” The water had soon gone down sufficiently to 
enable the man to cross the stream to where the house was situated. 

On arriving there he began pounding at the mud walls. The father 
told the children to go out or else the house would fall on them. The 
man outside quickly killed the two young ones. The wife knew she 
would soon be killed also, and after they had heard the deathblows 
given to their children she said to her husband, “If you are sorry that 
I am killed and ever want to see me again, keep the right hand and 
arm of my body; take off the skin and keep it about you.” In a few 
minutes the brother had begun again to tear out the sides of the lodge. 
The husband told her to go out, and that his love for her would make 
him keep her right hand. She then went out and was quickly killed 
with a stick. When this was done and the husband had heard it all 
he was very sorry for his wife. Again the man began to destroy the 
rest of the house and soon had a large hole in the wall of oneside. The 
husband then said to him, ‘What are you doing? Youare making me 
very cold.” The brother replied, “I have brought some warm clothing 
for you and you will not feel cold.” ‘Throw them in,” said the hus- 
band, ‘for I am freezing.” He put on the clothes, and while he was 
doing it the brother noticed the hairs which had grown on the other’s 
back, but said nothing about it. The husband then sat in his house 
until the other was near freezing to death. The brother then said to 
him, ‘Come with me; you can not stay here.” The husband demanded, 
as a condition of returning, that the brother should never say anything 
to him to make him angry if he went back. The brother promised 
him not to do so. They then started to return, the brother taking the 
bodies of the children and mother on his back, the husband walking 
ahead. They soon arrived at the home of their people. The brother 
threw down the beavers and directed his wife to skin them. The hus- 
band of the beaver asked for the right hand and arm of the beaver 
who had been his wife. It was given to him. He got one of the other 
women to skin it, and told her to dry the skin and return it to him. 
Three nights after their return to their people a great many beavers 
were killed and a large kettle full of flesh was boiled for food. The 
people pressed the runaway brother to eat of the flesh of the beavers. 
He informed them that if it was the flesh of a female beaver he would 
not eat it. They told him that the flesh of the male beavers was all fin- 
ished long ago. They forced him to eat a large piece of meat, and when 
he had swallowed it they gave him more of it. The second piece was 
no sooner down his throat than a large river gushed from his side. 
The Indian jumped into the river, while the rest ran away in terror 
and, as these latter looked down the river, they saw the man swimming 
by the side of his wife who had been a beaver. 

The venturesome hare.—A hare, which had lost his parents, lived 


TURNER. | FOLKLORE. 341 


with his grandmother. One day, feeling very hungry, for they were 
extremely poor, he asked his grandmother if he could set a net to 
catch fish. The old woman laughed at the idea of a hare catching 
fish, but to humor him, she consented, for she was indulgent to him 
because he was her only charge and looked forward to the time when 
he should be able to support her by his own exertions, and not to rely 
on the scanty supplies which she was able to obtain. These were very 
meager, as she was infirm, and dreaded exposure. She then told him 
to go and set the net, but added that she had no fire to cook them 
with, even if he should catch any. The hare promised to procure fire 
if he caught the fish. He went to set the net in a lake where he knew 
fish to be plentiful. The next morning he went to the net and found 
it to be so full of fish that he was unable to take it up. He lifted one 
end and saw there was a fish in every mesb of the net. Heshook 
out some of the fish and then drew out the net. Part of the fish were 
buried, and a large load taken home. He put the fish down 
outside of the tent, and went in. He told the old woman to clean the 
fish and that he would go across the river to the Indians’ tent and get 
the fire with which to cook them. The old woman was speechless at 
such proposed rashness, but as he had been able to catch so many fish 
she refrained remarking on his contemplated project of obtaining fire in 
the face of such danger. While the old woman was cleaning the fish he 
went back after the net which he had put out to dry on the shore of the 
lake. 

He folded it up, placed it under his arm, and ran to the edge of the 
river which was far too wide to jump over. He used his cunning and 
assembled a number of whales. These animals came puffing up the 
stream in obedience to his command. He ordered them to arrange 
themselves side by side across the stream so that he could walk across 
on their backs. He most dreaded the Indians, but jumped into the 
water to wet his fur. This being done he sprang from one whale to 
another until he was safe on the opposite shore. He then laid down in 
the sand and bade the whales to disperse. Some Indian children soon 
came playing along the sandy bank and saw the hare lying there. 
One of the children picked up the hare and started home with it. 
When the boy arrived and told how he had obtained the hare he was 
directed to put it in the iron tent (kettle) where there was a bright fire 
crackling. 

The child put down the hare, upon which an old man told the boy to 
kill the hare. The hare was terribly frightened, but opened a part of 
one eye to ascertain whether there was any place of exit beside the door. 
In the top of the tent he observed a large round hole. He then said 
to himself: “I wish a spark of fire would fall on my net.” Instantly 
the brands rolled and a great spark fell on the net and began to burn 
it. The hare was afraid of the fire, so he sprang out of the hole in the 
apex of the tent. The Indians saw they had been outwitted by a hare, 


342 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


and began to shout and pursue the animal, which attained such speed 
that when he came to the bank of the river he had not time to recall the 
whales. He gave an extraordinary leap and cleared the entire expanse 
of the water. He examined the net and found the fire smouldering. 
On arrival at his own home he said to his grandmother: “Did I not 
tell you I would get the fire?” The old woman ventured to inquire 
how he had crossed the river. He coolly informed her that he had 
jumped across. 

The spirit guiding a child left by its parents—An Indian and his 
wife had but one child, which was so infested with vermin that when 
the parents contemplated, going to the tents of some distant friends 
the father advised the mother to leave the child behind. The next 
morning after the mother had taken down the tent the little boy asked 
her “‘Mother, are you not going to put on my moccasins?” the mother 
replied, “I shall put them on after I have put on my snow-shoes.” The 
little boy said, ‘‘ Surely you are not going to leave me!” She said, ‘‘No;” 
but took hold of her sled and started off. The little boy cried out, 
‘‘Mother, you are leaving me,” and endeavored to overtake her in his 
bare feet; but the mother soon was out of sight. The little boy began 
to ery and retraced his steps to the tent place. There he cried until 
the spirit of a dead man came to him and asked, “ Where is your 
mother?” The boy replied, “She has gone away and left me.” ‘‘Why 
did she leave you?” asked the old man. ‘Because I was so covered 
with lice,” replied the boy. The spirit said it would remove all of the 
lice. but three. So it began to pick them off. After this was done the 
spirit asked, ‘Where did your mother go?” The boy pointed out her 
track. The spirit then said to the boy, ‘‘ Would you like to go to your 
mother?” Theboy answered, ‘“ Yes.” The spirit put the boy onhis back 
and started in the path made by the sled of his mother. After a while 
they came to a tree and in looking at it the boy saw a porcupine sitting 
among the branches. The boy greatly desired to have the animal. 
So he said, ‘“‘Grandfather, I wish you would killthe porcupine.” The 
old man answered, ‘It will make too much smoke for me to kill it.” 
After a time they came across a hare which the boy again desired to 
have. To this theman assented. So he put the boy down in the snow 
and soon caught the hare and killed it. It was now becoming dark, 
so they made their camping place for the night. The spirit gave the 
boy the hare-and told him to cook it. After the meat was cooked the 
boy asked the old man what parts of the animal he preferred. The 
old man said “Give me the Tungs and kidneys.” The boy gave him 
those parts and consumed the remainder himself. They laid down 
to sleep and in the morning they again started on the sled track. 
About noon they came to the tents of the Indians, and among them 
was the tent of the father and mother of the little boy. The spirit 
placed the boy down on the outside near the door of the mother’s tent 
and told him to goin. ‘The boy entered and saw his father and mother 


TURNER. | FOLKLORE. 343 


sitting near the fire. The mother in astonishment said, ‘‘ Husband, is 
this not our little boy whom we deserted at our latecamp?” The 
husband asked the boy, “Who brought you here?” ‘The little boy an- 
swered, “My grandfather.” The mother inquired, ‘‘ Who is your grand- 
father?” The father asked, ‘‘ Where ishe now?” The boy replied, ‘“* He 
is sitting outside.” The father asked his wife to look outside and see 
if any one was there. The woman did so and informed him that “I 
see some one sitting there, but I do not know whoit is.” The spirit re- 
plied, ‘‘ You should call me somebody when you are no one to leave your 
child to perish.” The husband directed his wife to invite the old man 
into the tent. 

The spirit declined to enter. The father then asked the son to tell 
him to comein. The boy went out and conducted the old man within 
the tent. The latter seated himself across the fire (this is intended to 
mean opposite the door but on the other side of the fire). They slept 
in the tent that night, and when the little boy awakened he found all the 
people preparing to snare deer. The people asked the little boy to ac- 
company them. He did so, and when he was ready to start he asked 
the old man what part of the deer he should bring home for him. The 
old man replied that he would enjoy the lungs better than any other 
part. The boy promised to bring a quantity for him on his return in 
the. evening. Toward evening the boy returned loaded with choice 
bits for the old man who had conducted him to his father and mother. 
While outside of the tent he called to the old man, saying that 
he had brought home some food for him. Hearing no reply he entered 
the tent, and not seeing the man he inquired of his mother where 
the person was. The mother announced that he had departed, but did 
not know where he had gone. It was late, but the boy resolved to rise 
early and follow his track. He was up at daybreak, and finding the 
track followed it until he observed the spirit crossing a large lake 
which was frozen over. The boy cried out to the old man to wait for 
him. The spirit awaited his approach. The boy said to him, “ Why 
did you go away when I had promised you some choice food?” The 
spirit replied that it could not dwell among living people, as it was 
only a spirit and that it was returning to its abode. The old man ad- 
vised the boy to return to his people. The boy did so, but the next 
morning the desire to see the good old man seized the boy, and again 
he started to find him. The other people then tied the boy to a tree 
and he soon forgot his benefactor. 

Fate of two Indian men.—Two Indian men who had gone off for the 
fall and winter’s hunt were living by themselves. They were very un- 
successful in procuring furs and food, so that when the depths of win- 
ter had approached and the cold was intense they resolved to seek the 
camp of their friends. They were providec with nothing but bows 
and arrows. The next morning they started off and tramped all day 
without seeing a living thing. They made their camp and lamented 


344 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


they had no food. They finally prepared to sleep, when one of them 
remarked to the other, “To-night Ishall dream of poreupines.” They 
slept, and in the morning the one related that he had seen a lot of 
porcupines around the tent while he was dreaming. They determined 
to proceed, but the one finally thought if they would stop there for the 
day and succeeding night they would have all the poreupine meat they 
would want. They remained there that day, and in the middle of the 
night they were aroused by a noise which proved to be poreupines 
gnawing the bark from the tent poles. The one man said, “Slip out 
and kill some with a stick;” but added, ‘Go out in your bare feet.” 
He went out barefooted and killed two or three, and dashed back into 
the tent with his feet nearly frozen. He stuck his feet into the hot 
ashes and told the other man to bring in the animals. The other man 
did so, and began to prepare the flesh for cooking. They ate one of 
the porcupines, and by daylight were ready to begin their journey. 
They went idly along, shooting their arrows in sport at anything they 
could see. They continued this amusement until near sunset, when 
one exclaimed, “My arrow has struck something; see, it is moving.” 
The other replied, ‘What can it be, when it is sticking only in the 
snow?” The other said he would try and find out what it was. He 
cautiously examined, and found when he began to dig it out that the 
arrow had entered the den of a bear. So they scratched away the 
snow and soon saw a long, black hair sticking out of the hole. He 
jumped back and exclaimed, “It is some sort of animal with black 
hair.” The other replied, ‘Let us try and get it out. It may be good 
to eat.” They finally drove the bear out and soon killed it. They be- 
gan to skin it, which was soon done. One of the men then said, ‘It 
is too big and ugly to eat; let us leave it.” The other, however, cut 
off a large piece of fat and put it on the sled. They then prepared 
their camp, and when morning came they started off and traveled all 
day. When night came they made their camp and soon had a huge 
fire burning. One of the men hung the piece of fat over the fire and 
the oil soon dripped into the fire. It created such a nice smell that 
one of them said, “Let us taste the fat; it may be good to eat.” They 
tasted it and found it so good that they rated each other soundly for 
being so foolish as to leave such nice flesh so far behind them. They 
resolved to return for it. So they returned for the carcass of the bear, 
which was far behind them, and as it had tasted so good they de- 
termined to lose no time in starting. They went immediately, although 
it was now dark and very cold. They came to the place where it had 
been left and discovered that the wolves and foxes had eaten all the 
meat, leaving nothing but the bones. They were very angry, and be- 
gan to lay the blame each on the other for having left it. They re- 
gretted they had left such meat for wolves and foxes. They de- 
termined to proceed to where they had camped the third time. On 
the way they became very thirsty, and, stopping at a creek to drink, 


TURNER. | FOLKLORE. 345 


they drank so long that their lips froze to the ice of the water hole, 
and they miserably perished by freezing. 

The starving wolverene.—On the approach of winter a wolverene, 
which had been so idle during the summer that he had failed to store 
up a supply of provisions for himself, his wife, and children, began to 
feel the pangs of hunger. The cold days and snowstorms were now at 
hand. The father one day told his wife that he would go and try to 
discover the place where his brothers, the wolves, were passing the 
winter and from them he would endeavor to procure some food. The 
wife desired him not to remain away long, else the children would starve 
to death. He assured her that he would be gone no longer than four 
days, and made preparations to start early on the succeeding morning. 
In the morning he started and continued his journey until near night- 
fall, when he came to the bank of a river. On looking at the ice which 
covered its surface he descried a pack of wolves ascending the river at 
arapid rate. Behind these were four others, which were running at a 
leisurely gait. He soon overtook the latter group, and was perceived 
by one of these old wolves, which remarked to the others, ‘‘There is our 
brother, the wolverene, coming.” The animal soon joined the wolves 
and told them that he was starving, and asked for food, The wolves re- 
plied that they had none, but that the wolves in advance were on the 
track of some deer and would soon have some. The wolverene inquired 
where they would camp for the night. They told him to continue with 
them on the track of the others until they came to a mark on the river 
bank. The wolves, accompanied by the wolverene, continued their way 
until one of the old wolves called attention to the sign on the bank and 
proposed they should go up to it and await the return of the others. 
They went up and began to gather green twigs to make a clean floor 
in the bottom of the tent. This was no sooner done than the young 
wolves (the hunters) returned and began to put up the tent poles. The 
old wolves said they themselves would soon have the tent covering in 
place. The wolverene was astonished at what he saw and wondered 
whence they would procure the tenting and fire. The old wolves 
laughed as they observed his curiosity, and one of them remarked, 
‘Our brother wonders where you will get the tent cover from.” The 
wolverene replied, ‘I did uot say that; I only said my brothers will 
soon have up a nice and comfortable tent for me.” The wolves then 
sent him off to collect some dry brush with which to make a fire. 
When he returned the tent was already on the poles. He stood outside 
holding the brushin hisarms. One of the wolves told him to bring the 
wood inside the tent. He entered and gave the brush to one of the young 
wolves (the leader of the hunters). The leader placed the brush in posi- 
tion to create a good fire, and while that was being done the wolverene 
wondered how they would start the fire. One of the old wolves re- 
marked, ‘‘Our brother wonders where and how you will get the fire.” 
He inade no reply, as one of the young wolves (the leader) took up akettle 


346 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


and went outside to get some snow to melt for water, and returned with 
it full of snow. He set the kettle down and sprang quickly over the 
pile of brush and it started into a blaze in an instant. It was now 
an opportunity for the wolverene to wonder whence should come the 
supply of meat to boil. One of the old wolves said, “Our brother 
wonders where you will get some meat to cook for supper.” One of 
the young wolves went out and brought in a brisket of deer’s meat. 
As soon as the wolverene saw the meat he asserted that he did not 
wonder about the source of the supply of meat, but that he only wished 
there was some meat ready for cooking. The meat was cut up and 
placed in the kettle and when it was ready it was served out. The 
choicest portions were selected for the wolverene and placed before 
him with the injunction to eat all of it. He endeavored to consume it, 
but the quantity was too great even for him. He, having finished his 
meal, was about to place the remainder on one of the poles when a 
wolf, observing his action, told him not to place it there or else the 
meat would change into bark. He then laid it down on a piece of 
clean brushwood and when he suspected the eyes of the wolves were 
not turned toward him he stealthily inserted the portion of meat be- 
tween the tenting and the pole. The wolves saw his action and in a 
few minutes the wolverene became very sleepy and soon retired. One 
of the wolves carefully displaced the meat from the pole, where the 
wolverene had put it, and thrust in its stead a piece of bark. In the 
morning when the wolverene awakened his first thought was of the 
remnant of food. He reached up for it and found nothing but the piece 
of bark. The wolves were on the alert and one of them said, “Did I 
not tell you it would change into bark if you put the meat in that 
place?” The wolverene hung his head and answered, ‘ Yes,” and 
again laid down to sleep. By the time he awakened the wolves had a 
second kettle of meat cooked. They desired the wolverene to arise 
and eat his breakfast. The leader told him to hasten with his meal, as 
he had discovered some fresh deer tracks. The wolverene thought he 
would watch how they broke camp and see where they put the tent- 
ings. He went off a few steps and while his back was turned the tent 
disappeared and he failed to discover where it was secreted. The ani- 
mals then started off, the young ones taking the lead while the four 
old ones and the wolverene followed leisurely behind. After they had 
crossed the river the wolverene began to wonder where they would 
halt for the night. One of the old wolves told him they must follow 
the track of the leader and they would come to the sign made for the 
site of the camp. They continued for the entire day, but just before 
sundown they came across the bones of a freshly killed deer from which 
every vestige of meat had been removed, apparently eaten by wolves; 
so the wolverene thought he would stand a poor chance of getting a 
supper if that was the way they were going to act. The party con- 
tinued on the track and soon came upon the mark for the tent site. 


TURNER. ] FOLKLORE. 347 


The wolverene was glad to rest, but sat down and began to look ahead 
in the distance for the returning hunters. After a few minutes he 
looked around and saw the tent standing there. The wolves then sent 
the wolverene for dry brush, while they gathered green branches for 
the tent floor. He brought so small a quantity that it would not 
suffice. The young wolves returned at the same time and they 
directed him to again procure some brush. When he returned he 
found they had stripped all the fat off of the deer meat, al- 
though, he had not seen them*bring any when they returned, and 
placed it around the inside edges of the tent. The brush was put 
down and again the leader jumped over it and a bright, crackling fire 
started up. The wolves then said to themselves in a low tone of voice: 
“Let us go outside and see what our brother will do when he is left 
alone with the fat.” They went outside and immediately the wolverene 
selected the nicest and largest piece of fat and began to swallow it- 
The wolves at the same moment inquired of him: ‘“ Brother, are there 
any holes in the tent cover?” His mouth was so full, in his haste to 
swallow the fat, that it nearly choked him. They repeated their in- 
quiry and the wolverene gasped out the answer, “yes.” The wolves 
then said: “Let us go inside.” The wolverene sprang away from the 
fat and sat down by the fire. They put on a large kettle of meat and 
soon had their supper ready. They gave the wolverene all the fattest 
portions they could find. Having eaten so much cf the frozen fat he 
became so violently ill, when the hot food melted the cold fat in his 
stomach, that he vomited a long time, and was so weak that he became 
chilly and shivered so much that he could not sleep. He asked for a 
blanket, but one of the wolves placed his own bushy tail on the body 
of the wolverene to keep him warm. The wolverene shook it off and 
exclaimed: “I do not want your foul-smelling tail for a blanket.” So 
the wolf gave him a nice and soft skin blanket to sleep under. When 
he awakened he announced his intention to return to his family, as they 
would soon be dead from hunger. One of the old wolves directed the 
younger ones to make up a sledload of meat for the wolverene to take 
home with him. The wolf did so, but made the load so large and long 
that the wolverene could not see the rear end of the sled. When it 
was ready they told him of it, and, as he was about to start, he requested 
they would give him some fire, as he could not make any without. 
The leader asked how many nights he would be on the journey home- 
ward. He answered, three nights. The wolf told him to lie down in 
the snow. He did so and the wolf jumped over his body three times, 
but strictly enjoined upon him not to look back at the sled as he was 
going along. The wolverene promised he would comply with his in- 
structions. After the animal had started and got some little distance 
from the camp of the wolves he thought of the peculiarly strange things 
he had witnessed while among those animals; and, to test himself, he 
concluded to try the method of making a fire. He stopped, gathered 


348 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


a quantity of dry brush and placed it as he had seen the wolves arrange 
it. He then sprang over it and a huge blaze gave evidence of the 
power within him. He was so astonished that he resolved to camp 
there. He melted some snow and drank the water and retired to rest, 
without having looked at the sled. The next morning he started early 
and made his camp before sunset, as he was very tired. He gathered 
some brush and made the fire by jumping over the pile of fuel. His 
supper was only some melted snow which he drank and retired. In the 
merning he started to continue his journey homeward and still had not 
seen the sled which he was dragging. As he was ready to start he 
was so confident of his ability to create fire that he threw away his 
flint and steel. He traveled all day until toward sunset he was so 
fatigued that he concluded to make his camp for the night. He was so 
elated with his newly acquired faculty of making fire that he eagerly 
gathered a great quantity of dried twigs and branches, until a large 
heap was before him. He jumped over it, and turned round to see 
the flames creep up and watch the sparks fly. There was not a sign of 
a blaze or a spark to meet his gaze. He again jumped over it, and 
again, until he was so exhausted that he could not clear the top of 
the pile, and at last he knocked the top of it over, as his failing 
strength did not enable him to avoid it. The only thing left for him 
to do was to return for his flint and steel, which he had so exultingly 
thrown aside. The animal berated himself soundly for having done 
such a silly trick. Not having seen the sled he was surprised to find 
how quickly he regained the site of the camp of the previous night. 
Having recovered his flint and steel he returned, and soon had a fire 
started; but it was now near daylight. He resolved to start on his 
journey as soon as he had some water melted for a drink. He began 
to think how quickly he had made the trip for his flint and steel, 
and concluded that the great length of the sled had been purposely 
made to cause him unnecessary fatigue, as it could not be so very 
heavy, or else that he must be extraordinarily strong. He determined 
to examine it, and did so. He could not see the farther end of the 
load. He flattered himself that he was so very strong, and concluded 
to continue his journey. He attempted to start the sled, and found 
he could not move it in the least. He upbraided himself for permitting 
his curiosity to get the better of his sense. He removed a portion of 
dry meat and a bundle of fat, and made them into a load to carry on 
his back. He placed the remainder on a stage, and was about ready 
to start homeward to his wife and children, whom he believed must be 
by this time nearly dead from starvation. 

He put the pack of meat on his back and set out. That evening he 
arrived at his home, and as soon as his wife heard him her heart was 
glad. He entered and informed the family that he had brought home 
a quantity of meat and fat, and had procured so much as to be unable 
to carry it all at once. His wife begged him to fetch her a piece of 


TURNER. } FOLKLORE. 349 


meat, as she was nearly starved. He went out and brought in a large 
piece of fat. The wife devoured such a quantity of it that she became 
very ill, and suffered all through the night. In the morning the wol- 
verene stated he would return for the meat which he had stored away 
the previous day. He started in the early morning, so as to return by 
daylight. 

As soon as the wolverene looked upon the sled loaded with meat 
the spell was broken. One of the old wolves ordered the young wolves 
to go and destroy the meat and fat which the wolverene had left on 
the stage. They eagerly set out on the track of the sled, and soon 
saw the staging where the wolverene had stored the remainder of the 
food. When they came up to it they fell to and devoured all but a few 
scraps of it. The wolves then went away, and in a few hours the wol- 
verene returned. He saw what had happened and exclaimed : “ My 
brothers have ruined me! My brothers have ruined me!” He knew it 
had been done because he had looked back at the sled, although 
strictly enjoined upon not to do so under any circumstance. He gath- 
ered up the fragments which the wolves had left and returned home. 
When he arrived there he informed his wife that his brothers had 
ruined him, because they had eaten all the meat which he had stored 
away while out hunting. 

The starving Indians.—A band of Indians, who had neglected to store 
away a supply of food for a time of scarcity, were upon the point of 
starvation. An old man who lived at a little distance from the camp- 
ing place of the band, had wisdom to lay by a good store of dry meat 
and a number of cakes of fat, so that he had an abundance while the 
other improvident people were nearly famished. They applied to him, 
begging for food, but they were refused the least morsel. One day, 
however, an old man came to him asking for food for his children. The 
man gave him a small piece of meat. When the man’s children ate 
this food they began to cry for more. The mother told her little boy to 
stop crying. He persisted in his clamor until his mother asked him: 
“Why do you not go to the old U’ sets kwa né po?” (the name means 
One whose neck wrinkles into folds when he sits down). This old 
man heard the mother tell her child to go to him, and muttered to him- 
self, “That is just what I want.” 

The little boy went to the old man’s tent door, and lifting aside the 
flap, said: “I want tocome in.” He went in and the old man addressed 
the boy by hisown name, saying: “‘ Whatdo you want, U’/setskwané po?” 
in such a kindly voice that the boy felt assured. The boy said: “I 
am very hungry and want some food.” The old man inquired in an 
astonished voice: “Hungry? and your meat falling down from the 
stage?” The old man bade the boy sit down, while he went out to the 
stage and selected some choice portions and brought them into the tent 
and gave them to the boy. The old man then asked the boy if he had 
a sister. The boy said that he had a father, mother, and one sister, 


350 THE HUDSON BAY ESKIMO. 


After the boy had finished eating, the old man directed the boy to 
come with him and see the meat stages. They went out and the old 
man said: “Now, go home and tell your father that all of this food will 
belong to you if he will give me his daughter.” The little boy went 
home and repeated what the old man had said. The father signified 
his willingness to give his daughter in marriage to the old man. The 
boy returned to the old man and stated that his father was willing to 
give away his daughter. The old man immediately went out, took some 
meat and fat from the stage, and then cooked three large kettles of food. 
When this was done he selected a suit of clothing for a man and two 
suits for women. He placed the nicer one of the latter near his own 
seat, and the other two suits directly on the opposite side of the fire- 
place (the place of honor in the tent). He then told the little boy to 
call all the Indians, adding: ‘‘There is your father’s coat, your mother’s 
dress, and your sister’s dress. Tell your parents to sit where they see 
the clothing,” pointing to the clothes intended for them, and the 
sister to sit near the old man, pointing to his own place. The boy ran 
out and apprised the people, together with his own relations. The boy 
returned to the old man’s tent before the guests arrived. The boy’s 
father came first, and the boy said: “‘ Father, there is your coat.” The 
mother then entered, and the boy said: ‘Mother, there is your dress.” 
The sister then entered, and the boy pointed to the dress, saying: ‘“Sis- 
ter, there is your dress.” All the other Indians then came in and seated 
themselves. They took two kettles of meat and broke the fat into 
pieces and feasted until all was consumed. The old man helped his 
wife, her father, mother, and brother to the contents of the other kettle. 
When all the food was finished the old man said to the boy, “‘U’ séts 
kwa né po, go and set your deer snares.” The old man went with him 
to find a suitable place. They could find only the tracks of deer made 
several days previously. They, however, set thirty snares and returned 
home. The next morning they all went to the snares and found a deer 
in each one. The people began to skin the deer and soon had a lot of 
meat ready for cooking. They began to feast, and continued until all 
was done. By this time a season of abundance had arrived. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, 


Ae uD en Ok StO UA N CULTS: 


BY 


JAMES OWEN DORSEY. 


351 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 
CHAPTER. —Imntroducti onan an- eres esos cee eee ee eee me eacaes 361 
Dennrtionsio fees Cw tera ce SLO Ua eee ieee eee a 361 
SiouanyRamil vermeil cease sn eee mes erase = Sere eee 361 
Ant OTML OS bee ers teeter Rien maa cte= si= < Serato cit eens seistetet sae eee 361 
A phabeteeeece=temaessee reacts soccer Gene eect acs= Sake co eee Ate Soa 363 
AND DROW BhVONS tare setae ope ed Seer Seer sae Senne ana eects ee hae 364 
CHAPTER se D ennitiong sos eet ace se eee seo ares Sone saeco 365 
AllecedubelieteintaiGreabispitiieresces see sense oes a ee i aseie eeee 365 
Phenomena divided into human and superhuman..----...----...-------- 365 
Mermsjfors<mysterious:” “siohtning, ete. -s2= sae see ee Seen - eee 366 
OthenOmaharandePonivarberms are esse tes ect ase ee aes ere oe ee ee 367 
Significance of personal names and kinship terms -.-..----.----.-------- 368 
Myth and legend distinguished from the superhuman...--.-----.--..-_-- 368 
Cuapter III.—Cults of the Omaha, Ponka, Kansa, and Osage. ....--..------ 371 
Boliersrayn disp rec te OS 0 tiet OU Caer ela peye ate ae gt et ene 371 
Omaha, Ponka, and Kansa belief in a wakanda_-..........-...... -...-.-- 372 
Nementoreab wakandase sacs. esa secs heen gals oto me ice ae came eree = 372 
Invocation of warmth and streams -......--5.5-- -2- 5-222 5--- s-s2c-en- =: 372 
IPTAY ELjvObw akan Cane setae es cist sree eee eS eee core aera ols eal aes 373 
JA CCESBOLIOS OfmpLAVele se cee. eee eee see ees ae eae Praesens 373 
Omaha and Kansa expressions about wakanda ..-...-........-..-------- 374 
Ponka belief, aboutmulevolent spirits. 5. ..--2-2--.---------.--2--------- B04 
Amol d (Omaha custom sjans2 sei toes asi nee Se eae sees Scions eee aise ae 375 
Thews unsiaiswialcan 0 acer ciao Sees oe lane ne ereoee iene ae eeee neice 376 
ImVOCAtONS Ee eet sao aeiae Pees toee wees Soe ee as Se soe ete eee ei 376 
AONE) CVT TOY OH TOMO =< see necoaesthc nasmesoee Hoss Meds acdeoeeee 377 
ithesPonkaisunwanceotels (ote ema re semen seen see eeeieeine 256 etaaci- 378 
RH EWN OOF aewia KANG el eae es kee ee ee eletsiaty= aeeecciom his seieasetiare amas Sen 378 
1B Lo) EERE Oct esp se ar MES ek es RS NP caret a es Se a 378 
Stardastwalcand agi pesere soe cmc ihe sre eee ene eras tee Seas cian 379 
Theswindstasewalcand asic se soe or ep see eet eem reas arenas sas See OBO. 
DAVOCATLONY: oes ote apa (eke Ores ae ee eee Se ete ea a eee 380 
ans aisacrinice UO.unemWwaU GSEs se esseee ese see er eee eres 380 
Osage consecration of mystic fireplaces. .....-.......-.-.-.-.---.---- 380 
Mhethunder-beim cvanwakandal- =o. secs ee cement nee eae ee oe Ree 381 
Omaha and Ponka invocation of the thunder-being.....-...-...-.--. 381 
mbhunder=beinpinvokediby, walrlors*-o---es- cess cee) ee eee ee) OOe 
NGTASATI CLAN CTIB LOT recreates, spo atelier ae l= ats cee fet ois Ses ect = 383 
Kamsatworship of thethunder-being .--- <2 2.25 == sooo ae een 385 
Subterraneantand subaquatie wakandas. -- -......222.-.----.---2:------- 386 
A DEGGIE ae o ohoco Dae SAB ase sin oc ce sedeno Epson sebnes cobs seas 386 
11 ETH 23 os 


354 : CONTENTS. 


Cuapter I1I—Continued. Page. 
OthersKansawakandas: -~ 25-22 -eeieee eet ae eee eee 387 
Omaha invocations of the trap, ete............-.--..---.-.--.------.-... 387 
Fasting ..--.-.-------------+-----+ +--+ ee 222+ 222 eee eee eee eee 390 
Mystic trees and plants .......-----------++------------------------------ 390 
T¢a OS: 2. 2 cae 2s scl aelaciece as Sesnletee menos aale= oe wee ese er 392 
Personal mystery decorations’. .-.------- ---< ~--- ---= <2 - = <2 2 2 ns anne 394 
Oxderios trad er Siar avs ae tate ae ee ie eee 395 
Generictorms of decorations seats seta nee ee 397 
Specific forms of decoration -.--..-------.------------------------------ 398 
Gorman tiie jh rat eal 0 ea a 403 
Other Omaha mystery decorations... .-..-----2-------------------------- 403 
Kansa mystery decorafions...--.------..------ ---: --=~ ---- ------.-----.- 405 
Omaha nikie decorations... == ==— ess" eres ae = ae ee i 407 
Omaha mike) CUS FON Se eet ae 410 
Governmental instrumentalities. ............---.------.-------.--------- 411 
Omahaiand Ponkaytaiboos jeer ee eet alate ate ee ee 411 
Petichism. ..-4 22255 soo See oo eee aneenale een = = = a 412 

Fetiches of the tribeland) pens... soe oe sone ee ee 
(@ynsilra tira ball fe be ies aera ee 413 

Osage tribal feti ches ase ete eee 414 

Kansa tribal feuches sane = sels este ee eee 415 
Personal fetiches=e== soe eae ele eee eee ee ee 415 
Sorcery. --.--- ---- ---- --- 2 o 2 - soon ene nn we ene eae nn ce ene wenn ee ene 416 
Jugglery ...-------------------------- +++ +2 + -- 222 eee eee eee eee ee eee 417 
Omaha and Ponka belief as to a future life.........--.---.-------------- 419 
Kansa beliefs respecting death and a future life..........---------------- 421 

CuartTerR IV.—jciwere and Winnebago cults......---.---------------------- 423. 
TMi eo vinks)se sa asccas seaacoc aa Sage = ceo ssecomses cose srectsros a 2eace 423 
Term ‘‘Great Spirit” never heard among the Iowa. .-.---.---------.------ 423 
Ubitens pba enue eneu tt oa eas eS esae cosa sasescod ca cease assosccsoasee2 423 
UNaiay abi ls|r ny een chee eerie a5 ae oecounes Geceon co SceuOasces Jace iescas 423. 
The thunder-being a wakanta...-.........-.---------------------------- 424 
Subterranean powers ss - sea ate oie ee se 424 
Subaquatic powers. --- ------ ---- << 22-522 o oo re ww wn nnn 424 
Animals as;wakantas-.<2-. 2222 =o =scee eee == meee ee ee 425 
(Apotheoses =e ae eee ee ee mee 
Dwellings of gods -...---. --------------------------------------+--++---- 425 
SWoOrs hil ps oe = toe ate orate ee el 425, 
on ee a een Asan e teem Shossodccemmcacceecesase | LRT 
Publicior tribal dteti ches) ss -— se esses se see = eee 427 
Symbolic earth formations of the Winnebago-----.--.-------------------- 427 
Personal fetiches ssc eater ee eee re Se we eater 428 
Dancing societies! 25 <= ose = ae ee ae a eee 428 

The-Otberidancing, S0cleby - == 2 = sae ee ae 429 
The Red Medicine dancing society- ----..--.-------------------------- 429 
The Green Corn dance ---- ---- wae pote kis Seeeaeeeasie = aceeeeeee 429, 
The Buttalo dancing society -----)--=-— == eee 429 
Leiwere traditions ...........-.-.- ---- ---- ---- ---- s--502 == - = ~~ = == <= === - 430° 
Belietantartutore slates cee tase eae eae ed ate eet 430 

CuaPTER V.—Dakota and Assiniboin cults ...--...----.---------------------- 431 
Alleged Dakota belief in a Great Spirit...--.-.---.---.------------------ 431 
Riggs on the Taku wakan....-....--....--..-----------------+-+-------- 432 
Meaning of wakan..----.----.-----  - ++. - 22252 e225 50 e = awn wn nnn 433 


IDM) oy oBS qonSs sano sed CoomaaTscoUStouoBaoHoodsES aGmoreousdesascss 433- 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER V—Continued. 
AmimISM ea Face aetes cess ees Soa eee RES ERE Semi asee pe pic meoaretias- 


Wscommain tim worships 222.525 28 etme eases set oe ences sees 
The unkteli, or subaquatic and subterranean powers ---.---.---..------ 
Characterior then ktehi tae cymes oye oe ne sere eee = asian sieos l= 


Mhelmystery. dances eeee sas sese soe hase Seisee eae 
Mhewniniwatiis~s=soo 5 ho =- os Seas Saccee So scee SAS eesee eens ase scee 
MhesWakityars- or thnnder-Deines =, a= she = cose ee eee ee eee 
Nheranmorss OS sees seer seen ane Seine eee eee ates ere 
ANNI NERS TONG ics oeoo abas cooene Sade 525d Soamse be ouS SSeS ns cooh Hose eseEee 
Therapiritsvof<thepmystery SackS mew. of ss21--=/ernieni= sea tees see eee 
Ralkciscans kan pune e Movin giGeub yeas emer eae a /<10 afoot = taal eee 
Tunkan or Inyan, the Stone god or Lingam...............--..----------- 
Mi hy) KOS che SSaras pee eS Seb OBAe> SSESE BD caB BSE Oe earn eS aee temo a 
(Mato gulp ieee neers a tee. Neaycaiaeiicieiticte sa cima eee a eee a Mek eice see ems 
TUE OGTR PICGbTIG YS ee Soon Hons Jono ce ence Gono Ener DSor en SOGGen pamaaee 
NEUIIRS CUM COROETNUS eos Soon ans aeccbe GOOSCDEOD esaoseUTSbuSsaeeeE Sep ees 
WEG RN GINO 6. oscis mace copeaeeees cacao Hoe ooo REE SEO coOosS cone Baste 


Obyectionet nersuniG@an Ce yee eee eee eine aaa eee ne eee a 

Rmlesiobserved. by households: 2-2. a= a<\s2 sass mn eos ee 

Mh ee ZUM AN OV ep ee ie ae lakes sla tees ae ae ee cine gadaee eee 

Rulesobseryed.bysthe devotee. .--s-42s. 25-9 -e-e- sa seee sees 
Pnibesanviced. co unessinl dance merss santas asec see eee eee eee 
Disciplinenmaintamedesr.- oa cme aes se see eet eee Saeesaee aes 
Campingycircleiformed is. - jm sease 2 wacioee eee ee ase nnte = ieee eee 
Men selected to seek the mystery tree... -....-------------------.---- 
Tent of; preparationGs - se. -225 sesiaa Hae acess seers siecle siercieice - 
Expedition to the mystery tree..........-----.-----.--.-----.---.--- 
TAGE Ge ce oat aoe Oa Ree reba CaSOGUE Sac S Seen ESO Me mpisriae 
(RreeiiakenshoGam pyres soya see sac am mime = Seep aeas alse) aise ce sare 
Raisin PAUHEISUM POLE saan ee ate sel sles = see enone Sees sine ames 
Buildinprofedancingulodgenn-s este sesso es se-- ee esate eee 
ALERTED So oa88 Se coco bosdefaees Sas See Oe ROSS COs See Ren eO an Sees 
Decoration of candidates or devotees..........-------------+--------- 
Offermpstohacandi dates ones e aaa ere Brecon cose sees 
Ceremoniesatithe dancinglod ges. eens = tee eee 

MH ef dan Cover me ae citer loc ce arin ee oe nen eae te sce 


Morpurclof owner of horse -e=54---0 eee ene eaaeee eran ne eeeee 

Pin dkofsthey dance. =... sare sa ries ns ee Se See tae ee ene 
IMTS Viel ANCESE saan aes cece ercne a ee eee ae see eee ee 
Captain Bourkevonitihe sundance - 22-25-22 fase = 
IRerdaches eo tce: s.niesecccicnats Shae nrat eeinmc eee nist eeiii noes eseem et cee 
ABTTONOMICAl MOLE Ss oes sae NS ne See = Bae eens Be seen se aac eS 
LOPS rieaG Finifal Nite ee code a eee a eee MEO SE RRO ORES oaMnieeecoveerbod eaeee 
SRITGSG Gyre ee eae moet te ate oe Seep fet See Se Oe re RG 
Wiesdtheninpinitiases a2 eee jot nce se Soest on sate acess scene meee e 


356 CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER V—Continned. 


eyo can ac at ce aesae ie ai a ae ee 
Mherconcepts of Hey OK als. sam =a ee ee 
IGA e Wath lones gene Sono Rees son oedias So= 5555255 555ccckonseseass 
Story, ofa Heyolca: mam). 2 ieee eer ee er eee 
ley oka wiOnien =) 55\-\2=<- ge a ae eee 
Miya tee) OG Osh entra yes ee 
Tikto, Tktomi; or Unktomil 2: 32-2222 eee seat a ee ee eee 
Gan otidan:. and: Holinosi¢a 2 nae ee ee 
INOW KGS) POeeene Been ae ASatcc Schoo eos s 2 sweets acbce scene seveessosecccc 
Jets Ch (Ree eEeoe Seka mes eona oat ne=s> agcc cee tect coos Fes seer Scie 
Grandia spirits a5 ape tere 
Beliefs:ab out the’ Wo uitialo eee gerne sete aes 
Prevalence:of; the sheltefst= 95 --o- eee eee eee eee eee 
© PUT Os hae bo Ta pa ere 
The Tatanenaskinyan,; or Mythic buffalo =-22 .-- 2222-222 22 
The bear... 2... - aarec tee ss eee Bee DEE eee eee eet 
The wolf: . << =..2.sfce@ Saeco Se Se oe ee ee ee ee 


10) 4 DE BAA eas eens eae Pena e Sen emis oo soe eooee oso seams seeree 
Trees). 22 208 Soyo de cette se See eS ee ne ee ee ee See ces 
Customs relating torch dhoo dimen pmaseeee a eae ee eee 
PD erty asset cee a ee 
Ghost loreand\ the futurevlitey == Sarees ee ee ee ee ae 
Niro vue venl: Bee o2 22 eee oad occas Poca ase seca sa-sec- 
‘Assiniboim beliefs a boumhe (dead (sree = eae eee 
Ghosts tiallwaiyS) vil SUD 6a yee een eee eee 
Death and! burialilores2e aes sae sae eee ee eet 
Why the Teten stopped burying in the ground ....--..----..---- 

iy portancerofstastooun Caeser eee te ae nee eee er 
@eremoniesaipthe hos tilod Ge roe eee 
Good and bad! chosts=s-ss-ae- eee ae ee ee ee eee 


Intercourseswathi@hostsie== see eee eee eae ee 
Ghost /stonies\ase-2- eed ee oe nee Ree er eee eee eee ee eae 
Ae enOy HNO Ey Nile 65 525 2-5 ce2s sososacoseos -cee ssaesece 2s26 6% 
Dhejsolitany travele te see e r= eee aes eee ee eae eee er 

Mes eos tome e wba a TS are ret ee 

The Indian who wrestled with a ghost .-....--..---------------- 
Thermanhwhowho tar chostie. = sess ree ee ee eee 
Assiniboin beliefs about ghosts ----:.-- .------ --.---2.--= ==" <2 =e 
Prayers-to the dead, including ancestors..---........--------------- 
Metamorphoses and transmigration of souls. --.-.-.--..----.-------- 
Bxhortatlons io /a Sent) wATCLOLS mater eye ete tee ee 
Miveterious menamd winner ss. 2 mieetaeeeeae eeeeeeeeeeeeet 
Gopherloter= esse eases) a2 eee Rae Ree ee eee eee eee 
Causesiof boils:ands0res ns -se-ceeneee saan see eee coe eee eee 
Results sofslyineestealing | ett ae ne eer ne eee ae eee eee 
MICCTOT SOCLCTLCS Bn ete ar aa 
Petichismige cece a oo eee t ee eS Ja ae nee eee ane Oe eee 
Publieroritnilyall feuieh es esse ee =e ye eee 


Privateornpersonalitetichest = o-.== sae ss ene see ee hee ea eee 


CONTENTS. oor 


CHAPTER V—Continued. Page. 
@rdeals vor mad CSO f (SWOT Oe ete eee ee eter tere atalete olatste ta falay eo 499 
ORs aGl holga Ayo soo. saacoe cosLoaDacEno ac donde SaShe cer casos eeeemee 499 
OMON SH Meee cicero ol ee See eeiec ie SOR ee Ses eee ae see ee ede mee 500 

IsQGWby OWN 554 Sh cae 7saa5S soe ses qoades seasosiease cosctolgcodan adee 500 
Anim AllOMONS saeco eee aaa aaie aoe ee eee Saneemerie ose ee eee 500 
Oinenstirom dreams\2eep cece eistaseeee eee e le asioc oe een ne 500 

CuarTeR VI.—Cults of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Sapona...........--..---- 501 
ATUL OLUIES cps oaraia nrctaaie nine: cine ciel oistesie sein =e = Sate Sereiets eure oes Sasi nese 5OL 
Allegedsbelieheinra, GresitiS punta eee ee eee eae eet ee 501 
heypreatmysteryjanmodernsGethy, sea we see eee aceite ae 501 
POLY ENCISM hese ees esse pias ee mee pinieniasece seer eee eee tee ae 502 
Wiorshipiecs aca Soe meer ies ook See Eee Sennen ade eitincem cee mecrinenccine Sees 502 

INESRNES. soe 55 ccc se eccpe ose. sonaes TeSee0 ch cobs sonsdeod oscar cHoseoeede 502 
SEONITCG «ene os ecmc code sas 3 Fagan goes boeereS teota see soancoaad choke as 502 
WRG OSM. so cas onevesg aces sees cass oo goseSonono sess coecao Soease 502 
Wea IDRIS). Ss sao oSecos ascnce comoes soeepeosdosaianes sseacSeuer 503 
(Cp) Ghee) MON tae abso CSs540 O6be Gos Sae OSHS Ne Oea Bess Osos saaceoamee 505 
Absaroka fear of a white buffalo cow.........-..-.---.2s¢22--------- 505 
NEG ET Onli. oo as pSdbeAS Se HS BSE R SEAR CDE COSS Dp SSeS ancora. sASenan seca 506 
WIE GEN Glia RN Sba 535 to 5a5c ESS 595 socees boc Soto pees ooS OAs eee aoe 506 
Gurardiang spurts eee eee tee cine tere eee ae eee cere ese yee ene Me 507 
Mandan belief about serpents and giants..............---.-.......-- 507 
Mhunderslorenofathe: Mand anerc --- esse sean soeecoce sae aoe 508 
AS tron OmiC allel ONO emer ceeeiee cine oaehe ate en 0 se aei ee wie marci ae Ne 508 
Mystery objects and places of the Mandan and Hidatsa-............-..-- 508 
Mhennysteryanoc ke eae eee ce ieee eee ese eee eee 508 
IDE Eh osha Sena secrise tab abeS jones eee cee eee eee eee eee eee eee 510 
CORPO poesalecodaeruripoeencur > CEeeee Goce ebepses eb eoneneae sosecec 510 
INDIE NO 4.8. Se Ss CASA COU DCHOBPOGE soc hon Gene se eas eRe Oho ae Seen cede aeee 510 
ROWGLOT Gre eect ere lasictaeeials ee aie en ete ee elo eee eee ee See aoe 511 
SHC iGospsaedcoce ios ps seueos Sonus dosed cmgeee Snbaes cooouseneaee 511 
Uns at coo os 35ccd soc secios SSac oss apdqu sos keteaeseaecqu asansedeaaene 512 
(CUNT MOS adotna sos scoSese opcoenaddoco seneonn eeacehaeceeeenscace 512 
hemuturestleseansmse aes pester see oniee ea eee cree oes 512 
Four as a mystic number among the Mandan........-..-....-...-.-- 513 
JEWET ICE COURS) = se cop dating san SO DSEDEn RDSo.cn Sab AD OCU RA Sen a caOSrnes aee sees 513 
Midatsaqduyimitiesysis: -22--hos sess lsccesleeac- ce cite ce-Seemessioceseats 513 
JADU s coenacs6 Conan ob ane SE Aa nIse CaQU Ee paSeeErone comeRorcasac 514 
Wiorshiprotthe elements Otc recess == ena -ne same eae ee a see 514 
Serpent) worship =< ssece oe are eee eens soc ce eee sees eeea seas seas 514 
Wotichesyjccecceaterce eee tan c cin cocci emis Ene cee cece ce one 515 
(RribalGfetiches=: s-cmascess sane setae sate see oe ee res ee 515 
Personal fetichess<-.ss5 ses =.s. cone eae sn tea tees eee ehecee cece 515 

OT ACTER Hee. eis eal ere cris sre cee een Mea te er eerie eee een aa 516 
Dream Bea = es ase = eee = asia, tole eel ode eee tere nine ee ae | em Senecio 516 
Berdaches) 22. <2 aas ssc closes he see eran acces ena ee aee see noses 516 
Astronomical lores. sees ee eee BF Sts Sone pee Shee ae 517 
12) ged ea Roeeetos Geues AR SSeS ao Senseo a.. Sn HS Sao Ree eciice sea a 517 
Hoursoulshnnieach human being. -can eee a= sees eee ee aes 517 
SOnCeIyeets=eaoceeetaaer ies = eine eminence tee eee ee clo te ee ee ais 517 
Dispossliofethe dead sees mise sjocemce asec cae) ee -wisseeceos- cee 518 
Hidatsa belief as to future existence...........------.<----==-------- 518 


SHCOWE) CRUlig. 2 sac Sac deo doarodedaRgnuodcos boas as eaH dase oSce mane seeded 518 


358 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER VII-—Concluding remarks ~<---2- 22 =~ -soces cece soe ee eee oe eee 


Peet on Indian religions 
The author’s reply.----- -- 
Cults of the elements-.------- - 
The four quarters. ---.-.-- 
Symbolic colors......----- 
Colors in personal names 
The earth powers. ..---.-- 
Barth gentes .---..-..---- 
Mhewire powers: - 22-2226 
HRS ONTOS mai er 
The wind-makers. ------ -- 
Wind gentes..--...- .--=-- 
Each quarter reckoned as three 


Names referrin ) GotoUn er wiOrl Sie reaper eee ee a eee 


The water powers ..-.----- 
Water people: -22.- -emas-= 3 
Cautions and queries 
Composite names---. ---- 
Personal names from horn 


Ui eybn eS BRS Soc cea sereeestecas saseeseecace 


Names derived from several homogeneous objects or beings.----.-.------ 
Return of the/spirit to theieponyms-- 6 - ses se-eee see = ee ee 
Functionsiof, gentes and subgentes!. --- -.-- 22.222 - = 2 ee ea we ee == 


The ‘“‘ Messiah craze” 


Epilogue -------.--------- 


PLATE 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


XLIV. Sionan tents (4, tent of gejequta; B, tent of Mazi-jinga 
(man in the sun); C, tent of Heqaga; D, tent of Kaxe-¢a"ba’s 
father; HE, tent of Hupeta, Sr., and Agaha-wacuce) -...---- 

XLV. Camping circle at the time of the sun dance --.-------.----- 

Ke Vee Mer dancin py Od peers ete mete eiiale lel aiara taestsie la aie aia ee lela ale aii iare 

XLVII. Scarification of candidates (1, Okdska nazin; 2, Ptepa 


eH Vile ersumy danG@es ssn cese cece eae se os eee ecnisentsiemelele mario 5 


Fic. 156. 
157. 
158. 
159. 
160. 
161. 
162. 
163. 
164. 
165. 
166. 
167. 
168. 
169. 
170. 
171. 
172. 
173. 
174. 
175. 
176. 
177. 
178. 
179. 
180. 
181. 
182. 
183. 
184. 
185. 
186. 
187. 
188. 


DIOS JA esgjayennns Gal CO OUR: pas gem ones oon sb 4 soee aos seca sso esease 
Pawtherdoublenwoman acess smeenee ee eee seis Sas cane 


George Miller’s personal mystery decoration. -.-.-.---.-------------- 
JN ven OF Whee ID p messes poecedaees tases eosoeononesecarseeadas 
IRofeve Oe MMe Mot) oes ase soe pose Sonn Sweod=> oSoa ase cacoesora 
“itso Gre We Soc bas ee oben ae eno BeOS BS S5e neon sisoeee Hose Seer 
Robe om Caqupessse eect nee mae eee soe eeieee ind aseieeas sae 
Robeotepabe=t apie eee eeeee ee ence nee ence seta seal aati 
Generic decoration referring to night, etc.....-.-.---------------- 
ANS ANE ACTER e Shon 8 oetee oe Pon see Eee See Boao eeeeseonc esas 
Toe: Git ACERT, IS o cosoo BSc ope eeuqeneese seogSeseeemade cseGcrac 
Tent of Mazi-jinga (ghost vision) ....-...----.----.--.----- Eee 
INTE IN pa Cay Ne Soe eon eeS s pSonbonce maaan Sates sSoS eSeHacee 
Amotherient om NUCL Deateeeee eee ateee ese artinetae ose eineicte se 
Bilamikettoe © csspenvan a2 bi ter eee tetstelsteta teehee eae ae ee re eee ae ea 
Mentof jesa™s vision) Of ai Cd aly sere eee ee leit tee in 
Tent of yesa"; sun and rainbow vision... ..---.------ sctelsbe 
Cornstalk decoration of the tents of ire Chief and W: en eka ake 
IRONS Ol INMECN CPE). 5 ones -sashe cocidos ob0ed= deenca pone Jean copoecs see 
Dubaemareisitathor’sitent-—o- ose eee oo tees elec eee eee emis eo 
Mactcu-na lb ais en teree eee eee niet alee eee = ee ie eeeteae =e 
Wackathisrtent-aaccts seo scesisciis= aes Saas Goan See eee ee : 
Tentiof aniunknown) Omahaenjseseee ase == eae a en ea 
gPenite 0 fer 6 Dic aise seats eee a estate tee eee ee ee 
Tent of a Kansa who had an eagle vision. .-..---.-..--------------- 
iKansaidecoratedstentesnsceace saenoe cen a een see ess eersaae 
Kansardecoratedstenties= a -s= = nae eee eater ane ete 
Ma"ze-guhe’s robe. ---- Sp toseseacbepanmne o dso nian sqees acudsodeesecs 
Wie wWasaplaey | (Wi he cbs sess aSodsoeon S250 ono Sser sees cen asso eeoonee 
Duba-mar¢él stfather’s) blanketteees-ee = eee ses ee ae =e 
Inke-sabowentdecondtloner sete ema area ene esta ae lee 
Inke-sabe tem GCeCOratlOme ae see a) ate aia alae aint eet ieee i ee 
WAGERS A e065 socoesentoss col aatos Coon poco co neibere Seoobeeo ese 
Sacred tent in which the pole was kept....-.....-.---.-----.... 
Beare bULbe SOWin Ml aK Otae = ae ee elo oe | ae ser ps teclon eters at Mies erate 
359 


Page. 


361 
454 
458 


460 
462 
464 
480 


394 
394 
395 
396 
396 
397 
397 
398 
399 
399 
399 
399 
400 
401 
401 

402 
403 
403 
403 
404 
404 
405 
405 
406 
406 
406 
407 
407 
408 
409 
409 
413 
449 


360 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
Page 
Fic; 189) The ‘“u=ma-ne” symbol — =< = oye eee re = te mle ee ele alm mind lalatm ti 451 
190. Eagle-wing flute.........------.------------ ------<+---- --5--0---- 455 
191. The tent of preparation and the dancing lodge. ------.-..---.-.---- 459 
192. The ghost lodge . ..-.-- ~~ = =< 22-220 ooo ne ow we enn ween = 487 
193s heuG@atada gentile Cire] Comte eee ee ee eee eee 523 
194, The four elements, etc -...-..--..---.------. ---------------- «05-2. 523 
195. Kansa order of invoking winds, etc.-.-...--...--...----..--------. 525 
196. Tsiou (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, ete .....-.---.------ 525 
197. Pa®yka (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, ete -.-.--.---.---- 526 
198. Ka™se (Osage) order of circumambulation...-..-------------.------ 526 
199, Showing how the Osage prepared the scalp for the dance...--.--.- 526 
200. Omaha lightnings and the four quarters..-.--.----.------.--------- 527 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XLIV 


Le 


GAST LITH.£0. N.Y. 


SIOUAN TENTS. 


A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


By JAMES OWEN DORSEY. 


CHAPTER I. 
INTRODUCTION. 
DEFINITIONS OF ‘‘CULT” AND “SIOUAN.” 


§ 1. Cult, as used in this article, means a system of religious belief 
and worship, especially the rites and ceremonies employed in such wor- 
ship. The present article treats of the cults of a few of the Siouan 
tribes—that is, with two exceptions, of such tribes as have been visited 
by the author. 

“Siouan’’ is a term originated by the Bureau of Ethnology. It is 
derived from “Sioux,” the popular name for those Indians who eall 
themselves “ Dakota” or ‘‘ Lakota.” the latter being the Teton appella- 
tion. ‘“Siouan” is used as an adjective, but, unlike its primitive, it 
refers not only to the Dakota tribes, but also to the entire linguistic 
stock or family. 

SIOUAN FAMILY. 


The Siouan family includes the Dakota, Assiniboin, Omaha, Ponka, 
Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, Mandan, 
Hidatsa, Crow, Tutelo, Biloxi, Catawba, and other Indians. The 
Sapona, who are now extinct, probably belonged to this family. 

The author was missionary to the Ponka Indians, in what is now 
part of Nebraska, from 1871 to 1873. Since 1878 he has acquired 
native texts and other information from the Omaha, Ponka, Osage, 
Kansa, Winnebago, lowa, Oto, Missouri, and Dakota. 

In seeking information respecting the ancient beliefs of the Indians 
the author has always found it expedient to question the Indian when 
no interpreter was present. 

AUTHORITIES. 

§ 2. This study is based for the most part upon statements made by 

Indians, though several publications were consulted during the prepa- 


ration of the fifth and sixth chapters. 7 
361 


362 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


The following Indians had become Christians before the author met 
them: Joseph La Fléche, Frank La Fleche, John Big Elk, and George 
Miller, all Omaha. Joseph La Fleéche, who died in 1888, was the leader 
of the civilization party in the Omaha tribe after 1855. He was atone 
time a head chief. He spoke several Indian languages, having spent 
years among other tribes, including the Pawnee, when he was in the 
service of the fur company. His son, Frank, has been in the Indian 
Bureau at Washington since 1881. The author has obtained consider- 
able linguistic material from the father and son. The father, with Two 
Crows, aided the author in the summer of 1882 in revising his sociologic¢ 
notes, resulting in the preparation of “Omaha Sociology,” which was 
published in the third annual report of the director of the Bureau of 
Ethnology. John Big Elk, a full Omaha, of the Elk gens, furnished 
an article on ‘‘Sacred Traditions and Customs,” and several historical 
papers, published in “ Contributions to North American Ethnology, 
Voi. vi.” George Miller, of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens, is a full 
Omaha, from whom was obtained nearly half of Chapter 111, including 
most of the Omaha illustrations. 

The following Indians were not Christians: Gahige, Two Crows, 
qa¢i"na"paji, and Samuel Fremont, all Omaha; Nuda®-axa, a Ponka; 
and the Kansa, Osage, Missouri, lowa, and Winnebago informants. 

Two Crows has been connected in several ways with the ancient 
organizations of his people. He has leen a head man, or nikagahi, 
being thus an ex-officio member of the class which exercised the civil 
and religious functions of the state. He has been a policeman during 
the buffalo hunt. He has acted as captain, or war chief, and he is the 
leading doctor in the order of Buffalo shamans, being.the keeper of the 
“sweet medicine.” 

qati"-na"paji, or He-who-fears-not-the-sight-of-a- Pawnee, is a member 
of the Black Bear subgens, and he is also one of the servants of the 
Elk gens, it being his duty to be present at the sacred tent of that 
gens, and to assist in the ceremonies pertaining to the invocation of 
the Thunder Beings. 

Gahige was the chief of the Inke-sabé, a Buffalo gens, and at the 
time of his death he was the keeper of the two sacred pipes. 

Samuel Fremont is a member of the Eagle subgens. He came to 
Washington in the autumn of 1888 and assisted the author till Feb- 
ruary, 1859. 

Nuda?-axais achief of a part of the Thunder-Being genus of the Ponka. 
The author has known him since 1871. 

The other Indian authorities need not be named, as they are in sub- 
stantial agreement. 

The following authorities were consulted in the preparation of the 
Dakota and Assiniboin chapter: 

BrvyYiER (JOHN), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 1888. Translated by himself. Bus 
reau of Ethnology. 


DORSEY.| 


BusHOTTER (GEORGE), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 
Bureau of Ethnology. 
FLetcHer (Miss Auicre C.), The Sun-dance of the Ogalalla Sioux. 


Owen Dorsey. 


AUTHORITIES—ALPHABET. 


363 
188788. Translated by J. 


In Proc. Am. 


Assoc. Ady. Sci., Montreal meeting, 1882, pp. 580-584. 
“FLETCHER (Miss ALICE C.), several articles in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 3, 1884, 


pp. 260-333. 


Hovey (Rey. H. C.), ‘‘Eyay Shah,” in Am. Antiquarian, Jan., 1887, pp. 35, 36. 


LonG (Maj. S. H.), Skiff Voyage to Falls of St. Anthony. 


Coll., vol. 11, pt. 1, pp. 18, 19, 55. 


Lynp (J. W.), Religion of the Dakotas. 


pp. 57-84. 

Ponp (G. H.), Dakota Superstitions. 
32-62. 

RiaGs (S. R.), Theogony of the Sioux. 
270. 


In Minn. Histor. Soe. 


In Minn, Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. u, pt. 2, 


In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. u, pt. 3, pp. 
In Am. Antiquarian, vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 265- 
In Am. Antiq., vol. v, 1883, p. 149. 


In Am. Philolog. Assoc. Proc., 3d An. Sess., 1872, pp. 5, 6. 
Tah-koo Wah-kon, or, The Gospel Among the Dakotas, 1869. 


Say (THos.), in James (E.), Account of Long’s Exped. Rocky Mts., vol 1, Phil., 1823. 
Suea (J. Girmary), Am. Cath. Missions, N. Y. (after 1854). 

Smet ( Rey. P. J. pr), Western Missions and Missionaries, N. Y. (n. d.). 
Wooppsurn (Dr. J. M., Jr.), MS. Letter and Teton Vocabulary, 1890. Burean of 


Ethnology. 


ALPHABET. 


§ 3. With the exception of seven letters taken from Riggs’s Dakota 
Dictionary, and which are used only in the Dakota words, the characters 
used in recording the Indian words occurring in this paper belong to 
the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology. 


a, as in father, 

‘a, an initially exploded a. 

4, as in what, or as o in not. 

‘a, an initially exploded a. 

a, as in hat. 

c, as sh in she. Sees. 

o, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. 

é (Dakota letter), as ch in church. 

¢, as th in thin. 

5, a medial ¢, sonant-surd. 

¢, as th in the. 

e, as in they. 

‘e, an initially exploded e. 

é, as in get. 

‘6, an initially exploded 6. 

g, asin go. 

& (in Dakota), gh. See x. 

y (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasal- 
ized vowel, expelled through the mouth 
with the lips wide apart. 

h (in Dakota), kh, ete. See q. 

i, as in machine. 

4, an initially exploded i. 

i, as in pin. 


j, as 2 in azure, or as j in the French 
Jacques. 

y. a medial k, a sonant-surd. 

k’, an exploded k. See next letter. 

k (in Dakota), an exploded k. 

y (in Dakota), after’a vowel has the sound 
of n in the French bon. 

ut (in Kansa), a medial m, a sound between 
m and b. 

fl, as mq in sing. 

hn, its initial sound is expelled from the 
nostrils and is scarcely heard. 

0, as in no. 

‘o, an initially exploded o. 

d, a medial b or p, a sonant-surd. 

p’, an exploded p. 

q, as German ch in ach. See hi. 

s, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd. 

§ (in Dakota), as shin she. See c. 

4, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd. 

t’, an exploded t. 

u, as 00 in tool. 

‘a, an initially exploded u. 

ui, as 00 in foot, 


See ™. 


364 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


u, a sound between o and u. “qo, a medial te, a sonant-surd. 
ii, as in German kiihl, siiss. ts’, an exploded ts. 

x, gh, ov nearly the Arabic ghain. See. 48, a medial ts, a sonant-surd. 
z (in Dakota), as 2 in azure. See j. ai, as in aisle. 

dj, as j in judge. au, as ow in how. 

te, as ch in church. See €. yu, as w in lune, or ew in few. 


te’, an exploded te. 


The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, 1, m, n, 
p, r, 8, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (") after a vowel (compare the Da- 
kota 1) has the sound of the French n in bon, vin, ete. A pias sign (+) 
after any letter prolongs it. ' 

The vowels ‘a, ‘e, ‘i, ‘0, ‘u, and their modifications are styled initially 
exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in each 
case an initial explosion. These vowels can not be called ‘ breaths,” 
as no aspiration is used with any of them; nor can they be spoken of 
as “guttural breaths,” as they are approximately or partially pectoral 
sounds. They have been found by the author not only in the Siouan 
languages, but also in some of the languages of western Oregon. In 
1880 a brother of the late Gen. Armstrong, of Hampton, Va., who was 
born on one of the Hawaiian islands, informed the author that this 
class of vowel sounds occurred in the language of his native land. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


The abbreviations in the interlinear translations are as follows: 


sub.—subject. lg. —long. 
ob.—object. ey.— curvilinear. 
st.—sitting. pl.—plural. 
std.—standing. sing.—singular. 
recl.—reclining. an.—animate. 
mv.—moving. in.—inanimate. 


col.—collective. 


CHAP DER Wi: 
DEFINITIONS. 
ALLEGED BELIEF IN A GREAT SPIRIT. 


§ 4. It has been asserted for several hundred years that the North 
American Indian was a believer in one Great Spirit prior to the com- 
ing of the white race to this continent, and that, as he was a monothe- 
ist, it was an easy matter to convert him to Christianity. Indians have 
been represented as speaking of “The Great Spirit,” “The Master of 
Life,” ete., as if the idea of the one and only God was familiar to our 
aborigines during the pre-Columbian period. 

While the author is unwilling to commit himself to a general denial 
of this assertion, he has been forced to conclude that it needs consid- 
erable modification, at least so far as it refers to the tribes of the 
Siouan stock. (See §§ 7,15, 21-43, 72-79, 92-99, 311,312, 322-326, 341-346.) 

On close investigation it will be found that in many cases Indians 
have been quick to adopt the phrases of civilization in communicating 
with white people, but in speaking to one another they use their 
own terms. The student of the uncivilized races must ever be on his 
guard against leading questions and their answers. The author has 
learned by experience that it is safer to let the Indian tell his own 
story in his own words than to endeavor to question him in such a 
manner as to reveal what answers are desired or expected. 

§ 5. In 1883 the author published an article on ‘‘The Religion of the 
Omahas and Ponkas,” in The American Antiquarian of Chicago. 
Since then he has obtained additional data, furnishing him with many 
undesigned coincidences, which lead him to a broader view of the sub- 
ject. 

PHENOMENA DIVIDED INTO HUMAN AND SUPERHUMAN, 


§ 6. In considering the subject from an Indian’s point of view, one 
must avoid speaking of the supernatural as distinguished from the nat- 
ural. It is safer to divide phenomena as they appear to the Indian 
mind into the human and the superhuman, as many, if not most natural 
phenomena are mysterious to the Indian. Nay, even man himself may 
become mysterious by fasting, prayer, and vision. 

One fruitful source of error has been a misunderstanding of Indian 
terms and phrases. It is very important to attempt to settle the exact 
meanings of certain native words and phrases ere we proceed further 


with the consideration of the subject. 
365 


366 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
TERMS FOR “MYSTERIOUS,” “LIGHTNING,” ETC. 


§ 7. The attention of the author having been called to the article on 
“Serpent Symbolism” of the Iroquoian languages, by Mr. Hewitt’ of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, a similar investigation of the Siouan terms 
was made, the results of which are now presented. In connection with 
the terms for “serpent,” Mr. Hewitt showed how they are related in 
the languages with which he was familiar with other terms, such as 
“demon,” “devil,” “wizard,” “witch,” “subtile,” “occult,” “myste- 
rious,” and “supernatural.” 

In Dakota we find the following: Waka", mysterious, wonderful, in- 
comprehensible, often rendered “holy” by the missionaries; waka"-hdi 
(in Santee), waka"-kdi (in Yankton), lightning, perhaps containing a 
reference to a zigzag line or forked lightning; waka®™ etco™, to practice 
sleight of hand; and wa"mducka, serpent. Thereare many derivatives 
of waka", among which are, Taku Waka®*, literally ‘‘something mysteri- 
ous,” rendered “some one mysterious,” or “holy being,” and Waka*- 
taika, literally, ‘Great mysterious (one),” both of which terms are now 
applied to God by the missionaries and their converts, though Waka”- 
tanka is a name for the Thunder-being. 

In Riggs’s alphabet (Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. viz), these words are 
thus written: Wakay, wakayhdi, wakankdi, wakay eéon, waymduska, 
Taku Wakan, and Wakantayka. One of the Dakota words for ‘‘aged” 
is ka® (kay in Riggs’s alphabet); but though this refers fo persons we 
can not tell whether it is related to waka® (or wakay). 

In the (egiha, the language spoken by the Ponka and Omaha, Wa- 
kanda means “ the mysterious” or “powerful one,” and it is applied in 
several senses. It is now used to denote the God of monotheism. 
Some of the old people say that their ancestors always believed ina 
supreme Wakanda or Mysterious Power. It sometimes refers to the 
Thunder-being. On one occasion, a Ponka shaman, Cramped Hand, 
said to the author: “I am a Wakanda.” Wakandagi, as a noun, 
means a subterranean or water monster, a large horned reptile men- 
tioned in the myths, and still supposed to dwell beneath the bluffs 
along the Missouri River. With this term compare the Dakota Unkteqi 
(Unktehi, of Riggs) and the Winnebago Waktceqi, the latter having 
given a name to the Water Monster gens (Waktceqi ikikarateada). 
Wakandagi is sometimes used adverbially, as, si wakandagi, he is won- 
derfully stingy! Ie wakandagi, he (a small child) speaks surprisingly 
well (for one so young)! ga¢i? wakandagi, he runs very well (for one 
so young)! Ma¢i® wakandagi, he (a small child) walks very well! 
Wakandi¢e, to be in great haste, perhaps contains the idea of putting 
forth a great effort in order to accomplish something speedily. Wes‘a, 
a serpent, is not related to the others just given. Nor can the word for 
“wizard” or “conjurer” be found related to them. In Kansa, Wa- 


1 Am. Anthropologist, April. 1889, pp. 179, 180. 


poRSEY.] OTHER OMAHA AND PONKA TERMS. 367 


kanda is used of superhuman beings or powers, as in Omaha and Ponka, 
but the author never heard a shaman apply the term to himself. Wa- 
kandagi has another meaning, mysterious, wonderful, incomprehensible, 
as, hika wakandagi, mysterious man, shaman, juggler, doctor; naniiii"ba 
wakandagi, mysterious or sacred pipe; wakandagi wagaxe, the sleight- 
of-hand tricks of the mysterious men and women. Wakanda qudje, the 
gray mysterious one, the elephant. Waka" does not mean serpent, 
but pumpkin, answering to the Omaha and Ponka, wata", and to the 
Osage, wakqa” and watqa". yyyets‘a (almost, Byets‘a) is the Kansa 
word for a serpent. 

In Osage, Waka’ja answers to the Kansa Wakanda, and Wayka®- 
ya-yi is the same asthe Kansa, Wakandagi. Wets‘ais a serpent. In 
Kwapa, Waka"jayi seems to answer to the Kansa Wakandagi. 

In gaiwere (Iowa, Oto, Missouri), Waka"ya is the same as the Kansa 
Wakanda. Waka™ means a serpent. Waka" kiyragoe, the Serpent 
gens. Wa-hu-pri*, mysterious, as a person or animal; but wa-qo-nyi- 
ta", mysterious, as an inanimate object. 

In the Winnebago, three names for superhuman beings have been 
found. One is Wayu"se or Wagu®ze, which can not be translated; an- 
other is Mauna, Earth-maker, the third being Qo-pi™-ne qe-te-ra, 
Great Mysterious One. Qopitne seems related to waqopini (with 
which compare the yolwere, wahupri"), a term used to distinguish 
people of other races from Indians, just as in Dakota wacitcu" (in 
Riggs’s alphabet, wasi¢uy ), nowused for “* white man,” “ black man,” ete., 
retains in the Teton dialect its ancient meaning of superhuman being 
or guardian spirit. Wakawa'x, in Winnebago, denotes a witch or 
wizard. Waka"-na is a serpent, and waka" ikikaratea-da, the Serpent 
gens; Waka"tea, or Waka*tca-ra, thunder, the Thunder- Being; Waka*- 
teanka-ra, a Shaman or mysterious man. 


OTHER OMAHA AND PONKA TERMS. 


§ 8. Other terms are given as being pertinent to the subject. They 
occur in the language of the Omaha and Ponka. Qube, mysterious as a 
person or animal (all animals were persons in ancient times); but a 
mysterious inanimate object is spoken of as being “ waqube.” Uqube 
means the mysteriousness of a human being or animal. Uqube- 
aja¢ica", pertaining to such mysteriousness. Wakandagatica®, per- 
taining or referring to Wakanda. Nikie is a term that refers to a 
mythical ancestor, to some part of his body, to some of his acts, or to 
some ancient rite ascribed to him. <A ‘“nikie name” is a personal 
name of such a character. I¢a‘e¢é, literally, ‘to pity him on account 
of it, granting him certain power.” Its primary reference is to the 
mysterious animal, but it is transferred to the person having the 
vision, hence, it means “to receive mysterious things from an ani- 
mal, as in a vision after fasting; to see as in a vision, face to face (not 


368 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


in a dream); to see when awake, and in a mysterious manner having 
a conversation with the animal about mysterious things.” 

§ 9. The names for grandfather, grandmother, and old man are 
terms of veneration, superhuman beings having these names applied 
to them in invocations. (See §§ 15, 99.) 


SIGNIFICANCE OF PERSONAL NAMES AND KINSHIP TERMS. 


In a note up .n “The Religious Ceremony of the Four Winds or 
Quarters, as Observed by the Santee Sioux,” Miss Fletcher! remarks: 
“ A name implies relationship, and consequently protection; favor and 
influence are claimed from the source of the name, whether this be 
the gens or the vision. A name, therefore, shows the affiliation of the 
individual; it grades him, so to speak, and he is apt to lean upon its 
implied power. * * * ‘The sacred import of a name in the mind of 
the Indian is indicated in that part of the ceremony where the “‘Some- 
thing that moves” seems to overshadow and inclose the child, and 
addresses the wakan man as father. The wakan man replies, calling 
the god, child, at the same time invoking the supernatural protection 
and care for the boy, as he lays at the feet of the messenger of Un- 
seen Power the offerings of gifts and the honor of the feast. The per- 
sonal name” among Indians, therefore, indicates the protecting pres- 
ence of a deity, and must, therefore, partake of the ceremonial charac- 
ter of the Indian’s religion.” 

In this ceremony the superhuman being is addressed by the term 
implying juniority, and the human being, the wakan man, by that asso- 
ciated with seniority, an apparent reversal of the usual custom; but, 
doubtless, there can be found some explanation for this seeming excep- 
tion to the rule. 


MYTH AND LEGEND DISTINGUISHED FROM THE SUPERHUMAN, 


§ 10. The Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes distinguish at the pres- 
ent day between the myth (higa", higu) and the legend or story (iu¢a, 
etc.) on the one hand, and what on the other hand is called ‘*‘ Wakan- 
daja¢ica®,” “uqubeaga¢ica",” and “i¢ate¢éaqya¢ica®.” The former are told 
only for amusement and are called, “iusicta® iu¢a,” lying tales. They 
are regarded as “iqawa¢éaja¢ica",” pertaining to the ludicrous. With 
this may be compared the statements of Lang :° 

“Among the lowest and most backward, as among the most ad- 
vanced races, there coexist the mythical and the religious elements in 
belief. The rational factor (or what approves itself to us as the rational 
factor) is visible in religion; the irrational is prominent in myth.” 
* * * “The rational and irrational aspects of mythology and religion 
may be of coeval antiquity for all that is certainly known, or either of 


1Op. cit., p. 295. 
2 And also the kinship term in some cases. 
3Myth. Ritual, and Religion, pp. 328,329. 


porsey.] MYTH, ETC., DISTINGUISHED FROM THE SUPERHUMAN. 369 


them, in the dark backward of mortal experience, may have preceded 
the other.” The author has found certain Indian myths which abound 
in what to the civilized mind is the grossest obscenity, and that too 
without the slightest reference to the origin of any natural phenomena. 
Myths of this class appear to have been told from a love of the obscene. 
Nothing of a mysterious or religious character can be found in them. 
Perhaps such myths are of modern origin; but this must remain an 
enigma. 

§ 11. The Omaha and Ponka are in a transition state, hence many of 
their old customs and beliefs are disappearing. Some have been lost 
within the past fifty years, others within the last decade, according to 
unimpeachable testimony. The Ponka are more conservative than the 
Omaha, and the Kansa and Osage are more so than the Ponka, in the 
estimation of the author. 

§ 12. Though it has been said that the Indians feared to tell myths 
except on winter nights (and some Indians have told this to the author), 
the author has had no trouble in obtaining myths during the day at 
various seasons of the year. 

§ 13. James Alexander, a full Winnebago of the Wolf gens and a non- 
Christian, told the author that the myths of the Winnebago, called 
wai-ka"-na by them, have undergone material change in the course of 
transmission, and that it is very probable that many of them are en- 
tirely different from what they were several generations ago. Even in 
the same tribe at the present day, the author has found no less than 
three versions of the same myth, and there may be others. 

The myth of the Big Turtle is a casein point.! The narrator acknowl- 
edged that he had made some additions to it himself. 

§ 14. No fasting or prayer is required before one can tell amyth. Far 
different is it with those things which are ‘* Wakandaja¢ica",” or are 
connected with visions or the secret societies. This agrees in the main 
with what Mr. James Mooney. of the Bureau of Ethnology, has learned 
from the Cherokee of North Carolina. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has 
found that the Zuni Indians distinguish between their folk-lore and 
their cult-lore, i. e., between their legends and mythic tales on the one 
hand, and their dramatized stories of creation and their religious ob- 
servances on the other, a special name being given to each class of 
knowledge. To them the mythic tales and folk-lore in general are but 
the fringe of the garment, not the garment itself. When they enact 
the creation story, etc., they believe that they are repeating the cir- 
cumstances represented, and that they are then surrounded by the 
very beings referred to in the sacred stories. Similar beliefs were 
found by Dr. Washington Matthews, as shown in his article entitled 
“The Prayer of a Navajo Shaman,” published in the American Anthro- 
pologist of Washington, D. C., for April, 1888. 


'See Contr. N. A. Ethn. Vol. vi, 271-277. 


24 


11 ETH 


370 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§ 15, At the same time there seems to be some connection between 
certain myths and the personal names called, “ nikie names.” This will 
be considered in detail in a future monograph on “ Indian Personal 
Names,” now in course of preparation. One example must suffice for 
the present. In the yya"ze gens of the Omaha there is a nikie name, 
qasi duba, Four Peaks. The author did not understand its derivation 
until he studied the myth of Haxige and observed the prayers made in 
gathering the stones for the sweat-bath. Each stone was invoked as a 
venerable man (see § 9), the Four Peaks were mentioned several times, 
and the two superior deities or chief mysterious ones (Wakanda qanga 
ag¢aya"ha" hnankace) were invoked.! 

This last refers to the Wakanda residing above and the one in the 
ground. Itis therefore possible that in past ages the Siouan tribes did 
not differentiate between the myth and what is “ Wakandaya¢ica”.” But 
we have no means of proving this. 

§ 16. Most of the Omaha governmental instrumentalities (““ wewaspe”) 
were “ Wakandaqa¢ica®,” but there were things that were “ Wakanda- 
qga¢ica®,” which were not “ wewaspe,” such as the law of catamenial se- 
clusion. 


1Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. vi, pp. 234,244 


CO) [py ed Wi op) tn OO 
CULTS OF THE OMAHA, PONKA, KANSA, AND OSAGE. 
BELIEFS AND PRACTICES NOT FOUND. 


§ 17. There are certain beliefs and practices which have not been 
found among the four tribes whose cults are treated of in this chapter. 
Ancestors were not worshiped. They were addressed reverently when 
alive, and when they died it was not contrary to custom to refer to 
them by name, nor did their deaths involve the change of name for a 
single object or phenomenon. It was a very common eccurrence for 
the name of the deceased to be assumed by a surviving kinsman. 
This is shown by genealogical tables of a few Siouan tribes, the ma- 
terial for which was collected by the author, and which will form part 
of his monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of 
preparation for publication by the Bureau of Ethnology. 

§ 18. They never heard of Satan or the devil until they learned of 
him from the white people. Now they have adopted the terms, ‘Wa- 
naxe piiiji,” “Ing¢a"xe piiiji,” and “ Wakanda piaji.” The first is used 
by the Omaha and Ponka, the others were heard only among the Ponka. 
They have a certain saying, applicable to a young man who is a liar, 
or who is bad in some other way: ‘ Wanaxe piii/ji éga" aha®,” i. e. 
“He is like the bad spirit!” This becomes, when addressed to the bad 
person, “Wandaxe piii/ji é¢ikiga"’-qti ja’’,” i.e. ‘You act just like the 
(or a) bad spirit.” 

§ 19. Though it has been said that hero worship was unknown among 
the Omaha and Ponka, it has been learned that Omaha mothers used 
to scare their unruly children by telling them that Icibaji (a hero of the 
e-sinde gens) or his friend pexuja® (a hero of the ya"ze gens) would 
catch them if they did not behave. There was no worship of demi- 
gods, as demigods were unknown. Two Crows and Joseph La Fleche 
said that phallic worship was unknown, and they were sarprised to 
hear that it had been practiced by any tribe. (See § 132, 164.) As 
the Ponka obtained the sun-dance from their Dakota neighbors, it is 
probable that they practiced the phallic cult. 

§ 20. Totems and shamans were not worshiped, though they are still 
reverenced. Altars or altar-stones were unknown. Incense was not 
used, unless by this name we refer to the odor of tobacco smoke as it 
ascended to the Thunder-being, or to the use of cedar fronds in the 
sweat lodge. There were no human sacrifices, and cannibalism was 


not practiced. 
371 


Sie A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
OMAHA, PONKA, AND KANSA BELIEF IN A WAKANDA. 


§ 21. According to Two Crows and Joseph La Fleche, the “ancestors 
of the Omaha and Ponka believed that there was a Supreme Being, 
whom they called Wakanda. ‘ Wakanda t‘a"l té e¢ega*i, they be- 
lieved that Wakanda existed.” They did not know where He was, 
nor did they undertake to say how He existed. There was no public 
gathering at which some of the people told others that there was a 
Wakanda, nor was there any general assembly for the purpose of offer- 
ing Him worship and prayer. Each person thought in his heart that 
Wakanda existed. Some addressed the sun as Wakanda, though 
many did not so regard him. Many addressed Wakanda, as it were, 
blindly or at random. Some worshiped the Thunder-being under this 
name. This was especially the case when men undertook to goon the 
war path. 

Mr. Say recorded of the Kansa: “ They say that they have never 
seen Wakanda, so they cannot pretend to personify Him; but they 
have often heard Him speak in the thunder. They often wear a shell 
which is in honor or in representation of Him, but they do not pretend 
that it resembles Him, or has anything in common with his form, or- 
ganization, or size.” 


SEVEN GREAT WAKANDAS. 


§ 22. qa¢i®-na®-paji said that there were seven great Wakandas, as fol- 
lows: ‘‘Ugahanadaze or Darkness, Maxe or the Upper World, zande 
or the Ground, Iig¢a® or the Thunder-being, Mit or the Sun, Nia*ba 
or the Moon, and the Morning Star. The principal Wakanda isin the 
upper world, above everything.” (This was denied by Joseph La 
Fléche and Two Crows; see § 93.) The author thought at first that 
these were the powers worshiped by ga¢i®-na"paji and the members of 
his gens or subgens; but subsequent inquiries and statements oc- 
curring in the course of texts furnish cumulative evidence favoring 
the view that some or all these powers had many believers among the 
Omaha and the cognate tribes. 


INVOCATION OF WARMTH AND STREAMS. 


§ 23, qa¢i®-na"paji said that Macte or Warmth was a good Wakanda. 
Ni ¢i", the flowing Stream, according to him, was thus addressed by a 
man who wished to ford it: “You are a person and a Wakanda. I, 
too, am a person._ I desire to pass through you and reach the other 
side.” Two Crows denied this, saying that his people never prayed 
toa stream; but George Miller said that it was true, for his father, 
Little Soldier, prayed to a stream when he was on the war path, and 
that such invocations were made only in time of war. 


1See James, Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, vol. 1, p. 126. 


BOReaut PRAYER. 373 
PRAYER TO WAKANDA. 


§ 24. Prayer to Wakanda, said La Fleche and Two Crows, was not 
made for small matters, such as going fishing, but only for great and 
important undertakings, such as going to war or starting on a journey. 
When a man wished to travel he first went alone to a bluff, where he 
prayed to Wakanda to help him and his family by protecting them 
during his absence and by granting him a successful journey. At a 
time when the Ponka were without food, Horse-with-yellow-hair, or 
Cange-hi"-zi, prayed to Wakanda on the hill beyond the Stony Butte. 
The latter is a prominent landmark in northern Nebraska (in what was 
Todd county, Dakota, in 1871~73), about 7 miles from the Missouri 
River and the Ponka Agency (of 1870—77)!.. Several Omaha said that 
the places for prayer were rocks, high bluffs, and mountains. ‘ All 
Omaha went to such places to pray, but they did not pray to the visible 
object, though they called it Grandfather.”—(Frank La Fleche.) They 
smoked towards the invoked object and placed gifts of killickinnick, 
ete., upon it. Compare with this the Dakota custom of invoking a 
bowlder on the prairie, calling it Tinka*cida® (Tuykaysiday), or Grand- 
father, symbolizing the Earth-being.?. Though it has been said that a 
high bluff was merely a place for praying to Wakanda, and that it was 
not itself addressed as Wakanda, the author has learned from mem- 
bers of the Omaha and Ponka tribes that when they went on the 
warpath for the first time, their names were then changed and one of 
the old men was sent to the bluffs to tell the news to the various Wa- 
kandas, including the bluffs, trees, birds, insects, reptiles, ete.° 


ACCESSORIES OF PRAYER. 


Among the accessories of prayer were the following: (a) The action 
called ¢istube by the Omaha and Ponka, rig¢towe by the three goiwere 
tribes, and yuwi"tapi (yuwintapi) by the Dakota, consisting of the ele- 
vation of the suppliant’s arms with the palms toward the object or the 
face of the being invoked, followed by a passage of the hand down- 
ward toward the ground, without touching the object or person (see 
§§ 28, 35, 36). (b) The presentation of the pipe with the mouthpiece 
toward the power invoked (see §§ 29, 35, 40). (c) The use of smoke 
from the pipe (See § § 27, 36), or of the odor of burning cedar needles, as 
in the sweat lodge. (d) The application of the kinship term, ‘ grand- 
father,” or its alternative, “venerable man,” to a male power, and 
“ orandmother” to a female power (see §§ 30, 31, 35, 39, 59, 60, etc.). 
(e) Ceremonial wailing or crying (Xage, to wail or ery—Dakota éeya. 
See § 100).4 (f) Sacrifice or offering of goods, animals, pieces of the 


'See Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. 1, No.1, p. 73. 

2See [§ 132-136, and TunkanSila, in Riggs’s Dakota-English Dictionary, Contr. N. A. Ethnology, 
vol. VII. 

3 See Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. vi, pp. 372, 373, 376,and Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol- 
ogy, pp. 324, 325. 

4Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. v1, p. 394, lines 10-19; p. 395, lines 14-16. 


374 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


suppliant’s flesh, ete. In modern times the Kansa have substituted 
the lives of animals, as deer, grouse, etc., for those of human enemies 
(see §§ 28, 33, etc.). 


OMAHA AND KANSA EXPRESSIONS ABOUT WAKANDA. 


§ 25. Samuel Fremont said that before the advent of the white race 
the Omaha had certain expressions which they used in speaking of 
Wakanda. Whenan Indian met with unexpected good fortune of any 
sort the people used to say, “‘Wakanda has given him some assist- 
ance.”! Or they might say, ‘‘ Wakanda knows him.”* Sometimes 
they said, ‘‘ Wakanda has planned for his own (i. e., for his friend, re- 
jation, or subject).”* If a Kansa prospers, he says, ‘ Wakan‘da 
aka ama" yiixii/dje aka’ eyat,” i. e., ** Wakanda has indeed been look- 
ing at me!” And in speaking of the success of another, he says, 
“Wakan/da aka nika yinké uyii’/xtidje aka eyat,” i. e.,““Wakanda has 
indeed been looking at the man.” 

Samuel Fremont said that when an animal detected the approach of 
the hunter and consequently fled from him, the man prayed thus: 
Hau’, Wakan/da, wani’‘ta wi? a™¢a‘i éi"te ci Még¢ize éga®. Ci wir’ 


Ho, Wakanda, quadruped one you gave per- again you take some- again one 
tome haps yours what 
back 


from me 
wa¢ionaa*¢aki¢e ka"b¢éga™, 
you cause to appear IT hope 
tome 


i. e., ‘Ho, Wakanda, you may have given me an animal, but now it 
seems that you have taken it from me. I hope that you will cause 
another to appear to me.” But if the hunter shot at an animal and 
missed it, he said nothing. 


PONKA BELIEF ABOUT MALEVOLENT SPIRITS. 


§ 26. About eighteen years ago, the author was told by the Ponka, 
whose reservation was then in southern Dakota, that they believed 
death to be caused by certain malevolent spirits, vhom they feared. In 
order to prevent future visits of such spirits, the survivors gave away 
all their property, hoping that as they were in such a wretched plight the 
spirits would not think it worth while to make them more unhappy. 
At the burial of Mazi-kide, an Omaha, the author observed that some 
one approached the corpse and addressed it. In referring to this in 
1888, Samuel Fremont said that the speaker said, ‘‘Wakanda has 
caused your death.” In telling this, Fremont used the singular, 
“ Wakanda aka.” On repeating this to George Miller, the latter said 
that it should have been “ Wakanda ama,” in the plural, “the Mysteri- 
ous Powers,” asthe Omaha believed in more than one Wakanda before 
they learned about the one God of monotheism. 


1Wakanda aka uiya*iega®. 2? Wakanda aka ibaha*i. 3Wakanda aka igi¢ig¢ari. 


DORSEY. ] AN OLD OMAHA CUSTOM. 375 


This agrees with what was learned about the Dakota by the late 
missionaries, Messrs. S. R. Riggs and G. H. Pond, and by the late 
James W. Lynd, as stated in chapter Vv. 


AN OLD OMAHA CUS10M. 


§ 27. “Abicude,” said Samuel Fremont, ‘is a word which refers to an 
old Omaha and Ponka custom, i. e., that of blowing the smoke downward 
to the ground while praying. TheOmaha and Ponka used to hold the 
pipe in six directions while smoking: toward the four winds, the ground, 
and the upper world. The exact order has been forgotten by Fremont, 
but Lewis and Clarke have recorded the corresponding Shoshoni eus- 
tom. Capt. Lewis tells how the Shoshoni chief, after lighting his pipe 
of transparent greenstone (instead of catlinite), made a speech, after 
which he pointed the stem of the pipe toward the four points of the 
heavens, beginning with the east and concluding with the north. After 
extending the stem thrice toward Capt. Lewis, he pointed it first to- 
ward the heavens and then toward the center of the little circle of 
guests, probably toward the ground, symbolizing the subterranean 
power. ! 

In addressing the four winds, a peculiar expression is employed by 
the Omaha: 

qadé diba hi¢a¢é ¢a¢iteé, 1° win/ya"i-ga, Thou who causest the four 

Wind four youcause you (sing.) help ye me. 


ijtoreach who move 
there 


winds to reach a place, help ye me! Instead of the singular classifier, 
¢a¢irce, the regular plural, nankacé, ye who sit, stand, or move, might 
have been expected. (See § 33.) 

In smoking toward the ground and upper world, the suppliant had 
to say, ‘I petition to you who are one of the two, you who are reclin- 
ing on your back, and to you who are the other one, sitting directly 
above us. Both of you help me!” “Here,” said Fremont, “the 
ground itself was addressed as a person.” Two Crows said that some 
Omaha appealed to a subterranean Wakanda when their word was 
doubted, saying, “I™c‘age hideaga aka a™ndé‘a"i,” “The venerable man 
at the bottom hears me.” The author is unable to say whether this 
was yande or Wakandagi. (See § 37.) 

The following was recorded of the Omaha, and refers to a custom 
relating to the buffalo hunt.? 

On coming in sight of the herd, the hunters talk kindly to their horses, apply- 
ing to them the endearing names of father, brother, uncle, etc. They petition 
them not to fear the bisons, but to run well and keep close to them, but at the same 
time to avoid being gored. 

The party having approached as near to the herd as they suppose the animals 
will permit without taking alarm, they halt to give the pipe bearer an opportunity 


‘Lewis and Clarke, Expedition, ed. Allen, Dublin, vol. 1, 1817, pp. 457, 458; also M’Vickar’s 
abridgment of the same, Harpers, N. Y., vol. 1, 1842, p. 303. 
2James’s Account of Long’s Exped., Phila., vol, 1, 1823, p. 208. 


376° A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


to perform the ceremony of smoking, which is considered necessary to their success. 
He lights his pipe, and remains a short time with his head inclined, and the stem 
of the pipe extended toward the herd. He then smokes, and pufis thesmoke toward 
the bisons, and the earth, and finally to the cardinal points successively. 


THE SUN A WAKANDA. 


§28. In the Osage traditions the ‘mysterious one of day” is invoked 
as “ grandfather.” ! 

He replies that he is not the only Wakanga. That the Kansa wor- 
shiped the sun as a Wakanda appears from the following: ‘On one 
occasion, when the Kansa went against the Pawnees, the stick was set 
up for the mystic attack or ‘waqpele gaxe.’ The war captain addressed 
the rising sun thus: 

“Pay aqli ki’bla eyat. Cun’ge wablit ali ku™bla eyat. 


Pawnee Istunby Iwish indeed. Horse Ihave Ihave I wish indeed. 
hitting them come back 
Wayii’qpe cki ki™bla eyat. Haléje uumiblage. Haqi’ uumiblage. 
Pulling down too I wish indeed. Calico (shirt) I tell you Robe I tell you 
(a foe) about it. about it. 
Haskaé cki Payi® Aqli-da™” mik’ii ta minke, Wakanda-é, é gii/a*yakiyé- 
Blanket too Pawnee I stun when I giveto will I who O Wakanda! that you cause me to 
by hitting you (sit) be returning 
da™. 
when. 


“Twishto kill a Pawnee! I desire to bring horses when I return. I 
long to pull down an enemy! I promise you a calico shirt and a robe. 
I will give you a blanket also, 0 Wakanda, if you allow me to return in 
safety after killing a Pawnee!” When warriors performed the “ wa- 
qpele gaxe” or the attack on the stick representing the foe, no member 
of the Lu or Thunder gens could participate. On such an occasion the 


warrior turned to the east and said: “A™ma*’pye ki™bla ati. Haskaé 
To follow me (?) I wish = Blanket 
’ or We tollow ite) 


uuiblage at, Waékanda-é,” i. e., I wish my party to pass along the 
I tell youofit - O Wakanda 


road to the foe (?). [promise you a blanket, OQ Wakanda (if I succeed 2).” 


On turning to the west he said: “U™ht" uuiblage au, Wakanda-é,” 
Boiling Itell youofit . O Wakanda 


i. e., “I promise you a feast, O Wakanda (if I succeed ?).” 

When it was decided to perform the ‘“‘ waqpele gaxe,” the duda*hatga 
or war captain made one of the lieutenants carry the sacred bag, and 
two of the kettle tenders took bundles of sticks, which they laid down 
in the road. The four remaining kettle tenders remained at the camp- 
ing place. The next morning all the warriors but those of the Lu gens 
went to the place where the sticks had been laid, drew a circle around 
the bundles, set up one of the sticks, and attacked it, as if it were a 
Pawnee. This ceremony often caused the death of real enemies. 

Among the Osage and Kansa prayer was made toward the rising 
sun in the morning and towards the setting sun in the afternoon and 
evening. 


1 Ha, witsiyue. 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 385, line 50; p. 389, line 50; p. 391, line 4, ete. 


DORSEY. ] THE SUN A WAKANDA. aid 


Among the Omaha and Kansa the head of a corpse is laid towards 
the east. For this reason no Omaha will consent to recline with his 
head towards that point. The Kansa lodges also are orientated, and 
so were those of the Omaha (see §59). The east appears to symbolize 
life or the source thereof, but! the west refers to death; so among the 
Osage the course of a war party was towards the mythic or symbolic 
west, towards which point the entrances of the lodges were turned’ 
(see §§ 83 and 384). 

Gahige, the late Omaha chief, said that when he was young all the 
Omaha prayed to the sun, holding up their hands with the palms to- 
wards the sun and saying, ‘ Wakanda, ¢a‘eat’¢a-ga,” etc., i. e, “O 
Wakanda, pity me!” They abstained from eating, drinking, and (or- 
dinary) smoking from sunrise to sunset; but after sunset the restrictions 
were removed.’ 

For four nights the men who thus prayed did not sleep at home. 
At the end of that period the task was finished. “Iwacka® géxai,” 
i. e., they made or gained superhuman power. They could thus pray at 
any time from the appearance of grass in the spring until the ground 
became frozen. 


THE OFFERING OF TOBACCO. 


§ 29. In 1889 George Miller gave an account of what he ealled “ Nini 
bahai té,” i. e. the offermg or presentation of tobacco. Whether 
this phrase was ever used except in a religious or superhuman connec- 
tion is more than the author is able to say. Whenever the Indians 
traveled they used all the words which follow as they extended the 


pipe with the mouthpiece toward the sun: “Hat, nint gaké/ Wakan/da, 
Ho tobacco that Wakanda 
lg. ob. 
Mi” ¢é ninké/cé&! Ujan’ge ¢i¢iga ké égatqti udha té 4. Ingaxa-git! 
Sun this you who sit Road your the just so I follow will ! Make it for me 
lg. ob. its course 


Edada® ctécte tda*qti akipanki¢a’-ga! Edada® juaji wit’ édedite yi’ 

What soever very good cause me to meet it What inferior one itis there if 

ibetatanki¢a-git! Qi/na® amusta wa¢iona ¢ag¢i’, ni-udéan‘da ¢e¢a® 
cause me to pass Only thou directly in sight you sit island this 
around it above (us) place 


¢é¢atska édega”, edada® wanita qan/de ucka’’cka® ¢a® béigaqti nikaciga 
this large but what quadruped ground mv. on it here the all person 
and there 


¢a™’ etéwa"’ wi’ aba ata” i¢aoni/g¢a™ yi, 6ga"-na™. Ada® wi’ya-na?- 
the soever one day how you decide for when always so. There- I ask a favor 
long him fore of you 


ma” ha, Wakan/da” This may be rendered freely thus: “‘ Ho, Mys- 


alone. Wakanda 

terious Power, you who are the Sun! Here is tobacco! I wish to 
follow your course. Grant that it may be so! Cause me to meet 
whatever is good (i. e., for my advantage) and to give a wide berth to 


1Am, Naturalist, Feb. 1884, p. 126; Ibid., July, 1885, p. 670. 

2Thid., Feb. 1884, pp. 115, 116, 117, 120, 123, 125. 

3A similar rule about fasting obtained among the Kansa when mourning for the dead. See Amer 
Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 670, 672, 679. 


378 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


anything that may be to my injury or disadvantage. Throughout this 
island (the world) you regulate everything that moves, including human 
beings, when you decide for one that his last day on earth has come, 
it is so. It can not be delayed. Therefore, O Mysterious Power, I ask 
a favor of you.” 


THE PONKA SUN DANCE OF 1873. 


In the summer of 1873, when the author was missionary to the Ponka 
in what was Todd County, Dakota, that tribe had a sun dance on 
the prairie near the mission house. The scarifications and subsequent 
tortures and dancing lasted but three hours instead of a longer period, 
owing to the remonstrances of Bishop Hare, the agent, and the mis- 
sionary. The head chief, White Eagle, was tied to his pony, after he 
had been searified and fastened to the sun pole. Some of his police- 
men, armed with whips, lashed the pony until it leaped aside, tearing 
out the lariat that fastened the chief to the sun pole, and terminating 
his participation in the ceremony. (See Pl. xLyr and §187.) For obyi- 
ous reasons the author did not view the sun dance, but he was told 
about it by some of the spectators. As the chief, Standing Buffalo, 
had said to Bishop Hare in the council previous to the sun dance, ** You 
white people pray to Wakanda in your way, and we Indians pray to 
Wakanda in the sun dance. Should you chance to lose your way on the 
prairie you would perish, but if we got lost we would pray to Wa- 
kanda in the sun dance, and find our way again.” 


THE MOON A WAKANDA. 


§ 30. No examples of invocations of the moon have yet been found 
among the Omaha and Ponka. But that the moon is “qube” appears 
from the decorations of robes and tents. (See §§ 45-47.) 

The moon is addressed as a “grandfather” and is described as the 
“Wakanga of night” in “Osage Traditions,” lines 55-59." 


BERDACHES. 


The Omaha believe that the unfortunate beings, called ‘ Mi*-qu-ga,” 
are mysterious or sacred because they have been affected by the Moon 
Being. When a young Omaha fasted for the first time on reaching 
puberty, it was thought that the Moon Being appeared to him, holding 
in one hand a bow and arrows and in the other a pack strap, such as 
the Indian women use. When the youth tried to grasp the bow and 
arrows the Moon Being crossed his hands very quickly, and if the 
youth was not very careful he seized the pack strap instead of the 
bow and arrows, thereby fixing his lot in after life. In such a case he 
could not help acting the woman, speaking, dressing, and working just 
as Indian women used to do. Louis Sanssouci said that the mi*-quga 
took other men as their husbands. Frank La Fléche knew one such 


1See 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 385, 389. 


porsey.] MOON AND STARS AS WAKANDAS. 379 


man, who had had several men as his husbands. A Ponka child once 
said to the author, ‘““Mitjinga-ma nujinga ama 4i-gaxe-nandi, mi*quga, 
ai,” i. e., “If boys make a practice of playing with the girls they be- 
come (or are called) mi*quga.” This term may be rendered “‘hermaph- 
rodite” when it refers to animals, as “ye mitquga,” a hermaphrodite 
buffalo. It must have been of this class of persons, called * Mi®-qu- 
ge” by the Kansa that Say wrote when he said: 

Many of the subjects of it (i. e., sodomy among the Kansa) are publicly known, 
and do not appear to be despised or to excite disgust. One was pointed oxt to us. 
He had submitted himself to it in consequence of a vow he had made to his mystic 
medicine, which obliged him to change his dress for that of a woman, to do their 
work, and to permit his hair to grow,! 

After giving an account of the Miquga wh:ch agrees with what 
has been written above, Miss Fletcher? tells of ‘‘a man who had the 
misfortune to be forced to this life and tried to resist. His father gave 
him a bow and some arrows, but the penalty of his vision so wrought 

“upon his mind that, unable to endure the abnormal life, he committed 
suicide.” (See §§ 212, 353.) 


STARS AS WAKANDAS, 


§31. That the Omaha and Ponka regarded the stars as Wakandas 
seems probable from the existence of nikie names and the personal 
mystery decorations. (See §§ 45, 47, and 52.) There are star names in 
the Night gens of the Kansa, and they point to the mythical origin ot 
the gens. The Kansa made offerings to the morning star. Among the 
Osage the traditions of the Tsion Wactaye and Bald Eagle people men- 
tion several Wakangas among the stars. These are as follows: Watse 
guya, a “grandfather;” Watse mimya, a “ grandmother;” Mi*kak’e 
pe¢ida, the Seven Stars (Pleiades?), a “grandfather;” the constella- 
tion Ta ¢ad¢i" or the Three Deer, a “ grandfather;” the morning star, 
Mitkak’e tanya (literally, large star), a “grandfather ;” the small star, 
a “grandfather;” the bowl of the Dipper, called “Wadaha ¢inkce; 
the Funeral Bier,” a “grandfather,” and the Female Red Bird, a 
“orandmother,” the eponym of the Tsisu Wactaye or “Red Eagle” 
gens. She, too, was probably a star.* 

§32 Gat edada® ¢i’ ctéwa® ¢aha”-na*i ni/aci"’ga ama’, dahe’ ganga’ ¢i2, 


And what the  soever usually Indian the hill large the 
col. prayed (to) pl. col. 
ob. sub. ob. 

ctéwa"’. “ Wakan‘da b¢u’gaqti wi’yai 4,” e/-nati, “ Hau, pan’/de ninké’ 
soever Wakanda all ITaska ! they said Ho Ground you who 
favor of usually 
you (pl.) 
cé, ya’ci jin’ga e’ga® a/wita® te’ a,” ai’ ni’/kaci*’ga ama’. ade!’ ui/¢é 
sit some little 80 I tread will ! say Indians the W hencethe wind 
time on you pl. sub. is sent hither (?) 


1 James’ Account Long’s Exped., Phil., vol. 1, 1823, p. 129. 
2 Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 11, p. 281, note. 
3See ‘Osage Traditions,” pp. 384-395, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn. 


380 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


du’baha té’ eti ¢aha’-na"i.’ “ade ui¢é du/baha  nanka’cé, 


in four the too they usually Whence the wind in four ye whoare 
places pray (to) is sent hither (?) places 
Pwin/yati-ga.” Ga gage’gi¢a”i ni/aci’ga uke’¢i" ama’, Wakan‘da 
help ye me and theyspeakinthat Indian ordinary thepl. Wakanda 
manner to (one) sub. 


wa/¢aha*i te/di. ‘The Indians used to invoke various objects, includ- 
they pray to when 
them 


ing the mountains, saying, ‘O, all ye mysterious powers, I ask a favor 
of you!’? They prayed to the ground, saying, ‘O, you who are the 
ground! May I tread you a little while longer!’ i. e., ‘May my life on 
earth be prolonged!’ When one prayed to the four winds, he would 
say, ‘Ho, ye four winds, help me!’ Thus did speak when they prayed 
to the Wakandas.”—(George Miller.) 


THE WINDS AS WAKANDAS. 


§ 33. The Omaka and Ponka invoked the winds, as has been stated in 
part of the preceding section. See also the statement of Samuel Fre- 
mont (§ 27). 

In preparing for the pipe dance the tobacco pouch, two gourd rattles, 
and the ear of corn have a figure drawn on each of them with green 
paint; it is the cross, indicating the four quarters of the heavens or the 
four winds.’ 

KANSA SACRIFICE TO THE WINDS. 


‘In former days the Kansa used to remove the hearts of slain foes 
and put them in the fire as a sacrifice to the four winds. Even now 
(1882) offerings are made to every Wakanda by the Kansa, to the power 
or powers above, to those under the hills, to the winds, the thunder- 
being, the morning star, ete. As Ali*kawahu and Pahatlegaqli are 
Yata men (i. e., members of gentes camping on the left side of the tribal 
circle), they elevate their left hands and begin at the left with the 
east wind, then they turn to the south wind, then to the west wind, 
and finally to the north wind, saying to each, ‘Ga-tcé, Wakan/‘da, 
mik’ii’ eyau’,’ i. e., ‘O Wakanda, I really give that to you.’ In former 
days they used to pierce themselves with knives and splinters of wood, 
and otter small pieces of their flesh to the Wakandas.” # 


OSAGE CONSECRATION OF MYSTIC FIREPLACES. 


The author considers that the following statement of the Osage chief, 
yahiye-wajayinya (of the Tsiou Wactaye gens), refers to the invoca- 
tion of the four winds. It appears to have been associated with fire 
or hearth worship. Whenever a permanent village of earth lodges was 


1 For an account of the offering of meat to the four winds, see Om. Soe., 3d Ann. Rept., Bur. Ethn., 
p. 284. : 

2See Miss A. C. Fletcher on the ‘‘ Wawan or Pipe Dance of the Omahas,”’ Rept. Peabody Museum, 
Vol. 111, p. 311, note 11, and the author's paper, Om. Soc., pp. 278, 279. 

3Paha"le-gaqli and Waqube-k’i" gave this information in the winter of 1882-’83. Compare the self- 
inflicted tortures of the Dakota and Ponka in the sun dance (§§ 29, 181-3, 185, 187). 


ane 


DORSEY. | WINDS AND THUNDER BEING AS WAKANDAS. 381 


established among the Osage and Kansa, there was a consecration of 
a certain number of fireplaces before the ordinary fireplaces could be 
made by the common people. The consecrated fireplaces were made in 
two parallel rows, beginning at the west and ending at the east. 
Among the Kansa there were seven on one side and six on the other, 
but among the Osage there seem to have been seven on each side. 
Among the Osage, the Tsiou Wactayeand Pa"ykagentes were the ‘ road- 
makers,’ i. e., those who consecrated the two rows of fireplaces. -yyalii- 

“ye-wajayinya said, “When the old Tsiou man made his speech, he went 
into details about every part of a lodge, the fireplace, building mate- 
rials, implements, etc. Four sticks were placed in the fireplace, the first 
one pointing to the west (see §§ 40, 84). When the first stick was laid 
down, the Tsiou leader spoke about the west wind, and also about a 
young buffalo bull (Tsequ-oinya), repeating the name, Wanie-ska (mean- 
ing not gained). When the stick pointing to the north was laid down 
he spoke of Tsehe-quyse (gray buffalo horns), or a buffalo bull. When 
the stick at the east was laid down, he spoke of Tse-quya-tanya (a large 
buffalo bull). On laying down the fourth stick, pointing to the south, 
he spoke of Tse mi"ya (a buffalo cow). At the same time a similar 
ceremony was performed by the aged Pa"yka man for the gentes on the 
right side of the tribal circle. In placing the stick to the east, he men- 
tioned Taqse yaqpa tse (the east wind) and Tahe cade (dark horned 
deer). In placing that to the north, Tajse qasa® tsé (the north wind, lit- 
erally, ‘the pine wind’) and Tahe quyse (the deer with gray horns) 
were mentioned. Inplacing that pointing to the west, Tajyse Ma*ha 
tsé (the west wind) and an animal which makes a lodge and is with 
the Tahe pasiye (probably a deer name) were mentioned. In placing 
the stick pointing to the south, he spoke of Tajse Ak’a tsé (the south 
wind) and Ta wanka he ay¢aoi skutanya (probable meaning, a large 
white female deer without any horns). 

§54, In time of war, prayers were made about the fire (§287), when a 
warrior painted his facered, using the ‘fire paint,” a custom of the left 
or Tsiou side of the tribe. Those on the right or Hanya side used ‘the 
young buffalo bull decoration,” and probably offered prayer in connec- 
tion therewith, in order to be filled with the spirit of their “little grand- 
father” (the young buffalo bull), as they rushed on the enemy. This 
will be seen from the words employed by the warrior: ‘My little grand- 
father is always dangerous as he makes an attempt. Very close do I 
stand, ready to go to the attack !”! 


THE THUNDER-BEING A WAKANDA, 
OMAHA AND PONKA INVOCATION OF THR THUNDER-BEING. 


§35. Among the Omaha and Ponka, when the first thunder was heard 


382 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


tent of the Elk gens, and there they assisted the Elk people in the in- 
vocation of the Thunder-being. Ata similar gathering of the Ponka, 
the Ponka Black bear people said, “Hau,ic‘age, ¢igiepa ¢é¢u an’/ga- 
ta® gandxiwa¢a¢ai. Marcidgaha man¢in’ga,” i. e., “Ho, venerable mar ! 
by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grand- 
children, who are here. Depart on high.”! 


THUNDER-BEING INVOKED BY WARRIORS. 


The Thunder-being is invoked by all present during the feast pre- 
paratory to starting on the warpath, when there is a small party of 
warriors. Each one addresses the Thunder-being as “ Nudathatga,” 
leader in war, or war captain.” 

When a large war party is desired, the Thunder-being is invoked 
(See history of Wabaskaha, in Contr. N. A, Ethn., Vol. v1, p. 394). 
Wabaskaha himself prayed, saying, “Oh, Wakanda, though foreigners 
have injured me, I hope that you may help me.” All who heard him 
knew that he desired to lead a large war party. When the four cap- 
tains were chosen, they had to ery incessantly at night as well as by 
day, saying, “Oh, Wakanda! pity me! help me in that about which I 
am in abad humor.” During the day they abstained from food and 
drink; but they could satisfy their thirst and hunger when night 
came. 

At the feast preparatory to starting off as a large war party, the 
keepers of the sacred bags sing thunder songs as well as other sacred 
songs. One of the thunder songs used on such an occasion begins 
thus: 

“ Wi-gi-ga" na"/-pe-wa-¢é é-ga”, 
Wi-yi-ga" na”’-pe-wa-¢é é-ga", 
We-tit ké g¢i-ha®’-ha® x1, 
Na*/-pe-w4-¢é = 

“As my grandfather is dangerous, 
As my grandfather is dangerous, 
Dangerous when he brandishes his club, 
Dangerous ——.” 


When he had proceeded thus far, ga¢i®-na"paji stopped and refused 
to tell the rest, as it was very “ waqube.” He said that the principal 
captains of a large war party tied pieces of twisted grass around their 
wrists and ankles, and wore similar pieces around their heads. But 
Two Crows, who has been a captain, says that he never did this. (See, 
however, the Iowa custom in § 75.) 


1See Omaha Sociology, §24, 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 227. 
2 Omaha Sociology, in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 3:6. 


porseY. ] INVOCATION OF THUNDER BEINGS. 383 


ICTASANDA CUSTOM. 


The following “‘ nikie” or ancient custom of the Ictasanda gens was 
related by George Miller: 
Naji’ da®’ctéa®’ yi, na pai yi, gat’ Wakan‘da-ma nini/“uji/ wati/i 


tain perhaps if they fear if so the Wakandas (pl. ob.) to- putin they 

seen danger bacco gave to 

them 

te Ga” nini’ ujii watii té/di e’gi¢avi te: Qé¢u waqpa’¢i"- 

the (past and tobacco putin they gave when they said to the Here very 

act) to them (one) (past act) 

qti a’¢ithe’, a®wa"wayja/¢ica® cte/ctewa® ¢itide ti’g¢e gaxai-ga, 

poor I who move in what direction soever to become abandoned make ye 


(suddenly) 
giga“ha. H/dedi’ ¢a/¢itcé (6) ja*mi’. (ig¢ize-ma”¢ir, &/dedi 


O grandfather. You are my. there I suspect. Walking Forked-lightning, you are 
¢a¢iveé (6) jammi’. (ia™ba-ti/g¢e, G/dedi ¢a/¢incé (6) ja™mi™. 
my. there I suspect. Sheet-lightning flashes you are my. there I suspect. 
suddenly 
(iia ba-gi-na",  e/dedi’ —¢¢ireé (6) ja™mi’. Géagig¢éda® 
Sheet-lightning is often you are mv. there T suspect (a name referring 
returning hither, to passing thunder) 
é/dedi ¢a¢imcé (é) jatmi*’. Ga’ gatéga" gaxa-baji yi/eté niaci”’ga 
you are my. there I suspect. And in that manner he does not if man 
cim¢iqade ¢éga® naji”i, maqpi’ keja¢ica® xagé naji™i. Gar’ 
(See Note.) thus stands, cloud toward the lg. ob. erying stands. And 
Wakan’/da ama wégidaha”’-bi, al. Nikaci’ga  ta®/wa"g¢a" 
Wakanda the pl.sub. that they know about they say. Person gens 
them, their own 
wédaji ama agin’ na’ pai, ijaje ge! ctéwa". 
elsewhere the pl.sub. tohaveit they fear seen danger, name the pl. in. ob. even. 
Agudi’eté nikaci®’/ga ama idate’/¢e ama Teta/sanda 
Tn some places person the pl. sub. tbose who have visions. etc. Tetasanda 


(not specitied.) 
ticka® egai’ té e/ga> ga/xai. Waa é/qti ga‘xai da/cté 


custom their the ob. so they do. song they themselves they make perhaps 

gia’ naji™i. Nini‘ba ké uji’ a¢ii e/ga® magqpi’ 

singing their own they stand. Pipe the lg. ob. filled they have as cloud 

ké4¢ica" tgaq¢e baha’ najivi. Ni/kaci"’ga ama’ a/ji cti 
} 5 5 . 

towards thelg. ob. facing holdingoutto they stand. Person the pl. sub. different too 

ga/xena™i. Ata®’cté nini’ba a¢i"/-baji ga waa’ si/at¢e’ da®/cté 
they often do. Sometimes pipe they donot have so singing alone perhaps 

naji’-natl, Ki ni‘kaci’ga ama’ ¢e’ i/¢a‘e’¢é ama’ ticka® eda/da®™ 

they stand often. And person the pl. sub. this those who have deed what 

visions, ete. 

uda® tha’ “/¢e tai’ yi/eté i/baha®/i, ci tcka" juajl-. 

good tofollowthecourse promise will even they know, again deed unsuitable 

a‘kipa tai’ yi’cté i/baha™i. Gat ni‘kaci”ga ¢i" awa" waja 
they will meet even they know. And person the in what direction 

my. one 

gaq¢a™’ mar¢i’ ctéwa™ nini’ uji’ ‘i/i e/ga™ wati/g¢anki¢ai’. 

large hunting walks soever tobacco puts in gives to as causes him to prophesy. 
expedition him 

Kar’ ujan’/ge uha’ tai yi/cté i/baha™ gi’ga™¢ai’ e’ga™ waan’ki¢ai’. 

How road he will follow its even toknow wishes for him as causes him to sing. 

course 

Ki ata*’eté ni‘kaci’ga ama’ e/ga"l, a/¢ade-na™i, wani/ta da”’/cté 

And sometimes person the pl.sub. justso, they often pronounce, quadruped perhaps 

ube/sni® yi, wani/ta dtu’ba a™i/i_ ha, e/ da*/etéa’i. 

they find if quadruped some they have onl) perhaps. 


out given to me says 


384 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Notes. 


383,4,et passim. (@a¢i'ce eja"mi", contracted in rapid pronunciation to, ¢a¢i"ceja"mi". 

383,4-6. Wig¢ize-mare¢i", Cia"ba-tig¢e, (/ia"ba-gina", and Gaagig¢eda" are “nikie 
names” of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens of the Omaha. They may refer to 
four Thunder beings, one at each point of the compass, or one dwelling in the 
direction of each of the four winds. 

383,8. Cin¢iqade, with the arms elevated and the hands stretched out, palms 
down, towards the clouds. 

383, 9-10. Nikaci"ga wedaji ama, ete. Other gentes of Omaha fear to mention 
these Ictasanda names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes. 

383,11. Agudicti . . i¢a‘ecé ama, ete. Rerers to the Inga" ifate¢é ama, or 
the Thunder shamans, of the other Omaha gentes. 


Translation. 


When the Ictasanda people become fearful during a shower, they 
fill a pipe with tobacco and offer it to the Thunder-beings. And when 
they offer the tobacco, they speak thus: “O grandfather! I am very 
poor here. In some direction or other cause a place to be abandoned 
by those (who would injure me?). I think that you are there O 
(ig¢ize-ma'¢i! I think that you are there. O @ia*ba-tig¢e! I think 
that you are there. O @ia*ba-gi na"! I think that you are there. O 
Gaagig¢eda"! I think that you are there.” 

And when they do not offer the tobacco, they stand with the arms 
elevated and the hands stretched out, palms down, as they ery towards 
the clouds. And they say that the Thunder-beings know about them, 
their worshippers. 

The Omaha of the other gentes fear to mention these Ictasanda 
nikie names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes, as 
well as to invoke the Thunder-being or beings, unless they belong to 
the order of Thunder shamans. In that case, they can do as the Icta- 
sanda people do. They make songs about the Thunder-beings, and 
stand singing their own songs. They fill the pipe with tobacco, and 
stand, holding it with the mouth-piece toward the clouds, as they gaze 
towards them. 

These shamans often act otherwise. Sometimes they do not fill the 
pipe, and then they stand singing the Thunder songs, without offering 
anything to the Thunder-beings, 

And these shamans know when anything promises to result in good 
or evil to the person undertaking it. So when a person wishes to join 
a large hunting party, he fills a pipe with tobacco, and offers it to a 
shaman, thus causing him to prophesy. As he wishes him to know 
the result of following a certain course, (i. e., of traveling in a certain 
direction), he induces the shaman to sing (sacred songs). And some- 
times the shaman predicts the very occurrence which comes to pass; 
if, for instance, he foretells that the inquiring man will kill game, he 
may say, ‘The Thunder-beings (?) have given me some quadrupeds.’” 


DORSEY. ] KANSA WORSHIP OF THE THUNDER-BEING. 385 


KANSA WORSHIP OF THE THUNDER-BEING. 


§ 36. The following was a custom of the Lu or Thunder-being gens. 
At the time of the first thunder-storm in the spring of the year, the 
Lu people put a quantity of green cedar on a fire, making a great 
smoke. The storm ceased after the members of the other gentes 
offered prayers. The Buffalo or Tcedtinhga gens aided the Lu gens in 
the worship of the Thunder-being, by sending one of their men to 
open the sacred bag of gray hawk skin and remove the mystery pipe. 
These objects were kept by a Lu man, Kinuyinge, who was not 
allowed to open the bag. 

Pahatle-gaqli, of the Large Hanga gens, and Ali*kawahu, of the 
Small Hanga, are the leaders in everything pertaining to war. Pa- 
hale-gaqli furnished the author with a copy of his war chart, on 
which are represented symbols of the mystery songs. In the middle 
of the chart there should be a representation of fire, but Paha"le- 
gaqli said that he was afraid to draw it there, unless he fasted and 
took other necessary precautions. The songs used in connection with 
the chart are very ‘“ wakandagi,” or mysterious. They are never 
sung on common occasions, or in a profane manner, lest the offender 
should be killed by the Thunder-being. One of the three songs about 
the sacred pipe, sung when the wrappings are taken from the pipe 
(See §85) by Alitkawahu is as follows: 

“Ha-ha! teé-ga-nv ha-ha! ° 
Ha-ha! teé-ga-nt ha-ha! 
Ha-ha! tcé-ga-nti ha-ha! 
Hii-hii’!” 


(Unintelligible to the author. Said when Ali*kawahu presses 
down on the covers or wrappings of the pipe.) 

“Yu! yu! ya! Hii-hii’! Hii-hii’!” 

(Chorus sung by all the Large and Small Hanga men.) 

This last line is an invocation of the Thunder-being. The arms, 
which are kept apart and parallel, are held up toward the sky, with 
the palms of the hands out. Each arm is then rubbed from the wrist 
to the shoulder by the other hand.! 

After the singing of these three songs, Paha*le-gaqli carries the 
sacred clam shell on his back. 

The second figure on the chart is that of the venerable man or 
Wakanda, who was the first singer of all the Hanga songs. When Ali®- 
kawahu and Paha*le-gaqli are singing them, they think that this 
Wakanda walks behind them, holding up his hands toward the Thun- 
der-being, to whom he prays for them. 


1This song and the invocation of the Thunder-being are used by the Ponka as well as by the 
Kansa. According to Miss Fletcher, the ‘‘ sign of giving thanks’ among the Hunkpapa Dakota is 
made by moving the hands in the opposite direction, i. e., ‘from the shoulder to the wrist.’ See 
“The White Buffalo Festival of the Unscpapas,”’ in Peabody Museum Rept., vol. 5, p. 268. 

11 ETH 25 


386 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


When the war pipe is smoked by any Hanga man, he holds the pipe 
in his right hand, and blows the smoke into the sacred clam shell, in his 
left. The smoke ascends from the clam shell to the Thunder-being, to 
whom it is pleasant. 

The Kansa used to “cry to” the Thunder-being before going on the 
warpath. When the captain (the head of the Large Hanga gens) ” 
smoked his pipe, he used to say, Hat, Wakanda-é, Payi®-maha® mi’ 

Ho? O Wakanda! Skidi one 
ts’é kim’/bla eyau,” i. e. “Ho, Wakanda! I really wish a Skidi” (or, 
todie Iwish indeed 
Pawnee Loup) “to die!” 

The men of the two Hanga gentes unite in singing songs to stop 
rain, when fair weather is needed, and songs to cause rain when there 
has been a drought. (See § 43.) 


SUBTERRANEAN AND SUBAQUATIC WAKANDAS. 


§ 37. The Omaha and Ponka believe in the Wakandagi, monsters that 
dwell beneath the bluffs and in the Missouri river. These monsters 
have very long bodies, with horns on their heads. One myth relates 
how an orphan killed a Wakandagi with seven heads.! 

The Omaha have a tradition that a Wakandagi was seen in the lake 
into which Blackbird creek empties, near the Omaha agency. It is 
impossible to say whether the Wakandagi and the jande or Ground 
were differentiated (See § 27). The Kansa Mi-é-lu-cka were somewhat 
like the Wakandagi, though in one respect they resembled the myth- 
ical qa-snu-ta of the Omaha, i. e., in having enormous heads. The 
Kansa speak of the Mialucka as a race of dreadful beings with large 
heads and long hair. They dwelt in remote places, to which they were 
supposed to entice any unwary Indian who traveled alone. The victim 
became crazy and subsequently lived as a mi*quga or catamite. Some 
of the Mialucka dwelt underground or in the water, sitting close to 
the bank of the stream. The ancient Mialucka was a benefactor to 
the Indians, for he took some wet clay and made first a buffalo calf and 
then three buffalo bulls, which he ordered the Indians to shoot, after 
teaching them how to make bows and arrows and to use them. 


THE INDAGINGA. 


§ 38. The Ponka, in 1871, told the author of a being whom they called 
the Inda¢inga. This being was a superhuman character, who dwelt in 
the forests. He hooted lke an owl, and he was so powerful, that he 
could uproot a tree or overturn a lodge. The Ponka had asong about 
him, and mothers used to scare their children by saying, ‘“ Behaye, 
else the Inda¢itga will catch you!” Joseph La Fleche had heard it 
spoken of as a monster in human shape, covered with thick hair. As 


Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, pp. 108-131. 
? Compare the hair of the Thunder-men, in Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, pp. 187, 188. 


DORSEY. ] OTHER KANSA WAKANDAS. 387 


the Ponka for wearing a mask is “Indaé¢ifga gaxe,” or “to act the 
Indd¢inga,” it may be that this character was an aboriginal bogy. 
Compare the Dakota Canotidayn, Holinogi¢a, Uygnagicala, ete, (§ 232.) 
Omaha mothers used to scare their children by telling them that if 
they did not behave, Icibaji (a hero of the ge-siude gens) or yexuja® 
(a hero of the ya"ze gens) would catch them.! Another fearful being 
was Inde-na*ba, or Two Faces, the very sight of whom killed a woman 
who was enceinte.” This being resembled, in some respects, Ictinike, 
the deceiver,’ though Ictinike was usually the counterpart of the Dakota 
Ikto, Iktomi, or Unktomi. (See §§ 228-231.) As a worker of evil 
Iectinike may be compared with the Dakota Aniing-ite or Two Faces, 
and the latter in turn resembled the Inda¢inga of the Ponka. (See 
§§ 233, 234.) 


OTHER KANSA WAKANDAS. 


§ 39. The third figure on the Kansa war chart is‘ that of the Wakan- 
da oraged man who gives success to the hunter. He is thus addressed 
by Ali*kawahu and Paha*le-gaqli: Ts‘age-jin’ga hati! Dable ma®’yi"- 


Venerable man Ho! Tohunt walk 
large quad- 
rupeds 
ati! Dada" wadjii’‘ta nikaci"=ga ckéda" wayakipa-bdda" _ ts’éya-bana- 
thou What quadruped person soever you meet them and kill ye 


: : ; (pl.) 
hau! i. e., “Venerable man, go hunting! Kill whatever persons or quad- 
! 


rupeds meet you!” They think that this being drives the game 
towards the hunter. 

In the war chart there are seven songs of the Wakanda who makes 
night songs. Fig. 16 of that chart refers to a song of another Wa- 
kanda who is not described. Fig. 18 refers to two shade songs. 
Shade is made by a Wakanda. Fig. 19 is a dream song. There is a 
Wakanda who makes people sleepy, an Indian Somnus. 


§ 40. OMAHA INVOCATIONS OF THE TRAP, ETC. 


Jabe da”’cté ji yi, maka” igaxe ma¢i™i yi, 6 nini bah4 
L 1, $s d U; 


Beaver for in- he if, medicine making he walks if, that tobac- show- 
stance traps for that co ing 
it purpose 


ey4 té 6. (The invisible being who first made the medicine was 
his the it. : 
thus addressed:) Nikaci*ga pahan’ga maka” iepaha" ninké/cé, 
Person first medicine you knew you who 
(sit), 
déjehide cka"zé ninke/cé, nini gake/! (é¢u eda4da" cka"zé — ge 


medicine you you who tobacco that Here what you taught the 
taught (sit), lg. ob. pl. 
in. ob. 


' Contr. N. A. Ethn, vol. v1, p. 390. See also § 19. 
4Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, vol. 19, Pl. xx, p. 676. 


2Tbid., p. 207. 3Ibid., pp. 40, 134, ete. 


388 -A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


i¢apaha"-maji/-qti wit’ ai¢agaéa¢i"hé ¢a™ja, ca edada" ctécte 
I do not know at all one Tam carrying on though, yet what soever 
my arm and in my 
hand as I move 


iwamakaa¢é té a. Nini gaké’, ai niaci*ga ama. (He then 


I getiteasily by will ! Tobacco that, says person the mv. 
means of lg. ob., sub. 
Zs , - , u ae . s . 
prays to the beaver:) Hat, Jabe! Nini gake’! Ubahi e‘a®’ ckaxai 
Ho, Beaver! Tobacco that! Feeding how youmade 
lg. ob. place them 
gé b¢tigaqti ugig¢taca”i-ga! Nini gakeé’! (Next, to the medicine:) 
the all travel ye in your Tobacco that! 
pl. own! lg. ob. 
in ob. 
Hatt, qéjehide, nini gaké’! ‘A qti ctécte wanita wi" whé ea”’¢é 
Ho, Medicine, tobacco that! No matter howit quadruped one pass me on the 
lg. ob. is (or At any road (to the 
rate) trap) 
taté, ef¢éga" najin’-gi. ‘A qtictécte daq¢uge a”¢a"ska tate, 
shall, thinking it stand thon. At any rate nostrils large enough shall, 
for me (i. e., to 
smell me.) 
e¢éga" najin’-ga. Nini gaké’! (Invocation of the trap:) Han, 
thinkingit stand thou. Tobacco that! Ho, 
lg. ob. 
Ma”zé nafikacé! nini gaké’/! ‘Aqti ctécte wi’ watéat¢e ta 
Iron ye who (sit)! tobaeco that! At any rate one T kill it will 
lg. ob. 
minke, e¢éga" g¢i’i-ga. (Invocation of the pack-strap:) Han, 
I who, thinking it sit ye.” Ho, 
Wéi" ninké/cé! nini gaké’! ‘A™qti ctécte wi wanita ahigi 
Pack- you who (sit)! tobacco that! At any rate I quadruped many 
strap lg. ob. 
weat‘é, e¢égan-gi. Han, gijébe fonugaza ¢atatcé! nini gake’! 
I touch think thon. Ho, Entrance at the right you who tobacco that! 
them, side stand! lg. ob. 
‘Aqti etécte wi wanita a®¢a’/bakin‘de anaji® ta minke, e¢égan-ga. 
At any rate I quadruped brushing by me Istand will I who think thou. 
(sit), 
Hat, e-sin‘de ugacke ¢ata"cé! nini gakeé/! ‘A’qti ctécte wi 
Ho, Buffalo-tail tied to it you who tobacco that! At any rate I 
stand! lg. ob. 
wanita a yap anaéji® ta minke, e¢égan-ga. Hau, Uné¢ée ninke’cé! 
quadruped neartome Istand will I who think thou. Ho, Fireplace you who 
(sit), (sit) ! 
nini gaké’! ‘Arqtictécte wi wanita a”naai ag¢i’ ta minke, 
tobacco that! At any rate I quadruped = drops over I sit will Iwho 
lg. ob. on me (from (sit), 


the kettle) 
e¢égan-ga. 
think thou. 
Notes. 


Told by George Miller. In the last invocation, he began to dictate 
thus: ‘Hatt, Nawitxe diba akipasan’de nankacé!” i. e., “Ho, ye 
Ho, Firebrand four meet at a com- ye who 
mon point 


four firebrands that meet at a common point (i. e., in the middle of the 


DORSEY. | OMAHA INVOCATIONS OF THE TRAP, ETC. 389 


fireplace)!” He subsequently changed it to an invocation of the fire- 

place itself. But it is very probable that there was an invocation of 

the four firebrands, resembling the ceremonies of the Kansa and 

Osage (see § 33). George has given all that he remembers of the invo- 

cations, but he does not recollect the exact order. 

387,3. deje-hide, “lower part,” or “roots of grass,” an archaic name for “maka”, 
medicine. Nini gaké—the classifier ké shows that a long object, the pipe, is 
referred to, the tobacco being in the pipe when it is offered to the powers. 

388,1. aitagayasithe, contr. from di¢igat¢a afimhé, used here in the sense of 
“ab¢it,” I have. 

888,12. a%éa™bakinde, eq. to a™¢a"bista ¢éwadé, to send them (through) when they 
are so close that they touch me. 


Translation. 


The invisible being who first made the beaver medicine and taught its 
use to mankind, was thus addressed: “Oh, Thou who didst teach how 
to make the medicine, here is tobacco! Though I have your medicine, 
the nature of which I do not understand at all, grant that I may easily 
acquire something or other by means of it! Here is tobacco!” 

When he addressed the beavers, he said, Ho, ye Beavers! Here is 
tobacco! Let all of you travel in your feeding places which you have 
made. Here is tobacco!” To the beaver medicine itself, he said, ‘“* Ho, 
Medicine! Here is tobacco! Stand thinking thus, ‘At any rate 
an animal shall surely pass me and be caught in the trap, and its nos- 
trils shall be large enough to smell me”” The trap itself was thus ad- 
dressed: ‘‘Ho, ye pieces of iron! Here is tobacco! Sit ye and think 
thus: ‘At any rate I will killone!’” To the pack-strap was said, ‘* Ho, 
pack-strap! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall press 
against many quadrupeds.’” The right side of the entrance to the tent 
(?) was thus addressed: “Ho, Thou who standest at the right side 
of the entrance to the tent! (§ 232) Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At 
any rate I shall continue to have some one bring dead animals on his 
back and send through me suddenly, rubbing against me as they pass 
through.” To the principal tent pole these words were said, ‘Ho, 
Thou who standest with the buffalo tail tied to thee! Here is tobacco! 
Think thou, ‘At any rate, I shall have a quadruped to come near me.” 
When the man invoked the fireplace, he said, ‘‘ Ho, Fireplace! Here 
is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall sit and have the water 
fall on me in drops as it boils over from the kettle containing the quad- 
ruped/” 

These invocations may be compared with what the prophet Habakkuk 
tells us about the Chaldeans, in the first chapter of his prophecy. In 
his prayer to God, he says, ‘‘These plunderers pull out all men with the 
hook, draw them in with their casting net, and gather them with their 
draw net, and rejoice and are glad in it. Therefore they make offer- 
ings to their casting net, and burn incense to their draw net, for through 
them their catch is rich and their food dainty.” ! 


1 Geikie's paraphrase, in ‘* Hours with the Bible,” vol, v, p. 357. 


390 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
FASTING. 


§ 41. This topic naturally precedes that of visions or dreams about 
mystery, animals, and objects. two Crows and Joseph La Fleche heard 
the following spoken of as an ancient custom. It was told them in their 
youth by some of the old men of that day, who had received it from 
their elders as having been practiced by the tribe for unnumbered gen- 
erations. When old men had sons, sisters’ sons, or grandsons, who 
approached manhood, they used to direct those youths to abstain from 


food and drink, and to put clay on their faces, saying: “‘Qa?xa/ga xage’ 
Faraway crying 


mat¢ivi-ga. Aba ¢a/b¢i" du’ba ja" yi, wa¢ata-bajii-ga, ki ni 


walk ye. Day three four sleep if, do not eat (pl.), and water 
¢ata”-bajii-gi. Giqu’baji cte/etéwa", ca” Wakan‘da aké u¢i’ya" 
do not drink (pl.) You are not even if, still Wakauda thesub. he will 
““qube” 
tiaka. Wa/¢awaqpani ma*oni’i yi, waondha’-de (¢axaxage yf, 
aid you. You act as if poor you walk if, you pray when you ery if 


u¢i’ya" ta’ aka,” i. e., “Walk ye in remote places, erying to Wakanda. 


he will aid you. 

Neither eat nor drink for three or four days. Even though you do not 
acquire personal myterious power, Wakanda will aid you. If you act 
as poor men, and pray as you ery, he will help you.” 

When their throats became dry, their voices gave out. When they 
had completed their fasts, they went home, being exceedingly emacia- 
ted. At that time they could not swallow solid food, so they were 
obliged to subsist on mush mixed with much water, till by degrees they 
became able to eat what they pleased. Many thought that this fasting 
enabled them to have superhuman communications with Wakanda. 

Fasting was practiced at other times, but always in order to obtain 
superhuman assistance or to acquire a transfer of superhuman power. 
A Ponka war captain exhorted each of his followers thus: “Ahan! 
Wacka™ egan’-gi! Qu’/beki¢a/-bi ¢i*he’!” i. e., “Oho! Do exert yourself! 
Be sure to make yourself the possessor of superhuman power by the aid 
of the animal that you have seen in your vision after fasting!”! Mem- 
bers of a small war party had to fast four days, counting from the time 
that they started on the warpath.” Before the large war party was 
formed to avenge the wrongs of Wabaskaha, the four prospective cap- 
tains fasted. When the Kansa captain fasted, he could not visit his 
family, but a small fasting lodge was erected for him at some distance 
from his own house.* 


MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS. 


§ 42. The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash and thecedar. The 
ash is connected with the beneficent natural powers. Part of the sacred 
pole of the Omaha and Ponka is made of ash, the other part being of 
cottonwood. The stems of the niniba weawa®", or ‘sacred pipes of 


1 Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, pp. 370, 371. 
2Om. Sociology, in 3d, Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 317. 

3Tbid, p. 319. 

4‘ Kansas Mourning and War Customs,” in Am. Naturalist, July 1885, p. 672. 


DORSEY ] MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS. 391 


friendship,” are made of ash. But the cedar is linked with the destrue- 
tive agencies, thunder, lightning, wars.! 

When the seven old men took the pipes around the Omaha tribal circle, 
the bad Ma*¢inka-gaxe people wore plumes in their hair and wrapped 
branches of cedar around their heads, being awful to behold. So the 
old man passed them by and gave the pipe to the other Ma"¢inka-gaxe, 
who were good. In the Osage traditions, cedar symbolizes the tree of 
life. When a woman is initiated into the secret society of the Osage, 
the officiating man of her gens gives her four sips of water, symbolizing, 
so they say, the river flowing by the tree of life, and then he rubs her 
from head to foot with cedar needles three times in front, three times at 
her back, and three times on each side, twelve times in all, pronouncing 
a sacred name of Wakanga as he makes each pass. Part of the Patyka 
geus of the Osage tribe” are Red Cedar people. The Panka gens of the 
Kansa tribe is called “ Qtndjala",” i. e., “wearers of cedar (branches) on 
the head.” Cedar is used by the Santee Dakota in their ceremony of 
the four winds. (See§ 128.) The Teton Dakota believe in the efficacy 
of the smell of cedar wood or of the smoke from cedar in scaring away 
ghosts. (See § 272.) In the Athapascan creation myth of Oregon,* 
obtained by the author in 1884, the smoke of cedar took the place of food 
for the two gods who made the world, and the red cedar is held sacred 
as well as the ash, because these two trees were the first to be discov- 
ered by the gods.* 

That the Hidatsa have a similar notion about the red cedar is shown 
by their name for it, ‘‘midahopa,” mysterious or sacred tree. Compare 
what Matthews tell about the Hidatsa reverence for the cottonwood 
with what is recorded above about the Omaha sacred pole. (§ 344.) 

The cottonwood tree also seems to have been regarded as a mystic 
tree by the Omaha and Ponka, just as it is by the Hidatsa. The sacred 
pole of the two tribes was made from a tall cottonwood.° When the 
lower part of the sacred pole became worn away, about 8 feet remained, 
and to this was fastened a piece of ash wood about 18 inches long. In 
preparing for the dance called the Hede watci, the Inike-sabé people 
sought a cottonwood tree, which they rushed on, felled, and bore to the 
center of the tribal circle, where they planted it in the ‘“ujey.” Mys- 
tic names taken from the cottonwood are found in the (ixida and Nika- 
daona, the two war gentes of the Ponka tribe, and in the (atada and 
yyarze gentes of the Omaha.° 

That there were other mystic trees and plants, appears Be an ex- 
amination of the personal names of the Omaha, Ponka, and cognate 
tribes. For TEs ae fa", a nikie name of the aed or Deer 


Miss Fletcher, in Am. Assoe. Ady. Sci., Proc., vol. XXXII, ails 2, 1885, pp. 616, 617. Francis La 
Fléche, ibid., p. 614. 

“Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. of the Director Bur. Ethn., 1888, p. 377 

*Am. Anthropologist, vol. 11., No. 1, 1888, p. 59. (‘‘January, 1889.”’) 

‘U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, Hayden; Miscel. Publ., No. 7, 1877; Matthews’ Ethnography and 
Philology of the Hidatsa, 1877, p. 48. . 

Om. Soc., p. 234. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, 468, line 3. 

Om. Soc., p. 297. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, 471, lines 3-5. 


392 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


gens of the Omaha, conveys sonie reference to a white oak tree, yackahi; 
and in the Nuge, a Buffalo gens of the Ponka tribe, we find the name 
abehi, from a plant, bush, or tree found in Nebraska, the leaves of 
which, resembling those of red cherry trees, are used by the Omaha for 
making atea. Further study may show that the Winnebago, who have 
the name Waziya, Pine Person, reverence a pine tree. (Query: May not 
this name be Cedar Person, rather than Pine Person?) 

Among the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, we find several cedar, corn, and 
pumpkin names. Several corn and pumpkin names occur in the name 
list of the Kansa tribe. Corn, elm, and black hawthorn names are 
found in the Osage name list, as well as cedar names; and their tradi- 
tions tellof the cedar, red oak, and sycamore, as well as of the corn and 
pumpkin.’ (See § 49.) 

IdA‘EGE. 


§43. This term has been defined in Chapter II (§ 8). Itis very probable 
that fasting for several days tended to produce the condition of mind 
and body requisite for the supposed superhuman communications. 
According to ga¢i®"na"paji and other Omaha, some persons thought 
that they saw or heard ghosts or various animals. Sometimes men 
were roused from sleep, imagining that they heard mysterious voices. 
They claimed to have interviews with U-ga-ha-na-da-ze, or the Ancient 
of Darkness; Ma-qpi, or the Ancient of Clouds; jande, or the Ground 
3eing; Ing¢a", or the Thunder-being; the Sun, the Moon, the Morning 
Star, the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, the Ancient of Grizzly Bears, the 
Ancient of Black Bears, the Ancient of Buffaloes, the Ancient of Big 
Wolves, and the Ancient of Prairie Wolves. Each being or animal 
thus seen ina dream or vision seems to have been regarded as the 
special guardian spirit of the person claiming to have had interviews 
with him. The Ing¢a" i¢a‘e¢é-ma, or Those who had interviews with the 
Thunder-being, never danced at the meetings of their society. They 
invited one another to feast, and they sang as they remained seated. 
The songs referred to the Thunder-being. When they finished eating 
and singing the ceremonies ended. This order of Thunder shamans 
claimed the power to make rain (see § 36). 

According to ga¢i"-na"paji and Little Village Maker, these shamans 
could also make circles of seven colors around the sun and moon, and 
the two men just named said that they had seen this done. Joseph 
La Fleéche and Two Crows gave the following explanation: “When 
there are clouds that obscure the moon, a circle is seen around the 
moon, and if sometimes resembles a rainbow.” Though Two Crows 
belongs to the Buffalo society (qe i¢a‘e¢é-ma, or Order of Buffalo 
shamans—see § 89), he said that he had never had an interview with a 
mysterious buffalo, but that his work in the order was confined to the 
practice of surgery, he being the keeper of the “maka” ski¢é,” or sweet 


1QOsage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 377, 379, 390. 


DORSEY. | IGA ‘ECE. 393 


medicine. Notwithstanding this, there are certain buffalo songs, the 
property of the order, and which they claim to be powerful charms 
capable of working cures, when used by the surgeons of their order, 
Said Two Crows to the author, ‘If they had sent for the doctors of our 
order we could have cured President Garfield.” The author obtained 
two of these Buffalo songs from an Omaha, but they are recorded only 
in singing notation.! 

Among the Omaha societies are the Cange i¢a‘e¢éma, the Horse 
shamans,’ the Ca™janga i¢a‘e¢é-ma, the Big Wolf shamans,’ and the 
Ma*teu i¢a‘e¢é-ma, the Grizzly Bear shamans.* 

According to Francis La Fleche.° 

“There are three degrees of powers which come to men through visions: First, 
when the vision takes the form of an animal which addresses the man, he will then 
have acquired a power which will stead him in danger, and give him success in life. 
Second, if the vision assumes the appearance of a cloud, or a human shape having 
wings like an eagle, and a voice addresses the man, he will have the additional 
power of being able to foretell events. Third, when the vision comes without any 
semblance and only a voice is heard, the man is given not only the power to achieve 
success and foretell events, but he can foresee the coming of death. Should a man 
endowed with the third degree so elect, he can in due form join the Ghost Society ; 
or, if he prefers, he can practice his powers individually.” 

His father, the late Joseph La Fléche, told the author in 1882 that 
the Ghost Dance formerly belonged to the Ponka tribe, from whom the 
Omaha took it; though it has not been used by the Omaha since about 
A. D. 1850.5 The only inference which the author can draw from this 
statement of the father is that if the Omaha obtained the Ghost Dance 
from the Pouka, the Ghost Society or order of Ghost shamans is not 
an original Omaha society. That the two are closely connected is 
proved by the names, Wanaxe i¢a‘e¢é-na, the(order of) Ghost shamans 
(or, The Ghost Society), and Wanaxe i¢a‘e¢é watcigaxe, The dance of 
those who have visions of ghosts, or, The Ghost Dance. 

The Kansa have the Tce wactce, or Buffalo shaman, and an order of 
such shamans. When a Kansa had a vision or dream (i-ya-k’e-ye) of 
an animal, etc?, he painted the mystery object on his shield. An old 
woman used to “iyak’eye” of a flying serpent, the qyets‘a taji licka. 
The remains of such enormous serpents are found in the Black Hills, 
“and if one finds such a reptile, he must die.” For an account of the 
Kansa “wakandagi” see § 66. 

The Kwapa or Ukaqpa Indians speak a dialect more closely allied to 
that of the Omaha and Ponka than to those of the Kansa and Osage. 
With them, to have superhuman communications is called d¢a-q‘é-d¢e; 
shamans and doctors are nika quwé, mysterious men, and among their 


1See Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 1, No. 3, p. 209; and Om. Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur, Ethn., pp. 
347-8. 

20m. Sociology, p. 348. 

3Ibid, pp. 348, 349. 

4Tbid, p. 349. 

5** Death and Funeral Customs among the Omahas,"’ in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. 11, No. 4, p. 3. 

6Om. Soc., p. 353. 


394 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


societies of such men are ‘the following: Te d¢aq‘ed¢é, Those having 
superhuman communications with the Buffalo; the Mati d¢aq‘éd¢e, 
Those having interviews with the Grizzly Bear; the Ita®’d¢a® tan’ya 
d¢aq‘éd¢é, Those having interviews with the Panther; and the Jawé 
d¢aq‘éd¢é, Those having interviews with the Beaver. There were 
doubtless other orders, but they are unknown to the author’s Kwapa 
informant, Alphonsus Valliere, of the Wajinya or Bird gens.’ 


PERSONAL MYSTERY DECORATIONS. 


§ 44, The Omaha and Ponka have certain personal mystery decora- 
tions, some of which are worn on garments, and others appear on 
_ the tents of their owners. The 
makers and wearers of such 
decorations must be members 
of one of the orders of shamans. 
George Miller’s father, Little 
Soldier, used to wear a buffalo 
robe decorated in the style 
shown in Figs. 156 and 157. It 
was his personal mystery deco- 
ration, which no one else could 
use. Even members of his gens 
(the Ictasanda, a Thunder and 
Reptile gens) feared to imitate 
it. The father promised to paint 
this decoration on four white 
blankets for his son George, but he died before he could paint the 
fourth one. : 
George received the first one when 
he was about seventeen years of age. 
Before he married he had worn out 
three. He still has the right to dec- 
orate and wear the fourth blanket, 
according to his father’s intention. 
He could decorate other white blan- 
kets in this style, and wear them, if 
he wished, but he could not transmit 
to any one of his children (the grand- 
children of Little Soldier) the right 
to make and wear such a decoration, 
unless George himself should here- 
after see the objects in a dream or 
vision. 
The right to use such designs on 
a buffalo robe, blanket, tent, ete., must originate with one who has had 


Fia. 156.—George Miller’s personal mystery decoration. 


Fic, 157.—A variant of Fig, 156. 


‘This Kwapa information was obtained in Jannary, 1891, some time after the preparation of the 
greater part of this paper. In such a combination as d¢ the ¢ is scarcely heard. 


DORSEY.] ORDER OF THUNDER SHAMANS. 395 


a vision or dream in which the mystery objects are manifested. Those 
who could use the class of designs represented in the accompanying 
illustrations (Figs. 156-161) were members of the order of Thunder 
shamans (Ing¢a" i¢a‘e¢é-ma). 


ORDER OF THUNDER SHAMANS. 


§ 45. This order is composed of those who have had dreams or visions, 
in which they have seen the Thunder-being, the Sun, the Moon, or some 
other superterrestrial objects or phenomena. 

When a person saw the Thunder-being or some other mystery ob- 
ject, he kept the matter a secret for some time. He took care to join 
the first war party that went from his- camp or village. When the 
party reached the land of the enemy or got into some trouble the man 
told of his dream or vision. Should the dreamer or seer kill or grasp 
a foe while a member of the expedition he made a Thunder song. He 
who brought back one of the enemy’s horses also had the right to 
make a Thunder song. Some time having elapsed after the return of 
the warriors, the seer painted the mystery objects on a robe or blanket, 
and prepared a feast, to which he invited all the members of the order 


Fig. 158.—Robe of Wanukige. 


of Thunder shamans. When the guests had assembled the robe was 
hung up and shown to them. Then all who were present rejoiced. 
From that time onward the host was a member of the order, and he 
could wear the robe with safety. 

He could give his son the right to wear such a robe, but unless that 
son had a similar vision he could not transmit the right to one of the 
next generation. Little Soldier painted a buffalo robe with his per- 
sonal mystery decoration, and gave it to Two Crows, whose father had 
been one of the leaders of the order of Thunder shamans. So Two 
Crows wore the robe, and he can make another like it; but he can not 
transmit the right to his son, Ga‘i®-baji. TwoCrows would have been 
afraid to wear the robe or to copy the decoration on it nad he not been 
a member of the order by direct inheritance from his father. A 
father can clothe his son in such a robe when that son is large enough 


396 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


to go courting. The man can not give such a robe to his daughter, but 
he can give one to his son’s son, or to his daughter’s son, should that 
grandson be a large youth, who has neared or reached the age of pu- 
berty. 


If a man who became eligible by his vis- 
ion to membership in the order of Thunder 
shamans ventured to wear the decorated 
robe without inviting the members of the 
order to a feast, he incurred the anger of 
the members and misfortune was sure to 
follow. Should a man wear such a deco- 
rated robe without having had a vision of 
the mystery object, he was in danger (if 
the object was connected with the Thun- 
der-being, etc.) of being killed by lightning. 
Every Omaha feared to decorate his robe, 
tent, or blanket with an object seen by 


instance, George Miller would not dare to 
have bears’ claws, horses’ hoofs, etc., on 
his robe, because neither he nor his father 
ever saw a bear or horse mysteriously. There are penalties attached 
to violations of the prohibitions of the other orders, but George Miller 
did not know about them. 

Besides the personal mystery decoration of the robe or blanket, is 
that of the tent. PI. 
XLIV, E is a sketch of a 
tent, furnished to. the 
author by Dried Buffalo 
Skull, an old man of the 
(atada gens of the Oma- 
ha. The decoration of 
this tent was the per- 
sonal mystery or“qube” 
of Hupe¢a, Sr., father of 
Hupe¢a, Jr (now known 
as penuga yanga), of the 
Wasabe-hit‘aji or Black 
Bear sub-gens of the ('a- 
tada. After the death 
of Hupe¢a, Sr., the deco- 
ration became the prop- 
erty of his kinsman, Agaha-wacuce, of the same sub-gens, and father of 
qa¢itna"paji. The circle at the top, representing a bear’s cave, is some- 
times painted blue, though Agaha-wacuce had it reddened. Below the 
four zigzag lines (representing the lightnings of different colors) are the 


Fia. 159.—Tent of Wanukige. 


Fic. 160.—Robe of Gaqube. 


another person in a dream or vision. For 


DORSEY.] GENERIC FORMS OF DECORATION. 397 


prints of bears’ paws. The lower part of the tent was blackened with 
ashes or charcoal. Among the four zigzag lines, red, according to Mr. 
Francis La Fleche, symbolizes the east. 


Fic. 161.—Robe of qahe-1ap‘é. 


Wanukige, a chief of the Ictasanda gens, had a vision of the aurora 
borealis, so he depicted this on his robes and tent, as shown in Figs. 158 
and 159. On the tent were seven stripes, three on each side of the 
entrance and one in the rear. Each robe that he wore had seven- 
stripes. 

Fig. 160 represents the personal mystery decoration of @aqube of the 
yarze gens. George Miller’s father could 
wear this decoration, but the right to it 
could not be transmitted by him to any 
oneelse. qahe-qap‘é, of the ye-‘i" sub- 
gens of the (@atada gens, once had a vis- 
ion of two stars and the new moon. Con- 
sequently he decorated his buffalo robe, 
as shown in Fig. 161, and joined the order 
of Thunder shamans. He died when the 
author was at the Omaha agency (between 
1878 and 1880). 


GENERIC FORMS OF DECORATION. 


§ 46. There are examples of generic 
forms of decoration, as well as those of @ 
specific forms. For instance, when a per- 
son had a vision of the night, or of the 
Thunder-being, or one of some other su- 
perterrestrial object, he blackened the upper part of his tent and a 
small portion on each side of the entrance, as shown in Fig. 162. — 


Fic, 162.—Generic decoration referring to 
night, etc. 


398 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


It was given thus by George Miller: 
Niaci"ga ama agudi cté ha™ dacté i¢a‘e¢é ama yi ug¢i™i yi, 


People the where ever night forexample they have the tent they if 
pl. visions pl. dwell 
sub. of it. sub. in 


wirdéta" sabe¢ai, ki ci agudi cté nikaci"ga ama ing¢a’’ i¢a‘e¢é ama 
one-half the they blacken and again where ever people the pl. thunder they have the pl. 

length sub. being visions sub. 

: of it. 

ci éga" ug¢i’/-biama. 

again so they dwell in, 
they say. 
SPECIFIC FORMS OF DECORATION, 


A specific form related to the generic one just described is shown in 

Fig. 163. The blackened part of the tent represents the night, and the 
star denotes the morning star. There was 
a Star on the left hand at the back of the 
tent, and another star on the right side. 
Black and blue are occasionally inter- 
changeable in Omaha symbolism; hence 
we find that the night is represented by a 
blue band on a coyote skin worn by the 
elder A™pa®-ska, and subsequently by his 
son and namesake, when the latter was a 
small boy. The blue band was worn next 
the shoulders of the owner (Fig. 164). 
' The decoration refers to his “ qube” 
or “sacred vision.” Little Cedar, of the 
Ma¢inka-gaxe (Omaha) gens, belonged, 
we are told, to the Mi" i¢a‘e¢é-ma, or order 
of Sun and Moon shamans, probably iden- 
tical with the order of Thunder shamans. Fig. 165 represents a vision 
which Little Cedar once had, described thus by George Miller: 


Fig. 163,—Tent of A»pa*-ska, Sr. 


Fic, 164.—Robe of A"pa®-ska, Sr. 


Ga" niaci"ga aké i¢a‘e¢a-bi ega” ¢etéga” gi ugd té ug¢it/-biama. 
And man the having had a vis- like this tent painted the he dweltin, 
sub. ion, they say std. ob. they say, 


DORSEY. ] SPECIFIC FORMS OF DECORATION. 399 


Mazi-jin’ga ijaje a¢i"’-biama. Sébe té ha’ ké 6 gaxai; nia™ba ¢a® 


Cedar Little his name had, they Black the night the that made moon the cv. 
say lg. ob. ob. 
é¢a"be té gaxai. Nia™ba u¢an/da ¢an/di nikaci"ga ug¢i” gaxai, gan’/yl 
emerging the made. Moon in the in the person sitting made and 
midst of part in 
i¢afe¢ai ¢inké é té. Nia’ba é¢a"be ati-nandi naq¢i® éga™-nani. 
one seenin the one that the Moon emerging comesregularly, blazes some- usudlly. 
a vision who when (sends up what 
light) 


The black band refers to the night; the circle, to the moon; the cir- 
cumscribed figure is a ghost that he saw in the moon; and the dots 
above the moon refer to the ‘‘ white which stands above the rising sun 
or moon.” Pl. XLIv B shows another tent decoration of the same man. 
The red circle represents the sun, in which stands a man holding the 
ya-cA-ge, or deer rattles, made of the hard or callous knobs found near 
the hoofs of the deer. These knobs are split, hollowed out, and strung 
on sticks. The tent being very large, the figure of the man was al- 


i. 


f 


2. Sar 


See 
Fic. 165.—Tent of Mazi-jinga—ghost vision. Fic. 166.—A tent of Nikugib¢a*. 


most life size, and a real feather was tied to his head. The blue band 
at the bottom may represent night, but there is no certainty about it. 

§ 47. Fig. 166 is the decoration of one of the tents of Ni-ku-¢i-b¢a*, 
father of the present Wacka*-ma?¢i® (Hard Walker), an ex-chief of the 
Omaha. Niku¢ib¢a® was one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder 
shamans, and was regarded as being very ‘“‘qube” or mysterious. The 
black band at the bottom refers to the night, and above it are seen the 
moonandastar. The old man named one of his grandchildren Ha® akipa 
(Meets the Night), after the vision to which the tent decoration refers. 

George Miller furnished the description of Niku¢ib¢a’s tent, obtained 
from an old woman, who is his widow: 

“Ga" wiqti ya™ba-maji ¢aja, u¢dai éga" ana“a™ha. Ga’ ing¢at’ 


And I T did not though they have as I have And Thunder 
myself see him told about heard it. Being 


him 


icllte| 


400 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


i¢a‘e¢a-biama, ada” quonin’ge gaxai té gate. pihuya" ¢a%9A bag¢éjai 
he had a vision of therefore rainbow made it the thatob. Smoke-hole atthe paintedin 


him, they say (past part spots 
act) 

té, é u¢ai ha watijinga igaq¢a" aka, Ma’ciag4 a¢i”’ akti, 4-biama. 

the that toldit . old woman his wife  thesub. On high having had he said, 

(past him reached they say. 

act) there again 

Bya cti maja” ¢é éga", a-biama. Qubé/qti gaxai niaci™ga, dda” 

There too land this like he said, they Very myste- they man there- 

say. rious made him fore 

gi ugd te awatéga" gaxe ga”¢ai yi, ga” éga" gaxai. Bag¢éjai 

tent painted the how to make he wished when at any so he made it. Made spotted 
it rate by painting 


té masi é wakai_ té.” 


he hail that it meant the (past 
act). 


That is, “I myself did not see him, but 
I have heard what was told. They say 
that he had a vision of the Thunder-be- 
ing, so he made that rainbow which ap- 
pears in the figure (Fig. 167). The old 
woman, his widow, has told that he 
painted the top of the tent, near the 
smoke-hole, in spots. They say that he 
said that the Thunder-being had carried 
him up on high, and that the place there 
resembled this world. The man was re- 
garded as very mysterious; therefore he 
decorated his tent according to the 
pattern that he wished to make. The 
painted spots represent hail.” Many years ago, Niku¢ib¢a" said that 


Fic. 167.—Another tent of Niku¢ib¢a*. 


Fig. 168.—Blanket of Cuya-man¢ir. 


he had been carried up into the world above this one, and that he found 


~~ al 


~ 


7 


DORSEY. ] OMAHA MYSTERY DECORATIONS. 401 


it resembled the world in which we live. The rainbow and _ hail de- 
picted on the tent formed part of the vision, but their exact signifi- 
cance has not been explained. 

Cu-ya ma*-¢i", an Omaha, had a vision which gave him the right to 
use the decoration given in Fig. 168. The meanings of the different 
marks have not been learned. Cuya ma*¢i" bequeathed the blanket 
to his son, yaxe-gia" (Flying Crow), now known as Gilbert Morris. 

§48. The old chief ge-sa" (Ta sone of Maj. Long), Distant-white 
Buffalo, father of the chiefs Standing Hawk and Fire Chief, had a vision 
of a cedar tree, which he painted on each side of his tent, as seen in 
Fig. 169. The next sketch (Fig. 170) shows the back part of another 
tent of ye-sa". The blue band near the top is called “ sabe” (black); 
below this is the sun and a blue rainbow; near the bottom are two 
horsetails. The only decorations on the front of the tent are two 
horsetails, one on each side of the entrance. This tent was used by 


Fic. 169,—Tent of e-sa"; vision of a cedar. Fic. 170.—Tent of y,e-sa"; sun and rainbow vision. 


Standing Hawk after the death of his father. This decoration may 
have been made after a vision of horses, as Standing Hawk was a 
member of the order of Horse Shamans (Cange i¢a‘e¢é-ma). George 
Miller speaks thus about it: 

Ga" niacitga akd nikagahi atai ega?’ i¢a‘é¢e da”etéai te, 


And man the sub. chief he was as he had a perheps the (past 

beyond vision act) 

mi’ ¢a? ugai, iyi. Ci can’ge sin’de cti gaxai, hidé 

sun the he painted he paintedthe Again horse tail too he made bottom 
ev.ob. tent with it. 


ké/di. gihuya" dasi ¢a" sabé¢ai. That is, “As the man was a 

at the Smoke hole tip end the part he blackened 

head chief, he may have had a vision, for he occupied a tent on which 

he painted the sun, and he also decorated it with horse-tails at the lower 

part. He painted the border of the smoke-hole a dark blue (yu sabé, 
11 ETH 26 


402 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


which is some-times called, sabé).” “ Teadi ama da™cté égar 
His father the pl. sub. perhaps so 
gaxai tée/di, ijin’ge ama idase¢a-baji ctéwa” éga" gaxe- 
did when his son the pl. they did not have even so they 
sub. visions of it 
na”’-biama, ada" ¢éga" gaxai.” That is, “When the fathers 
usually did, they there- so he did 
say fore 


decorate their tents in consequence of their respective visions, their 
sons (who succeed them) usually imitate them (or dwell in the decor- 
ated tents), even when they themselves have not had visions of the ob- 
ects. Therefore he (i. e., Standing Hawk) did so.” 

George Miller told the following about gede-gahi or Fire Chief, 
another sor of pe-sa™: 

Ci éga® géde-gahi aka ug¢i’i wajya™be. Wata'’zihi 1yi waga'’be 


Again so Fire Chief the he sat in I saw Corn-stalk painted I saw 
sub. it on the 
tent 
¢a”ja, awatéga" i¢apaha"-maji ¢a“ja, nikagahi éga" ega" ug¢in1 te. 
though of what sort I knew not though chief like so he satin the 
(past 
act) 
Watarzi ¢i’ cti waqu’be gaxai. Ki ei’ géde-gahi aké ta’wa'g¢a" 
Corn the col. too mysterious he made and again Fire Chief the gens 
ob. it sub. 
ey ama Wajin’ga-¢ataji ama wahaba pahan’ga ju’t‘a" te’di ¢ata-baji 
his the pl. Bird eat not the pl. ear of corn first matures when they donot 
sub. sub. eat 
wahaba ¢i’, nikaci"ga ama na®/wape ¢até tai te’. Qatai yi, wahaba 
ear of corn the col. people the pl. fear them they will the They if ear of corn 
ob. sub. eat (net) eat 


¢i’, wajin’ga ¢asni’ weyuhai. Inké-sabe akadi cti é¢ga" gaxe-na?- 


the col. bird devour they fear Shoulder black among too so make usu- 
ob. them the ally 
biama gi ugé. Han’ga akadi cti éga® gaxe-na®’-biama qi uga. 
4 s - 5 5 
they say tent paintine Foremost among too so make usu- they say tent painting. 
the ally 


This refers to Fig. 171, and may be thus 
rendered: “And I have likewise seen the 
tent of Fire Chief. It was decorated with 
cornstalks, but I do not know the reason 
for it. He dwelt in such a tent because 
he was a chief. Corn was regarded as 
“waqube,” mysterious. In the sub-geus 
of Fire Chief, the Wajinga-¢ataji, or, those 
who eat no small birds, the people feared 
to eat the first ears of corn that matured, 
lest the small birds (particularly black- 
birds) should come and devour the rest of 
the crop. There was a similar tent decor- 
ation in the Inke-sabe and Hanga gentes.” 
Fic, 171.—Cornstalk decoration of the [) the former, it was used by Waqaga (see 

tents of Fire Chief and Waqaga. 2 

§ 53). The cornstalks and ears were green, 
the tips of the ears were black. There were two similar cornstalks ou 
the back of the tent. 


DORSEY. ] CORN AND THE BUFFALO. 403 


CORN AND THE BUFFALO, 


§ 49. Corn is regarded as a “mother” and the buffalo as a * grand- 
father” among the Omaha and other tribes. In the Osage tradition, 


Tic. 172 —Robe of Ni-¢actage. 
corn was bestowed upon the people by four buffalo bulls or “ grand- 
fathers.”2) Dr. Washington Matthews tells of a similar Arikara belief 
about an ear of corn.’ (See § 42.) 


Fic. 173,—Duba-ma"¢ir’s father’s tent. Fic. 174.—Ma"tcu-na"ba’s tent. 
OTHER OMAHA MYSTERY DECORATIONS. 


§ 50. Among the members of the order of Buffalo (pe i¢a‘e¢é-ma) was 
Ni¢actage, whose robe is shown in Fig. 172. The red band is at the top. 

1See Om. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn. §$123, 163, and several myths in Contr. to N. A. Ethnol- 
ogy, vol. VI. 

4See Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 379. 

3U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No, 7, 1877; Ethnography and Philology of 
Hidatsa Indians, p. 12. 


404 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


The black spots represent the places where the buffaloes play “buffalo 
wallows.” Buffalo hoofs are in blue. 

Duba-ma"¢i"’s father had a vision of horses, hence he wished to de- 
pict horse-tails and tracks on his tent, as found in Fig. 173; but he died 
before he finished it. 

The father of Ma"teu-na"ba had a vision of horses, and bequeathed 
to his son Ma"teu-na"ba the right to decorate his tent in the style shown 
in Fig. 174. The yellow was connected with the vision. When the 
owner dweltin an earth-lodge, the horse-tail was tied to a long pole, 
which was thrust through the opening at the top of the lodge. So when 
he used his skin tent, the horse-tail hung from the top of a long pole 
above the smoke-hole. 

When the Omaha dwelt near the present town of Homer, Nebr., and 
Wackathi was a young child, he wenf out to play, and fell asleep. He 
said that he was aroused by the sounds made by many chickens crow- 


M 


Fia. 175.—Wackathi's tent. Fic. 176.—Tent of unknown Omaha. 


ing and eackling. In those days (fide George Miller) there were no 
white people in that neighborhood; but now in that very place where 
Wacka"hi had the vision, there is a wealthy family living, and besides 
large herds they have a great many chickens. In remembrance of that 
occurrence, Wacka"hi painted his tent with his personal decoration as 
given in Fig. 175. 

An unknown Omaha had a vision of deer, so he decorated his tent 
accordingly. (See Fig. 176.) George Miller could not furnish the man’s 
name. 

§51. Among the members of the order of Grizzly Bear shamans was 
an Omaha named pebita (Frog). The top of his tent was painted yellow, 
as shown in Fig. 177. There was no other decoration; but this yellow 
evidently was connected with a grizzly bear vision, as it appears in the 
decoration adopted by the father of Two Crows, who was not only one 


DORSEY. } OTHER OMAHA MYSTERY DECORATIONS. 405 


of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans (Ing¢a” i¢a‘e¢é-ma) 
but also a member of the orders of Buffalo and Grizzly Bear shamans 
(qe i¢a‘e¢é-ma and Matteu i¢a‘e¢é-ma). (See Pl. xLiv,D, in which a 
grizzly bear is depicted as emerging from his den. ‘The blue part repre- 
sents the ground.) 

This decoration (of the tent of Two Crows’ father) is thus described 
by George Miller: Ma"tct i¢a‘e¢ai ega™ gi té éga™ gaxai. Ma"tca 

Grizzly bear they have as tent the so they make Grizzly 


visions of it std. ob. it bear 
wada”bai té/di qan’de ké ma’taga é¢a"be ti wada/bai, ga éga” 
they see them when ground the within emerging come they see them and so 
lg. ob. 


gaxal gi té. gan’/de ké qi¢é-nai, yi hébe ké zi¢é-na™i.” That is, 
they tent the Ground the they usually tent part the they usually 


make it std. lg. ob. paint blue lg. ob. paint yellow. 
ob. 


“When they have had visions of grizzly bears, they decorate their 
tents accordingly. When they see grizzly bears, they behold them 


Fic. 177.—Tent of yebi'a. Fic. 178.—Tent of a Kansa who had an eagle vision. 


coming out of the ground, aud so they paint the tents. They always 
(or usually) paint the ground blue, and part of the tent they paint in 
a yellow band.” This shows the conventional use of colors. See PI. 
XLIV,£, for the sketch of another tent representing the vision of a grizzly 
bear. 

KANSA MYSTERY DECORATIONS. 


§ 52. Three Kansa decorations follow. They are taken from an 
original sketch made by a Kansa man, known to the white people as 
Stephen Stubbs. The first tent (Fig. 178) is that of a man who had 
fasted and held mysterious communication with an eagle which gave 
him some feathers. He had danced the pipe dance once for some one. 
At the base of this tent are seen two peace pipes on each side of the 
entrance. At the back are a black bear and a large turtle. The 
second tent (Fig. 179) is that of a man who had danced the pipe dance 
three times. Buffalo tails are fastened to the tops of the triangular 


406 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


pieces forming the shelter of the smoke-hole, feathers hang from the 
two shields, and the stars are above and on the base of the tent skins. 
Feathers, shields, and stars are also on the back of this tent. 

Fig. 180 is the tent of aman who has danced the pipe dance four 
times. It is very probable, judging from the stars on the tents, that 


Fic. 179.—Kansa decorated tent. Fic. 180.—Kansa decorated tent. 


the owners of the second and third Kansa tents had had visions. The 
Kansa say that when a man has danced the pipe dance twice, his tent 
‘an be decorated with two cornstalks at the front (one on each side of 
the entrance), and two more at the back. The pipes used in the ecalu- 
met or pipe dance are regarded as “Wakandaja¢ica®” by the Omaha 


Fic, 181.—Marze-guhe’s robe. 


and Ponka, and the inference is that the Kansa and Osage had a sim- 
ilar belief about these pipes and the accompanying dance. Perhaps 
there was a time when no man could undertake the pipe dance unless 
he had a vision of some kind. 


poRsEY.] OMAHA NIKIE DECORATIONS. 407 


OMAHA NIKIE DECORATIONS. 


§ 53. As the gentes of the Omaha and Ponka are regarded as being 
“Wakandaja¢ica’,” the “nikie” and “nikie names” have a religious 
significance. George Miller has furnished 
the ‘author with a few nikie decorations, 
which are now given. 

Ma"ze-guhe, an Omaha, belonged to the 
Watigije sub-gens of the Inke-sabé gens. 
The decoration of his robe (Fig. 181) marks 
the nikie of the sub-gens, as it consisted of 
spiral forms known as ‘“ wat¢igije.” That of 
the tent (Fig. 182) refers to the nikie of the 
entire gens. In the latter case, the buffalo 
head was painted on the back of the tent. 

Duba-ma"¢i", who has a nikie name refer- 
ring to the buffalo, belongs to the Wa¢igije 
sub-gens. His father wore a black blanket / — 
embroidered with beadwork in two rows of y eee 
spirals, between which was a star. All “ 
these figures were made ot white beads. Fic, 182.—Marze-guhe’s tent. 
(See Fig. 185.) 

In the Pipe sub-gens of the Inke-sabé there were several tent decor- 
ations. Of the first, George Miller speaks thus: 


Fic. 183.—Duba-mar¢i"’s father’s blanket. 


Nikaci'’ga-ma_ ta’ wa"g¢a"’-ma niniba t'a"’ ama Inké-sabé akddi 


The people those in the gentes pipe have thepl. Black shoulder among 
sub. the 


408 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


yi ugai, niniba iyi. Ki wédaji-ma  weédaha"-maji, an‘ka-baji 
tent they pipe painted the And those elsewhere Idonot know them they are not so 
paint tent with 
eb¢éga®. Inké-sabé akadi nikagahi aka éga" gaxai eb¢éga*, a” ctewa™ 
I think. Black shoulder among chief thesub. so made Ithink of any pattern 
the 
gaxa-baji eb¢éga®. Niniba waqtbe gaxai yi, niniba ja’ ke béaska 
hedid notmake I think. Pipe mysterious made when pipe wood the flat 
thing lg. ob. 
gaxai, u¢iskail, wajil’/gada  ajii té, ahi" jide ika*tai.” 
made put poreupine birdheads put many the ‘‘deerfur’’ red tied to it. 
work around it on it pastact 


That is, “‘Those persons who belong to 
the Inke-sabé sub-gens known as Keepers 
of the Pipes, paint their tent(s) with the 
pipe decoration. I do not know of any 
other persons, members of other gentes, 
using this decoration; I think that no 
others use it. I think that the Inkesabé 
chief decorates his tent in this manner, 
and that he did not decorate it in any way 
he pleased. When the sacred pipes were 
made (on the tent) the pipestem was made 
flat, porcupine work was put around it, 
several heads of birds were fastened on it, 
and tufts of reddened horses’ hair were 
tied to it at intervals.” (See Fig. 184 and 
Pl. xiv, ¢.) This Inke-sabé tent had only 
two pipes on it—one on each side of the entrance. 

The second Inke-sabé tent decoration is thus described by the same 
authority : 

A‘jin’ga té/di 4i/-ugd¢ie’ waga™’/be yi, ¢ekéga" ug¢i™’i. Niniba maca® 


Fig. 184.—Inke-sabé tent decoration. 


The small when tent dwelt in I saw them when like this they dwelt Pipe quill 
g. ob. in feather 
ug¢é igi waga®/be Niniba t‘a™ akadi, Waqdga éga™ iyi waga?’/be. 
attached painted I saw Pipe had among Burrs so painted Isawthem 
toat the tent the the tent 
right with with 
angles 
Niniba waqibe ké ékiga™’qti ¢a“ja, e maca® ug¢é gaxai, niniba 
Pipe sacred thelg. just like it thongh that quill attached to made pipe 
ob. feather at right angles 


wéawa® akéé hi. Qa™ja niniba ké 6 inikagdhi yiyaxai, niaci”ga 
calumet thatisit . Though pipe thelg. that chief by they make people 
ob. aforesaid means of it themselves 


sees 


ama Ataqti gaxai niniba waqube. Niaci*’ga ama piaji/qti ctéctéwa™, 


the pl. exceed- make it pipe sacred People the pl. very bad notwithstanding 
sub. ingly sub. 


ukit‘é akiki¢agti ma¢i™i ctéctéwa™, kikidéqti ma™¢ir/i ctéctewar’, 
foreign contending they walk notwithstanding shooting often they walk notwithstanding 


nation fiercely together and fiercely 
niniba ke é¢a"be adi ahii yi, u¢tici ké uha ai” at¢ai’ yi, 

pipe thelg. coming they take it when inthe the following they when 

ob. forth thither middle ie: itscourse take it 
ine 

mukicta™ tai’. Téqi gaxai niaci’ga ama. 

they stop will Precious they people the pl. sub. 

shooting at make it 


one another 


porseY.] OMAHA NIKIE DECORATIONS. 409 


That is, “When, in my childhood, I saw the tents in which 
the people dwelt, they were of this sort. (See Fig, 185.) I saw 
the tent decorated with the pipes having 
feathers attached to each pipe at right 
angles. I saw a tent of this sort when it 
was occupied by Waqaga of the Pipe sub- 
gens. (See another tent decoration of this 
man, § 48.) Though these pipes closely 
resemble the peace pipes (niniba waqube), 
they are made with the feathers attached / N 
to the stems at right angles. These are ; 
the pipes used in the pipe dance. By 


means of the pipes the people made for y \ 
themselves that which was equivalent to /. ff AG 
(or, lead to) the chieftainship. So they re- y ra Zea EN 
garded the sacred pipes as of the greatest é Lf SE ahi LA a 
importance. Even when the people were a ee 


very bad, even when different tribes con- 
tinued to struggle with one another; even 
when they shot often at oue another, when some persons came forth 
with the peace pipes, and bore them to a place between the opposing 
forces, carrying them all along the 
lines, they stopped shooting at one 
another. The Indians regarded 
the pipes as precious.” 

A yada nikie tent decoration is 
shown in the tent of Heqaga. (PI. 
)xuiv,c.) This tent had two pipes 
on each side of the tent, doubie the 
number on the Inke-sabeé tent( Fig. 
184). 

Fig. 186 is given as the nikie 
decoration of a robe belonging to 
Wagqaga. The bird on the robe is 
an eagle. Members of the Pipe sub-gens of the Inke-sabé have eagle 
birth names. And we know that Waqaga belonged to that sub-gens. 

The author understood Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows to say, in 
1882, that while nikie names possessed a sacredness, it was only the 
sacredness of antiquity, and ‘that they were not “ Wakandaga¢ica®.” 

But the author now thinks that such a statement needs modifica- 
tion; for, besides what appears at the beginning of this section, we 
know that among the Osage and Kansa the nikie names are associ- 
ated with the traditions preserved in the secret society of seven de- 
grees, and that this applies not only to names of gentes and sub-gentes, 
but also to personal nikie names. The author frightened an Osage in 
January, 1883, by mentioning in public some of this class of names. 


Fic. 185.—Inke-sabé tent decoration. 


Fig. 186.—Waqaga’s robe. 


410 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
OMAHA NTKIE CUSTOMS. 


§ 54. Among the nikie of the Omaha, the following may be men- 
tioned: The Wajintga-¢ataji, or “ Blackbird people,” had a curious 
custom during the harvest season. At that time the birds used to 
devour the corn, so the men of this sub-gens undertook to prevent 
them, by chewing some grains of corn which they spit around over the 
field.’ During a fog, the ye-4" men would draw the figure of a turtle 
on the ground, with its head to the south. On the head, tail, middle 
of the back, and each leg, were placed small pieces of a (red) breech- 
cloth with some tobacco. They imagined that this would make the 
fog disappear very soon.” The yatze gens, being Wind people, flap 
their blankets to start a breeze when mosquitoes abound.’ The ja-da 
gens have a form for the naming of a child on the fifth morning after 
its birth, according to Lion, one of the chiefs of that gens. In the 
feast on the hearts and tongues,’ the Hanga men who belong to the 
sub-gens keeping the sacred pole, eat the buffalo tongues, though the 
buffalo is their “ grandfather” and the eponym of their gens; but 
they can not eat the “qa” or buffalo sides. However, the other Hanga 
men, who can not eat the tongues, are allowed to eat the consecrated 
buffalo sides, after the ceremonies connected with the thanksgiving 
and anointing of the sacred pole. No Omaha child had its hair cut 
until it had been taken to an old man of the ictasanda gens, to have 
the first locks cut, the first moccasins put on the child’s feet, and 
prayers to be said over it. Sometimes the old man said “ yuepaha, 


O grandchild, 
Wakan/da ¢a‘é¢i¢é-de  yaci man¢in/ka si A¢ag¢é tate,” i. e., “O 
Wakanda pity you when a long time soil foot yousetit shall, 
erect on 


grandchild, may Wakanda pity you, and may your feet rest a long 
time on the ground!” Another form was sometimes used—* Wakanda 
¢a‘e¢i¢e tate. Mar¢inka si a¢ag¢e tate. Gudihega™ ne tate,” i. e., 
“May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May 
you go ahead (or, live hereafter)!” 

§55. When there is a “blizzard,” the other Kansa beg the members 
of the Tcihaci" or Ka"ze gens to interpose, as they are Wind people. 
“ni’teigu-e’, haba ya/li ktu™bla eyau’. Cin’gajin’ga  yi'ta 


O grandfather, day good I desire indeed. Child your 
kil’t"’yakiye’ tee au’, a/be au’.” i. e., “They say, ‘O grandfather (said 
you cause him to will. they 

be decorated (or say te 

painted) 


to one of the Ka®ze gens), I wish good weather. Please cause one of 
t=) ?) > 
your children to be decorated !’” Then the youngest son of one of the 


10m. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 238. 4Tbid., pp. 245, 246. 

2Thid., p. 240. 5 Tbid., pp. 290, 291. 

3Tbid., p. 241. ® Thid., p. 295. 

7¥or detailed accounts, see ‘‘Glimpses of Child-life among the Omaha Indians," by Miss A. C. 
Fletcher, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 115-118; and Omaha Sociology, in 8d Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Ethn., pp. 249, 250. 


DORSEY. ] OMAHA AND PONKA TABOOS. All 


Ka"ze men, say one over 4 feet high, is chosen for the purpose, and 
painted with red paint (I’gamat jii/dje i/kik’t™ kiya/be au). The youth 
rolls over and over in the snow and reddens it for some distance all 
around him. This is supposed to stop the storm. 


GOVERNMENTAL INSTRUMENTALITIES, 


§56. Among the Omaha governmental instrumentalities which are 
“Wakandaya¢ica®” are the chiefs, the keepers of the three sacred tents, 
the keepers of the sacred pipes, the gentes, sub-gentes, and taboos, 
none of which can be regarded as fetiches, and the following which ap- 
pear to be fetiches: The sacred pipes (including the war pipes of the Elk 
gens, the two peace pipes kept by the Inke-sabé gens, the mysterious 
objects kept by the “keepers of the pipes” in the @atada, yyanze, Mar. 
¢inka-gaxe, pe-sinde, ya-da, and Ictasanda gentes, and the weawa? or 
pipes used in the calumet dance), the sacred pole, the sacred hide of a 
white buffalo, the sacred arrows of divination, and the sacred clam shell 
of the Elk gens." 


§ 57. OMAHA AND PONKA TABOOS. 


Buttalo skull not touched by— 
1. pe-da it‘aji sub-gens of Q@atada (Omaha). 
2. Watigije sub-gens of Inke-sabé (Om.). 
3. je-sinde gens (Om.). 
4. Part of the Wacabe gens (Ponka). 
5. Part of Necta gens (P.). 
Buffalo tongue not eaten by— 
1. Wat¢igije sub-gens of Inke-sabé (Om.). 
2, Hangaqti or Wacabe sub-gens of Hanga (Om.). 
3. Part of Nikadaona gens (P.). 
4. Part of Wacabe gens (P.). 
5. Part of Necta gens (P.). 
Buffalo (black) horns not touched by part of Inke-sabé gens (Om.). 
Buffalo sides (when consecrated), not eaten by ya waqube ¢ataji sub- 
gens of Hanga gens (Om.). 

Buttalo rib (lowest one, ge¢ij-ucag¢e), not eaten by pe-sinde gens (Om.). 
Buffalo and domestic calf not eaten when the hair is red, but can be 
eaten when the hair turns black, by yje-smde gens (Om.). 
Buffalo calf can not be touched, when its hair is “zi” (yellow or red), by 

a sub-gens of the Necta gens (P.). 
Buffalo calf can not be eaten at any time by— 
1. Ing¢e-jide gens (Om.). 
2. Part of Wacabe gens (P.). 
3. Part of Necta gens (P.). 


1 See pp. 221-251 and Chap. xt of Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn. 


412 : A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Buffalo tail can not be touched by part of Nikadaona gens (P.). 

Deer pot eaten by— 

1. Part of Hisada gens (P.). 

2. Part of Nikadaona gens (P.). 
Male deer not eaten by Elk gens (Om.); but Deer gens can eat venison. 
Skin of any animal of the deer family can not be touched by yada gens 

(Om.). 

Flesh of male elk not eaten by Elk gens (Om.). 

Bladder and sinew of male elk not touched by Elk gens (Om.). 

Elk not eaten by part of Nikadaona gens (P.). 

Turtles not eaten by Turtle sub-gens (Om.). 

Black bear skin not touched by— 

1. Black bear sub-gens (Om.). 

2. Black bear sub-gens (P.). 

Wild-cat skin, not touched by pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.). 

Cranes and swans noteaten by part of Haniga gens (Om.),. 

Swans not touched (formerly?) by Mi®xasa® wet‘aji sub-gens of Ma®- 
¢inka-gaxe gens (Om.). 

Small birds not eaten by Wajifga-¢ataji (Blackbird or Small bird) 
sub-gens of the @atada gens (Om.). They can eat wild turkeys, 
ducks, geese, swans, cranes. When members of this sub-gens, 
are sick they can eat grouse. 

(Small birds) blackbirds, (black ones), swallows, and grouse not eaten 
by part of Hisada gens (P.). 

Reptiles neither touched nor eaten by— 

1. Ietasanda gens (Om.). 

2. Wajaje gens (P.). 

Blood not touched by part of the (ixida gens (P.), hence their name, 
Wami it‘aji. 

Red corn not eaten by a sub-gens of the Inke-sabé gens (Om.). 

Charcoal not touched by— 

1. A sub-gens of the Inké-sabé gens (Om.). 

2. The Pipe sub-gens of the Deer gens (Om.). 

3. A sub-gens of the (ixida gens (P.). 

4, The Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.). 

Verdigris not touched by— 

1. yatze gens (Om.). 

2. Pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.). 

3. Part of the (ixida gens (P.). 

4, Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.). 


« 


FETICHISM. 


§ 58. According to Dr. Tylor, “Fetichism is tne doctrine ot spirits 
embodied in, or attached to, or conveying influence through, certain 
material objects.! 


1 Prim. Culture, vol. 1. p. 132. 


DORSEY. ] FETICHES OF THE TRIBE AND GENS. 413 


Fetiches may be regarded as of two kinds—those pertaining to the 
tribe or gens, and those belonging toindividual members of the social 
organization. Some fetiches are amulets, others are charms. 


YPETICHES OF THE TRIBE AND GENS. 


§ 59. Omaha tribal fetiches.—The sacred pole and white buffalo hide, 
in the keeping of the Hanga gens until a few years ago, but now in the 
Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Mass., 
were regarded by the Omaha as “ wakanda ega®,” i. e., “like Wakandas,” 
or “partaking of the nature of deities.” During the public thanks- 
giving after the buffalo hunt, prayer was made towards the sacred pole.! 

The sacred tent in which the sacred pole ot the two tribes was kept 
was never painted. When the people remained in their permanent vil- 
lages of earth lodges, the entrance of the sacred tent faced the sun- 
rise; but when the tribe migrated, the entrance of the tent faced the 
direction in which they traveled. The pole was never exposed to dew, 
rain, or snow, but was kept within the lodge, during any kind of bad 
weather. It was never laid down, but was 
tied to a tent pole. In good weather it was \/ 
exposed to view. Sometimes it was tied to La 
one of the tent poles near the entrance, as / : 
shown in Fig. 187. When not tied thus, it / : 
rested on a forked post set in the ground, f N 
either in the rear of the tent or in front of / \ 
it. The top of the pole, to which the scalp 
was fastened, projected beyond the forked 
post. When this post was in the rear of the 
tent, the top of the pole pointed towards 
the tent; but when the post was set up in f 
front, the pole pointed in the direction to / \ 
be traveled. The place for the pole in good / \ 
weather was determined by its keeper. SS A 

The people feared the pole, and they would "6. 187.—Sacred tent in which the 
not dare to tread on the tent or its tent- eal 
poles. Should a horse tread on a tent-pole of this tent, its legs were 
sure to be broken subsequently. George Miller knew of two horses 
that did this, and their legs were broken when the people were sur- 
rounding a herd of buffalo. 

Frank La Fleche has told the author about some sacred stone 
arrows which were used for. purposes of divination. Hence, the nikie 
name, Ma® péji, Bad Arrow, i. e. Good Arrow, a personal name of 
the Hanga gens. Other objects, which may have been fetiches, have 
been named in § 56. In addition to all which have been mentioned 
must be named the wa¢ixabe or mysterious bags. While these are not 
governmental instrumentalities, they are “‘waqube” mysterious things, 


‘See Om. Soc., in 3d. An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 295. 


414 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


and on certain occasions they are addressed as “grandfathers.” There 
used to be five of these bags among the Omaha, but only three are now 
in existence. Those which could be carried in time of war were made 
of the skins and feathers of the g¢eda" or pigeon hawk, the i"be-janka 
or fork-tailed hawk, and the nickucku or swallow.! 

ade u¢e¢é, according to Big Elk (but denied by Joseph La Fléche 
and Two Crows) is the mystic rite performed by the principal captain 
when near the camp of the enemy. It is thus described by Big Elk 
(See § 62): 

“Four times he untied the bag which he had made sacred. He caused the wind 
to waft the odor of the medicine toward the lodges. When the medicine arrived 
there, it made the Pawnees forget their warlike temper; it made them forget their 
weapons.” ? 

That there was some foundation for this statement, compare what is 
said in Omaha Sociology, p. 321: 

“When the principal captains wish to open their sacred bags, they assemble their 
followers in a circle, making them sit down. Any of the followers or servants may 
be ordered to make an ‘‘ujeji” in the center of the circle by pulling up the grass, 
then making a hole in the ground (the ‘‘ U-ma-ne of Miss Fletcher*), Then the sacred 
bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each one of whom opens his own 
bag (i. e. the one borrowed by him from its keeper), holding the mouth of the bird 
toward the foe, even when some of the wartiors are going to steal horses.” 

During the ordeal of the “ wastegistu,” as the Omaha call it, the suc- 
cessful warriors were called up, one by one, and as each man stood over 
one of the sacred bags, he addressed the bag itself thus: 


“Han, ite'a’ge-ha, eda/‘da® uwi/b¢a ta minke ¢a™ja, i¢ausi/ecta"—ma’ji 


Ho! old man y what T will tell you though I ten a T not 
16 
uwi/b¢a ta’ minke,” i. e., “Ho, venerable man! though I will tell you 
I will tell you 


something, I will not lie when I tell it to you.” As he spoke he let a 
small stick drop on the bag. It was supposed that if the stick rested 
on the bag instead of rolling off, the man had told the truth (Om. Soe., 
p. 328). 

§ 60. Osage tribal fetiches.—The corresponding Osage custom has been 
described by the author: The old men assembled at the war tent. 
The sacred bags were brought into the tent to test the warriors, who 
were watched very closely by the old men. All the old men who had 
been distinguished in war were painted with the decorations of their 
respective gentes. * * * Each warrior had four sticks about 6 
inches long, and he was required to lay them in succession on the sa- 
cred bag. The warriors were taken in the following order: First, the 
captain, next the lieutenants, then the heralds, after whom came the 
man who had struck the first blow, then he who gave the second blow, 
and so on. As each captain laid his first stick on the bag he said, 
“Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you because I am the one 


3 Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 11, p. 263, note 8. — 
2Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. v1, p. 404. 4In the Am. Naturalist, Feb., 1884, pp. 128, 129. 


DORSEY. ] PERSONAL FETICHES. 415 


who has killed a man.” On laying down the second stick, he said, 
“Ho, O grandfather! I wish to be fortunate in stealing horses! I wish 
our children, too, to be as fortunate as we have been!” When he put 
down the third, he said, ‘‘ Ho, O grandfather! I wish to raise a domestic 
animal. I wish to succeed in bringing it to maturity.” By this he 
meant @ son. The prayer made when the last stick was laid down was 
as follows: “Ho, O grandfather! May we continue a people without 
sustaining any injuries!” Similar petitions were made by the lieuten- 
ants and heralds. He who gave the first blow said, as he laid down 
the first stick, “‘Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you as one who 
has caused another to stun a foe!” Therest of his petitions were those 
made by the captains. He who struck the second blow said as follows, 
on laying down the first stick: ‘Ho, O grandfather! I place this on you 
because I was the next one to strike and stun aman!” The other 
petitions follow, as given above. The first petition of each of the re- 
maining warriors is as follows: ‘‘Ho, O grandfather! I lay this on you 
as a token that I have aided in overcoming the enemy.” 

§61. Kansa tribal Jetiches— Among the Kansa, the following fetiches 
belong to the two Hanga gentes: The war pipe and the war clam shell. 
The war pipe was kept in 1882 by Pahatle-walk’ii, the son of Ali"ka- 
wahu, for the two Hatiga gentes. This pipe has an eye on each side, so 
that it may see the enemy! There is no pipestem, but there is one 
hole to which the mouth is applied, and in the bowl is another hole in 
which the tobacco is placed. The pipe, which is all in one piece, is of 
catlinite, about as thick as two hands. It is never taken from the wrap- 
pings, except when all the men of the two Hanga gentes assemble at 
the lodge of the chief Alitkawahu. The sacred clam shell was kept in 
1882 by Paha*le-gaqli, the chief of the other Hanga gens. Itis wrapped 
in five coverings, similar to those around the war pipe. They are as 
follows: (1.) The innermost covering, the bladder of a buffalo bull; 
(2) next covering, made of the spotted fur of a fawn; (3) made of 
braided rushes or “sa;” (4) avery broad piece of deerskin; (5) the out- 
ermost covering, made of braided hair from the head of a buttalo bull. 


PERSONAL FETICIIES. 


§ 62. qa¢i™-na"paji said that there were some Omaha who considered 
as ““waqube” the skins of animals and the skins and feathers of birds 
used in making their “wa¢ixabe” or mystery bags. Among these birds 
and animals he named the eagle, sparrow hawk, yellow-backed hawk, 
green-necked duck, great owl, swallow, otter, flying squirrel, mink, 
miya ska (“white raccoon” sic), and maza*he. The last is an animal 
resembling an otter. It is covered with thick black and reddish-yellow 
hair, and its tail is bushy. Samuel Fremont said (in 1889) that this 
animal was not found in that part of Nebraska where the Omaha dwelt, 
but that he had heard of its being found among the Dakota. Two 
Crows and Joseph La Fléche never heard of the miya ska and maza*he 


416 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


among their own people; but they said that when the Omaha traveled, 
some used to take with them their respective “‘maka®” or medicines, 
evidently their personal fetiches, for they used to say, “Our medicines 
are wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we 
are to receive from the people to whom we are going.” 

When the Omaha went against the Pawnee during the boyhood of 
the present Big Elk, one of the captains, named Gi‘a™habi, had a war 
club of the kind called ““weaq¢ade.” He made this club “ waqube,” in 
order to use it mysteriously. «When near the camp of the enemy he 
brandished the club four times toward the Pawnees. This was fol- 
lowed by the use of the sacred bag, as related in § 59. 

It is probable that the medicines of the Watci Wa¢upi, Wase-jide 
a¢i"-ma, and the qa¢i®-wasabé watcigaxe ikageki¢é, of the Omaha,! the 
Red Medicine of the Kansa, and the Red Medicine of the Osage 
Maka? oiigse watsi" or Red Medicine Dance, were used as fetiches, as 
they conferred wonderful powers on those who used them. When the 
author was at the Omaha Agency, in 1878, he obtained the following: 
Rocky Mountain beans, which are scarlet, and are called “ Maka® jide” 
or Red Medicine, confer good luck on their owners. If the beans like 
their owners, they will never be lost; even if dropped accidentally, 
they will return to the possession of their owners. Ni-k’ti-mi, an aged 
Oto woman, told one of her granddaughters (then Susette La Fleche, 
known as Bright Eyes after 1879, and now the wife of T. H. Tibbles) 
of her own experience with one of these beans. She had dropped it 
in the grass, but she found it on retracing her steps. It is impossible 
to say whether this scarlet bean was identical with the Red Medicine 
of the Lowa (§ 87), Kansa, and Osage; but it certainly differed from 
that of the Wase-jide a¢i" ma of the Omaha. 

There are sacred or mystery rites practiced by the dancing societies, 
including those to which the waze¢é or doctors belong. Two Crows 
said that he did not know those of his society, the pe i¢a‘e¢é-ma. As 
initiation into one of these societies is very expensive, it is unreasona- 
ble to suppose that Two Crows would communicate the secrets of his 
order for a small sum, such as $1 a day. 


SORCERY. 


§ 63, There have been sorcerers, i. €., Such as prepared love potions for 
those who bought them, and who were thought to cause the death of 
those persons who had incurred their displeasure. The author has been 
told that the sorcerers give a high price for a small quantity of the 
catamenial discharge of a virgin. It is mixed with a love potion, and 
when the compound is administered to a man he can not help courting 
the woman, even when he knows that he does not love her. 


'See Om. Soc., pp. 349-351. 


DORSEY JUGGLERY. 417 
JUGGLERY. 


§ 64. Ickade or sleight of hand exists not only in the secret societies 
but also along with the practice of medicine, government, and religion. 
Some of the Omaha and Ponka doctors of the first class (the waze¢é, 
not the maka” a¢i*-ma or root doctors) pretend to draw sticks from the 
bodies of their patients, or worms from aching teeth, saying that those 
things are the causes of the diseases. Every disease is a “nie” or 
“pain,” and there must be a cause for that pain. 

§ 65. In 1872 Big Grizzly Bear, a subordinate Ponka chief, told the 
following to the author: ‘One day Whip, a head chief, said, ‘I am 
going to make the sun blue.’ And he did so. Then he said, ‘I am 
going to pull out some of the hair of the man in the moon.’ He held 
up his hands to show that they had no hairin them. Then he. began 
to sing. Suddenly he had some bloody hair in each hand. Ga-qi-de 
ma*-¢i" and a great many others were witnesses. Once, when the Ponka 
were destitute of food, Buffalo Bull, the father of Grizzly Bear’s Har, 
said, ‘I will use magic.’ His wife replied, ‘Please do so” So he made 
a pile of earth about 2 feet high and shot four arrows into it. A large 
deer was slain, furnishing them with plenty to eat.” 

In 1871 the author saw an exhibition of the skill of Cramped Hand 
and Bent Horn, two Ponka shamans. One afternoon, near sunset, about 
two hundred persons, mostly Indians, stood in a large circle around a 
tent in which sat the shamans and their assistants. Presently the 
shamans and the aged chief, Antoine Primeau, came out of the tent 
and stood within the circle. One of the shamans, Cramped Hand, 
danced along the inner side of the circle, exhibiting a revolver (Allen’s 
patent), one chamber of which he seemed to load as the people looked 
on. After he had put on the cap, he handed the weapon to the chief, 
who fired at the shaman. Cramped Hand fell immediately, as if badly 
wounded. Bent Horn rushed to his relief and began to manipulate 
him. It was not long before Cramped Hand was able to crawl around 
on his hands and knees, though the bullet had apparently hit him in 
the mouth. He groaned and coughed incessantly, and after a tin basin 
was put down before him he coughed up a bullet which fell in the ba- 
sin, and was shown in triumph to the crowd. This is told merely to 
show how the Indian juggler has adopted some of the tricks of his 
white brother. In a few moments Bent Horn danced around, showing 
to each of us an object which appeared to be a stone as large as a man’s 
fist, and too large to be forced into the mouth of the average man. 
Cramped Hand stood about 10 or 15 feet away and threw this stone 
toward Bent Horn, hitting the latter in the mouth and disappearing. 
Bent Horn fell and appeared in great pain, groaning and foaming at 
the mouth. When the basin was put down before him, there fell into 
it, not one large stone, but at least four small ones. We were told that 
the chief, Antoine, had to give a horse for the privilege of shooting at 
the shaman. 

11 ETH——27 


418 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


It is probable that some of the Omaha shamans performed similar 
tricks, though the author has been unable to obtain any accounts of 
them. 

§ 66. He was fortunate, however, in making the acquaintance of the 
chief ‘‘wakandagi,” or shaman of the Kansa, when at Kaw Agency, 
in the winter of 1882. This man, Nixiidje-yinge, was very communi- 
cative. He said that there used to be ten shamans in the tribe, and 
all had round pebbles which they blew from their mouths against the 
persons whom they ‘“yilii"xe” or “shot in a mysterious manner.” 
The arrow of the shamans was called “ Mi-pa-ha,” which is a name of 
the Buffalo gens. This missile was made of part of the red-breasted 
turtle. 

A woman named Sa?-si-le had two ‘‘maka®” (medicines, fetiches?) 
which she used for “ickade” or “wakandagi wagaxe” (magic, sha- 
manistic legerdemain). She could swallow a knife; and when she 
swallowed a certain kind of grass she drew a green snake from her 
mouth. John Kickapoo’s father had a red medicine, which was used 
for women who desired to become enciente, for horses, and for causing 
good dreams. Nixiidje-yinge’s mother, who was a shaman, has a small 
pebble and a clam shell, which she used in her mystery acts. 

Pagani had a “sika-hyuka” or “needle” (so represented by Ni- 
xiidje-yinge, but it may not have been a steel needle), which he swal- 
lowed and voided through the urethra. Gahige-wadayinga used to 
stab himself with a ‘‘mahi"sii” or arrow-point, about 6 inches long, 
causing the blood to spurt from his left shoulder as he danced. The 
other shamans used to spurt water on his back from their mouths, 
while he held his arms horizontally from his body, with the forearms 
pointing upward. When they finished no wound could be found. One 
shaman had a fish called “hu blaska” or flat fish, to which he talked 
He made a necklace of the skin, and he used it for “ yili™xe.” 

Wakanda-zi had the skin of a small black bear as his sacred bag. 
As he danced he held it by the tail and shook the skin. After shoot- 
ing the round pebble from his mouth at a person he thrust the bear. 
skin at the wounded man, drawing it back very quickly. The round 
pebble was drawn into the mouth of the bear and dropped on the 
ground when the skin bag was held with the tail up. 

He who wished to be shot at handed a gun to some one, who shot 
him in the side, much blood escaping. He seemed to be dead; but the 
shamans assembled and manipulated him. One put the mouth of the 
otter (of the otterskin sacred bag) to the mouth of the patient in order 
to perform the act called “‘liipayi=” (to raise up or resuscitate his own), 
Then, “Zii/be aka eyati tuhnan’ge aka,” i. e., when the bag was drawn 
away rapidly, the otter made the sound “ziibe,” as when one draws 
in the breath, and the bullet was in its mouth. On the patient’s re- 
covery he gave a horse to the man who shot at him. 

Majiige-zi had a clam shell and a snake that he used in his sleight-of- 


norsey.| OMAHA AND PONKA BELIEF AS TO A FUTURE LIFE. 419 


hand acts. He also swallowed “mahi*-tu,” a kind of green grass about a 
foot long and as thick as a pencil. Before swallowing this, he warmed 
it at a fire. He rubbed himself on his chest after swallowing it, saying, 
“Let alllook at me!” Then he called to him a man to act as his assistant. 
He coughed and in the assistant’s hand there was a snake, which he 
took around the circle of spectators, showing it to every one, though 
no one handled it. On his returning the snake to Mange-zi, the latter 
swallowed it and coughed up the long grass. 

Nixiidje-yinge said that there were eight objects used by the sha- 
mans for ‘‘ shooting,” the needle; flint (?) arrow head; beaver teeth; the 
half of a knife blade, i. e., that part next to the point; the fish-fan, 
made of ‘“‘huqtci” or “real fish;” the red medicine; the hiyadadaxe or 
medicine bag that was caused to fly; and the tuhnange, or otter skin 
bag. (See §§ 292-295, 307.) 


OMAHA AND PONKA BELIEF AS TO A FUTURE LIFE. 


§ 67. They have a very crude belief. Each person is taught to have a 
wanaxe or spirit, which does not perish at death. According toJoseph 
La Fléche and Two Crows, the old men used to say to the people, 
“Giuda® yi, wanaxe uda®-maya ci tate. (ipiiji yi, wanaxe piiiji-maya 
ci tate,” i. e., “If you are good, you will go to the good ghosts. If you 
are bad, you will go to the bad ghosts. Nothing was ever said of go- 
ing to dwell with Wakanda, or with demons.' 

Rey. William Hamilton found a belief that retribution is in this life, 
and he says, “‘ Their notions are exceedingly crude.” 

§ 68. Frank La Fleche told the author before 1882 that he had heard 
some old men relate a tradition that years ago a man came back to 
life and told about the spirit land. He said that for four nights after 
death the ghost had to travel a very dark road, but that after he 
reached the Milky Way there was plenty of light. For this reason, 
said he, the people ought to aid their deceased friends by lighting fires 
at the graves, and by keeping them burning for four nights in each 
ease. After going along the Milky Way, the ghost came at last to a 
place where the road forked; and there sat an aged man, clothed in a 
buffalo robe with the hair outside. (See § 3594.) He said nothing, but 
pointed to each inquirer the road for which he asked. One road was 
a very Short one, and he who followed it soon came to the place where 
the good ghosts dwelt. The other road was an endless one, along 
which the ghosts went crying. The spirits of suicides could not travel 
either road; but they hovered over their graves. But Joseph La 
Fléche and Two Crows (in 1882) said that the road of the ghosts was 
not the Milky Way, and they regarded the account of the endless road 
as a modern addition, which is very probable. The latest statements 


1Compare the Oregon story: No Indians go after death to the upper world to dwell with Qawaneca. 
Am. Anthropologist, Jan., 1889, p. 60. 


420 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


of Frank La Fléche are given in the Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. 11, No. 
4, pp. 10,11: 

There are a variety of beliefs concerning the immediate action of the spirit upon 
its withdrawal from the body. Some think that the soul at once starts upon its 
journey to the spirit land; others, that it hovers about the grave as if reluctant to 
depart. Because of this latter belief, food and water are placed at the head of the 
grave for several days after the burial. ‘The spirit is supposed to partake of this 
food. No Indian would touch any article of food thus exposed; if he did, the ghost 
would snatch away the food and paralyze the mouth of the thief, and twist his face 
out of shape for the rest of his life; or else he would be pursued by the ghost, and 
food would lose its taste, and hunger ever after haunt the offender. There is a be- 
lief in the tribe that before the spirits finally depart from men who died of wounds 
or their results, they float toward a cliff overhanging the Missouri, not far from the 
present Santee Agency, in Nebraska, and cut upon the rocks a picture showing forth 
their manner of death. A line in the picture indicates the spot where the disease 
or wound was located which caused the death. After this record is complete, the 
spirit flies off to the land of the hereafter. It is said that these pictures are easily 
recognized by the relatives and friends of the deceased. This place is known as 
In-g¢a"’-xe yi-yd-xai ¢a",'! or, Where the spirits make pictures of themselves. A 
suicide ceases to exist; for him there is no hereafter. A man struck by lightning is 
buried where he fell, and in the position in which he died. His grave is filled with 
earth, and no mound is raised over one who is thus taken from life. 

In 1873 some of the Ponka said they had the following beliefs con- 
cerning a murderer: (1) The ghosts surround him and keep up a con- 
stant whistling; (2) he can never satisfy his hunger, though he eat 
much food; (3) he must not be allowed to roam at large lest high 
winds arise. 

It is important to compare this whole section with the Dakota beliefs 
found in §§ 266-278. 

The author was told by the Omaha that when a man was killed by 
lightning, he ought to be buried face downwards, and the soles of his 
feet had to be slit. When this was done, the spirit went at once to the 
spirit land, without giving further trouble to the living. In one case 
(that of a Wejitcte man, Jadegi, according to George Miller and Frank 
Le Fleéche)’ this was not done, so it was said that the ghost walked, 
and he did not rest in peace till another person (his brother) was slain 
by lightning and laid beside him. 

When Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows heard what Frank had told 
about the Milky Way, etc., they remarked, ‘‘ We have never been to the 
spirit land, so we can not tell what is done there. No one has ever 
come back and told us.” All that they had ever heard was the old 
story about the forked road. 

§ 69. Gahige, the late chief of the Inke-sabé (a buffalo gens), told the 
author about the address made to a member of his gens, when dying. 
According to him, the person was addressed thus: ‘‘ You are going to the 
animals (the buffalos). You are going to your ancestors. Anita dé- 
baha hné (which may be rendered, You are going to the four living ones, 


' This name is given in the notation of the Bureau of Ethnology, net as published by Mr. La Fleche. 
2See Jour. Am. Folklore, Vol. 1, No. 6, p. 190, 


DORSEY.] KANSA BELIEFS RESPECTING DEATH, ETC. 421 


if not, the four winds). Wackan/-ga(Be strong).” Gahige was under- 
stood to speak of four spirits or souls to each person, but Joseph La 
Fléche and Two Crows said that the Omaha did not believe that a per- 
son had more than one spirit. Two Crows gave the following as the ad- 
dress to a dying member of his gens, the Hanga, another buffalo gens: 
“Waniga etajya” ¢ati. Gar @ya ¢agdé taté ha. Ga" didu¢agag¢aji te 


Quadruped from you And thith- yougo shall . And youdonotface will 
have er this way (please) 
come 

ha’. Hné té’ga ca®’ca™ mar¢in’-ga ha,” i. e., “You came hither from the 
you go tothe always walk thou U 


animals. And you are going back thither. Do not face this way again. 
When you go, cortinue walking.” The last sentence is a petition to the 
departing spirit not to return to this earth to worry or injure the surviv- 
ors. That the dead are referred to as still existing, and as having some 
knowledge of what is happening here, may be seen from the address to 
a Ponka chief at his installation: “@iddi gahi, ¢iji¢é gahi, ¢igiga® 
gahi, A4mustaqti ¢ida’be ma*’¢i" tai;” i. e., “Your father was a chief, 
your elder brother (i. e., his potential elder brother, Ubiska, a former 
head chief of the Ponka) was a chief, and your grandfather was a 
chief; may they continue to look directly down on you!”! 

§ 70. Those who boil sacred food, as for the warpath, pour some of 
the soup outside the lodge, as an offering to the ghosts. (Omaha cus- 
tom.) 

There has been no belief in the resurrection of the body, but simply 
one in the continued existence of the ghost or spirit. While some of the 
Iowas expressed to Mr. Hamilton a belief in the transmigration of spirits, 
that doctrine has not been found among the Omaha and Ponka, nor 
has the author heard of it among other Siouan tribes. 

Not all ghosts are visible to the living. They may be heard without 
being seen. One Omaha woman, the mother of Two Crows, told how she 
had been in a lodge with many persons, who were invisible from the 
knees upward.’ 


KANSA BELIEFS RESPECTING DEATH AND A FUTURE LIFE. 


§ 71. When the author was at Kaw Agency, Indian Territory, in the 
winter of 1882-83, a man named Ho-sa-sa-ge died. After the represen- 
tatives of all the gentes had assembled at the house, Wakanda (named 
after the Thunder-being), the father-in-law of the deceased, removed the 
lock of hair called the “ghost,” and took it to his own house, weeping as 
he departed. 

When Mr. Say was among the Kansa* he obtained the following in- 
formation about their beliefs concerning death and the future life: 

When a man is killed in battle the thunder is supposed to take him up, they do 


10m. Soc., p. 360. 

2See ‘‘Death and Funeral Customs of the Omahas,"’ by Francis La Flesche, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 
Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 4, 5. 

3See James's Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, Vol. 1., p. 125. 


422 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


not know whither. In going to battle each warrior traces an imaginary figure of 
the thunder on the soil; he who represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder. 
A person saw this thunder one day on the ground, with a beautiful moccasin on each 
side of it. Having need of a pair, he took them and went his way; but on his return 
to the same spot the thunder took him off, and he has not since been heard of. 

They seem to have vague notions about the future state. They think that a brave 
man or a good hunter will walk in a good path; but a bad man and a coward will 
find a bad path. Thinking thatthe deceased has far to travel, they bury with his 
body moccasins, some articles of food, ete., to support him on the journey. Many 

_ persons, they believe, who have revived have been, during their apparent death, to 
strange villages, where they were not treated well by the people, so they returned 
to life. 

The author, when among the Kansa, in the winter of 1882-83, learned 
the following, which differs from anything he has ever obtained else- 
where: “The Kansa believe that when there is a death the ghost re- 
turns to the spirit village nearest the present habitat of the living. 
That is to say, all Indians do not go to one spirit village or ‘happy 
hunting ground,’ but to different ones, as there is a series of spirit vil- 
lages for the Kansa, beginning with the one at Council Grove, where 
the tribe dwelt before they removed to their present reservation in In- 
dian Territory, and extending along both sides of the Kansas River to 
its mouth, thence up the Missouri River, as far as the tribe wandered 
before meeting the Cheyennes (near the State line), thence down the 
river to the mouth of Osage River, and so on, down to the mouths of the 
Missouri and Ohio rivers,” ete. 


COHCAS Vitel) Rigel Vie. 
LOIWERE AND WINNEBAGO CULTS. 


§72. The Rev. William Hamilton, who was a missionary to the Iowa 
and Sac Indians of Nebraska, from 1837 to 1853, is the authority for most 
of the lowa material in this chapter. About the year 1848, he pub- 
lished a series of letters about the Lowa Indians in a Presbyterian 
weekly newspaper, and with his permission the present writer tran- 
scribed these letters in 1879, for his own future use. 

Other information about the three paiwere tribes (lowa, Oto and Mis- 
souri) was obtained by the author from Ke-yredse, an Oto; Ckagoinye, 
a Missouri; and the delegation of lowa chiefs that visited Washington 
in 1882. 

The principal Winnebago authority was James Alexander, a full- 
blood and a member of the Wolf gens. 


TERM “GREAT SPIRIT” NEVER HEARD AMONG THE IOWA. 


Mr. Hamilton wrote thus in one of his letters: 

It is often said that the Indians are not idolaters, and that they believe in one 
Supreme Being, whom they call the Great Spirit. I do not now recollect that I ever 
heard the Iowas use the term Great Spirit since I have been among them. They 
speak of God (Wakanta), and sometimes of the Great God or Bad God. But of the 
true character of God they are entirely ignorant. Many of them speak of God as the 
creator of all things, and use a term that signifies ‘Creator of the earth.” Some- 
times they call him ‘‘Grandfather” (hi*tuka). But they imagine him to be pos- 
sessed of like passions with themselves, and pleased with their war parties, scalp 
dances, thefts, and such like sin * * * They sometimes speak of the sun as a 
god, because it gives light and heat. The moon they sometimes speak of as a god, 
because it seems to be to the night what the sun is to the day. I asked an Indian 
the other day how many gods the Iowas had, and he promptly replied, ‘Seven.’ 


THE SUN A WAKANTA, 


§73. An Iowa told Mr. Hamilton that he had once killed a bear, which 
he offered to the sun, allowing the animal to lie where he had killed it. 


THE WINDS AS WAKANTAS. 


§74, An Iowa told Mr. Hamilton that Tatece, or Wind, was one of the 
seven great gods of his tribe. Another told him that he had made 
offerings to the South Wind, who was considered a beneficent Wakanta. 
But the North-east Wind was a maleficent one. 

Judging from some of the Winnebago personal names, it is probable 


that the winds were regarded as powers by that people. 
423 


424 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
THE THUNDER-BEING A WAKANTA. 


§75. Among the lowa and Oto, the Tcexita is the eagle and thunder- 
bird gens, and Mr. Hamilton was told by the Iowa that the Thunder-be- 
ing was called, Tcexita, and Wakanta, the latter being its peculiar title. 
“They supposed the Thunder-being to bea large bird. When they first 
hear the thunder in the spring of the year, they have a sacred feast in 
honor of this god.” 

The Winnebago called the Thunder-being ““Waka"tea-ra,” and one 
division of the Bird gens is the Waka"tea ikikaratea-da, or Thunder- 
being sub-gens. The Thunder-beings are the enemies of the Waktceqi 
or Submarine Wakantas. One person in the Thunder-being sub-gens 
is named Five-horned Male, probably referring to a Thunder-being 
with five horns! Other personal names are as follows: Green Thun- 
der-being, Black Thunder-being, White Thunder-being, and Yellow 
Thunder-being; but James Alexander, a full-blood Winnebago of the 
Wolf gens, says that these colors have no connection with the four 
winds or quarters of the earth (See § 381). 

The Iowa told Mr. Hamilton of a Winnebago who saw a Thunder- 
being fighting a subaquatie power. Sometimes the former bore the 
latter up into the air, and at other times the subaquatic power took 
his adversary beneath the water. The Winnebago watched them all 
day, and each Power asked his assistance in overcoming the other, 
promising him a great reward. The man did not know which one to 
help; but at last he shot an arrow at the subaquatic power, who was 
carried up into the air by the Thunder-being, but the wounded one 
said to the man, “You may become a great man yourself, but your 
relations must*die.” And so they say it happened. He became very 
great, but his relatives died. 

When the warriors returned home from an expedition against their 
enemies, they plaited grass and tied the pieces around their arms, 
necks, and ankles. Sometimes to each ankle there was a trailing 
piece of plaited grass a yard long. This was probably associated, as 
were all war customs, with the worship of the Thunder-being (See 
Chap. III, § 35). 

SUBTERRANEAN POWERS. 


§76. An Indian became deranged from the use of whisky, and ran wild 
for several days. The Iowa supposed that his madness was caused 
by asubterranean power, whom he had seen, and whose picture he 
had drawn on the ground, representing it with large horns. 


SUBAQUATIC POWERS. 


§ 77. Some Iowaclaim to have seenthem. No Heart (Natce-nine) told 
Mr. Hamilton that he had seen a “water god in the Missouri river, 
when a man was drowned. When a person is drowned they some- 


DORSEY. ] ANIMALS AS WAKANTAS. 425 


times say that the god who lives in the water has taken him for a serv- 
ant. Nota year since, some Lowa went over the river for meat. A 
young girl sat down in the canoe with her load on her back. When 
near the shore the canoe was upset accidentally, and the girl was 
drowned. The men thought that they heard a god halloo in the water, 
and that he had taken her. One told me that the gods of the air (i. e. 
the Thunder-beings) fought the gods of the water, and when the latter 
came out of the water, the former stole upon them and killed them.” 
The subterranean and subaquatic powers are called “waktceqi” by 
the Winnebago, and this tribe has a gens called Waktceqi ikikara- 
teada. The Winnebago say that the waktceqi dwell under the ground 
and the high bluffs, and in subterranean water, that they are caused 
to uphold the earth, trees, rivers, etc., and that they are the enemies 
of the Thunder-beings (§ 386). In the Winnebago Waktceqi gens are 
the following personal names: Black Waktceqi, White Waktceqi, 
Green Waktceqi, ‘‘Waktceqi that is sa"” (which may be gray or 
brown), Four Horned Male, Two Horned Male, and Lives in the Hill. 


ANIMALS AS WAKANTAS. 


§ 78. Mr. Hamilton wrote that the Iowa often spoke about the bufta- 
loes, whom they regarded as gods, addressing them as “Grandfathers.” 
He also told of a doctor whom he met one day; the doctor seized a 
joint-snake that was handed him by another doctor, calling it his “god,” 
spoke of it as being good medicine, and after putting its head into his 
mouth, he bit it twice. 


APOTHEOSES. 


§ 79. “They also seem to think that human beings may become gods, 
and in this respect they are like the Mormons.” 


DWELLINGS OF GODS. 


§ 80. “‘ High rocks are supposed by the Iowa to be the dwellings of 
gods.” ‘There is a Winnebago tradition that a woman carrying her 
child was running from her enemies, so she jumped down a steep place 
and was turned intoarock. And now when they pass that place they 
make offerings to her.” 


WORSHIP. 


§ 81. “One ot their most common acts of worship, and apparently one 
of daily occurrence, is observed when a person is about to smoke his 
pipe. He looks to the sky and says, ‘Wakanta, here is tobacco!’ (See 
§§ 29, 40, ‘Nini bahai té.’) Then he puffs a mouthful of smoke up 
towards the sky, after which he smokes as he pleases.” ‘They also 
make offerings of tobacco by throwing a small quantity into the fire.” 


426 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


“They frequently offer a small portion of food at their feasts, before 
they begin eating.” 

Mr. Hamilton saw dogs hung by their necks to trees or to sticks 
planted in the ground, and he was told that these dogs were offerings. 
‘‘No Heart told me that when the smallpox raged among them about 
fifty years ago” (i.e. about 1798), “and swept off so many, that they 
made a great many offerings.” Said he, ‘‘ We threw away a great many 
garments, blankets, etc., and offered many dogs to God. My father 
threw away a flag which the British had given him. When we had 
thrown away these things, the smallpox left us.” These offerings to 
God (literally, to Wakanta) were the means of checking it. “To throw 
away,” in Lowa, is the same as ‘to offer in sacrifice.” 


TABOOS. 


§ 82. Mr. Hamilton was told by the Iowa that no member of any gens 
could eat the flesh of the eponymic animal. 

The author gained the following taboos from a Missouri, Ckaq9e-yine 
or Ckajoinye, who visited the Omaha in 1879: The members of the 
Tuna"p’i", a Black Bear gens in the Oto and Nyut’atci (or Missouri) 
tribes can not touch a clam shell. The Momi people, now a subgens of 
the Missouri Bird gens, abstain from small birds which have been killed 
by large birds, and they can not touch the feathers of such small birds. 


PUBLIC OR TRIBAL FETICHES.! 


§ 83. Among these are the sacred pipes, the sacred bags, or waru- 
xawe, and the sacred stone or iron. The sacred pipes are used only 
on solemn occasions, and they are kept enveloped in the skin wrap- 
pers. The sacred bags, or waruxawe, are made from the skins of ani- 
mals. They are esteemed as mysterious, and they are reverenced as 
much as Wakanta. Among the Winnebago (and presumably among 
the giwere tribes) no woman is allowed to touch the waruxawe. 
There used to be seven waruxawe among the Iowa, ‘‘related to one 
another as brothers and sisters,” and used by war parties. On the re- 
turn from war the seven bags were opened and used in the scalp dance. 
They contained the skins of animals and birds with medicine in them, 
also wild tobacco and other war medicine, also the war club. There 
used to be seven war clubs, one for each waruxawe, but during the 
last expedition of the Lowa, prior to the date of Mr. Hamiltoi’s letters, 
the war club and pipes or whistles were lost from the principal bag. 
The next kind of sacred bags, the Waci waruxawe, numbered seven. 
They were the bad-medicine bags, by means of which they professed to 
deprive their enemies of power, when they had discouraged them by 
blowing the whistles. Owing to this enchantment, they said, their 
enemies could neither shoot nor run, and were soon killed. The next 


See § 58. 


DORSEY. ] TABOOS—TRIBAL FETICHES. 427 


kind were the Tce waruxawe, or buffalo medicine bags. They were 
not used in war, but in healing the wounded. These bags contain 
medicine and the sticks with the deer hoofs attached which they shake 
while treating the sick; also a piece of buffalo tail, and perhaps a piece 
from the skin covering the throat of an elk. 

The Ta waruxawe, or deer medicine bags, contain the sacred otter 
skins used in the Otter dance. (See § 86.) 

In some of the sacred bags are round stones, which the warriors rub 
over themselves before going to war, to prevent their being killed or 
wounded. 

The waruxawe is always carried with the same end foremost, the 
heads of the animals or birds being placed in the same direction, and 
care is taken to keep them so. (See § 28.) On one occasion a leader 
broke up a war party by turning the bag around. 

The lowa claim to have a mysterious object by which they try men, 
or make them swear to speak the truth. This mysterious iron or stone 
had not been gazed upon within the recollection of any of the Iowa 
living in 1848. It was wrapped in seven skins. No woman was al- 
lowed to see even the outer covering, aud Mr. Hamilton was told that 
he would die if he looked at it. 

Ckayoinye, the Missouri, told the author that there were four Tu- 
na"p’it men who kept sacred pipes (raqnowe waqonyita®), their names 
being Weqa-nayi", Cu"-yiqowe, Na*Sradraqoe, and Na®joe-yine. It is 
probable that two of these men belong to the Tuna”p’i® gens of the Oto 
tribe and two to the Tuna™p’i” gens of the Nyut’atci tribe, as these 
two tribes have been consolidated for years. In the Aruqwa or Buffalo 
gens of the Oto, [oe-jo-nayi" and yoe-waneyihi are the keepers of the 
sacred pipes of that gens. 


SYMBOLIC EARTH FORMATIONS OF THE WINNEBAGO. ! 


§ 84. The Winnebago tent used for sacred dances is long and narrow; not more 
than 20 feet wide and varying from 50 to 100 feet long. 

In the Buffalo dance, which is given four times in the month of May and early 
June, the dancers are four men anda large number of women. As the dancers enter 
each woman brings in a handful of fine earth and in this way two mounds are raised 
in the center at the east—that is, between the eastern entrance and the fire, which 
is about 15 feet from the eastern entrance. The mounds thus formed are truncated 
cones. An old man said to me, ‘That is the way all mounds were built; that is 
why we build so for the buffalo.” 

The mounds were about4 inches high and not far from 18 inches in diameter. On 
top of the mounds were placed the head-gear worn by the men, the claws, tails, and 
other articles used by the four leaders or male dancers. , 

The men imitate the buffalo in his wild tramping and roaring, and dance with 
great vigor. They are followed by a long line of gaily decked women in single file. 
Each woman as she dances keeps her feet nearly straight and heels close together, 
and the body is propelled forward by a series of jerks which jars the whole frame, 
but the general effect on the long, closely packed line is that of the undulating 
appearance of a vast herd moving. 


1 Miss Fletcher in Am. Assoc. Ady. Sci., Proc. Minneapolis meeting, 1883, Salem, 1884. pp. 396, 397. 


428 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


The women dance with their eyes turned toward the ground and with their hands 
hanging closely in front, palms next to the person. The track left by their feet is 
very pretty, being like a close-leaved vine. It is astonishing to notice how each 
woman can leap into her predecessor’s track. Water is partaken of and the entire 
dance is clearly indicative of the prayer for increase and plenty of buffalo. The 


two mounds remind one of larger structures and suggest many speculations, partic- 


ularly when taken in connection with the manner of their building. 

In the great mystery lodge, whence so many of the sacred societies among other 
tribes professedly take their rise and inspiration, the fire is at the east, and is made 
by placing four sticks meeting in the center and the other ends pointing to the four 
points of the compass.'! Just at that part of the initiation of the candidate when 
he is to fall dead to the old life, be covered as with a pall, and then be raised to the 
new life, the remains of the four sticks are taken away and the ashes raised ina 
sharp conical mound, again suggesting hints of a peculiar past. 

Upon the bluffs of the Missouri, on a promontory * *~ * isa little depression 
cutin the ground, cireular in form, with an elongated end at the east. The depression 
is 1 foot in diameter and about 6 inches deep. Placing my compass in the center, 
the long end or entrance was found to be exactly to the east. To the south of this 
sacred spot, for it is cleared and cleaned * * * every year, stood a large cedar 
tree, now partly blown down. This was the sacred tree on which miraculous imper- 
sonation of visions lit; and here the spirits tarried as they passed from one resting 
place to another going over the country. About every 50 miles there is one of these 
strange, supernatural resting places. 


PERSONAL FETICHES. 


§85. All medicines were regarded as mysterious or sacred. The heart 
of a slain enemy was sometimes dried and put in the medicine bag to 
be pulverized and mixed with the other medicines. ‘One or two days 
before a war party started from the village of the Iowa, the man who 
was to carry the sacred bag hid it while the others busied themselves 
with preparing sacred articles” (probably their personal fetiches). 
“The hunters often brought in deer, after eating which, the warriors 
painted themselves as they would do if they expected to see an enemy. 
Next, one of their number measured a certain number of steps in front, 
when each man took his place, and knelt down. As soon as the word 
was given, each one pulled away the grass and sticks, moving backwards 
till he came to the poles, when he arose. Then each placed his own 
sacred objects (personal fetiches?) before him, and began his own song. 
While singing, they opened their sacred objects, asking for good luck. 
They sang one song on opening them (as among the Kansa, see § 36), 
and another while putting them back into their places, a song being 
supposed necessary for every ceremony in which they engaged. In the 
conversations which ensued, they were at liberty to jest, provided they 
avoided common or vulgar terms.” 


DANCING SOCIETIES. 


There is very probably some connection between these societies and 
the cults of the tribes now under consideration. (See §§ 43, 62, 111,113, 
120, et passim.) 


1 See $$ 33 and 40. 


DORSEY.] DANCING SOCIETIES. 429 
THE OTTER DANCING SOCIETY. 


§86. The members of this order shot at one another with their otter- 
skin bags, as has been the custom in the Wacicka dancing society of 
the Omaha (Om. Soc., pp. 345, 346). Some have said that they waved 
their otter-skin bags around in order to infuse the spirit of the otter 
into a bead in its mouth, and that it was by the spirit of the otter that 
they knocked one another down. Each one who practiced this dance 
professed to keep some small round object in his breast to cough it up 
before or during the dance, and to use it for shooting one of his com- 
panions in the neck. He who was thus shot did in turn cough up the 
mysterious object, and at the end of the dance each member swallowed 
his own shell or pebble. 


THE RED MEDICINE DANCING SOCIETY. 


§ 87. The Indians used*to obtain in the prairies, towards the Rocky 
Mountains, an object about the size of a bean or small hazelnut and of 
a red color. Mr. Hamilton was told that it grew on bushes, and that 
it was considered to be alive, and they looked on it as a mysterious 
animal. In the red medicine dance the person who makes the medi- 
cine kills the animals by crushing the beans and boiling them in a large 
kettle filled with water. This drink is designed for or appropriated by 
a few members, and they drink the liquid when it is quite hot. The 
more that they drink the more they desire, and they seem able to drink 
almost any quantity. It produces a kind of intoxication, making them 
full of life, as they say, and enabling them to dance a long time. (See 
§ 62.) 


GREEN CORN DANCE. 


§ 88. This dance did not originate with the lowa. It is said that the 
Sac tribe obtained it from the Shawnee. It is held after night. Men 
and women dance together, and if any women or men wish to leave 
their consorts they do it at this dance and mate anew, nothing being 
urged against it. 


BUFFALO DANCING SOCIETY. 


§ 89. The lowa have the buttalo dance, and by a comparison of Mr. 
Hamilton’s description of it, and his account of the buffalo doctors, and of 
the medicine or mystery bag of buffalo hide, with what has been learned 
about the Omaha order of buffalo shamans (see § 43), it seems probable 
that among the Lowa this dance was not participated in by any but those 
who had had visions of the buffalo, and that there was also some con- 
nection between all three—the dancing society, the buffalo doctors, and 
the mysterious bag of buffalo hide. As among the Omaha, the buffalo 
doctors of the Lowa are the only surgeons. 


430 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
LOIWERE TRADITIONS. 


§ 90. The yzoiwere tribes have traditions of their origin similar to 
those found among the Osage, Kansa, and Ponka, and these traditions 
are considered as “ waqonyita",” or mysterious things, not to be spoken 
of lightly or told on ordinary occasions. 

As among the Osage and Kansa, the traditions tell of a period when 
the ancestors of the present gentes dwelt, some in the upper world, 
and others in the ground (or in the world beneath this one). 

Mr. Hamilton’s informant said, “These are sacred things, and I do 
not like to speak about them, as it is not our custom to do so except 
when we make a feast and collect the people and use the sacred pipe.” 
These traditions were preserved in the secret societies of the tribes. 
They explain the origin of the gentes and subgentes, of fire, corn, the 
pipes, bows and arrows, ete. 

It is probable that similar secret societies exist among the Winne- 
bago. James Alexander, a Winnebago of the Wolf gens, told a part 
of the secret tradition of his gens, in which appear some resemblances 
to the yoiwere traditions, such as the creation of four kinds of wolves, 
and their dwelling underground, or in the world beneath this one. 
(See §§ 381, 383.) 


BELIEF IN FUTURE LIFE. 


That the yoiwere believed in the existence of the ghost or spirit 
after death is evident from what Mr. Hamilton observed : 


They often put provisions, a pitcher of water, and some cooking utensils on the 
grave for the use of the spirit for some time after burial. * * * At the time of 
burial, they often put new clothing and ornaments on the corpse, if they are able, 
and place by its side such things as they think necessary. I once saw a little child 
with some of its playthings which its mother had placed by it, in her ignorance, 
thinking that they would be pleasing to it. ~ * * They are generally careful for 
a year or so, to keep down all the weeds and grass about the grave, perhaps for 10 
feet around. 


OMEN IP ML ID ey AYic 
DAKOTA AND ASSINIBOIN CULTS. 
ALLEGED DAKOTA BELIEF IN A GREAT SPIRIT. 


§ 92. That the Dakota tribes, before the advent of the white race, 
believed in one Great Spirit, has been asserted by several writers; but 
it can not be proved. On the contrary, even those writers who are 
quoted in this study as stating the Dakota belief in a Great Spirit, 
also tell us of beliefs in many spirits of evil. Among the earlier writ- 
ers of this class is Say, who observes: 

Their Wahconda seems to be a protean god; he is supposed to appear to different 
persons under different forms. All who are favored with his presence become medi- 
cine men and magicians in consequence of their having seen and conversed with 
Wahconda, and of having received from him some particular medicine of wondrous 
efficacy. 

The same writer records that ‘‘Wahconda” appeared sometimes as 
a grizzly bear, sometimes as a bison, at others as a beaver, or an owl, 
or some other bird or animal.' It is plain that Say mistook the generic 
term, “‘ Wahconda,” for a specitic one. (See §§ 6, 21-24.) 

Shea says: 

Although polytheism did not exist, although they all recognized one Supreme 
Being, the creator of all, *~ * * they nowhere adored the God whom they knew. 
* * * The demons with which they peopled nature, these alone, in their fear they 
sought to appease. * * * Pure unmixed deyil-worship prevailed throughout the 
length and breadth of the land.* 


§ 93. Lynd made some very pertinent remarks: 


A stranger coming among the Dakotas for the first time, and observing the endless 
variety of objects upon which they bestow their devotion, and the manifold forms 
which that worship assumes, at once pronounces them pantheists. A further ac- 
quaintance with them convinces him that they are pantheists of no ordinary kind— 
that their pantheism is negative as well as positive, and that the engraftments of 
religion are even more numerous than the true branches. Upon asuperficial glance 
he sees naught but an inextricable maze of gods, demons, spirits, beliefs and counter- 
beliefs, earnest devotion and reckless skepticism, prayers, sacrifices, and sneers, 
winding and intermingling with one another, until a labyrinth of pantheism and 
skepticism results, and the Dakota, with all his infinity of deities appears a creature 
of irreligion. One speaks of the medicine dance with respect, while another smiles 
at the name—one makes a religion of the raw fish feast, while another stands by and 
laughs at his performance—and others, listening to the supposed revelations of the 


'Say, in James’s Account of Long's Exped. Rocky Mts., Vol. 1, 268. 
2Shea, Amer. Cath. missions, p 25. 


431 


432 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


circle dance, with reverent attention, are sneered at by a class who deny in toto the 
wakan nature of that ceremony.! 

In common with all nations of the earth the Dakotas believe in a Wakantanka or 
Great Spirit. But this Being is not alone in the universe. Numbers of minor deities 
are scattered throughout space, some of whom are placed high in the scale of power. 
Their ideas of the Great Spirit appear to be that He is the creator of the world and 
has existed from all time; but after creating the world and all that is in it He sank 
into silence and since then has failed to take any interest in the affairs of this 
planet. They never pray to Him, for they deem Him too far away to hear them, or 
as not being concerned in their affairs. No sacrifices are made to Him, nor dances 
in His honor. Of all the spirits He is the Great Spirit; but His power is only latent 
or negative. They swear by Him at all times, but more commonly by other divini- 
ties.” 

Yet Lynd is not always consistent, for he says on another page (71) 
of the same work: “No one deity is held by them all as a superior object 
of worship.” 

§ 94, Pond writes: 

Evidence is also wanting to show that the Dakotas embraced in their religious 
tenents the idea of one supreme existence, whose existence is expressed by the term 
Great Spirit. If some clans at the present time entertain this idea it seems highly 
probable that it has been imparted to them by individuals of European extraction. 
No reference to such a being is found in their feasts, fasts, or sacrifices. Or if there 
is such a reference at the present time it is clear that it is of recent origin and does 
not belong to their system. It isindeed true that the Dakotas do sometimes appeal 
to the Great Spirit when in council with white men, but it is because they them- 
selves have embraced the Christian doctrines. Still, it is generally the interpreter 
who makes the appeal to the Great Spirit, when the Indian speaker really appealed 
to the Taku Wakan, and not to the Wakantanka. Itistrue that * * * allthe 
Dakota gods * * * aremortal. They are not thought of as being eternal, except 
it may be by succession." 

The author agrees with Pond in what he says about the average 
Indian interpreter of early days, who seldom gave a correct rendering 
of what was spoken in council. But at the present time great improve- 
ment has doubtless been observed. 

It should be remembered that Messrs. Riggs and Pond were mission- 
aries to the Dakotas, while Messrs. Say, Shea, and Lynd must be 
classed among the laity. Yet the missionaries, not the laymen, are the 
ones who make the positive statements about the absence of a belief 
in one Great Spirit. 


RIGGS ON THE TAKU WAKAN. 


§ 95. Riggs remarks: 


The religious faith of the Dakota is not in his gods as such. It is an intangible, 
mysterious something of which they are only the embodiment, and that in such a 
measure and degree as may accord with the individual faney of the worshiper. 
Each one will worship some of these divinities and neglect and despise others; but 
the great object of all their worship, whatever its chosen medium, is the TA-KOO 


observed among the Omaha and Ponka, especially §§ 21-24. 
2Tbid, pp. 64-65. 
3Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 11, pt. 3, p. 34. 


DORSEY.] MEANING OF ‘‘ WAKAN.” 433 


WAH-KON, which is the supernatural and mysterious. No one term can express the 
full meaning of the Dakota’s Wakan. It comprehends all mystery, secret power, 
and divinity. * * * All life is Wakan. So also is everything which exhibits 
power, whether in action, as the winds and drifting clouds, or in passive endurance, 
as the bowlder by the wayside.' 


MEANING OF “‘WAKAN.” 


In the mindof a Dakota * * * this word Wah-kon (we write, wa-kan) covers 
the whole field of their fear and worship. Many things also that are neither feared 
nor worshiped, but are simply wonderful, come under this designation. It is related 
of Hennepin that when he and his two companions were taken captive by a Sioux 
war party, as they ascended the upper Mississippi one of the men took up his gun 
and shot a deer on the bank. The Indians said, ‘‘ Wah-kon chi ?”—Is not this mys- 
terious? And from thatday * * * the gun has been called Mah-za wah-kon, 
mysterious iron. This is shortened into Mah-za-kon. The same thing we may 
believe is true when, probably less than two centuries ago, they first saw a horse. 
They said ‘“‘Shoon-ka wah-kon,” wonderful dog. And from that day the horse has 
been called by the Sioux wonderful dog, except when it has been called big dog, 
Shoon-ka tonka. These historical facts have satisfied us that the idea of the Great 
Spirit ascribed to the Indians of North America does not belong to the original 
theogony of the Sioux, but has come from without, like that (sic) of the horse and 
gun, and probably dates back only to their first hearing of the white man’s God.2 


Taku Wakan.—This is a general term, including all that is wonder- 
ful, incomprehensible, supernatural—what is wakan; but especially 
covering the objects of their worship. Until used in reference to our 
God, it is believed that the phrase was not applied to any individual 
object of ‘worship, but was equivalent to “the gods.’ As tuwe, aho, 
refers to persons, and taku, what, to things, the correctness of Riges’s 
conclusion can hardly be questioned, provided we add that the Dakota 
term, Taku Wakan, could not have conveyed to the Dakota mind the 
idea of a personal God, using the term person as it is commonly em- 
ployed by civilized peoples. 


DAIMONISM. 
§ 96. Lynd says: 


The divinities of evil among the Dakotas may be called legion. Their special 
delight is to make man miserable or to destroy him. Demons wander through the 
earth, causing sickuess and death. Spirits of evil are ever ready to pounce upon 
and destroy the unwary. Spirits of earth, air, fire, and water (see § 36) surround 
him upon every side, and with but one great governing object in view—the misery 
and destruction of the human race.* 


ANIMISM, 


§ 97. Their religious system gives to everything a soul or spirit. 
Even the commonest sticks and clays have a spiritual essence attached 


1 Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 56, 57. 
? Riggs in Am. Antiq., Vol. 11, No. 4, p. 265; and in Am. Philolog. Assoc. Proc., 1872, pp. 5, 6. 
° Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. u, No. 4, p.266. Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 1, pt.3, p.33. Smet, 
op. cit., 120, note. 
4Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 1, pt. 2. 
1l ETH 28 


434 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


to them which must needs be reverenced; for these spirits, too, vent 
their wrath upon mankind. Indeed, there is no object, however trivial, 
but has its spirit.! 

Tn his article on the Mythology of the Dakotas,’ Riggs says of the 
Dakota: 


They pray to the sun, earth, moon, lakes, rivers, trees, plants, snakes, and all kinds 
of animals and yegetables—many of them say, to everything, for they pray to their 
guns and arrows—to any object, artificial as well as natural, for they suppose that 
every object, artificial as well as natural, has a spirit which may hurt or help, and 
so is a proper object of worship. 

Lynd says: ; 

The essentially physical cast of the Indian mind (if I may be allowed the ex- 
pression) requires some outward and tangible representation of things spiritual 
before he can comprehend them. The god must be present, by image or in person, 
ere he can offer up his devotions. * * * Similar to this ‘belief in a spiritual 
essence” is the general Dakota belief that each class of animals or objects of a like 
kind possesses a peculiar guardian divinity, which is the mother archetype. *~ ~ * 
Sexuality is a prominent feature in the religion of the Dakotas. Of every species 
of divinity, with the exception of the Wakantanka, there is a plurality, part male 
and part female. Even the spirits, which are supposed to dwell in the earth, twigs, 
and other inanimate substances, are invested with distinctions of sex. 


§98. Pond asserts that “evidence is wanting to show that these 
people divide their Taku-wakan into classes of good and evil. They 
are all simply wakan.” * 


PRINCIPAL DAKOTA GODS. 


The gods of the Dakotas are of course innumerable; but of the 
superior gods these are the chief: The Unktelii, or god of the water; 
the Wakinyan, or thunder god; the TakuSkanskan, or moving god; 
the Tunkan, Inyan, or stone god; the Heyoka god; the Sun; the Moon; 
the Armor god; the Spirit of the Medicine Sack; and the Wakantanka, 
who is probably an intrusive deity.° 


MISS FLETCHER ON INDIAN RELIGION. 


§99. The following remarks are those of a later writer, Miss Fletcher: 


The Indian’s religion is generally spoken of as a nature and animal worship. The 
term seems too broadcast and indiscriminate. Careful inquiry and observation fail 
to show that the Indian actually worships the objects which are set up or men- 
tioned by him in his ceremonies. The earth, four winds, the san, moon, and stars, 
the stones, the water, the various animals, are all exponents of a mysterious life 
and power encompassing the Indian and filling him with vague apprehension and 
desire to propitiate and induce friendly relations. The latter is attempted not so 
much through the ideas of sacrifice as through more or less ceremonial appeals. 
More faith is put in ritual and a careful observance of forms than in any act of 
self-denial in its moral sense, as we understand it. The claim of relationship is 
used to strengthen the appeal, since the tie of kindred among the Indians is one 
which can not be ignored or disregarded, the terms grandfather and grandmother being 


1 Lynd, Ibid., p. 67. 2Am. Antiq., vol. v, 149. 3 Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 67, 68. — 
4Tbid., pt. 3, p. 33. 5 Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 61, et passim. 


DORSEY. ] PRAYER. 435 


most general and implying dependence, respect, and the recognition of authority. 
(See §§ 9, 100.) 

One of the simplest and most picturesque explanations of the use of the varied ~ 
forms of life in the Indian worship was given to me by a thoughtful Indian chief, 
He said: ‘Everything as it moves, now and then, here and there, makes stops. 
The bird as it flies stops in one place to make its nest, and in another to rest in its 
flight. A man when he goes forth stops when he wills. So the god has stopped. 
The sun, which is so bright and beautiful, is one place where he has stopped. The 
moon, the stars, the winds, he has been with. The trees, the animals, are all where 
he has stopped, and the Indian thinks of these places and sends his prayers there to 
reach the place where the god has stopped and win help and a blessing.” 

The vague feeling after unity is here discernible, but it is like the cry of a child 
rather than the articulate speech of a man. To the Indian mind the life of the 
universe has not been analyzed, classified, and a great synthesis formed of the parts: 
To him the varied forms are equally important and noble. A devout old Indian 
said: ‘‘The tree is like a human being, for it has life and grows ; 80 we pray to it 
and put our offerings on it that the god may help us.” In the same spirit the apol- 
ogy is offered over a slaughtered animal, for the life of the one is taken to supple- 
ment the life of the other, “that it may cause us to live,” one formula expresses it. 
These manifestations of life, stopping places of the god, can not therefore be accu- 
rately called objects of worship or symbols; they appear to be more like media of 
communication with the permeating occult foree which is vaguely and fearfully 
apprehended. As a consequence, the Indian stands abreast of nature. He does 
not face it, and hence can not master or coerce it, or view it scientifically and apart 
from his own mental and emotional life. He appeals to it, but does not worship it.! 


PRAYER. 


§ 100. Every power is prayed to by some of the Dakota and Assini- 
boin. Among the accessories of prayer the Dakota reckons the fol- 
lowing: (a) Ceremonial wailing or crying (Géya, to weep, wail; whence, 
éékiya, to ery, to pray, and wocéékiye, prayer), sometimes accompanied 
by articulate speech (§§ 177, 208); (b) the action called yuwi*tapi (yuwin’- 
tapi) described in § 24; (c) holding the pipe with the mouthpiece toward 
the power invoked, as the Heyoka devotees sometimes do (§§ 223, 224) ; 
(d) the use of smoke from the pipe or the odor of burning cedar needles 
(§§ 159, 168); (e) the application of the kinship terms, “grandfather” 
(or its alternative, ‘“‘ venerable man”) to a male power, and ‘“ grand- 
mother” to a female one (§§ 99, 107, 239); (f) sacrifice, or offering of 
goods, animals, or pieces of one’s own flesh, ete. (see § 185). 


SACRIFICE. 


§101. The radical forms of worship among the Dakota, according to 
Lynd, are few and simple. One of the most primitive is that of Wo- 
enapi (WoSsnapi) or Sacrifice. To every divinity that they worship they 
make sacrifices. Even upon the most trivial occasions the gods are 
either thanked or supplicated by sacrifice. The religious idea it carries 
with it is at the foundation of the every-day life of the Dakota. The 
wohduze or taboo has its origin there; the wiwayyag wacipi or sun- 


1 Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. m1, p. 276, note. 


436 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


dance (§§ 141-211) carries with it the same idea; the wakay wohanpi or 
sacred feast (feast of the first-fruits) is a practical embodiment of it; 
and haymdepi or god-seeking of the extreme western tribes is but a 
form of self-sacrifice. No Dakota in his worship neglects this ceremony. 
It enters into his religious thoughts at all times, even at the hour of 
death. The sacrifices made upon recovery from sickness are never 
composed of anything very valuable, for the poverty of the Indian will 
not permit this. Usually a small strip of muslin, or a piece of red cloth, 
a few skins of some animals, or other things of no great use or value are 
employed. Sometimes a pan or kettle is laid up for a sacrifice. But 
after a short time, the end for which the sacrifice was made is attained, 
and it is removed. Those in need of such things as they see offered in 
sacrifice may take them for their own use, being careful to substitute 
some other articles. Perhaps the most common forms of sacrifice are 
those which are made in the hunt. Particular portions of each animal 
killed are held sacred to the god of the chase or some other deities. If 
a deer is killed, the head, heart, or some other part of it is sacrified by 
the person who-has slain it. The part sacrificed differs with different 
individuals. In ducks and fowls the most common sacrifice is of the 
wing, though many sacrifice the heart, and a few the head. This cus- 
tom is called wohduze, and is always constant with individuls, i. e., the 
same part is always sacrificed. The other wohduze or taboo is con- 
nected with the wotawe or armor,' and will be described hereafter 
(§ 125). 

§102. Haymdepi or god-seecking.—Haymdepi or god-seeking is a form 
of religion among the Dakotas that points back to a remote antiquity. 
The meaning of the word, in its common acceptation, appears to be 
greatly misunderstood by some. Literally, it means only to dream, and 
is but another form of hayma; but in its use it is applied almost wholly 
to the custom of seeking for a dream or revelation, practiced by the 
Sisitonwan, Ihanktonwanna, and Titonwan (Sioux), and by the Crow, 
Minnetaree, Assiniboin, and other western Dakota. In this respect 
it has no reference whatever to the common dreams of sleep, but means 
simply the form of religion practiced. 

If a Dakota wishes to be particularly successful in any (to him) im- 
portant undertaking, he first purifies himself by the Inipi or steam 
bath, and by fasting for aterm of three days. During the whole of 
this time he avoids women and society, is secluded in his habits, and 
endeavors in every way to be pure enough to receive a revelation from 
the deity whom he invokes. When the period of fasting is passed he 
is ready for the sacrifice, which is made in various ways. Some, pass- 
ing a knife through the breast and arms, attach thongs thereto, which 
are fastened at the other end to the top of a tall pole raised for that pur- 
pose; and thus they hang, suspended only by these thongs, for two, 
three, or even four days, gazing upon vacancy, their minds being in- 


1 Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vel. 1, pt. 2, p. 72. 


DORSEY. ] HANMDEPI. 437 


tently fixed upon the object in which they desire to be assisted by the 
deity, and waiting for a vision from above. Once a day an assistant is 
sent to look upon the person thus sacrificing himself. If the deities 
have vouchsafed him a vision or revelation, he signifies the same by 
motions, and is released at once; if he be silent, his silence is under- 
stood, and he is left alone to his reverie. 

Others attach a buffalo hair rope to the head of a buffalo just as it is 
severed from the animal, and to the other end affix a hook, which is 
then passed through the large muscles in the small of the back, and 
thus fastened they drag the head all over the camp, their minds mean- 
while being fixed intently, as in the first instance, upon the object in 
which they are beseeching the deity to assist them. 

A third class pass knives through the flesh in various parts of the 
body, and wait in silence, though with fixed mind, for a dream or reve- 
lation. A few, either not blessed with the powers of endurance or else 
lacking the courage of the class first named, will plant a pole upon the 
steep bank of a stream, and attaching ropes to the muscles of the arm 
and breast, as in the first instance, will stand, but not hang, gazing 
into space, without food or drink, for days. 

Still another class practice the haymdepi without such horrid self- 
sacrifice. For weeks, nay, for months, they will fix their minds intently 
upon any desired object, to the exclusion of all others, frequently cry- 
ing about the camp, occasionally taking a little food, but fasting for 
the most part, and earnestly seeking a revelation from their god.' 

§103. Similar testimony has been given respecting the Mandan, Hi- 
datsa, and Arikara, though this last tribe belongs to the Caddoan 
stock. Smet wrote thus about them: 

They cut off their fingers and make deep incisions in the fleshy parts of the body 
before starting for war, in order to obtain the favors of their false gods. On my last 
visit to these Ricaries, Minataries, and Mandans I could not discern a single man at 
all advanced in years whose body had not been mutilated, or who possessed his full 

“number of fingers.” 

In treating of the religious opinion of the Assiniboin, Smet says: 

Some burn tobacco, and present to the Great Spirit the most exquisite pieces of 
buffalo meat by casting them into the fire; while others make deep incisions in the 
fleshy parts of their bodies, and even cut off the first joints of their fingers to offer 
them in sacrifice.* 

Lynd says: 

§104. Frequently the devout Dakota will make images of bark or stone, and, after 
painting them in various ways and putting sacred down upon them, will fall down 
in worship before them, praying that all danger may be averted from him and his. 
It must not be understood, however, that the Dakota is an idolater. It is not the 
image that he worships, * * * but the spiritual essence which is represented by 
that image, and which is supposed to be ever near it.+ 


1 Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 11, pt. 2, pp. 72, 76, 77. 
2Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 92. 

$Thbid., p. 134. 

4Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 67. 


438 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


This plausible distinction has been made by persons of different 
nations at various periods in the world’s history, but it seems to be of 
doubtful value. 


USE OF PAINT IN WORSHIP. 


§ 105. In the worship of their deities paint forms an important feature. 
Scarlet or red is the religious color for sacrifices, while blue is used by 
the women in many of the ceremonies in which they participate (§§ 374, 
375). This, however, is not a constant distinction of sex, for the women 
frequently use red or scarlet. The use of paints the Dakotas aver was 
taught them by the gods.! 

For accounts of the Sun-dance and a sacrifice to the Dawn, see §§ 141, 
211, 215. 


THE UNKTEHI, OR SUBAQUATIC AND SUBTERRANEAN POWERS. 


§ 106. The gods of this name, for there are many, are the most powerful 
of all. In their external form they are said to resemble the ox, only 
they are of immense proportions. They can extend their horns and 
tails so as to reach the skies. These are the organs of their power, 
According to one account the Unktelii inhabit all deep waters, and 
especially all great waterfalls. Two hundred and eleven years ago, 
when Hennepin and Du Luth saw the Falls of St. Anthony together, 
there were some buffalo robes hanging there as sacrifices to the Unktelii 
of the place.” 

§107. Another account written by the same author informs us that 
the male Unktelii dwell in the water, and the spirits of the females 
animate the earth. Hence, when the Dakota seems to be offering 
sacrifices to the water or the earth, it is to this family of gods that the 
worship is rendered. They address the males as “grandfathers,” and 
the females as “‘grandmothers.” It is believed that one of these gods 
dwells under the Falls of St. Anthony, in a den of great dimensions, 
which is constructed of iron.* 

§108. “The word Unktelii defies analysis, only the latter part giving 
us the idea of difficult [sic], and so nothing can be gathered from the 
name itself of the functions of these gods. But Indian legend generally 
describes the genesis of the earth as fromthe water. Some animal, as 
the beaver [compare the Iowa and Oto Beaver gentes, Paca and Paq¢a.— 
J. 0. D.] living in the waters, brought up, from a great depth, mud to 
build dry land.”* According to the Dakota cosmogony, this was done 
by the Unktelii, called in the Teton dialect Unktcexila or Unkéegila. 
(Compare the Winnebago, Waktceqi ikikaratcada or water-monster 
gens, and the Wakandagi of the Omaha and Ponka, see §§7,77). 


‘Lynd, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 80. 

‘Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. 11, p. 266. 

‘Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 62. See Maza or Iron names of Indians in the author's forthcoming 
monograph on Indian Personal Names. 

4Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol. U, p. 267. 


DORSEY. ] POWER OF THE UNKTEHI. 439 


§ 109. The Iowa and Oto tribes have among their nikie names, Ni 
watcike, Water Person, and Niwa"cikemi, Water Person Female. If 
these do not refer to the beaver, they may have some connection with the 
water monsters or deities. An Omaha told the author a Yankton legend 
about these gods of the waters. The wife of the special Unkteliicoveted 
an Indian child and drew it beneath the surface of the river. The father 
of the child had to offer a white dog to the deity in order to recover his 
son; but the latter died on emerging from the water, as he had eaten 
some of the food of the Unktelii during his stay with the deity. After 
awhile the parents lost a daughter in like manner, but as she did not eat 
any of the food of the Unktelii, she was recovered after an offering of 
four white dogs.! 

Smet tells of offerings made by the Assiniboin to ‘‘the water” and 
“the land,” but it is probable that they were made to the Unktelii.” 

§ 110. The Dakota pray to lakes and rivers, according to Riggs,® but 
he does not say whether the visible objects were worshiped or whether 
the worship was intended for the Unktelii supposed to dwell in those 
lakes and rivers. , 

POWER OF THE UNKTEHI. 

§111. These gods have power to send from their bodies a wakan in- 
fluence which is irresistible even by the superior gods. This influence is 
termed “tonwan.” This power is common to all the Taku Wakan. And 
itis claimed that this tonwan is infused into each mystery sack which 
is used in the mystery dance. <A little to the left of the road leading 
from Fort Snelling to Minnehaha, in sight of the fort, is a hill which is 
used at present as a burial place. This hill is known to the Dakota as 
“Taku Wakan tipi,” the dwelling place of the gods. Itisbelieved that 
one of the Unktelii dwells there. 

§ 112. The Unktelii are thought to feed on the spirits of human be- 
ings, and references to this occur in the nystic songs. The mystery feast 
and the mystery dance have been received from these gods. The sacri- 
fices required by them are the soft down of the swan reddened with ver- 
milion, deer skins, dog, mystery feast and mystery dances. 

In Miss Fletcher’s article on “The Shadow or Ghost Lodge: A cere- 
mony of the Ogallala Sioux,” we read that 2 yards of red cloth are 
“carried out beyond the camp, to an elevation if possible, and buried 
in a hole about 3 feet deep. This is an offering to the earth, and the 
chanted prayer asks that the life, or power in earth, will help the 
father” of the dead child “in keeping successfully all the requirements 
of the ghost lodge.’ (See § 146.) 


SUBORDINATES OF THE UNKTEHI. 


The subordinates of the Unktelii are serpents, lizards, frogs, ghosts, 
owls, and eagles. The Unktelii made the earth and men, and gave the 


1Contr. N. A. Ethn. vol. v1, pp. 357—358. 3 Am. Antiq., vol. Vv. p. 149. 
? Missions and Missionaries, p. 136, 4 Rept. Peabody Musenm, vol. wu, p. 297. 


440 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Dakota the mystery sack, and also prescribed the manner in which some 
of those pigments must be applied which are rubbed over the bodies of 
their votaries in the mystery dance, and on the warrior as he goes into 
action. 


THE MYSTERY DANCE. 


§ 113. Immediately after the production of the earth and men, the 
Unktelii gave the Indians the mystery sack and instituted the Wakan 
wacipi or mystery dance. They ordained that the sack should consist 
of the skin of the otter, raccoon, weasel, squirrel, loon, one variety of 
fish, and of serpents. It was also ordained that the sack should contain 
four species of medicines of wakan qualities, which should represent 
fowls, medicinal herbs, medicinal trees, and quadrupeds. The down 
of the female swan represents the first, and may be seen at the time of 
the dance inserted in the nose of the sack. Grass roots represent the 
second, bark from the roots of the trees the third, and hair from the 
back or head of a buffalo the fourth. These are carefully preserved in 
the sack. From this combination proceeds a wakan influence so pow- 
erful that no human being, unassisted, can resist it. 

Those who violated their obligations as members of the Mystery dance, 
were sure of punishment. If they went into forests, the black owl was 
there, as a servant of the Unktelii; if they descended into the earth, 
they encountered the serpent; if they ascended into the air, the eagle 
would pursue and overtake them; and if they ventured into the water, 
there were the Unktelii themselves.! An account of the mystery or 
medicine dance is given by Pond, op. cit., pp. 37-41. 

“Those Dakotas,” said Lynd, “who belong to the medicine dance es- 
teem the Unktelii as the greatest divinity. Among the eastern Dakotas 
the medicine dance appears to have taken the place of these more bar- 
barous ceremonies (i. e., the self-tortures of the hanmdepi, piercing of 
the flesh, ete.)—among the Winnebagoes entirely.” 

The Omaha do not have the sun dance, but the wacicka a¢i", answer- 
ing to the Dakota mystery dance, is said to be of ancient use among 
them. 

“Indeed, the medicine dance, though an intrusive religious form, may 
be considered as an elevating and enlightening religion in comparison 
with the hanmdepi.’”” 


THE MINIWATU, 


§ 114. The Teton Dakota tell of the Miniwatu, Wamnitu,’ and Mini 
wasiéu, all of which are probably names for the same class of monsters, 
the last meaning ‘“ Water God or Guardian Spirit.” These powers are 
said to be horned water monsters with four legs each. “They make 


‘Pond, Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll, vol. 11, pp. 35-38. 

*Lynd, Ibid., pt. 2, pp. 71-77. Riggs, in Amer. Philolog. Assoc. Proc, 1872., p. 6. 

*A picture of ‘‘ Wah-Menitn, the spirit or god in the water,” is given onp. 161 of Lloyd’s transla- 
tion of Maximilian, London, 1843. 


DORSEY.] THE MINIWATU. 441 


waves by pushing the water toward the lowlands; therefore, the In- 
dians prefer to encamp on or near the bluffs. They fear to swim the 
Missouri River on account of the water monsters, who can draw people 
into their mouths.” Can these be the Unktelii, whom the Teton call 
Unkéegila? 

§ 115, “Long ago,” according to Bushotter, “the people saw a strange 
thing in the Missouri River. At night there was some red object, shin- 
ing like fire, making the water roar as it passed upstream. Should any 
one see the monster by daylight he became erazy soon after, writhing 
as with pain, and dying. One man who said that he saw the monster 
described it thus: ‘ It has red hair all over, and one eye. A hornis in 
the middle of its forehead, and its body resembles that of a buffalo.’! 
Its backbone is like a cross-cut saw, being flat and notched like a 
saw or cog wheel. When one sees it he gets bewildered, and his eyes 
close at once. He is crazy for a day, and thenhedies. The Teton 
think that this matter is still in the river, and they eall it the Miniwatu 
or water monster. They think that it causes the ice on the river to 
break up in the spring of the year.” 

The Teton say that the bones of the Unkéegila are now found in the 
blufts of Nebraska and Dakota. 


THE WAKINYAN (WAKINYAN), OR THUNDER-BEINGS. 


§ 116. The name signifies the flying ones, from kinyan, to fly. The 
thunder is the sound of their voices. The lightning is the missile or 
tonwan of the winged monsters, who live and fly through the heavens 
shielded from mortal vision by thick clouds. By some of the wakan 
men it is said that there are four varieties of the form of their external 
manifestation. In essence, however they are but one. One of the 
varieties is black, with a long beak, and has four joints in his wing. 
Another is yellow, without any beak at all; with wings like the first, 
except that he has six quills in each wing. The third is scarlet, and 
remarkable chiefly for having eight joints in each of its enormous pin- 
ions. The fourth is blue and globular in form, and itis destitute of both 
eyes and ears. Immediately over the places where the eyes should be 
there is a semicircular line of lightning resembling an inverted half 
moon from beneath which project downward two chains of lightning 
diverging from each other in zigzag lines as they descend. Two plumes 
like soft down, coming out near theroots of the descending chains of 
lightning, serve for wings.* 

These thunderers, of course, are of terrific proportions. They created 
the wild rice and a variety of prairie grass, the seed of which bears 
some resemblance to that of the rice. At the western extremity of the 


1 According to Omaha tradition, two buffalo gentes are of subaquatic origin. See Om. Soc., pp. 231- 
233. 
2From an unpublished text of Bushotter. 
’The Thunderers in the Omaha myth have hair of different colors. One has white hair, the second 
has yellow, the third, bright red, and the fourth, green hair. See Contr. N. A. Eth., vol. v1, p. 1$7. 


442 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


earth, which is supposed to be a circular plain surrounded by water, is 
a high mountain, on the summit of which is a beautiful mound. On this 
mound is the dwelling of the Wakinyan gods. The dwelling opens 
toward each of the four quarters of the earth, and at each doorway is 
stationed a sentinel. A butterfly stands at the east entrance, a bear 
at the west, a reindeer [sic, probably intended for a deer.—s. 0. D.| at 
the north, and a beaver at the south [the beaver seems out of place 
here as a servant of the Wakinyan gods, for, judging from analogy, 
he ought to be the servant of the Unktelii (see § 108)—J. 0. D.]. 

Except the head, each of these wakan sentinels is enveloped in scar- 
let down of the most extraordinary beauty.’ 

§ 117. The Teton texts of Bushotter state the belief that “some of 
these ancient people still dwell in the clouds. They have large curved 
beaks resembling bison humps, their voices are loud, they do not open 
their eyes except when they make lightning, hence the archaic Teton 
name for the lightning, Wakinyan tunwanpi, ‘‘The thunder-beings 
open their eyes.” They are armed with arrows and “ maza wakan” or 
“mysterious irons” (not ‘ guns”), the latter being of different kinds. 
Kangitame, stones resembling coal, are found in the Bad Lands, and 
they are said to be the missiles of the Thunderers. When these gods 
so desire they kill various mysterious beings and objects, as well as 
human beings that are mysterious. Their ancient foes were the giant 
rattlesnakes and the prehistoric water monsters (Unkéegila: see §§ 108, 
114, 115). 

§118. Long ago the Teton encamped by a deep lake whose shore 
was inclosed by very high cliffs. They noticed that at night, even 
when there was no breeze, the water in the middle of the lake was con- 
stantly roaring. When one gazed in that direction, he saw a huge 
eye as bright as the sun, which caused him to vomit something resem- 
bling black earth moistened with water, and death soon followed. 
That very night the Thunderers came, and the crashing sounds were 
so terrible that many people fainted. The next morning the shore was 
covered with the bodies of all kinds of fish, some of which were larger 
than men, and there were also some huge serpents. The water mon- 
ster which the Thunderers had fought resembled a rattlesnake, but he 
had short legs and rusty-yellow fur. 

§119. The Thunderers are represented as cruel and destructive in 
disposition. They are ever on the war path. A mortal hatred exists 
between them and the family of the Unktelii. Neither has power to 
resist the tonwan of the other if it strikes him. Their attacks are never 
open, and neither is safe except he eludes the vigilance of the other. 
The Wakinyan, in turn, are often surprised and killed by the Unktelii. 
Many stories are told of the combats of these gods. Mr. Pond once 
listened to the relation, by an eyewitness (as he called himself), of a 
story in substance as follows: A Wakinyan measuring 25 to 30 yards 


1 Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. m1, pt. 2, 41-42. 


DORSEY, ] THE WAKINYAN—THE ARMOR GODS. 443 


between the tips of his wings was killed and fell on the bank of the 
Blue Earth river (Minnesota). 

From the Wakinyan the Dakota have received their war implements, 
the spear and tomahawk, and many of the pigments, which, if properly 
applied, will shield them from the weapons of their enemies.' 

§120. When a person dreams of the Thunderers, it is a sign that 
he and they must fight. The Wakinyan are not the only gods of war; 
there are also the Takucka*cka® (TakuSkanSkan) and the Armor gods. 
(See §§ 122-3, 127-9.) 

Of the circle dance, Riggs says (in Amer. Antiq., 11, 267): “They cut 
an image of the great bird from bark and suspend it at the top of the 
central pole, which is shot to pieces at the close of the dance.” (He 
probably means that the image of the great bird, a Thunder bird, is 
shot to pieces, not the pole.) Sacrifices are made to the Wakinyan 
and songs are sung both to the Wakinyan and the Unktelii. 

§121. There seems to be some connection between the Heyoka gods 
and the Wakinyan; but it is not plain. The Heyoka god uses a small 
Wakinyan god as his drumstick. (See §218.) The Wakinyan songs 
are sung by members of the Heyoka dancing order. 

Smet was told that the Dakota— 

Pretend that the thunder is an enormous bird, and that the muffled sound of the 
distant thunder is caused by a countless number of young (thunder) birds. The 
great bird, they say, gives the first sound, and the young ones repeat it; thisis the 
cause of the reverberations. The Sioux declare that the young thunderers do all the 
mischief, like giddy youth who will not listen to good advice; but the old thun- 
derer or big bird is wise and excellent; he never kills or injures any one.? 

Next to the Sun, according to Smet, Thunder is the great deity of the 
Assiniboin. Every spring, at the first peal of thunder, they offer sac- 
rifices to the Wakinyan.* 

The Assiniboin, according to Maximilian, ascribed the thunder to an 
enormous bird. 


THE ARMOR GODS. 


§ 122. As each young man comes to maturity a tutelar divinity, some- 
times called ‘‘Wasicun” (see § 236), is assigned to him. It is supposed 
to reside in the consecrated armor then given to him, consisting of a 
spear, an arrow, and a small bundle of paint. It is the spirit of some 
bird or animal, as the wolf, beaver, loon, or eagle. He must not kill 
this animal, but hold it ever sacred, or at least until he has proved his 
manhood by killing an enemy. Frequently the young man forms an 
image of this sacred animal and carries it about with him, regarding 
it as having a direct influence upon his everyday life and ultimate 
destiny. Parkman says (in his “Jesuits in North America,” p. LXXxI, 


1 Pond, Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. u, pt. 3, p. 43. Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 62-64. 
? Missions and Missionaries. p. 143. 

3Smet. op. cit., p. 134. 

4Maximilian, Travels in North America, p. 197. 


444 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


note) that the knowledge of this guardian spirit comes through dreams 
at the initiatory fast. If this is ever true among the Dakota, it is not 
the rule. This knowledge is communicated by the “war prophet.”! 
(See §§120, 127, 129, 305, ete.) 

Ashley tells us that among the Sisseton and Wahpeton Dakota the 
warrior, as such, was forbidden by custom of law to eat the tongue, 
head, or heart of many beasts. There were other animals of which the 
heads might be eaten, but not the tongues. A warrior about to go on 
the war path could not have intercourse with women, but must go 
through the purification of the inipi or sweat bath, which lasts four 
days. A married warrior could not touch his own weapons until he 
had thus purified himself.” 

§123. The Armor god and the Spirit of the mystery sack are some- 
times spoken of as if they were individual and separate divinities; but 
they seem rather to be the god-power which is put into the armor and 
sack by consecration. They should be regarded as the indwelling of 
the Unktelii or of the Takuskanskan. A young man’s war weapous 
are wakan and must not be touched by a woman. A man prays to his 
armor in the day of battle. In the consecration of these weapons of 
war and the hunt a young man comes under certain taboo restrictions. 
Certain parts of an animal are sacred and must not be eaten until he 
has killed an enemy. ® 

: THE WAR PROPHET. 


§ 124. The war prophet has been referred to. In this capacity the 
wakan man is anecessity. Every male Dakota 16 years ola and upward 
is a soldier, and is formally and mysteriously enlisted into the service of 
the war prophet. From him he receives the implements of war, care- 
fully constructed after models furnished from the armory of the gods, 
painted after a divine prescription, and charged with a missive virtue— 
the touwan—of the divinities. From him he also receives those paints 
which serve as an armature for the body. To obtain these necessary 
articles the proud applicant is required for a time to abuse himself and 
serve him, while he goes through a series of painful and exhausting 
performances which are necessary on his part to enlist the favorable 
notice ot the gods. These performances consist chiefly of vapor baths, 
fastings, chants, prayers, and nightly vigils. The spear and the toma- 
hawk being prepared and consecrated, the person who is to receive 
them approaches the wakan man and presents a pipe tohim. Heasks 
a favor, in substance as follows: * Pity thou me, poor and helpless, a 
woman, and confer on me the ability to perform manly deeds.” The 
prophet gives him the weapons and tells him not to forget his vows to 
the gods when he returns in triumph, a man. ~- The weapons are care- 
fully preserved by the warrior. They are wrapped in cloth, together 


1 Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp, 69, 70. 
2Rey. E. Ashley, MS. letter to Dorsey, March 24, 1884. 
%Riggs, in Am. Antiq., vol, 1, No. 4, p. 270. 


DORSEY. | THE WAR PROPHET—TAKUSKANSKAN. 445 


with the sacred pigments. In fair weather they are laid outside of the 
lodge every day. They must never be touched by an adult female. ! 

§ 125, Lynd’s account is slightly different, though in substantial accord 
with the preceding one: 

When a youth arrives at the age proper for going on the warpath he first purifies 
himself by fasting and the inipi or steam bath for three days, and then goes, with 
tears in his eyes, to some wakan man whose influence is undoubted, and prays that 
he will present him with the wotawe or consecrated armor. This wakan man is 
usually some old and experienced zuya wakan or sacred war leader. After a time 
the armor is presented to the young man, but until it is so presented he must fast 
and continue his purifications incessantly. It is a singular fact that nothing but 
the spear of this armor is ever used in battle, though it is always carried when the 
owner accompanies a war party. At the same time that the old man presents the 
armor he tells the youth to what animal it is dedicated, and enjoins upon him to 
hold that animal wakan. He must never harm or kill it, even though starvation 
threaten him. At all times and under all circumstances the taboo or wohduze is 
upon it, until by slaying numerous enemies it is gradually removed. By some the 
animal is held sacred during life, the taboo being voluntarily retained.? (See §§ 
101, 127. ) 


THE SPIRITS OF THE MYSTERY SACKS. 


§ 126. These are similar to the armor gods, in that they are divinities 
who act as guardian spirits. Each of these powers is appropriated 
by a single individual, protecting and aiding him, and receiving his 
worship. These spirits are conferred at the time of initiation into 
the order of the Mystery Dance, and of course are confined to the mem- 
bers of that order.“ Each spirit of the mystery sack is not a separate 
god, but a wakan power derived from the Unktelii, according toa later 
statement of Riggs.‘ 


TAKUSKANSKAN, THE MOVING DEITY. 


§ 127. This is a form of the wakan which jugglers, so-called mystery 
men, and war prophets invoke. In their estimation he is the most 
powerful of their gods; the one most to be feared and propitiated, since, 
more than all others, he influences hunan weal and woe. He is supposed 
to livein the four winds, and the four black spirits of night do his bid- 
ding. The consecrated spear and tomahawk (see § 124) are its weapons. 
The buzzard, raven, fox, wolf, and other animals are its heutenants, to 
produce disease and death. (Compare this with some of the picto- 
graphs on the war chart of the Kansa tribe: Fig. 4, Wind songs; the 
connection between the winds and war is shown in § 33. Fig. 8, Deer 
songs. Fig.9,an Elk song. Fig. 10, seven songs of the Wakanda who 
makes night songs. Fig. 11, five songs of the Big Rock. This is a 
rough red rock near Topeka, Kans. ‘This rock has a hard body, like 
that of awakanda. May you walk like it.” Fig. 12, Wolf songs. The 


1Pond, Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., vol. 11, pt 3, p. 53. 4 Am. Antiq., Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 270. 
2Tbid., pt. 2, p. 73. 5 Riggs in Am. Antiq., Vol. 1, p. 268 
3 Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 70, 71. 


446 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


wolf howls at night. Fig.13, Moon songs. Fig. 14, Crowsongs. The 
crow flies around a dead body which it wishes to devour. Fig. 18, Shade 
songs. There is a Wakanda who makes shade. Fig. 20, song of the 
Small Rock. Fig. 22, songs of the young Moon. Fig. 23, songs of the 
Buffalo Bull. Fig. 27, Owl songs. The owl hoots at night.') 

§ 128. Miss Fletcher has given us a very interesting account of “The 
Religious Ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as observed by 
the Santee Sioux.” “Among the Santee (Sioux) Indians the Four 
Winds are symbolized by the raven and a small black stone, less than 
a hen’s egg in size.” ‘An intelligent Santee said to me: ‘The worship 
of the Four Winds is the most difficult to explain for it is the most 
complicated.’ The Four Winds are sent by the ‘Something that 
Moves.’”? There is a‘‘Something that Moves” at each of the four di- 
rections or quarters. The winds are, therefore, the messengers or ex- 
ponents of the powers which remain at the four quarters. These four 
quarters are spoken of as upholding the earth,* and are connected 
with thunder and lightning as well as the wind? * * * 

“My informant went on to tell me that the spirits of the four winds 
were not one, but twelve, and they are spoken of as twelve.” (See 
§ 42.) 

§ 129. In Tah-koo Wah-kon, pp. 64, 65, Riggs says: 

This od is too subtle in essence to be perceived by the senses, and is as subtle in 
disposition. He is present everywhere. He exerts a controlling influence over 
instinct, intellect, and passion. He can rob a man of the use of his rational faculties, 
and inspire a beast with intelligence, so that the hunter will wander idiot-like, while 
the game on which he hoped to feast his family at night escapes with perfect ease. 
Or, if he please, the god can reverse his influence. He is much gratified to see men 
in trouble, and is particularly glad when they die in battle or otherwise, Passionate 
and capricious in the highest degree, it is very difficult to retain his favor. His 
symbol and supposed residence is the bowlder (see Big Rock and Small Rock, § 127), 
as it is also of another god, the Tunkan. 

Pond assigns to him the armor feast and inipi or vapor bath (called 
steam or sweat bath). He says: 

The armor feast is of ordinary occurrence when the provisions are of sufficient 
abundance to support it, in which the warriors assemble and exhibit the sacred 
implements of war, to which they burn incense around the smoking sacrifice. 

§ 130. In October, 1881, the late S. D. Hinman read a paper before the 
Anthropological Society of Washington, entitled “‘The Stone God or 


)Mourning andsWar Customs of the Kansas, in Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 676, 677. 

*That is, the TakuSkanSkan. 

*Geikie, in his Hours with the Bible(New York: James Pott. 1881), Vol.1,p.55, has the following 
quotation from Das Buch Henoch, edited by Dillmann, Kap. 17,18: *‘ AndI saw the eornerstone of 
the earth and the four winds which bear up the earth, and the firmament of heaven.” 

‘Note that both the Takuskanskan, the ‘Something that Moves,” and the Wakinyan or the Thun- 
der-beings. are associated with war.—J. 0. D. 

5 Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 111, p. 289, and note 1. The use ef the number twelve in connection with 
the ceremony of the Four Winds finds a counterpart in the Osage initiation of a female into the se- 
cret society of the tribe; the Osage female is rubbed from head to foot, thrice in front, thrice on each 
side, and thrice behind, with cedar needles.—J. 0. D. 

Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 11, pt. 3, p. 44. 


DORSEY.] TUNKAN OR INYAN. 447 


Oracle of the Pute-temni band of Hunkpati Dakotas.” He said that 
this oracle had been seen by him while on an expedition with some 
Dakotas across the James River valley in Dakota Territory. A Hun- 
kpati man of the party gave the history of the stone and an account of 
its miraculous movement from the Sacred Hill to the old dirt lodge vil- 
lage. This oracle was called the Takuskayskay. 

§ 131. But the Takuskayskay assumed other shapes. Said Bushotter, 
in one of his Teton texts: 


The Lakotas regard certain small stones or pebbles as mysterious, and it is said 
that in former days a man had one as his helper or seryant. There are two kinds of 
these mysterious stones (i. e., pebbles, not rocks). One is white, resembling ice or 
glass (i. e., is probably translucent; compare the translucent pebbles of the I"-yug¢i 
order of the Omaha, see Om. Soc., p. 346); the other resembles ordinary stones. It is 
said that one of them once entered a lodge and struck a man, and people spoke of 
the stones sending in rattles through the smoke hole of a lodge. When anything 
was missed in the village the people appealed to the stones for aid, and the owner 
of one of the stones boiled food for a mystery feast, to which the people came. Then 
they told the stone of their loss and the stone helped them. It is said that the stones 
brought back different messages. If anyone stole horses the stones always revealed 
his name. Once the Omahas came to steal horses, but the stones knew about them 
and disappointed their secret plans; so that the Lakotas learned to prize the stones, 
and they decorated them with paint, wrapped them up, and hung a bunch of medi- 
cine with each one. 


It is very probable that the Assiniboin also worshipped the Taku- 
Skayskay; for they reverenced the four winds, as Smet tells us.! 


TUNKAN OR INYAN, THE STONE GOD OR LINGAM. 


§ 132. It has been said by Lynd? that the western tribes (probably 
the Teton, Yanktonai, Yankton, ete.), neglect the Unktelii, and pay 
their main devotion to Tunkan or Inyan, answering to the Hindoo 
Lingam. 


Tunkan, the Dakotas say, is the god that dwells in stonys and rocks, and is the 
oldest god. If asked why he is considered the oldest, they will tell you because he 
is the hardest—an Indian’s reason. The usual form of the stone employed in wor- 
ship is round, and it is about the size of the human head. The devout Dakota paints 
this Tunkan red, putting colored swan’s down upon it, and then he falls down and 
worships the god: that is supposed to dwell in it or hover near it.? The Tunkan is 
painted red (see § 136) as a sign of active worship.‘ In cases of extremity I have 
ever noticed that they appeal to their Tunkan or stone god, first and last, and they 
do this even after the ceremonies of the medicine dance have been gone through 
with. All Sioux agree in saying that the Tunkan is the main recipient of their 
prayers; and among the Tetons, Mandans, Yanktons, and Western Dakotas they 
pray to that and the spirit of the buftalo almost entirely.® 


§133. Riggs says: ° 
“The Inyan or Toon-kan is the symbol of the greatest force or power in the dry 


land. And these came to be the most common objects ot worship. Large bowlders 
were selected and adorned with red and green (sic) paint, whither the devout , 


1 Op. cit., p- 136. ‘Thid., p. 81. 
2? Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., vol. 11, pt. 3, p. 71. 5 Tbid., p. 84. 
3Tbid., p. 79. ®Am. Antiq., vol. 11, p. 268. 


448 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Dakota might go to pray and offer his sacrifice. And smaller stones were often 
found, set up on end and properly painted, around which lay eagles’ feathers, 
tobacco, and red cloth. Once I saw a small dog that had been recently sacrificed. 
In all their incantations and dances, notably in the circle dance, the painted stone 
is the god supplicated and worshipped with fear and trembling.” 


§ 134. Long tells of a gigantic stone figure resembling a human being, 
which he found on the bank of Kickapoo Creek. The Indians made 
offerings to it of tobacco and other objects.‘ 


INYAN Sa. 


§ 135. Rey. Horace C. Hovey says:? 


“Tt was the custom of the Dakotas to worship bowlders when in perplexity and 
distress. Clearing a spot from grass and brush they would roll a bowlder on it; 
streak it with paint, deck it with feathers and flowers, and then pray toit for needed 
help or deliverance. Usually when such a stone had served its purpose its sacred- 
ness was gone, But the peculiarity of the stone now described is that from gen- 
eration to generation it was a shrine to which pilgrimages and offerings were made. 
Its Indian name, ‘Eyah Shah,’ simply means the ‘Red Rock,’ and is the same term 
by which they designate catlinite, or the red pipe clay. The rock itself is not natu- 
rally red, being merely a hard specimen of granite, symmetrical in shape, and about 
5 feet long by 3 feet thick. The Indians also called it ‘waukon’ (mystery) and 
speculated as to itsorigin. * * * The particular clan that claimed this rude altar 
was knownas the Mendewakantons. Although being but 2 miles below the village 
of the Kaposias, it was to some extent resorted to by them likewise.? The hunting 
ground of the clan was up the St. Croix, and invariably before starting they would 
lay an offering on Eyah Shah. Twice a year the clan would meet more formally, 
when they would paint the stone with vermilion, or, as some say, with blood, then 
trim it with flowers and feathers, and dance around it before sunrise with chants 
and prayers. Their last visit was in 1862, prior to the massacre that occurred in 
August of that year. Since that date, the stripes were renewed three years ago. 
I counted the stripes and found them twelve in number, each about 2 inches wide, 
with intervening spaces from 2 to 6 inches wide. By the compass, Eyah Shah lies 
exactly north and south. It is twelve paces from the main bank of the Mississippi, 
at a point 6 miles below St. Paul. The north end is adorned by a rude representa- 
tion of the sun with fifteen rays.” 

§ 136. Bushotter writes thus: 

“Sometimes a stone, painted red all over, is laid within the lodge and hair is offered 
toit. In cases of sickness they pray to the stone, offering to it tobacco or various 
kinds of good things, and they think that the stone hears them when they sacrifice to 
it. As the steam arose when they made a fire on a stone, the Dakotas concluded that 
stones had life, the steam being their breath, and that it was impossible to kill them.” 


MATO TIPI. 


§ 137. Eight miles from Fort Meade, 8S. Dakota, is Mato tipi, Grizzly 
bear Lodge, known to the white people as Bear Butte. It can be seen 
from a distance of a bundred miles. Of this landmark Bushotter 
writes thus: 


“The Teton used to camp at aflat-topped mountain, and pray to it. This moun- 


‘Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., vol. u, pt. 1, pp. 55. 

‘Hovey on **Eyah Shah" in Am. Assoc. Ady, Sci., Proc., vol. Xxx1vy, Buffalo Meeting, 1886. Salem, 
1887, p. 332. Alsoin Am. Antiq., Jan., 1887, pp. 35, 36. 

‘Mr. Hovey appears ignorant of the fact that the Kapoza (‘‘ Kaposias"') are a division of the Mde- 
wakantonwan. The latler had six other divisions or gentes. 


DORSEY. ] MATO TIPI—THE SUN AND MOON. 449 


tain had many large rocks on it, and a pine forest at the summit. The children 
prayed to the rocks asif to their guardian spirits, and then placed some of the smaller 
ones between the branches of the pine trees. I was caused to put a stone up a 


Fie. 188.—Bear Butte, South Dakota. (Copyright by Grabill, 1890.) 


tree. Some trees had as many as seven stones apiece. No child repeated the cere- 
mony of putting a stone up in the tree; but on subsequent visits to the Butte he or 
she wailed for the dead, of whom the stones were tokens.” (See § 304.) 


THE SUN AND MOON. 


§ 138. The sun as well as the moon is called “ wi” by the Dakota and 
Assiniboin tribes. Inorder to distinguish between the two bodies, the 
former is called anpetu wi, day moon, and the latter, hanhepi wi or 
hanyetu wi, night moon. The corresponding term in (egiha is mi", 
which is applied to both sun and moon, though the latter is sometimes 
called nia®ba. ‘‘The moon is worshiped rather as the representative 
of the sun, than separately. Thus, in the sun dance, which is held in 
the full of the moon, the dancers at night fix their eyes on her.”! 


§ 139. According to Smet?— 

The sun is worshiped by the greater number of the Indian tribes as the author of 
light and heat. The Assiniboins consider it likewise to be the favorite residence of 
the Master of Life. They evidence a great respect and veneration for the sun, but 
rarely address it. On great occasions, they offer it their prayers, but only in a low_ 
tone. Whenever they light the calumet, they offer the sun the first whiffs of its 
smoke. 

This last must refer to what Smet describes on p. 136 as the great 
“festival lasting several days,” during which the “high priest” offers 
the calumet to “the Great Spirit, to the sun, to each of the four car- 
dinal points, to the water, and to the land, with words analogous to the 
benefits which they obtain from each. 


1 Riggs, Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 69. 
2 Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 138. 


11 ETH——29 


450 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§ 140. Bushotter, in his Teton text, says: 
They prayed to the sun, and they thonght that with his yellow eye he saw all 
things, and that when he desired he went under the ground. 


Riggs states in Tah-koo Wah-kon (p. 69): 
Although as a divinity, the sun is not represented as a malignant being, yet the 
worship given him is the most dreadful which the Dakotas offer. Aside from che 


sun dance, there is another proof of the divine character ascribed to the sun in the 
oath taken by some of the Dakotas: ‘‘As the sun hears me, this is so.” 


THE SUN DANCE. 


§ 141. Pond! gave an account of the sun dance obtained from Riggs, 
in which occurs the following: ‘‘The ceremonies of the sun dance 
commence in the evening. I have been under the impression that the 
time of the full moon was selected, but I am now (1867) informed that 
it is not essential.” Neither Capt. Bourke (§§ 197-210) nor Bushotter 
speaks of the time of the full moon. In Miss Fletcher’s account of the 
Oglala sun dance of 1882,? she says: ‘‘The festival generally occurs in 
the latter part of June or early in July and lasts about six days. The 
time is fixed by the budding of the Artemisia ludoviciana.” (See §§ 138, 
150.) 

§ 142. Lynd writes :* : 

The wiwanyag wacipi, or worship of the sun as a divinity, is evidently one of the 
most radical bases of Dakota religion. It has a subordinate origin in the wihan- 
mnapi, or dreaming, and is intimately connected with the hanmdepi, or vision hunt- 
ing. This most ancient of all worships, though it is of very frequent occurrence 
among the Dakotas, does not take place at stated intervals, as among the old nations 
of the East, nor does the whole tribe participate in the ceremonies. It is performed 
by one person alone, such of his relatives and friends assisting in the ceremonies as 
may deem fit or as he may designate. Preparatory to this, as to all the other sacred 
ceremonies of the Dakotas, are fasting and purification. The dance commences with 
the rising of the sun and continues for three days, or until such time as the dream- 
ing worshiper shall receive a vision from the spirit or divinity of the sun. He faces 
the sun constantly, turning as it turns, and keeping up a constant blowing with a 
wooden whistle. A rude drum is beaten at intervals, to which he keeps time with 
his feet, raising one after the other, and bending his body towards the sun. Short 
intervals of rest are given during the dance. The mind of the worshiper is fixed 
intently upon some great desire that he has, and is, as it were, isolated from the 
body. In this state the dancer is said to receive revelations from the sun, and to 
hold direct intercourse with that deity. If the worshiper of this luminary, how- 
ever, should fail to receive the desired revelation before the close of the ceremonies, 
then self-sacrifice is resorted to, and the ceremonies of the hanmdepi become a part 
of the worship of the sun. 


A DAKOTA’S ACCOUNT OF THE SUN DANCE. 


§ 143. Several accounts of the sun dance have been published within 
the past twenty years, but they have, without exception, been written 
by white persons. The following differs in one respect from all which 
have preceded it; it was written in the Teton dialect of the Dakota, by 


} Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. 11, pt. 3. 
2 Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal meeting, Vol. XXXt, p. 580. 
3 Minn. Hist. Soc, Coll., Vol. 1, pt. 2. 


DORSEY. ] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 451 


George Bushotter, a Teton. As he did not furnish his description of 
the dance in a single text, but in several, which were written on dif- 
ferent occasions, it devolved on the present writer to undertake an 
arrangement of the material after translating it. The accompanying 
illustrations were made by Mr. Bushotter. 

§ 144. Object of the sun dance.—The Dakota name for the sun dance 
is “Wi wa’-yang wa-tci-pi (Wi waynyang wacipi), literally, “Sun look- 
ing-at they-dance.” The following are assigned as the reasons for cele- 
brating this dance: During any winter when the people suffer from 
famine or an epidemic, or when they wish to kill any enemy, or they 
desire horses or an abundance of fruits and vegetables during the 
coming summer, different Indians pray mentally to the sun, and each 
one says, ‘‘ Well, I will pray to Wakantanka early in the summer.” 
Throughout the winter all those men who have made such vows take 
frequent baths in sweat lodges. Each of these devotees or candidates 
invites persons to a feast, on which occasion he joins his guests in 
drinking great quantities of various kinds of herb teas. Then the 
host notifies the guests of his vow, and from that time forward the 
people treat him with great respect. 

§145. Rules observed by households.—The members of the households 
of the devotees always abstain from loud talking and from bad acts of 
various kinds. The following rules must be observed in the lodge of 
each devotee: A piece of the soil is cut off between the back of the lodge 
and the fireplace, and when virgin earth is reached vermilion is seat- 
tered over the exposed place. When the men smoke their pipes and 
have burned out all of the tobacco in their pipe bowls, they must not 
throw away the ashes as they would common refuse; they must be 
careful to empty the ashes on the exposed earth at the back of the 
lodge. No one ventures to step on that virgin earth, and not even a 
hand is ever stretched toward it. Only the man who expects to par- 
ticipate in the sun-dance can empty the ashes there, and after so doing 
he returns each pipe to 1ts owner. 

§ 146. The ‘ U-ma-ne.”—“ The mellowed earth space, U-ma-ne 
in Dakota, and called by some peculiar names in other tribes, 
has never been absent from any religions exercise I have yet 
seen or learned of from the Indians. It represents the unap- 
propriated life or power of the earth, hence man may obtain 
it. The square or oblong, with the four lines standing out, is 
invariably interpreted to mean the earth or land with the four 
winds standing toward it. The cross, whether diagonal or up- 
right, always symbolizes the four winds or four quarters.” ! NTE ea at 

Miss Fletcher uses this term, ‘‘U-ma-ne,” to de- ‘5 
note two things: the mellowed earth space (probably answering to the 
u-jé-ji of the Omaha and Ponka) and the symbol of the earth and the 
four winds made within that mellowed earth space. A sketch of the 
latter symbol is shown in Fig. 189. (See §§ 112, 155, ete.; also Contr. 
N. A. Ethn., Vol. v1,—471-475.) 

er is 3 


1 Miss Fletcher, in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 11, p. 284, note. 


452 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§147. Rules observed by the devotee—During the time of preparation 
the devotee goes hunting, and if he kills a deer or buffalo he cuts up 
the body in a ‘“‘wakan” manner. He skins it, but leaves the horns at- 
tached to the skull. He reddens the skin all over, and in the rear of 
the lodge, in the open air, he prepares a bed of wild sage (Artemisia), 
on which he lays the skull. He erects a post, on which he hangs a 
tobacco pouch and a robe that is to be offered as a sacrifice. When 
the devotee takes a meal everything which he touches must be perfectly 
clean. He uses anew knife, which no one else dares to handle. What- 
ever he eats must be prepared in the best possible manner by the other 
members of the household. They make for him a new pipe ornamented 
with porcupine work, a new tobacco pouch, and a stick for pushing the 
tobacco down into the bowl, both ornamented in like manner. 

§ 148. The devotee must not go swimming, but he can enter the sweat- 
lodge. There he rubs his body all over with wild sage; he cannot use 
calico or cotton for that purpose. No unclean person of either sex 
must go near him. The devotee is prohibited from fighting, even 
should the camp be attacked. He must not act hastily, but at all times 
must he proceed leisurely. He has his regular periods for crying and 
praying.! 

§149. All his female kindred make many pairs of moccasins and ecol- 
lect money and an abundance of all kinds of goods, in order to give 
presents to poor people at the time of the sun dance. Then they can 
make gifts to whomsoever they please, and on that account they will 
win the right to have a child’s ears pierced. The goods or horses, 
on account of which the child’s ears are to be pierced, are reserved 
for that occasion at some other place. The man whose office it will 
be to pierce the children’s ears has to be notified in advance that 
his services will be required. (See § 205.) 


TRIBES INVITED TO THE SUN-DANCE. 


§150. When the devotees have performed all the preliminary duties 
required of them, messages are sent to all the neighboring tribes, 
i. e., the Omaha, Pawnee Loup, Cheyenne, Ree, Hidatsa, Blackfeet, 
Nez Percé, Winnebago, Yankton, and Santee. The latter part of 
June is fixed upon as the time for the dance. (See §§ 138, 141.) The 
visitors from the different nations begin to come together in the spring, 
each visiting tribe forming its separate camp. Though some of the 
visitors are hereditary enemies, it matters not during the sun-dance; 
they visit one another; they shake hands and form alliances. In this 
manner several weeks are spent very pleasantly. 


DISCIPLINE MAINTAINED. 


§151. Policemen are appointed, and a crier proclaims to each lodge 
that at a specified place there is a broad and pleasant prairie where 


1 Compare Miss Fletcher, in Proc. Am. Assoc, Ady. Sci., 1882, p. 581. 


DORSEY. ] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 453 


all are expected to pitch their tents. The overseers or masters of 
ceremonies have guns, and their orders are obeyed; for if one diso- 
beys his horses and dogs are killed by the policemen. This punish- 
ment is called akicita wi¢aktepi, or, in common parlance, ‘soldier- 
killing.” 

All who join the camp must erect the upright (or conical) tents, 
as no low rush or mat tents, such as are found among the Osage 
and Winnebago, are allowed in the camp circle. 


CAMPING CIRCLE FORMED. 


§152. At length orders are given for all the people to pitch their 
tents in the form of a tribal circle, with an opening to the north.! 
(See Pl. xy.) It takes several days to accomplish this, and then all 
the men and youths are required to take spades and go carefully over 
the whole area within the circle and fill up all the holes and uneven 
places which might cause the horses to stumble and fall. 


MEN SELECTED TO SERK THE MYSTERY TREE, 


§ 153. Though Bushotter has written that this work requires several 
days, it is probable, judging from what follows in his manuscript, 
that only two days are required for such work. For he continues 
thus: 

On the third day some men are selected to go in search of the Gan-wakan or 
Mystery Tree, out of which they are to form the sun-pole. 2? These men must be se- 
lected from those who are known to be brave, men acquainted with the war path, 
men who have overcome difficulties, men who have been wounded in battle, men of 
considerable experience. 

§ 154. The men selected to fell the mystery tree ride very swift horses, 
and they decorate their horses and attire themselves just as if they 
were going to battle. They put on their feather war bonnets. They 
race their horses to a hill and then back again. In former days it 
was customary on such occasions for any women who had lost children 
during some previous attack on the camp, to wail often as they ran 
towards the mounted men, and to sing at intervals as they went. But 
that is not the custom at the present day. Three times do the mounted 
men tell of their brave deeds in imitation of the warriors of the olden 
times, and then they undertake to represent their own deeds in panto- 
mime. 

§ 155. On the fourth day, the selected men go to search for the mys- 
tery tree. They return to camp together, and if they have found a 
suitable tree, they cut out pieces of the soil within the camping circle, 
going down to virgin earth. (See § 146.) This exposed earth extends 
over a considerable area. On it they place a species of sweet-smelling 


1 Miss Fletcher says, in Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 580, ‘‘ The people camp in a circle, with 
a large opening at the east. In 1882 over 9,000 Indians were so camped, the diameter of the circle be- 
ing over three-quarters of a mile wide.” 

2Miss Fletcher’s account (Proc. Am. Assoc. Ady. Sci., p. 582) names the fourth day as that on 
which they sought for the sun-pole. 


454 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


grass (a trailing variety) and wild sage, on which they lay the buffalo 
skull. 
TENT OF PREPARATION. 

§ 156. After this there is set up within the camping circle a good 
tent known as the tent of preparation.! When the managers wish to set 
up the tent of preparation, they borrow tent skins here and there. 
Part of these tent skins they use for covering the smoke hole, and part 
were used as curtains, for when they decorate the candidates they use 
the curtains for shutting them in from the gaze of the people and 
when they finish painting them they throw down the curtains, 

In the back part of this tent of preparation are placed the buttalo 
skulls, one for each candidate. A new knife which has never been 
used is exposed to smoke. A new ax, too, 1s reddened and smoked. 

§ 157. Wild sage (Artemisia) is used in various ways prior to and 
during the sun dance. Some of it they spread on the ground to serve 
as couches, and with some they wipe the tears from their faces. They 
fumigate with the plant known as “Gay SilSilya,” or else they use 
“ walipe wastema,” sweet-smelling leaves. Day after day they fumi- 
gate themselves with “waéanga,” a sweet-smelling grass. They hold 
every object which they use over the smoke of one of these grasses. 
They wear a kind of medicine on their necks, and that keeps them 
from being hungry or thirsty, for occasionally they chew a small quan- 
tity of it. Or if they tie some of this medicine to their feet they do 
not get weary so soon.? 

§ 158. When the tent of preparation is erected, there are provided 
for it new tent pins, new sticks for fastening the tent skins together 
above the entrance, and new poles for pushing out the flaps beside 
the smoke hole. These objects and all others, which had to be used, 
are brought into the tent of preparation and fumigated over a fire 
into which the medicine has been dropped. By this time another day 
has been spent. Now all the candidates assemble in the tent of prep- 
aration, each one wearing a buftalo robe with the hair outside. One 
who acts as leader sits in the place of honor at the back part of the 
tent, and the others sit on either side of him around the fireplace. 
They smoke their pipes. When night comes they select one of the 
songs of the sun dance, in order to rehearse it. Certain men have been 
chosen as singers of the dancing songs, and, when one set of them rest, 
there are others to take their places. The drummers beat the drum 
rapidly, but softly (as the Teton call it, kpankpanyela, the act of 
several drummers hitting in quick succession). 

Three times do they beat the drums in that manner, and then they 
beat it rapidly, as at the beginning of the sun dance. At this juncture, 


1Miss Fletcher (Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 580) states that ‘‘the tent set apart for the con- 
secrating ceremonies, which take place after sunset of the first day, was pitched within the line of tents, 
on the site formerly assigned to one of the sacred tents.” 

2'The author heard about this medicine in 1873, from a Ponka chief, one of the leaders of a dancing 
society. 1t is a bulbous root, which grows near the place where the sun pole is planted. 


Bureau of Ethnology. 


CAMPING CIRCLE AT 


Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XLV 


oF THE SUN-DANCE. 


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CAMPING CIRCLE ATTHE IME OF THE SUN-DANCE 


DORSEY.] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 455 


as many as have flutes—made of the bones of eagles’ wings, ornamented 
with porcupine quills, and hung around their necks, with cords similarly 
ornamented, with some eagle down at the tip ends of the flutes—blow 


Fic. 190.—Eaglewing flute. (From original, loaned by Capt. J. G. Bourke, U.S. A.) 


them often and forcibly as they dance. While the drum is beaten 
three times in succession (kpaykpanyela, as has been described), all 
the candidates cry aloud (Geya), but when it is beaten the fourth time, 
they ery or wail no longer, but dance and blow their flutes or whistles. 

§ 159. When the candidates take their seats in the tent of prepara- 
tion, they select a man to fill the pipe with tobacco. When they wish 
to smoke, this man passes along the line of candidates. He holds the 
pipe with the mouthpiece toward each man, who smokes without 
grasping the pipe stem.! 

When the candidates are allowed to eat, the attendant feeds them. 
No one can be loquacious within the tent of preparation. If a dog or 
person approaches the tent, the offender is chased away before he can 
reach it. No spectators are allowed to enter the tent. And this regula- 
tion is enforced by blows, whenever anyone attempts to violate it. 


EXPEDITION TO THE MYSTERY TREE. 


§ 160. The next morning, which is that of the fifth day, they prepare 
to go after the tree that is to serve as the sun pole.2 The married and 
single men, the boys, and even the women, are all ordered to go horse- 
back. Whoever is able to move rapidly accompanies the party. 
When the chosen persons go to fell the mystery tree they rush on it 
as they would upon areal enemy, just as tradition relates that the 
Omaha and Ponka rushed on their sacred tree. (See §42.)° Then 
they turn quickly and run from it until they arrive at the other side of 
the hill (nearest to the mystery tree), after which they return to the 
treet They tie leaves together very tightly, making a mark of the 
bundle, assaulting it in turn as a foe. 

§ 161. The tree is reached by noon. The persons chosen to fell it 
whisper to one another as they assemble around it. They approach 
some one who has a child, and take hold of him. Then they bring 
robes and other goods which they spread on the ground, and on the pile 
they seat the child, who is sometimes a small girl, or even a large one. 


With this compare the Omaha act, ui¢a", in the Tike-sabé dance after the sham fight, Om. 
Soc., in 3d. Ann. Bept. Bur. Ethn., p. 299. 

“See Miss Fletcher, Proc. Am. Assoc. Ady. Sci., 1882, p, 582. 

3See § 28, the Kansa ceremony of the waqpele gaxe, and Om. Soc.,in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 
234, 297. 

*Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. v1, 470, 12-15; and Om. Soc., p. 296. 


456 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
FELLING THE TREE. 


§ 162. Each of the chosen men takes his turn in striking the tree 
Every one must first tell his exploits, then he brandishes the ax three 
times without striking a blow, after which he strikes the tree once, 
and only once, making a gash. He leaves the ax sticking in the tree, 
whence it is removed by the next man. He who leaves the ax in the 
tree is by this act considered to makea present of a horse to some one. 
As soon as he gives the blow, his father (or some near kinsman) 
approaches and hands him a stick, whereupon the young man returns 
it, asking him to give it to such a one, calling him by name. For 
instance, let us suppose that a young man, Mato éuwi maza, Grizzly 
bear with an Iron Side, requests that his stick be given to Psiéa 
waykautuya, or Leaping High. Theold man who is employed as the 
crier goes to the camp and sings thus: ‘ Mato Guwi maza 1tya-ha-he-+ ! 
Mato ¢uwi maza i-ya-ha-he+ !” The last word is a sign of a brave deed 
on the part of the donor, and it is so understood by every one. On 
reaching the tent of the other man, the crier says, ‘‘ Psiéa waykantuya 
Sunkawakay wan hiyou ye+! Mato éuwi maza éan-wakan kaksa éa 
taSuyke way hiyo u ye+!” i. e., O Leaping High, a horse is brought to 
you! A horse is brought to you because Mato Guwi maza has given 
a blow to the mystery tree!” Onhearing this, Psi¢a waynkantuya says, 
‘“‘Ha-ye,” or “Thanks!” as he extends his hands with the palms towards 
the crier ; and he brings them down toward the ground and takes the 
stick representing the horse. Then the crier passes along around the 
circle, singing the praises of the donor, and naming the man who has 
received the present. 

§163. After all the chosen men have told of their deeds, and have 
performed their parts, the women select a man to speak of what gen- 
erous things they have done, and when he has spoken, the larger 
women who are able to fell trees rise to their feet, and take their turns 
in giving one blow apiece to the tree. By the time that all the women 
have struck the tree it falls, and all present shout and sing. Many 
presents are made, and some of the people wail, making the entire 
forest echo their voices. Then those men who are selected for that 
purpose cut off all the limbs of the tree except the highest one, and 
they do not disturb the tree top. Wherever a branch is cut off they 
rub red paint on the wound. 

‘164, They make a bundle of some wood in imitation of that for 
which they have prayed, and hang it crosswise from the fork of the tree. 
Above the bundle they suspend a scarlet blanket, a buffalo robe or a 
weasel skin, and under the bundle they fasten two pieces of dried buf- 
falo hide, one being cut in the shape of a buffalo, and the other in that 
of a man. 

Though Bushotter did not state the circumstance, it is remarkable 
that both the figures have the membrum virile rigid. The author learned 
about this from two trustworthy persons, who obtained all the para- 


DORSEY. ] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 457 


phernalia of the sun dance, and one of them, Capt. John G, Bourke. 
U.S. Army, showed him the figures of the man and buffalo used at the 
sun dance at Red Cloud Agency, in 1882. In the former figure, the 
lingam is of abnormal size. The connection between the phallic cult 
and the sun is obvious to the student. (See §§ 19,132,146,155,169,170, 
176). 


THE TREE TAKEN TO CAMP. 


§ 165. No one of the company dare to touch the sun pole as they take 
it to the camp. Before wagons were available, they made a horse carry 
most of the weight of the pole, part of it being on one side of him and 
part on the other, while the wakay men chosen for the purpose walked 
on both sides of the horse in order to support the ends of the pole. (See 
§ 317.) At the present day, a wagon is used for transporting the sun 
pole to the camp.! While they are on the way no person dares to go 
in advance of the pole, for whoever violates the law is in danger of be- 
ing thrown from his horse and having his neck broken. 

The married men and youths carry leaf shields on their backs, and 
some of the riders make their horses race as far as they areable. Any 
member of the party can appropriate the small branches which have 
been cut from the mystery tree. 

When they reach the camp circle, all of the party who carry branches 
and leaves drop them in the places where they intend erecting their 
respective tents. 

§166. Judging from Mr. Bushotter’s first text, the tents are not 
pitched when the people return with the sun pole. But as soon as they 
lay the pole in the place where it is to be erected, the tents are pitched 
again. Then all the objects that are to be attached to the sun pole are 
tied to it, and some of the men take leather straps, such as the women 
use when they carry wood and other burdens, and fasten them to the 
sun pole in order to raise it into position. 

RAISING THE SUN POLE. 

§ 167. This raising of the sun pole seems to be symbolic of the four 
winds, the tattye topa, or “the four quarters of the heavens,” as Dr. 
Riggs translates the Dakota term. Those who assist in raising the 
sun pole must be men who have distinguished themselves. They raise 
the pole a short distance from the ground, and then they shout, making 
an indistinct sound; they rest awhile and pull it a little higher, shout- 
ing again; resting a second time, they renew their efforts, pulling it 
higher still. They shout the third time, rest again, and at the fourth 
pull the pole is perpendicular. Then the men around the camping cir- 
cle fire guns, making the horses flee. Those who raised the pole have 
a new spade, and they use it one after another in throwing a sufficient 
quantity of earth around the base of the pole, pressing the earth down 
firmly in order to steady the pole. 


1Miss Fletcher states that the sun pole is carried to the camp on a litter of sticks, and must not be 
handled or stepped over. Op. cit., p. 582. 


458 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
BUILDING OF DANCING LODGE. 


§ 168. Next follows the building of the dancing lodge. (See Pl. xLvI. 
and §317.) Forked posts are set in the ground in two concentric circles. 
Those posts forming the circle nearer the sun pole are afew feet higher 
than the posts in the outer circle, thus making a slant sufficient for a 
roof. From the inner circle of posts to the sun pole there is no roof, as 
the dancers who stand near the pole must see the sun and moon. From 
each forked post to the next one in the same circle is laid a tent pole; 
and on the two series of these horizontal tent-poles are placed the sap- 
lings or poles forming theroof. In constructing the wall of the dancing 
lodge they use the leaf shields, and probably some poles or branches 
of trees, the shields and leaves stuck in the wall here and there, in 
no regular order, leaving interstices through which the spectators can 
peep at the dancers. A very wide entrance is made, through which 
can be taken a horse, as well as the numerous offerings brought to be 
given away to the poor. Then they smoke the pipe, as in that manner 
they think that they can induce their Great Mysterious One to smoke. 

§169. All having been made ready, the aged men and the chief men 
of the camp kick off their leggins and moccasins, and as many as have 
pistols take them to the dancing lodge, around the interior of which 
they perform a dance. As they pass around the sun pole, all shoot at 
once at the objects suspended from the pole (§ 164), knocking them aside 
suddenly. Leaving the dancing lodge, they dance around the interior 
of the camping circle till they reach their respective tents. 


THE UUCITA. 


§170. This is followed by the “ uuéita.” Hach man ties up the tail of 
his horse and dresses himself in his best attire. When they are ready, 
they proceed two abreast around the interior of the camping circle, 
shooting into the ground as they pass along, and filling the entire 
area with smoke. There are so many of them that they extend almost 
around the entire circle. If any of the riders are thrown from their 
horses as they dash along, the others pay no attention to them, but step 
over them, regarding nothing but the center of the camping circle. 
(See Pl. xiv.) 

§171. By this time it is nearly sunset. The young men and young 
women mount horses and proceed in pairs, a young man beside a young 
woman, singing as they pass slowly around the circle. The young men 
sing first, and the young women respond, acting as a chorus. That 
night the tent of preparation is again erected. The candidates dance 
there. The people gaze towards that tent, for it is rumored that the 
candidates will march forth from it. 


DECORATION OF CANDIDATES OR DEVOTEES. 


§ 172. The candidates spend the nightin decorating themselves. Each 
one wears a fine scarlet blanket arranged as a skirt and with a good 


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THE DANCING LODGE. 


DORSEY. ] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 459 


belt fastened around his waist. From the waist up he is nude, and on 
his chest he paints some design. Sometimes the design is a sunflower. 
Aman can paint the designs referring to the brave deeds of his father, 
his mother’s brother, or of some other kinsman, if he himself has done 
nothing worthy of commemoration. If a man has killed an animal, he 
can paint the sign of the animal on his chest, and some hold between 
their lips the tails of animals, signifying that they have scalped their 
enemies. Others show by their designs that they have stolen horses 
from enemies. 

§ 173. Each one allows his hair to hang loosely down his back. Some 
wear head-dresses consisting of the skins of buffalo heads with the horns 
attached. Others wear eagle war-bonnets. Each candidate wears a 
buffalo robe with the thick hair outside. He fills his pipe, which is a new 
one ornamented with porcupine work, and he holdsit with the stem 
pointing in front of him. Thus do all the candidates appear as they 
come out of the tent of preparation. As they march to the dancing lodge 
the leader goes first, the others march abreast after him. He who acts 
as leader carries a buffalo skull painted red. All ery as they march, 
and on the way they are joined by a woman who takes the place of her 
“hakata,” or cousin; and sometimes they are joined by a horse that is 
highly prized by his owner. 


OFFERINGS OF CANDIDATES. 


§ 174. The first time that they emerge from the tent where they sleep 
they march aroundit four times, and they make offerings of four blank- 
ets, which they suspend from as many posts set up in the form of a 
square within which the tent is erected. When they proceed from the 
tent of preparation to the dancing lodge, one of their servants sets up 


f£1G.191.—The tent of preparation and the dancing lodge. 


sticks at intervals, forming a straight line from the tent of preparation 
to the dancing lodge, and on these sticks he places their offerings of 
blankets and tobacco pouches. After the gifts are thus suspended, none 
of the spectators can cross the line of sticks. 

§ 175. Capt. J. G. Bourke has a wand that was used by one of the 
heralds, or criers, during the sun dance. It was about 5 feet long, and 
was decorated with beadwork and a tuft of horse hair at the superior 
extremity. Whenever the crier raised this wand the people fell back, 
leaving an open space of the required area, 


460 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
CEREMONIES AT THE DANCING LODGE, 


§ 176. On reaching the dancing lodge, the candidates pass slowly 
around the exterior, starting at the left side of the lodge and turning 
towards the right. They do this four times and then enter the lodge. 
They stretch their hands towards the four quarters of the heavens as 
they walk around the interior of the lodge. They sit down at the back 
part of the lodge, and then they sing. 

Between them and the pole they cut out the soil in the shape of a 
half-moon, going down to virgin earth, and on this bare spot they place 
all the buffalo skulls. After this they paint themselves anew with red 
paint, on completing which they are lifted to their feet by their attend- 
ants. Again they walk around the interior of the lodge, stretching out 
their hands towards the four quarters of the heavens. 

§ 177. A song of the sun dance is started by one of the candidates, 
and the others join him, one after another, until all are singing. Mean- 
while the men who have been selected for the purpose redden their en- 
tire hands, and it devolves on them to dance without touching any- 
thing, such as the withes connected with the sun pole or the buffalo 
skulls; allthat they are required to do is to extend their hands towards 
the sun, with the palms turned from them. 

At this time all the candidates are raised again to their feet, and 
brought to the back part of the lodge, where they are placed in a row. 
They soon begin to ery, and they are joined by the woman who has 
taken the place of her elder brother. 

§ 178. It is customary, when a man is too poor to take part himself 
in the sun dance, for a female relation to take his place, if such a 
woman pities him. She suffers as the male candidates do, except in 
one respect—her flesh is not scarified. This woman wears a buckskin 
skirt, and she lets her hair fall loosely down her back. She carries the 
pipe of her brother or kinsman in whose place she is dancing. 

§179. As the drums beat, the candidates dance and blow their 
flutes. The woman stands, dancing slowly, with her head bent down- | 
ward, but with shoulders erect, and she is shaking her head and body 
by bending her knees often without raising her feet from the ground. 
She abstains from food and drink, just as her brother or kinsman would 
have done had he participated in the dance. In fact, all the candi- 
dates haveto fast from the time that the sun pole is cut, and from that 
time they cry and dance at intervals. 

§ 180. If the owner of a horse decides that his steed must take part 
in the dance, he ties the horse to one of the thongs fastened to the sun- 
pole, and stands near the animal. Whenever he wishes he approaches 
the horse, takes him by the lower jaw as he stands and cries, and then 
he, too, joins in the dance. This horse is decoratea in the finest man- 
ner; he is painted red, his tail is rolled up into a bundle and tied to- 
gether, and he wears feathers in the tail and forelock. 

§ 181. Candidates scarified. When the time comes for scarifying the 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XLVII 


| PTEPA KIN WACI.- 2. OKASKA NAZIN. 


DORSEY. ] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 461 


candidates,! if one wishes to dance in the manner about to be described, 
he is made to stand between four posts arranged in the form of a 
square, and his flesh on his back being scarified in two places, thongs 
are run through them and fastened to them and to the posts behind 
him. His chest is also scarified in two places, thongs are inserted and 
tied, and then fastened to the two posts in front of him (see Pl. xLv1u, 1, 
OkaSka nazin, or “He stands fastened to” or “ within”). Bushotter 
says nothing about the skewers used in torturing the dancers; but 
Capt. Bourke obtained three ornamental ones which had been run 
through the wounds of some of the devotees, in order to be stained with 
blood and kept thereafter as souvenirs of the bravery of the dancers. 
Besides these were the regular skewers which were thrust horizontally 
through the flesh; and to the ends of these skewers were fastened the 
thongs that were secured by the opposite ends to the sun pole. The 
last dance allowed by the Government was in 1883, and it would be 
difficult now to find any of these skewers. (See § 204.) 

Another man has his back scarified and a thong inserted, from which 
a buffalo skull is suspended, as shown in Pl. XLv1, 2, Pte-pa kin wadéi, or 
“He dances carrying a buffalo skull on his back.” He dances thus, 
thinking that the weight of the skull will soon cause the thong to break 
through the flesh. The blood runs in stripes down his back. 

§ 182. Another man decides to be fastened to the sun pole. For the 
use of such dancers there are eight leather thongs hanging down from 
the pole, being fastened to the pole at a point about midway from the 
top. For each man tied to the pole it is the rule to take two of the 
thongs and run them through his flesh after the holes are made with 
the knife (see Pl. xLvi11). After the thongs are fastened to him, the 
dancer is required to look upward. When the candidate is a short man, 
his back is scarified and his attendants push him up high enough from 
the ground for the thongs to be inserted and tied. Im this case the 
weight of the man stretches the skin where the thongs are tied, and 
for a long time he remains there without falling (see Pl. xLIx). 

§ 183. A very long time ago it happened that the friends of such a 
short man pitied him, so they gave a horse to another man, whom they 
directed to release their friend by pulling at the thongs until they 
broke out. So the other man approached the dancer, telling of his own 
deeds. He grasped the short man around the body, threw himself vio- 
lently to the ground, breaking off the thong, which flew upward, and 
bringing the short man to the ground. Then the kindred of the short 
man brought presents of calico or moccasins and another horse, with 
other property, and they made the old women of the camp scramble 
for the possession of the gifts. The horse was given away by the act 
called ‘* Kaliol yeyapi,” or “‘They threw it off suddenly.” The father 
of the dancer stood at the entrance of his tent, holding a stick in his 
hand. He threw the stick into the air, and the bystanders struggled for 


1See Miss Fletcher's account, Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1882, p. 584. 


462 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


its possession. Whoever grasped the stick, and succeeded in holding 
it, won the horse. If a forked stick is thrown up and caught it entitles 
the holder to a mare and her colt. 

§184. When a young man has his flesh pierced for him, if he is 
beloved by his female relations, they furnish him with many objects dec- 
orated with porcupine quills, and these objects are suspended from the 
pierced places of his flesh, this being considered as a mark of respect 
shown by the women to their kinsman. Very often the women by such 
acts deprive themselves of all their property. 

§185. Pieces of flesh offered—W hen the candidates have their flesh 
pierced for the insertion of the thongs, a number of men who do not 
intend to dance approach the sun pole and take seats near it. With a 
new knife small pieces of flesh are cut out in a row from the shoulders 
of each of these men, who hold up the pieces of their own flesh, show- 
ing them to the pole. They also cover the base of the pole with earth. 
If some of the women desire to offer pieces of their flesh, they come and 
do so. 

§ 186. Very soon after this the people who are outside of the dancing 
lodge sing a song in praise of the devotees of all kinds, and the old 
women are walking about with their clothing and hair in disorder, the 
garments flapping up and down as they dance. The attendants hold 
the pipes for the candidates to smoke, and they decorate them anew. 
After they decorate them, the dancing is resumed. By this time it is 
past noon, so the girls and boys whose ears are to be pierced are col- 
lected in one place, and presents are given to all the poor people.! 
After the children’s ears have been pierced, the attendants make the 
candidates rise again and continue the dance. 

§187. Torture of owner of horse-—The man whose horse has taken 
part in the dance is tied to the tail of his horse, and his chest is pierced 
in two places and fastened by thongs to the sun pole. Some of the 
attendants whip the horse several times, making him dart away from the 
pole, thereby releasing the man, as the thongs are broken by the sud- 
den strain (see § 29). 

§ 188. The devotees dance through the night, and when it is nearly 
midnight they rest. Beginning at the left side of the dancing lodge, 
every devotee stops and cries at each post until he makes the circuit 
of the lodge. By this time it is midnight, so the attendants make them 
face about and stand looking towards the east, just as in the afternoon 
they had made them face the west. 


END OF THE DANCE. 


§ 189. At sunrise they stop dancing and they leave the dancing 
lodge. As they come forth, they pass out by the right side, and march 
four times around the exterior of the lodge. After which they proceed 


1 Miss Fletcher, op. cit., p. 583. 


Bureau of Ethnology. 


SN STAs 


Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XL VIII 


MmMAAICO CC. 


-- 


GAST LITK C0 WL. 


i) hee 


DORSEY.] BUSHOTTER ON THE SUN DANCE. 463 


directly to the lodge of preparation, around which they march four 
times prior to entering it. 

§ 190. When the devotees emerge from the dancing lodge, one of 
their attendants places more gifts on the line of sticks between the two 
lodges, and after the procession has moved on there is considerable 
disputing among the small boys of the camp for the posession of the 
gifts. 

§ 191. After leaving the lodge of preparation, the exhausted devotees 
are taken back to their own tents, where each one is given four sips 
of water and a small piece of food, and by the time that he gets accus- 
tomed to food after his long fast, he eats what he pleases, enters the 
sweat lodge, rubs himself with the wild sage, and thenceforward he is 
regarded as having performed his vow. 

§ 192. The spectators scramble for the possession of the blankets and 
long pieces of calico left as sacrifices at the dancing lodge, and some of 
them climb to the top of the sun pole and remove the objects fastened 
there. The sun pole is allowed to remain in its place. The author saw 
asun pole at Ponka Agency, then in Dakota, in 1871. It had been there 
for some time, and it remained till it was blown down by a high wind. 

At the conclusion of the dance the camp breaks up and the visitors 
return to their respective homes. 

§ 193 All who participate in the dance must act according to rule for if 
one slights part of the rites they think that he is in great danger. 
The men selected as overseers or managers are the persons who act as 
the attendants of the candidates. 

The candidates think that all their devotions are pleasing to the sun. 
As they dance, they pray mentally, ‘‘ Please pity me! Bring to pass all 
the things which I desire!” 


INTRUSIVE DANCES, 


§ 194. During the sun dance, other dances—intrusive dances, as Lynd 
terms them—are going on in the camp. Among these are the follow- 
ing: The Mandan dance, performed by the Gante tinza okolaki¢iye, or 
the Society of the Stout-hearted Ones; the Wakay wa¢ipi or mystery 
dance, the Pezi mignaka wacipi or the dance of those wearing grass in 
their belts, the ghost dance, the buffalo dance, and the Omaha kiyotag 
a-i, popularly called the grass dance. 

§ 195. When a man joins the Mandan dance as a leader, he wears a 
feather headdress of owl feathers, a scarf, called ‘“ WayZi-iGaske,” is 
worn around his neck and hangs down his back, and he carries a 
pipe, a bow, and arrows. In the Pezi mignaka wacipi, both young 
men and young women take part. All these dances are held out- 
side the lodge of the sun dance, within which lodge only the one 
dance can be performed. The grass dance is named after the Omaha 
tribe. As many men as are able to participate in that dance march 
abreast until they reach the camp of some gens, where they sit 


464 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


down facing the people whom they visit, hence the name, meaning, 
“the Omaha reach there and sit down.” Then the visitors sing while 
a noise is made by hitting the ground with sticks, etc. The singers 
and dancers sit looking at the tents of the gens that they have visited, 
and remain so until property and food are brought out and given to 
them. Then they arise and probably dance. They think thatif they 
ask Wakantanka for anything after the conclusion of the sun dance 
they will receive it. So they call on him in different songs, thus: “O 
Wakantanka, please pity me! Let me have many horses!” Or, “O 
Wakantanka, p’ease pity me! Let there be plenty of fruits and vegeta- 
bles!” Or, ‘‘O Wakantanka, please pity me! Let me live a long time!” 

§196. During the sun dance they sing about some old woman, calling 
her by name. They can sing about any old woman on such an oceasion. 

One of these songs has been given by Mr. Bushotter, but the writer 
must content himself in giving the words without the musie. 

“ Wintn’li¢a kun tokiya la huywo’? He’-ye-ye+! 
Yatila kun’ Sun/ka wikiniéape. Hé-ye-ye+ ! 
E/-ya-ya-ha/’ ya’/-ha ya’-ha yo’-ho he’-ye-ye+ ! 
E/-ya-ya-ha’ ya/-ha ya/-ha yo’-ho he’-ye-ya!” 

That is: “Old woman, you who have been mentioned, whither are 
you going? When they scrambled for the stick representing a horse, 
of course you were on hand! How brave you are!” 

They sing this in a high key, and when they cease suddenly, they 
call out, “‘ Ho’wo! Ho’wo! E/-ya-ha-he+! E/-ya-ha-he+!” “ Comeon! 
Come on! How brave you are! How brave you are!” When they have 
said this repeatedly an old woman enters the circle, making them 
laugh by her singing and dancing. 

Thus ends the Bushotter account of the sun dance, which was read 
at a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington, May 6, 1890. 


CAPT. BOURKE ON THE SUN-DANCE. 


§197. After the reading of the paper, Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. 
Army, remarked that he had seen the sun dance of the Dakota several 
times, and once had enjoyed excellent opportunities of taking notes of 
all that occurred under the superintendence of Red Cloud and other 
medicine men of prominence. Capt. Bourke kindly furnished the author 
with the following abstract of his remarks on this subject: 

In June, 1881, at the Red Cloud Agency, Dakota, there were some twenty-eight 
who went through the ordeal, one of the number being Pretty Enemy, a young 
woman who had escaped with her husband from the band of Sitting Bullin British 
North America, and who was going through the dance as a signof grateful acknowl 
edgment to the spirits. 

The description of the dance given in the account of Bushotter tallies closely with 
that which took place at the Red Cloud ceremony, with a few very immaterial ex- 
ceptions due no doubt to local canses. 

§ 198. At Red Cloud, for example, there was not a separate buffalo head for each 
Indian; there were not more than two, and with them, being placed erect and lean- 
ing against a frame-work made for the purpose, several elaborately decorated pipes, 


Bureau of Ethnology. Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XLIX 


GABT LITH.CO. N.Y 


ASUSPENDED DEVOTEE. 


DORSEY. ] BOURKE ON THE SUN DANCER. 465 


beautiful in all that poreupine quills, beads, and horsehair could supply. Buffaloes 
had atthat time disappeared from the face of the country within reach of that agency, 
and there was also an increasing difficulty in the matter of procuring the pipestone 
from the old quarries over on the Missouri River [sic].! 

§ 199. First, in regard to securing the sacred tree, after the same had been desig- 
nated by the advance party sent out to look for it. The medicine men proclaimed 
to the young warriors that all they were now to do was just the same as if they were 
going out to war. When the signal was given, the whole party dashed off at full 
speed on their ponies, and as soon as we arrived at the tree, there was no small 
amount of singing, as well as of presents given to the poor. 

Next, a band of young men stepped to the front, and each in succession told the 
story of his prowess, each reference to the killing or wounding of an enemy, or to 
striking coup, being corroborated by thumping on the skin which served the medicine 
men as a drum. . 

§ 200. The first young man approached the sacred tree, swung his brand-new ax, 
and cut one gash on the east side; the second followed precisely the same program 
on the south side; the third, on the west side, and the fourth, on the north side, 
each cutting one gash and no more. 

§ 201. They were succeeded by a young maiden, against whose personal character, 
it was asserted, not a breath of insinuation could be brought, and she was decked in 
all the finery of a long robe of white antelope skin almost completely covered with 
elks’ teeth, as well as with beads. She seized the ax, and, with a few well-directed 
blows, brought the tree to the ground. 

§ 202. In carrying the tree to the camp it was placed upon skids, no one being 
allowed to place a hand upon the tree itself. Upon reaching the summit of the knoll 
nearest the camp the tree was left in charge of its immediate attendants while the 
rest of the assemblage charged at full speed upon the camp itself. 

§ 203. When the tree had been erected in place, it was noticed that each of those 
who were to endure the torture had been provided with an esquire, while there was 
also a force of men, armed with guns to preserve order, criers to make proclama- 
tions, and heralds and water-carriers armed with long staves tipped with bead-work 
and horse-hair. These water-carriers did not carry water for the men attached to 

_the tree, they were not allowed to drink, but it they happened to faint away the 
medicine men would take a mouthful of water apiece and spray it upon the body 
of the patient, producing coldness by the evaporation of the water. 

§ 204. All the Indians on that occasion were attached to the tree itself by long 
ropes of hair or by thongs, fastened to skewers run horizontally under the flesh. (See 
§ 181.) 

§ 205. The young woman, Pretty Enemy, was not tied up to the tree, but she danced 
with the others, and had her arms scarified from the shoulders to the elbows. All 
this scarification was done by a medicine man, who also slit the earof the babies 
born since the last sun dance. 

§ 206. The young men were scarified in the following manner: Their attendants, 
whom I have called esquires, seized and laidthemon a bed of some sagebrush at the 
foot of the sacred tree. A short address was made by one of the medicine men; then 
another, taking up as much of the skin of the breast under the nipple of each dancer 
as could be held between his thumb and forefinger, cut a slit the length of the 
thumb, and inserted a skewer to which a rope was fastened, the other end of the 
rope being tied to the tree. 

§ 207. The young men placed eagle pipes, as they were called, in their mouths. 
These pipes were flutes which were made each from one of the bones in an eaglet’s 
wing. They had to be sounded all the time the young man was dancing. This dane- 
ing was done in the manner of a buck jump, the body and legs being stiff and all 


1The famous pipestone quarry was near the Big Sioux river in Minnesota. 


11 ETH 30 


466 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


movement being upon the tips of the toes. The dancers kept looking at the sun, 
and either dropped the hands to the sides in the military position of ‘ attention,” 
with the palms to the front, or else held them upward and outward at an angle of 
45 degrees, with the fingers spread apart, and inclined towards the sun. 

§ 208. When laid on the couch of sagebrush before spoken of, each young man 
covered his face with his hands and wailed. I was careful to examine each one, 
and saw that this wailing was a strictly ceremonial affair unaccompanied by tears. 

§ 209. Before approaching the tree the victims were naked, with the exception of 
blue cloth petticoats and buffalo robes worn with the fur outside, giving them the 
appearance of monks of the olden time. The buffalo robes were, of course, thrown 
off when the young men were laid on the sagebrush preparatory to the scarifica- 
tion. One young man was unable to tear himself loose, and he remained tied up to 
the tree for an hour and seven minutes by my watch. He fainted four times. The 
medicine man put into his mouth some of the small red, bitter, salty seeds of the 
Dulcamara, while the women threw costly robes, blankets, articles of beadwork and 
quillwork, and others of the skin of the elk and antelope upon the rope attaching 
him to the tree, in the hope of breaking him loose. The articles thus attached to the 
rope were taken away by the poor for whom they were given. There was any 
amount of this giving of presents at all stages of the dance, but especially at this 
time, and the criers were calling without ceasing, ‘So and so has done well. He is 
not afraid to look the poor women and children in the face! Come up some more of 
you people! Do not be ashamed to give! Let all the people see how generous you 
are!” or words to that effect. (I had to rely upon my interpreter, who was reputed 
to be the best and most trustworthy at the agency). 

§ 210. One ofthe prime movers in the organization of this particular dance, hocky 
Bear, at the last moment, for some particular reason, decided not to go through the 
terrible ordeal. He explained his reasons to the tribe, and was excused. He gave 
presents with a lavish hand, and it was understood that on some subsequent occasion 
he would finish the dance. ‘There was no sign of dissatisfaction with his course, and 
everyone seemed to be on the best of terms with him. All through the ceremony 
there was much singing by the women and drumming by the medicine men, and a 
feast of stewed dog, which tastes very much like young mutton, was served with 
boiled wild turnips. 


§ 211. By a comparison of the accounts of Miss Fletcher, Capt. 
Bourke, and Bushotter it will be noticed that while there are several 
points of disagreement which, as Capt. Bourke remarks, are “due no 
doubt to local causes,” the accounts are in substantial agreement. Miss 
Fletcher says that the opening of the camp circle was toward the east; 
but Bushotter gives it as toward the north. She states that the tent 
of preparation was erected on the first day after sunset; but Bushotter 
says it was set up on the fourth day. She represents the selection 
of the men who go to seek the tree, the departure to fetch the tree, 
the felling of the tree, the bringing it and setting it up within the 
camp cirele as all taking place on the fourth day. Bushotter states 
that the men were selected on the third day; they went to seek the tree 
on the fourth day; they went to fell the tree on the fifth day, and on the 
same day they brought it to the camp and set it in place. Capt. Bourke 
saw four men and one girl employed in felling the tree. Miss Fletcher 
mentions that five men and three girls did this in 1882; but Bushotter 
recorded that several men and women took part in this performance. 
The ears of the children were pieced on the fourth day after the raising 


* 


DORSEY. ] ASTRONOMICAL LORE. 467 


of the sun pole, according to Miss Fletcher; but Bushotter says that 
this did not occur till after the devotees had been scarified and fast- 
ened to the pole and posts, on the sixth day. Bushotter agrees with 
Miss Fletcher in saying that on the sixth day the earth was “ mellowed,” 
the devotees scaritied, and they danced with the thongs fastened to 
the pole, etc., and attached to the skewers running under their flesh. 


BERDACHES. 


§ 212. These unfortunate beings, who have been referred to as mi"quga 
and mi"quge in Chapter 111 (§ 30), are called winkta by the Santee and 
Yankton Dakota, and wiykte.by the Teton. They dress as women and 
act in all respects as women do, though they are really men. The 
terms for sodomy, wijktapi and wiyktepi, are significant, and go to 
prove that the berdaches should not be called hermaphrodites. It is 
probable that the Dakota regard the moon as influencing these people. 
(See § 353.) 

ASTRONOMICAL LORE. 


§ 213. Ho-ke-win-la is a man who stands in the moon with out- 
stretched arms. His name is said to mean Turtle Man. When the 
Teton see a short man with a large body and legs they generally call 
him “ Ho-ke-la,” after the man in the moon. 

The Teton do not like to gaze at the moon, because at some past 
time a woman, who was carrying a child on her back, gazed a long 
time at the moon, till she became very weak and fell senseless. 

No Teton dare look at the stars and count even‘‘one” mentally. For 
one is sure to die if he begin to count the stars and desist before finish- 
ing. They are also afraid to point at a rainbow with the index finger, 
though they can point at it with the lips or elbow. Should one forget, 
and point with the index finger, the bystanders laugh at him, saying, 
“By and by, O friend, when your finger becomes large and round, let 
us have it for a ball bat.” 


DAY AND NIGHT. 


§ 214. One of Bushotter’s Teton texts reads thus: 


Indians are often singing ‘‘The day and night are mysterious” or ‘wakan.” 
They do so for the following reasons: While the day lasts a man is able to do many 
wonderful things at different times, and he kills so many animals, including men, 
and sometimes he receives presents, and besides he is able to see all things. But he 
does not fully understand what the day is, nor does he know what makes the light. 
Though the man can do various things during the day, he does not know who makes 
or causes the light. Therefore he believes that it*was not made by hand, i. e., that no 
human being makes the day give light. Therefore the Indians say that the day is 
“wakay.” They do not know who causes all these things, yet they know that there 
is some one thing having power, and that this thing does it. In their opinion, that 
is the sun. So they pray to the sun; and they respect both the day and the sun, 
making them ‘“wakay.” On that account they usually sing some songs about them. 
Then they say that the night is ‘‘wakan.” When it is night, there are ghosts and 
many fearful objects, so they regard the night as ‘‘ wakay,” and pray to it. 


468 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CUTS. 
THE DAWN. 


§ 215. When Bushotter’s younger brother was sick on one occasion 
he was made to pray to Anpao, The Dawn. The tent skins were thrown 
back from the entrance and the sick boy was held up with the palms 
of his hands extended towards the light, while he repeated this prayer: 
“Wakan/tanka, uy/Simala yé! Téhay wauy’ kte,” i. e., “O Great Mys- 
terious One, please pity me! Let me live a long time!” Then the 
patient was laid back on his couch. While the sick boy prayed a 
blanket was held up, and the next morning it was hung from the top 
of the tent. When the invalid recovered the blanket and a tobacco 
pouch were taken to a hill and left there as sacrifices. The boy got 
well, and the people believed that some mysterious power had cured 
him. ‘ . 

WEATHER SPIRI?. 


§ 216. The Teton say that a giant, called Waziya, knows when there 
is to be a change of weather. When he travels his footprints are 
large enough for several Indiaus to stand while they are abreast; and 
his strides are far apart, for at one step he can go over a hill. When 
it is cold the people say, ‘“‘ Waziya has returned.” ‘They used to pray 
to him, but when they found that he did not heed them they desisted. 
When warm weather is to follow Waziya wraps himself in a thick 
robe, and when it is to be cold he goes nude. The members of the 
Heyoka or Anti-natural Society love the acts of Waziya; so they 
imitate him in always saying or doing the opposite of what might be 
expected under the circumstances. Riggs says,' ‘‘ Waziya, the god of 
the north, and Itokaga, the god of the south, are ever in conflict and 
each in turn is victorious.” 

HEYOKA. 


§ 217. Waziya and Heyoka are not fully differentiated. Heyoka, 
according to Riggs,? is “the antinatural god.” He is said to exist in 
four varieties, all of which have the forms of small men, but all their 
desires and experiences are contrary to nature. In the winter they 
stand on the open prairie without clothing; in the summer they sit on 
knolls wrapped in buffalo robes, and yet they are freezing. Each of 
them has in his hands and on his shoulders a bow and arrows, rattles, 
andadrum. All these are surcharged with lightning, and his drum- 
stick is a little Wakinyan. The high mounds of the prairies are the 
places of his abode. He presides over the land of dreams, and that is - 
why dreams are so fantastic. * 

§ 218. In speaking of the Heyoka gods, Pond says:% 

Like the Wakinyan, there are four varieties of them, all of which assume in sub- 
stance the human form, but it would be unnecessarily tedious to note the differences 


1 Concerning Dakota Beliefs, in Proc. Amer. Philol. Assoc., 3d An. Session, 1872, p.5 
2Theogony of the Sioux, p. 269. 
3Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. u, pt. 2, p. 44. 


DORSEY. ] THE HEYOKA GODS. 469 


of form, especially as the differences are unimportant. They are said to be armed 
with the bow and arrows, and with deer-hoof rattles, which things are charged with 
electricity. One of the varieties carries a drum, which is also charged with the same 
fluid. Fora drumstick he holds a small Wakinyan god by the tail, striking on the 
drum with the beak of the god. This would seem to us to be an unfortunate posi- 
tion for a god, but it must be remembered that it is “ wakan,” and the more absurd 
a thing is, the more ‘“wakan.” 

§ 219. One of these gods in some respects answers to the whirlwind zephyr of 
Greek mythology. It isthe gentle whirlwind which is sometimes visible in the del- 
icate waving of the tall grass of the prairie.! 

By virtue of their medicine and tonwan powers the Heyoka render aid to such 
men asreyere them, in the chase, or by inflicting and healing diseases, especially 
those resulting from the gratification of their libidinous passions. 


HEYOKA FEAST. 


§ 220. Lynd gives an account of the Heyoka feast. He says: ? 

They assemble in a lodge, wearing tall, conical hats, being nearly naked, and painted 
in astrangestyle. Upon thefire is placed a huge kettle full of meat, and they re- 
main seated around the fire smoking until the water in the kettle begins to boil, 
which is the signal for the dance to begin. They dance and sing around it excitedly, 
plunging their hands into the boiling water, and seizing large pieces of hot meat, 
which they devour at once. The scalding water is thrown over their backs and legs, 
at which they never wince, complaining that itis cold. Their skin is first deadened, 
as Iam creditably informed, by rubbing with a certain grass; and they dé notin real- 
ity experience any uneasiness from the boiling water—a fact which gives their per- 
formances great mystery in the eyes of the uninitiated. 

§ 221. Dr. Brinton has confounded the Heyoka with the Wakinyan. 
The two are distinct classes of powers, though there is some connection 
between them, as may be inferred from the following stories in the Bush- 
otter collection. 

§ 222. No Indian belonging to the Heyoka Society ever tells of his 
own personal mystery. Such things are “wakay,” and not even one 
man can be induced to sing the Heyoka songs upon an ordinary oeeca- 
sion; because if they sing one of those songs except at the proper time 
they say that the Thunder-beings would kill the entire households of 
the offenders. Therefore they object to singing the Heyoka songs and 
they do not like to speak about them. 


STORY OF A HEYOKA MAN. 


§ 223. It is said that the people of the olden times knew when they 
were about to die, and they used to dream about their deaths and how 
they would be when the time drew near. One of those men said, 
“When the first thunder is heard next spring, I and my horse shall die.” 

For that reason his kindred were weeping from time to time, this man 
who had dreamed of his death decorated the legs of his horse by moist- 
ening light gray clay and drawing zigzag lines down the legs. In like 
manner he decorated the neck and back of the horse, and he madesim- 


1Compare the Ma"na"hirdje sub-gens of the Kansa tribe, and part of the wind gens, as the ya"ze 
gens of the Omaha, Kansa and Osage may be associated with the TakuskanSkan of the Dakota. 
?Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 11, pt. 2, pp. 70, 71. 


470 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


ilar lines on his own arms. Then he would walk about the prairie near 
the camp, singing and holding a pipe with the stem pointing toward 
the sky. 

When the leaves opened out in the following spring, the first thun- 
dercloud was seen. Then the man said, ‘ Ho, this is the day on which 
Tam to die!” So he tied up his horse’s tail in a rounded form, put a 
piece of scarlet blanket around the animal’s neck, and spread a fine 
blanket over his back, as a saddlecloth, with the ends trailing along the 
ground. He painted himself and his horse just as he had been doing 
formerly, and, taking the pipe, he walked round and round at some dis- 
tance from the camp, pointing the pipestem towards the clouds as he 
sang the Heyoka songs. The following is given as a song of the human 
Heyoka man, but it is said to have been sung originally by the mys- 
terious and superhuman Heyoka in the thundercloud: 

Ko-la, o-ya-te kin, ko-la, wan-ni-yang u-pe e-ye he+-! 
Ko-la, o-ya-te, kin, ko-la, wan-ni-yang u-pe e-ye he-+! 
Ko-la, lo-wan hi-bu we! 
Ko-la, Ge-ya hi-bu we! 
O-ya-te wan-ma-ya-ka-pi ye. 
He-he-he! 
Ta-muy-ka sni kun e-ye-ye he-+! 

In this song, “oyate” means the Thunder-beings; ‘‘kola,” the He- 
yoka men here on earth, whom the Thunder-beings threatened to kill; 
“oyate waymayakapi,” ordinary Indians who are not wakan; “He-he-he! 


tamuyka Sni kuy,” i. e., “Alas! I hate to leave them (living Indians),”. 


means that the singer expects to be killed by the Thunder-beings. 
The whole song may be rendered freely thus: 


My friends, the people are coming to see you! 

My friends, the people are coming to see you! 
My friends, he sings as he comes hither! 
My friends, he cries as he comes hither! 

You people on earth behold me while you may! 
Alas! alas! alas! 
I hate to leave my own people! 
On the day referred to the Heyoka man had not been absent very 


long from the camp when a high wind arose, and the rain was so plenti- 


ful that a person could not see very far. Then the Thunder-beings 


looked (i. e., there was lightning) and they roared; but still the man 
and his horse continued walking about over there in sight of the camp. 
By and by there was a very sudden sound as if the trees had been 
struck, and all the people were much frightened, and they thought 
that the Thunder-beings had killed them. Some of the women and 
children fainted from fear, and the men sat holding them up. Some 
of the people thought that they saw many stars, and there seemed to 
be the sound, ‘‘Tuyn-+ !” in the ears of each person. 

When the storm had lasted a long time, the Thunder-beings were 
departing slowly, amid considerable loud roaring. When it was all over 
the people ventured forth from their lodges. Behold, the man and his 


DORSEY. | IyYA AND IKTO. A711 


horse had been killed by the Thunder-beings, so his relations were ery- 
ing ere they reached the scene of the disaster. 

The horse had been burnt in the very places where the man had deco- 
rated him, and his sinews had been shriveled by the heat, so he lay 
with each limb stretched out stiff. The man, too, had been burnt in 
the very places where he had painted himself. The grass all around 
appeared as if the Thunder-beings had dragged each body along, for it 
was pushed partly down on all sides. So the people reached there and 
beheld the bodies. 

As the men in former days used to know events beforehand, as has 
just been told, it has long been the rule for no one to reveal his per- 
sonal mystery, which he regards as “ wakan.” 


HEYOKA WOMEN, 


§ 224, Bushotter gave the following account of a female Heyoka who 
was killed by lightning: 

A certain woman whom I saw after she had been killed by lightning belonged to 
the Heyoka Society. When she walked, she carried a pipe with the mouthpiece 
pointing upward, as she thought that the Thunder-beings would put the mouth- 
piece into their mouths, though the act would immediately cause her death. 

§ 225. ‘‘Women used to dream about the Thunder-beings, just as the men did, and 
in those dreams the Heyoka man or woman made promises to the Thunder-beings. 
If the dreamers kept their promises, if was thought that the Thunder-heings helped 
them to obtain whatever things they desired; but if they broke their promises, they 
were sure to be killed by the Thunder-beings during some storm. For this reason 
the Heyoka members worshiped the Thunder-beings, whom they honored, speaking 
of them as wakan.” 

§ 226. Some of the women sing, and some do not; but all let their hair 
hang loosely down their backs, and their dresses consist of a kind of 
cloth or arobe sewed down the middle of the back. Sometimes the cloth 
is all blue, at other times half is red and half is blue. Some times 
there is beadwork on the dress. Even the Heyoka women wear the 
long red cloth trailing on the ground before and behind them, in imita- 
tion of the young dandies of the tribe. 


IYA, THE GOD OF GLUTTONY. 


§ 227. Lynd speaks of the “ vindictive [ya” as driving the hunters 
‘back from the hunt to the desolation of their lodges.'. And Riges has 
written :? 

A people who feast themselves so abundantly as the Dakotas do, when food is plenty, 
would necessarily imagine a god of gluttony. He is represented as extremely ugly, 
and is called E-ya. He has the power to twist and distort the human face, and the 
women still their crying children by telling them that the E-ya will catch them. 


IKTO, IKTOMI, OR UNKTOMI, 


§ 228. Ikto or Iktomi (in the Teton dialect) or Unktomi (in the San- 


1Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 11, pt.2, p. 67. 2Theogony of the Sioux, p. 270. 


472 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


tee) are the names now given to the spider by the Dakota; but the 
names once belonged to a mythical character, who resembles in many 
respects the Ictinike of the Omaha and Ponka, and the Ictcinke of the 
Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes. ‘“Ikto,” say the Teton, “‘ was the first 
being who attained maturity in this world. He is more cunning than 
human beings. He it was who named all people and animals, and he 
was the first to use human speech. Some call him the Waunéa or 
Mocker, a name now applied to the monkey.! If we see any peculiar 
animals at any place, we knew that Iktomi made them so. All the 
animals are his kindred, and they are obliged to act just as he com- 
manded them at the beginning.” 

§ 229. In enumerating the powers that delight in working ill to the 
Indians, Lynd mentions Unktomi thus: 


“The ubiquitous Unktomi tortures the Indians in their hunger by bringing herds 
of buffaloes near the camp, which they no sooner start to pursue than he drives away 


2 


by means of a black wolf and a white crow.” ? 

§ 230. Though Ikto was very cunning, he was sometimes deceived 
by other beings. One day he caught the rabbit, aud the latter was 
about to fare hard, when a thought occurred to him. He persuaded his 
captor to release him on condition that he taught Ikto one of his magie 
arts. Said the rabbit, “Elder brother, if you wish snow to fall at any 
time, take some hair such as this (pulling out some rabbit fur) and 
blow it in all directions, and there will be a blizzard.” Therabbit then 
made a deep snow in this manner, though the leaves were still green. 
This surprised Ikto, who thought that he had learned a wonderful 
accomplishment. But the foolish fellow did not know that rabbit fur 
was necessary, and when he tried to make snow by blowing his own 
hair, he was disappointed. 

§ 231. On another occasion, Ikto reached a stream which he could 
not ford. So he stood on the bank and sang thus: 


ae 2 fa ee 


T6-kin ko-wa-ka-tan ma-ké-ni, e-chin’chin na-wé-zhin! 

Istand, thinking often, Ohthat I might reach the other side ! 
Presently a long object passed, swimming against the current. When 
it reached him it said, “I will take you across, but you must not lift 
your head above the water. Should younotice even a small cloud warn 
me at once, as I must go under the water.” Ikto was then told to give 
the warning thus: ‘‘ Younger brother, your grandfather is coming.” 
Before the other bank was reached Ikto gave the warning, and so sud- 
den was the commotion that Ikto became unconscious. On recovering, 
he found that the thunder was roaring, and the water was dashing 
high, but the monster had disappeared. 


‘With this compare the belief of some African tribes that the monkey has the gift of speech, but 
fears to use it lest he should be made a slave. 
?Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 11, pt. 2, p. 66. 


DORSEY. ] : GANOTIDAN AND HOHNOGIGA. A713 


It is shown in the section on Spider lore (§ 249) how the name Iktomi 
has been transferred from the mythical character to the insect, who, 
in turn, is invoked as “ grandfather.” 


GANOTIDAN AND HOHNOGICA. 


§ 232. These powers have been scarcely differentiated; and some 
writers speak of them as identical. They seem to have been of the 
nature of bogies or boggarts. Says Lynd:! 

Canotiday draws the hungry hunters to the depths of the wood by imitating the 
voices of animals, or by the nefarious ‘‘ Cico! cico!” (i. e., L invite you to a feast! I 
invite you to a feast!) when he scares them out of their senses by showing himself to 
them. 

On the same page he distinguishes between the Canotiday and the 
Olinogiéa thus: 

“The stray lodge becomes the delight of the wild Ohnogica,” implying that such 
lodges were haunted by this spirit for the purpose of frightening any unwary tray- 
eler who ventured there without a companion. 

In Tah-koo Wah-kon (p. 75, note), Riggs speaks of the ‘ Chan-o-te- 
dan or Hoh-no-ge-cha. The former is a fabulous creature, dwelling 
usually in the woods as the name indicates. The latter name would 
seem to give it a place by the door of the tent.” With this we may 
compare the Omaha invocation, ‘O thou Who standest at the right side 
of the entrance! Here is tobacco!” (§ 40). The name also reminds us 
of “The Dweller upon the Threshold” in Bulwer’s “ Zanoni.” 

Riggs, in his “Theogony of the Sioux,” p. 270, writes thus of the 
“Chan-o-te-na”: 

This means, Dweller in the woods. Sometimes he is called Oh-no-ge-cha, which 
would seem to assign him to a place in the tent. Whether these are one and the 
same, or two, is a question in dispute. But they are harmless household gods. The 
Chan-o-te-na is represented as a little child, only it has a tail. Many Indian men 
affirm that they have seen it, not only in night dreains, but in day visions. 

The name Holinogiéa or Olinogiéa is called by the Teton, Ungnagi- 
tala, which is the name of the screech-owl. As the Ponka Inda¢iniga 
dwells in the forest, and is said to resemble an owl, he must be iden- 
tical with the Dakota Canotiday or Ungnagiéala. (See §38.) 


ANUNG-ITE. 


§ 233. Wonderfui stories of beings with two faces are found amoung 
the Dakota as well as among the Omaha. Lynd’ states the belief of 
the Dakota (7. e., those speaking the Santee dialect) that ““women with 
child are but torturing sports for the vengeful Anog-ite.” 

In the Omaha legend of Two Faces and the Twins* the pregnant 
mother of the Twins died as soon as she had gazed at Two Faces. In 
the Teton legend of He-who-Has-a-Sword and Ha-ke-la, the latter is 
said to have met a giant, Anung-ite, or Two Faces, who pretended to 
be an Indian woman nursing an infant. The infant had been stolen 


1 Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., vol. 1m, pt. 2, p. 66. 
2 Tbid., p. 66. 
3 Cont. N. A. Ethnol., vol. v1, pp. 207-219. 


474 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


from its parents by the Anung-ite, who drew a rose brush across its 
face to make it cry. As soon as this was done the Two Faces said, in 
a womans voice, “‘ A-wo! A-wo! A-wo!” that being the expression used 
by Teton women when they wish to soothe crying infants. 

§ 234. The Indians used to hear an Anuyg-ite or Two Faces pass 
along kicking the ground. When he kicked the ground with one foot 
bells used toring and an owlhooted,and when he kicked with the other 
it seemed as if a buffalo bull was there, snorting as he does when about 
tocharge. Atthenextstepa chickadee was heard, and when he moved 
the other foot he made all kinds of animals ery out. The Indians had 
heard this Anuyg-ite and were afraid of him. Now and then when a 
man who thought himself strong was alone when he met the Anuyg-ite 
the latter surprised him by catching him and throwing him into one of 
his ears. These ears were so large that each could hold three men. No 
person knew where the Anuyg-ite made his abode, and no one cared to 
follow him; no one dared to go out of doors at night. Now, there was 
an old man and his-wife who had alodge to themselves, and their only 
child was a willful boy. One night he was particularly ill-behaved, and 
when his mother told him to do something he disobeyed her. So she 
said: ‘I willput you out of the lodge and the Anuyg-ite will toss you 
into his ear.” She did not believe this, and merely said it to frighten 
her son into obedience. Finding him heedless, she seized his arm and, 
though he began to cry, pushed him out of the lodge and fastened the 
entrance securely. The poor boy ran crying around the lodge, but soon 
there was silence. The mother in turn began to ery, and went to seek 
him, but she did not find him outside the lodge. The next morning she 
and her husband, weeping, went to seek him among the people in 
the neighboring camp, asking every one about him, but no one had seen 
him. So they returned to their lodge, and they wept many days for 
their son. One night the mother was weeping. Suddenly she heard 
some one say, ‘Hit! hit! You said to me: Ghost, take that one. Hi"! 
hit!” This was said often, and she noticed a rattling of small bells as 
the being walked along. Just then she said: “Husband, I think now 
that a ghost has taken my son.” The husband said: “ Yes; you gave 
the boy to the ghost, and, of course, the ghost took him. Why should | 
you complain? It serves you right.” Then the mother cried aloud, so 
that her voice might have been heard at a distance. Then said she: 
“Husband, to-morrow night I wil] lie hid by the wood-pile, and if the 
ghost comes I will have a knife in my hand, and after I catch it by the 
leg I will call to you. Be ready to come at once. You must aid me, 
and I will recover my son, because I know that he threw him into his 
ear.” So the next night she lay in wait for the monster. By and by 
something was coming, crying out “ Hit!” and making all kinds of birds 
and animals cry out as it walked. She saw a very large being come 
and stand by the lodge. He was very tall, his head being above the 
smoke-hole, down which he peepedinto the lodge. Suddenly the mother 


DORSEY. ] ANUNG-ITE—GUARDIAN SPIRITS. 475 


called to her husband, and seized one leg of the monster with both 
hands. Then she and her husband gashed the legs in many places, 
and, after tying a thong to one leg, they pulled down the monster and 
bound him securely. They guarded him till it was day. Then they 
beheld a hideous monster covered with thick hair, except on his faces. 
They split his ears with a knife, and within one they found their long- 
lost son, who was very lean and unable to speak. He had a thick coat 
of long hair on him from his legs up to his head, but his head and face 
were smooth. And he would have become an Anuyg-ite had he not 
been rescued. He did not survive very long. After the parents had 
taken their sou from the ear of the monster they put many sticks of 
wood on a fire, and on this they laid the monster. He soon was in 
flames, and they stood looking on. Many things were sent flying out 
of the fire in all directions, just like sparks. These were porcupine 
quills, bags, all kinds of feathers, arrows, pipes, birds, axes, war-clubs, 
flints, stones for sharpening knives, stone balls resembling billiard balls, 
necklaces of tuki shells, flints for striking tinder, flint hide-scrapers, 
whips, tobacco-pouches, all kinds of beads, ete. ! 


PENATES. 


§ 235. It has been supposed that the Dakotas had no penates or 
household gods; but according to Riggs,” “such have come into the pos- 
session of the missionaries. One of these images is that of a little 
man, and is inclosed in a cylindrical wooden case, and enveloped in 
sacred swan’s down.” 


GUARDIAN SPIRITS. 


§ 236. Each Teton may have his special guardian spirit. If such 
spirits are remembered they confer great power on their favorites. 
The latter may be surrounded by foes and yet escape, either by receiy- 
ing great strength, enabling them to seatter their enemies, or by being 
made invisible, disappearing like a ghost or the wind. Sometimes it 
is said that one is rescued by being turned into a small bird that flies 
off in safety. (See §§ 122, 325.) This refers to those who “ihaynbla” 
(have intercourse with spirits) or who have guardian spirits (tawasi- 
éuypi) as servants. Bushotter’s stepfather has a guardian spirit who 
enabled him to tell about lost animals, etc., and bad deeds, even when 
the latter were committed in secret. So Bushotter and the other ehil- 
dren of the household were afraid to do wrong after they had been 
detected several times by the aid of the guardian spirit. 


BELIEFS ABOUT THE BUFFALO. 


§ 237. In several of the Siouan tribes the buffalo is considered a 


1Translated from the original MS. in the Bushotter collection. Tukiis the Teton name for a uni- 
valve shellfish said to come from the Great Lakes. 
2Tah-koo Wah-kon, p. 71. 


476 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


“orandfather.” He figures in the traditions of the Osage.’ Gentes 
and sub gentes are named after him. His image plays an important 
part in the sun dance (§ 164), 

§ 238. Miss Fletcher? mentions a prayer used during the White Buf- 
falo Festival of the Hunkpapa Dakota, in which are remembered the 
“powers of the earth, wind, sun, water, and the buffalo.” And in her 
article on “The Shadow or Ghost Lodge; a Ceremony of the Ogallala 
Sioux,” she states that 2 yards of red cloth are (were) “lifted and 
offered to the buffalo, with a prayer that good may (might) be granted 
to the father” (i. e., of the dead child) ‘during the period of the lodge- 
keeping.”® 

§239. In her article on the ‘‘ Elk Mystery of the Ogallala Sioux” 
is given an important note: 

Among the Santees in past times, a man who should dream of buffalo must 
announce it in the following manner: He takes the head of a buffalo he has killed, 
carefully removes the skin, preserving it as nearly whole as possible, and throws 
away theskull and the flesh. Hethen restores the skin to its natural shape and lets it 
cure. When this has taken place, a few feet square of earth is set apart at the back of 
the lodge, the sods cut off, and the exposed earth made fine. This is the ‘‘U-ma-ne.” 
Upon this earth a new blanket, formerly a robe, is spread. The blanket or robe must 
not belong to a woman. The buttalo head is placed in the center of the blanket, and 
one side of the head (is) painted blue, and the other (side)red. Upon the blue side, 
tufts of white swan’s down are tied to the hair of the head. Sometimes small eagle 
feathers are substituted, and, very rarely, large feathers. Upon the red side, tufts 
of down-colored red are similarly tied. These decorations look like ‘‘a woman’s 
sunbonnet,” as they cover the head and fall to the shoulders. The pipe is only filled 
and presented to the head. The feast kettle is hung over the fire. When all is in 
readiness, the man who prepared the head thus addresses it: ‘‘Grandfather! Vener- 
able man! Your children have made this feast for you. May the food thus taken 
cause them to live, and bring them good fortune.” An Indian of remarkable intel- 
ligence, whose father before him had been a priest of the higher class, explained 
that in some religious festivals the butfalo and the earth were spoken of as one, and 
(were) so regarded. ‘‘Therefore if any one should revile or ridicule the buttalo, 
ever so softly, the earth would hear and tell the buffalo, and he would kill the man.” 


Bushotter furnished two articles on the buffalo, translations of which 


are appended. 
ORIGIN OF THE BUFFALO. 


§ 240. The buffalo originated under theearth. Itissaid that inthe olden times, aman 
who was journeying came to a hill where there were many holes in the ground. He 
explored them, and when he had gone within one of them, he found plenty of buffalo 
chips, and buffalo tracks were on all sides; and here and there he found buffalo hair 
which had come out when the animalsrubbed against the walls. These animals were 
the real buffalo, who dwelt underground, and some of them came up to this earth 
and increased here to many herds. These buffalo had many earth lodges, and there 


1Osage Traditions, in 6th An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 379,380. Am. Naturalist, February, 1884, pp. 113, 
114,133. Ibid, July, 1885, p. 671, Om. Soc.,in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp™228, 233, 244, 247. 

2Rept. Peabody Museum,.vol. 11, p. 264. Note how in the sun dance the sun, the four winds, and 
the buffalo are referred to (§§ 147, 164, 167, 173, and 181, and Pl. xLvim), and ceremonies are performed con- 
nected with the earth, such as mellowing the earth ()) 146, 155, and 176) and the ‘‘ Uuéita,”’ in which 
they shoot into the ground (§ 170). 

3Op. cit., p. 297. 

“Op. cit., p. 282, note. 


DORSEY.] THE BUFFALO—THE BEAR—THE WOLF. ATT 


they raised their children. They did many strange things. Therefore when a man 
can hardly be wounded by a foe, the people believe that the former has seen the 
buffalo in dreams or visions, and on that account has received mysterious help from 
those animals. All such men who dream of the buffalo, act like them and dance the 
buttalo (bull) dance. And the man who acts the buffalo is said to have areal buftalo 
inside him, and a chrysalis lies within the flat part of the body near the shoulder- 
blade; on account of which the man is hard to kill; no matter how often they wound 
him, he does not die. As the people know that the buffalo live in earth lodges, they 
never dance the buffalo dance in vain. 


THE TATANGNASKINYAN OR MYTHIC BUFFALO. 


§ 241. It is said that 1 mythie buffalo once attacked a party of Indians, killing one 
of them. The others fled and climbed a tree, at which the buffalo rushed many 
times, knocking off piece after piece of the tree with his horns till very little of it 
was left. Then one of the Indians lighted some tinder and threw it far off into the 
tall grass, scorching the buftalo’s eyes, and seriously injuring his horns, causing the 
hard part of the latter to slip off, so that the animal could no longer gore any one. 
But as he was still dangerous, one of the men determined to fight him at the risk of 
his own life, and so he slipped down from the tree, armed with a bow and some 
arrows. He finally gave the buffalo a mortal wound. Then allthe men came down 
the tree and cut up the buffalo after flaying him. They were about to carry off the 
body of their dead comrade in a robe, when they were obliged to climb a tree again 
because another mythic buffalo had appeared. He did not attack them, but went 
four times around the body ofthe slainman. Then he stopped and said, ‘‘Arise to 
your feet.” All at once, the dead man came to hfe. The buffalo addressed him, 
saying, ‘‘ Hereafter you shall be mysterious, and the sun, moon, four winds, day and 
night shall be your servants.” It was so. He could assume the shape of a fine 
plume, which was blown often against a tree, to which it stuck, as it waved repeat- 
edly. 

THE BEAR. 


§ 242. The Assiniboin address prayers to the béar.'! They offer it sacrifices of to- 
bacco, belts, and other esteemed objects. They celebrate feasts inits honor, toobtain 
its favors and to live without accidents. The bear’s head is often preserved in 
the camp during several days, mounted in some suitable position and adorned with 
seraps of scarlet cloth, and trimmed with a variety of necklace collars, and colored 
feathers. Then they offer it the calumet, and ask itthat they may be able to kill 
all the bears they meet, without accident to themselves, in order to anoint them- 
selves with his fine grease and make a banquet of his tender flesh. 


THE WOLF. 


§ 243. Smet says, “The wolf is more or less honored among the 
Indians” (7. e. the Assiniboin) ‘‘ Most of the womenrefuse to dress its 
skin for any purpose. The only reason that I could discover for this 
freak is, that the wolves sometimes go mad, bite those they meet and 
give them the hydrophobia. It is doubtless to escape this terrible dis- 
ease and to avoid the destruction of their game, that the Indians make 
it” (the wolf) “‘ presents, and offer it supplications. In other cases, he 
is little feared.” The “little medicine wolf” is in great veneration 
among the Assiniboin. As soon as an Indian hears his barks, he counts 
the number; he remarks whether his voice is feeble or strong,and from 


‘Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 139. 


478 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


what point of the compass it proceeds. All these things are regarded 
as good or bad omens. Ifthe undertakings of the Indians result, as 
they occasionally do, in success, after hearing the barking of the little 
wolf, this animal is honored by a grand feast after the return of the 
_ party.} 

§244. That some of the Dakota reverenced the wolf is evident from 
the fact that there is a society, called the Wolf Society, but known 
among the white people as the Dog Society. That society has many 
beautiful songs, according to Bushotter, and its membership is confined 
to young men. All the wolf stories belong to this society. Three of 
these stories follow this section. 

§245. The man who met the ghost woman after fleeing from the two 
ghost men? encountered a wolf, who pitied him and showed him the way 
to acamp, where he was received and adopted intothe tribe. This man 
always remembered the wolf as a kind animal, and when he killed any 
game, he threw a portion outside of the camp, asan offering to the wolf. 

§ 246. There was once a handsome young Teton, whose wife’s father 
disliked him and plotted against him. He dug a pit within his lodge, 
covering it with skins. Then he invited his son-in-law to a feast. The 
son-in-law met a wolf, whom he saluted, asking him the way to the vil- 
lage. The young man was persuaded to recline on the skins, which gave 
way, precipitating himintothe pit. The father-in-law and his two single 
daughters covered the skins with earth, and removed their tent else- 
where on the morrow, when all the people started on a journey. After 
some days, the wolf who had met the man went to the deserted camp- 
ing place in search of food. On reaching the place where the accident 
(2) had happened, he hearda human cry. So he dug away the earth, 
removed the skins, and found the man, whom he recognized. The wolf 
pitied him, and said, ‘‘ As you did not kill me when we met, you shall 
now be saved.” So he howled, and very soon many wolves appeared. 
They found a lariat, which they lowered into the pit, and by grasping 
the other end with their teeth, they pulled the man up. He was very 
grateful, promising never to harm a wolf. Just then a weeping woman 
appeared, gazing in surprise at the man, as he was very thin, looking 
like a ghost. She was his wife, and her heart was soon made glad when 
he told her of his rescue. 

§ 247. Once upon time a man found a wolf den, into which he dug to. 
get the cubs. The mother came, barking, and she finally said to him, 
“ Pity my children;” but he paid no attention to her. So she ran for 
her husband, who soon appeared. Still the man persevered. Then the 
wolf sang a beautiful song, “‘O man, pity my children, and I will in- 
struct you in one of my arts.” He ended with a howl, causing a fog. 
When the wolf howled again the fog disappeared. Then the man 
thought, ‘‘ These animals have mysterious gifts,” and he tore up his red 


'Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 140. 
2See Ghost Lore, § 280. 


DORSEY. ] HORSES—SPIDERS—SNAKE LORE. 479 


blanket into small pieces, which he put as necklaces on the cubs, whom 
he painted with Indian red, restoring them to their place in the den. 
Then the grateful father exclaimed, “When you go to war hereafter, I 
will accompany you, and bring to pass whatever you wish.” So they 
parted as friends. In the course of time the man went on the war path 
As he came in sight of a village of the enemy, a large wolf met him, 
saying, “ By and by I will sing and you shall steal their horses when 
they least suspect danger.” So they stopped on a hill close to the vil- 
lage, and the wolf sang. After this he howled, making a high wind 
arise. The horses fled to the forest, many stopping on the hillside. 
When the wolf had howled again, the wind died away, and a mist arose; 
so the man took as many horses as he pleased. 


HORSES. 


§ 248. These are well named “ Citika waka® (Suyka wakan)” for they 
are indeed wakay. Consequently the Dakota have the Cung olowa® 
(Sung oloway) or Horse Songs, and they pray to the horses (Gewiéaki- 
yapi). If any one paints a horse in a wakay manner, when he has no 
right to do so, he is sure to pay the penalty: he will encounter mis- 
fortune of some sort, or he will fall ill, or he will be slain by a foe, or he 
will have his neck broken by being thrown from a horse. 


SPIDERS. 


§ 249. The Teton pray to gray spiders, and to those with yellow legs. 
When a person goes on a journey and a spider passes, one does not 
killitin silence. For should one let it escape, or kill it without prayer, 
bad consequences must ensue. In the latter case, another spider 
would avenge the death of his relation. To avoid any such misfor- 
tune, when the spider is encountered, the person must say to it, 
“Tkt6mi Tunkaysila, Wayinyay niktepe lo,” i.e.,‘*O Grandfather Spider, 
the Thunder-beings kill you!” The spider is crushed at once, and his 
spirit believes what has been told him. His spirit probably tells this to 
the other spiders, but they can not harm the Thunder-beings. If one 
thus addresses a spider as he kills it, he will never be bitten by other 
spiders. 

§ 231. One of the Dakota myths tells how Unktomi killed himself, 
causing his limbs to shrivel up till they assumed the appearance of 
spiders’ limbs. 

SNAKE LORE. 


§ 250. Some Dakota will not kill snakes by hitting them. He who 
violates the law in this respect will dream horrible dreams about 
various kinds of snakes; and occasionally it happens that such a man 
has a horse bitten by a snake. The Sintelila tayka, or the Ancient of 
Rattlesnakes, was one of the enemies of the Thunder-beings. 

“There are some things about which it is most unlucky to dream. 


480 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Snakes are said to be terrible; they seek to enter a man’s ears, nose, 
or mouth” (i.e.,in the dream); ‘and should one succeed, it is a sure 
sign of death. ‘No good comes from snakes.’”! 


THE DOUBLE WOMAN. 


§ 251. In the olden times there was what they called “ Winyay nun- 
papi-ka,” or the The Double Woman, consisting of two very tall females 
who were probably connected by a membrane. They wore horned head- 
dresses decorated with feathers, and bunches of feathers hung from the 
right shoulder of one and from the left shoulder of the other. Jnstead 
of heel tags, each female had a turtle trailing from the heel or quarter 
of one moccasin, and a feather from that of the other. In the sketch 
as given by Bushotter there is a pale blue stripe around the bottom of 
each skirt, and half of each trailing feather is of that color. Each body, 
above the top of the blanket, is painted with blue dots on a yellow 
ground. There is a blue stripe across the right shoulder of the woman 
on the right, and one across the left shoulder of the other woman, each 
stripe curving downward towards the opposite side. (See Pl. L.) 

They dwelt in a lodge on a very high black cliff. They were always 
laughing immoderately, as if they were strangers to sorrow. On pleas- 
ant evenings they stood on a hill, where they amused themselves by 
swinging. Should any Indian see them, when he reached home he 
vomited something resembling black earth, and died suddenly. These 
women were skillful dancers, and they used to reflect rays of light by 
means of their mirror, just as the young Indian men do in sport. They 
jumped many times and sang this song: 


ae 
Ce’-pan-si ku- wa’- ni- to’ Tu’-wa le’-¢i  si’-nami'- éo-ze’. 

‘‘Cousin, please come over here! Some one waves a robe over inthis 
direction at me. Ha! ha! ha!” Then they walked about. No one 
knew from what quarter the Double Woman was coming, and how the 
two lived wasamystery. There are many tall women found now among 
different Indian tribes who imitate the behavior of the Double Woman. 

John Bruyier and other Teton at Hampton, Va., regard this story 
of the Double Woman as manufactured by Bushotter. But this char- 
acter figures in two Santee mythsin Rey. 8S. R. Riggs’s collection, about 
to be published by the Bureau of Ethnology.? (See § 394.) 


DEER WOMEN. 


§ 252. Deer women of the Teton resemble the Wolf women of the 
Pawnee. . Both tempt unwary youths whom they encounter away from 


1 Miss Fletcher, Elk Mystery of the Ogalalla Sioux, in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 1, p. 281, note. 
2Contr. to N. A. Ethn., vol. 1x, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography. Washington: Gov- 
ernment Printing Office. 1893. pp. 131, 141, 144, 148. 


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DORSEY. ] DWARFS OR ELVES—BOGS. 481 


the camp in solitary places. Should a youth yield to the woman’s 
solicitations the result will be a sad one. As soon as he leaves her she 
will resume her natural shape. The youth will appear as if drunk or 
insane, and he will reach home with difficulty. His health will become 
impaired, and he will soon die. So now the hunters avoid any female 
that they see on the way. They hate the Deer women. The Deer 
women never speak, but in all other respects they resemble Indian 
women. 
DWARFS OR ELVES. 


§ 253. Dwarfs or elves are probably referred to in the following. 

This [i. e. the object songht by Lewis and Clarke’s party] was a large mound in 
the midst of the plain, about N. 20° W. from the mouth of Whitestone River, from 
which it is9 miles distant. The base of the mound is a regular parallelogram, the 
longest side being about 300 yards, the shorter 60 or 70; from the longest side it 
rises with a steep ascent from the north and south to the height of 65 or 70 feet, 
leaving on the top a level plain of 12 feet in breadth and 90 in length. The north 
and south extremities are connected by two oval borders, which serve as new bases, 
and divide the whule side into three steep but regular gradations from the plain. 
The only thing characteristic in this hill is its extreme symmetry, and this, together 
with its being wholly detached from the other hills, which are at the distance 
of 8 or 9 miles, would induce a belief that it was artificial; but as the earth and 
loose pebbles which compose it are arranged exactly like the steep grounds on the 
borders of the creek, we concluded from this similarity of texture that it might be 
natural. But the Indians have made it a great article of their superstition; it is 
called the Mountain of the Little People, or Little Spirits, and they believe that it 
is the abode of little devils in the human form, of about 18 inches high, and with 
remarkably large heads; they are armed with sharp arrows, with which they are 
very skillful, and are always onthe watch to kill those who should have the hardi- 
hood to approach their residence. The tradition is that many have suffered from 
these little evil spirits, and, among others, three Maha Indians fell a sacrifice to them 
afew years since. This has inspired all the neighboring nations, Sioux, Mahas, and 
Ottoes, with such terror that no consideration could temptthem to visit the hill.! 


BOGS. 


254, Bogs are very mysterious. There are various strange objects 
covered with thick hair which remain at the bottom of a bog. These 
objects have no eyes, but they are able to devour anything, and from 
their bodies water is ever flowing. When one of these beings wishes, 
he abandons his abode and reclines under ground at another place; 
then there is no water issuing from the place where he used to lie, but 
a spring gushes forth from the new resting place. The water of this 
spring is warm in winter, but as cold as ice in summer, and before one 
dares to drink of ithe prays to the water, as he does not wish to bring 
illness on himself by his irreverence. In the olden days one of these 
strange beings was pulled up out of a bog and carried to the camp, 
where a special tent was erected for him. But water flowed all around 


11 ETH OL 


482 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


offered him food, which he held as he sat motionless, gazing at them. 
The food disappeared before the spectators were aware of it, though 
they did not see the being eat it. 


TREES. 


§ 255. The Dakota prayed to trees, because it was reported that 
in former days a tree had sung at intervals. A man claimed to have 
witnessed this, and from that time they have been regarded as mys- 
terious. 

CUSTOMS RELATING TO CHILDHOOD. 


§ 256. The Teton sing on account of the unborn child, and set up a 
pole inside the lodge, at the part opposite the entrance, fastening 
eagles’ down to the top of the pole, just as they do when a boy has 
advanced toward manhood. 

§ 257. Soon after birth they paint the face of the infant, whether it 
be a boy ora girl, with vermilion, in the “Huyka” style.’ Should they 
neglect to do this, it is said that the infant would become blear-eyed or 
it would suffer from some kind of sickness. 

§ 258. When the navel string is cut, a small bag is made of deer- 
skin, cut in the shape of a small tortoise, known as patkaSala. In this 
bag is placed a piece of the navel string and sweet-smelling leaves, 
with which the bag is filled. The infant has to carry this bag on its 
back. Part of the navel string is buried, and when the child is large 
enough to get into mischief they say, “He is hunting for his navel 
string.” 

§ 259. Prior to the naming of the infant is the ceremony of the trans- 
fer of character. Should the infant be a boy, a brave and good-tem- 
pered man, chosen beforehand, takes the infant in his arms and breathes 
into his mouth, thereby communicating his own disposition to the 
infant, who will grow ap to be a brave and good-natured man. It is 
thought that such an infant will not cry as much as infants that have 
not been thus favored. Should the infant be a girl, it is put into the 
arms of a good woman, who breathes into its mouth. 

§ 260. Twins are a mystery to the Teton, who believe that they are 
of superhuman origin, and must come from Twin-land. As they are 
not human beings, they must be treated very politely and tenderly, lest 
they should become offended and die in order to return to Twin-land. 

In his MS. Teton vocabulary, sent to the Bureau of Ethnology in 
July, 1890, Dr. J. M. Woodburn, jr., recently physician at Rosebud 
Agency, 8S. Dak., makes the following statement which seems worthy 
of notice: “Twins are lucky as regards themselves only; the mother 
is looked upon as unfortunate. The twins may die, but they are sure 
to be born again into separate families. No ordinary human being can 
recognize them as twins after the new births; but twins themselves 


1See‘ Calumet Dauce,” in Om. Sociology, 3d Am. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 280. 


DORSEY. ] PUBERTY. 483 
are able each to recognize the other as his fellow-twin in a previous 
state of existence. Medicine men often claim that their supernatural 
powers are due to a previous existence as twins.” | (See §§ 267, 287.) 

§ 261. When a child is able to walk, they say that “ He kicks out the 
teeth of his elder brother” (or “ sister,” as the case may be). The teeth 
of the elder child which have been shed, probably the first set, are 
buried under the entrance to the lodge so that other teeth may come in 
their place. Whoever steps over the spot where the teeth have been 
buried will soon have other teeth in his mouth. 


PUBERTY. 


§ 262. Among the Oglala Dakota, according to Miss Fletcher,! the 
rites incident to the puberty of girls take place on the fourth day 
of the sun-dance festival. In a note on page 260 of the Peabody 
Museum Report, vol. 111, the same authority says: 


Through the kindness of Rey. A. L, Riggs I learn thatamong the bands of East- 
ern Sioux living near Fort Sully, Dak., a feast, called the reappearance of the White 
Buffalo Skin, is held for the consecration of a girl on her arriving at puberty. The 
feast is sacred and costly, and not everyone can afford it. Those who have once 
made the feast become the privileged guests at every such feast, occupy the feast 
tent, and are served first. A prominent feature in the feast is the feeding of these 
privileged persons, and the girl in whose honor the feast is given, with choke cher- 
ries, as the choicest rarity to be had in the winter. The feast can be held at any 
time. Bull berries, or, as the Dakotas call them, ‘‘ rabbits’ noses,” may be substi- 
tuted, or finely pounded meat mixed with fat, in case no berries are to be had. In 
the ceremony, a few of the cherries are taken in a spoon and held over the sacred 
smoke, then fed to the girl. The spoon is filled anew, incensed aseach personis fed. 
As each one is given the cherries, he is addressed thus: ‘‘ Wi-Ga-Sa-ya-ta-pi wo-yu- 
te de ya-tin kte, i. e., ‘You willeat this chief’s food.” The eaters are not chiefs; 
they only partake of chiefs’ food. 


§263. Initiation to manhood took place in one of two ways: (1) By 
the wohduze ceremony, or, (2) by the bear dance, as witnessed by Long. 

The former has been referred to in §§ 122-125 of this article; the lat- 
ter has been described by Long? as 


a ceremony which they are in the habit of performing when any young man wishes 
to bring himself into particlar notice, and it is considered a kind of initiation into 
the state of manhood. There is a kind of flag made of fawn skin dressed with the 
hair on, suspended upona pole. Upon the flesh side of it are drawn certain figures 
indicative of the dream which it is necessary the young man should have dreamed 
before he can be considered a proper candidate for this kind of initiation. With 
this flag a pipe is suspended by way of sacrifice. Two arrows are stuck up at the 
foot of the pole, and fragments of painted feathers, etc., are strewed upon the ground 
near it. These pertain to the religious rites attending the ceremony, bewailing and 
self-mortification. The young man who has had the dream acts the bear in this 
dance, and is hunted by the other young men; but the same man can not act the bear 
more than once in consequence of his dreams. 


§ 264. Miss Fletcher says :* 


1Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal meeting, 1882, p. 583. 
2Skiff Voy. to Falls of St. Anthony, in Minn. Hist. Coll., u, pt. 1, pp. 18-19. 
3 Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 11, pp. 277, 278. 


484 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


The maturity of the sexes isa period of serious and religious experiences which 
are preparatory by their character for the entrance of the youth or maiden into the 
religious and secular responsibilities of life, both individual and tribal. Among 
the tribes which hold especial public ceremonies announcing the maturity of a girl, 
these rights are held not far from the actual time of puberty, and indicate the close 
of childhood and entrance of the person into the social status of womanhood. The 
public festival has, however, been preceded by private religious rites. With young 
men the religious training precedes and follows puberty, and the entrance is pub- 
licly announced by the youth joining in the dangers and duties of tribal life. Ac- 
cording to the old customs, a young man did not take a wife until he had proved his 
prowess, and thus became enrolled among the manly element, or braves, as they are 
sometimes spoken of. The initial fasts of warriors have been mistaken sometimes 
for ceremonials of puberty. 


GHOST LORE AND THE FUTURE LIFE. 
MEANING OF WANAGI. 


§ 265. The word ‘“ wa-na-gi” means more than ‘“ apparition.” The 
living man is supposed to have one, two, or more ‘“* wanagi,” one of 
which after death remains at the grave and another goes to the place 
of the departed. The writer has been told that for many years no 
Yankton Dakota would consent to have his picture taken lest one of 
his “‘ wanagi” should remain in the picture, instead of going after death 
to the spirit land. The Teton Dakota apply the name of “ ghost” or 
‘*shadow” to the lock of hair cut from the forehead of the deceased 
and kept for some time by the parents; and till that lock is buried the 
deceased is supposed to retain his usual place in the household circle. 

§ 266. Lynd! says that to the human body the Dakota give four 
spirits: 

The first is supposed to be a spirit of the body, which dies with the body. ‘The 
second is a spirit which always remains with or near the body. Another is the soul 
which accounts for the deeds of the body, and is supposed by some to go to the south, 
by others to the west, after the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with 
the small bundle of the hair of the deceased, kept by the relatives until they have a 
chance to throw it into the enemy’s country, when it becomes a roving spirit, bring- 
ing death and disease to the enemy in whose country it remains. From this belief 
arose the practice of wearing four scalp feathers for each enemy slain in battle, one 
for each spirit. 

§ 267. “Some Sioux claim a fifth scalp feather, averring that there is 
a fifth spirit, which enters the body of some animal or child after death. 
As far as I am aware, this belief is not general, though they differ in 
their accounts of the spirits of man, even in number. 

Some of these metempsychosists go so far as to aver that they have 
distinct recollections of a former state of existence and of the passage 
into this. The belief, as before stated, does not appear to be general.” 
(See §§ 260, 287.) 

§ 268. With regard to the place of abode of the four spirits of each 
man—though they believe that the true soul which goes south or west 


‘Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 68, 80. 


DORSEY. ] DEATH AND BURIAL LORE. 485 


is immortal—they have no idea, nor do they appear to have any partic- 
ular care as to what may become of them after death. It may be 
remarked, that the happy hunting grounds, supposed to belong to 
every Indian’s future, are no part of the Dakota creed—though indi- 
vidual Dakota may have learned something like it from the white men 
among them. 

ASSINNIBOIN BELIEFS ABOUT THE DEAD. 


§ 269. The Assinniboin “believe that the dead migrate toward the 
south,' where the climate is mild, the game abundant, and the rivers well 
stocked with fish. Their hell is the reverse of this picture; its unfor- 
tunate inmates dwell in perpetual snow and ice and in the complete 
deprivation of all things. There are, however, many among them who 
think that death is the cessation of life and action and that there is 
naught beyond it.’ 

“The Assinniboine believe that their dead go to a country in the 
south, where the good and brave find women and buffaloes, while the 
wicked or cowardly are confined on an island, where they are destitute 
of all the pleasures of life. The corpses of brave men are not deposited 
in trees, but on the ground, as they will help themselves, and they are 
covered with wood and stones to protect them from the wolves.” * 


GHOSTS NOT ALWAYS VISIBLE. 


§ 270. The ghosts of the departed are not always visible to the living. 
Sometimes they are heard but not seen, though in the lodge with a 
mortal. Occasionally they become materialized, taking living hus- 
bands or wives, eating, drinking, and smoking, just as if they were 
ordinary human beings. 


DEATH AND BURIAL LORE. 


§ 271. As ghosts visit the sick at night it is customary to drive them 
away by making a smoke from cedar wood, or else cedar is laid outside 
the lodge. Sometimes a piece of cedar is fastened up at the smoke- 
hole. (See § 42.) One Teton story shows how a female ghost disliked 
a bad odor and fled from it. When they hear a ghost whistling, some 
one leaves the lodge and fires a gun. Before death the lodge is sur- 
rounded by ghosts of deceased kindred that are visible to the dying 
person. 

All the dead man’s possessions are buried with him; his body is 
dressed in good clothing. The favorite horse is decorated and saddled, 
and to this day various articles belonging to the deceased are fastened 
to him. The horse is shot and part of his tail is cut off and laid near 
the head of the burial scaffold, as it is thought that in such a case the 


1A similar belief has been held by the Athapascans now on the Siletz reservation, Oregon. This 
has been published by the author in The American Anthropologist for January, 1889, p. 60. 

2Smet, Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 142. 

3Maximilian, Travels in North America, p. 197. 


486 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


ghost can ride the ghost of the horse and use all the articles carried by 
that animal. 

§ 272. Why the Teton stopped burying in the ground.—Long ago the 
people buried some men on a hill and then removed camp to another 
place. Many winters afterwards aman visited this burial place, but all 
traces of the graves had disappeared. So many men came and dug 
far down into the hill. By aad by one said, ‘‘ A road lies here.” So 
they dug in that direction and made a fireunderground. And there 
they found a tunnel large enough for men to walk in by stooping, with 
many similar intersecting ones. They followed the main one and final- 
ly came to a place whither a strange animal, the Walhayksiéa, had 
dragged the corpses. For this reason the Lakota became unwilling to 
lay their dead in the ground, so they began to bury on scaffolds which 
could not be reached by beasts of prey. At the present day the Teton 
gives three reasons for not burying in the ground: (1) Animals or per- 
sons might walk over the graves; (2) the dead might lie in mud and 
water after rain or snow; (3) wolves might dig up the bodies and 
devour them. 

§ 273. Importance of tattooing.—In order that the ghost may travel 
the ghost road in safety it is necessary for each Lakota during his life 
to be tattooed either in the middle of the forehead or on the wrists. In 
that event his spirit will go directly to the ‘“‘ Many Lodges.” The other 
spirit road is said to be short, and the foolish one who travels it never 
reaches the “ Many Lodges.” An old woman sits in the road and 
she examines each ghost that passes. If she can not find the tattoo 
marks on the forehead, wrists, or chin, the unhappy ghostis pushed 
from a cloud or cliff and falls to this world. Such is the lot of the 
ghosts that wander o’er the earth. They can never travel the spirit 
road again; so they go about whistling, with no fixed abode. 

§ 274. If a quiet and well-behaved person dies his ghost is apt to be 
restless and cause trouble, but the ghost of a bad person who dies a 
natural death is never feared. The ghost of a murdered person is 
always dangerous. 

§ 275. If a ghost calls to aloved one and the latter answers, he or she 
is sure to die soon after. If some one is heard weeping outside of a 
lodge, it is a sign that a person dwelling in that lodge is doomed to 
die. If a sister dies, she has a strong desire to return and carry off 
a beloved brother. Soin the event of a deathin the family a gun is 
fired or medicine is thrown on a fire to raise a smoke. If one who is 
alone encounters a ghost, the latter will be apt to pull his mouth and 
eyes until they are crooked. This danger is encountered only by one 
who has dreamed of a ghost. He who has been harmed by a ghost 
always faints, and it is long before he revives. Mothers scare bad 
children by saying, ‘“‘ Well, wait a bit and I will tell a ghost to come 
and carry you off.” Some one who has dreamed of ghosts will draw 
one on a skin, ete., to frighten the children. Such a person is said to 


Dorsey. | CEREMONIES AT THE GHOST LODGE. A87 


draw his own ghost just as he will appear in future. No one else dares 
to draw a ghost. (See § 299.) 


CEREMONIES AT THE GHOST LODGE.! 


§ 276. When a son dies the parents with a knife cut off some hair 
from the top of the head, just above the forehead, placing the hair in a 
deerskin cover. Then they set up three poles, fastened together at the 
top and forming a sort of tripod. A cord hung over the top of these 
holds up the white deerskin pack containing the hair of the deceased. 
This hairis called the ghost or shade (or wa-na-gi) of the dead person. 
The deerskin pack hangs horizontally from the poles and the skin is 
worked with porcupine quills in many lines, and here and there are 
various kinds of red and blue circular figures sewed on it. All the sod 
had been cut away from the ground beneath the pack, and on this bare 
or virgin earth they put a bowl and a drinking vessel, each ornamented 
with porcupine work. Three times a day 
do they remember the ghost, for whom they 
put the choicest food in the bow] and water 
in the drinking vessel. Every article is 
handled carefully, being exposed to the 
smoke of sweet-smelling herbs. The pack 
said to contain the ghost is put in the ghost 
lodge with the knife which he used during 
life. 

The Indians always have observed the 
custom of smoking pipes and eating while 
sitting in the ghost lodge. At the back of 
the lodge they prepare a seat and in the 
middle they set up two poles similar to 
those erected outside the entrance to the 
tents. Before they eat in the lodge, they 
sacrifice part of the food. Whenever they 
move the camp or single tent from one place to another all these sacred 
objects are packed and carried on a horse kept for this special purpose. 
This horse is called ‘“‘Wanagi taSuykewakay,” i. e., “The ghost’s horse.” 
This horse has his tail and mane cut off short; the hair on the body is 
shaved very close; his body is rubbed all over with yellow clay. Some 
one then rubs paint on the fingers, touching the rump gently several 
times, as well as the forehead and around the neck and breast. <A 
feather is tied to the end of the tail. On his back they place a saddle- 
cloth and a saddle, each ornamented with porcupine quills. The horse 
must mourn—i. e., keep his hair short—as long as the ghost remains un- 
buried; but as soon as the hair is removed from the pack and buried the 
horse’s hair is allowed to grow long again. As soon as the people stop 


Fic. 192.—The ghost lodge. 


1Read in this connection the article by Miss Fletcher on ‘‘ The Shadow; or, Ghost Lodge: a Cere- 
mony of the Ogallala Sioux,’’ Rept. of Peabody Museum, vol. 11, pp. 296, 307. 


488 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


to encamp the ghost lodge is set upbefore any of the others. The articles 
which are kept there remain for a specified time, perhaps for several 
years, during which period certain ceremonies are performed. At the 
end of the allotted time comes the ghost feast, the Waé¢étnpi or Waki- 
cagapi, when the ghost pack is opened and the ghost taken out and 
buried. Then all the people assemble, setting up their tents near the 
ghost lodge. The kindred of the deceased weep and bring food to the 
place. All this food has been boiled. They set up in the ground some 
forked sticks, such as are used for digging wild turnips, and straight 
poles are laid along the forked sticks. On the poles are hung mocca- 
sins, and in the space between the forked sticks are piled blankets, 
buffalo robes, calico, untanned skin bags, tanned bags, porcupine quills, 
wild turnips, and fruits.!_ These are distributed by women, and the peo- 
ple spend the time pleasantly. They also give presents to the young 
women. If the deceased was a male and a member of an order of 
young men, all who belong to it are invited to a feast (there was a simi- 
lar custom among the Ponka, in 1872), where they sing songs. When 
they stop singing they sit with bodies erect, but with bent head and 
stooping shoulders. Then the parents of the dead youth enter the 
lodge, weeping as they pass around the circle, and each one places 
both hands on the head of each guest, because the son, who regarded 
the men as his friends, is no longer present. If the deceased is a 
female, only the women assemble, except some men who lead the sing- 
ing. If horses take part in the ceremonies, their manes and tails 
are Shaved short, and they, too, receive gifts. Here and there one of 
the kindred of the deceased gives away all his property, and then the 
bagis opened and the hair or ghost is taken out and buried. From this 
time the parting with his parents is absolute. They think that, until 
the hair is buried, the deceased is really present with the household, 
and that when this burial takes place he dies a second time. After 
this burial the kindred put on their usual clothing, and while they weep 
for the dead at intervals they are at liberty to anoint and decorate them- 
selves according to fancy. 

Another account of Bushotter states that when they prepare for the 
ghost feast they redden the sack containing the hair and hang the war 
bonnet of feathers on the three poles at right angles with the ghost sack. 
They wish to remember his deeds in war, so they also stick one end of 
his war spear in the ground, with its top leaning against the tops of the 
three poles. His shield is suspended from one of the poles. The three 
pipes on the shield in a colored sketch prepared by Bushotter denote that 
on so many expeditions the deceased warrior carried a war pipe. The 
red stripes declare how many of the enemy were wounded by him, and 
the human heads show the number of foes that he killed. The half-moon 
means that he shouted at his foes on a certain night. Once he threw 


1 These things are probably given by the kindred of the deceased, but Bushotter has not so informed 
us, 


DORSEY. ] ; GOOD AND BAD GHOSTS. 489 


aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with a foe; this 
is shown by the human hand. The horse-tracks indicate that he ran off 
with so many horses. If his name was Black Hawk, for instance, a 
black hawk was painted in the middle of his shield. 

All these things are arranged before they open the bag containing 
the hair. Then they enter the lodge, and there they open all the things 
that they have brought. The kindred of the deceased are the only ones 
to enter the lodge, and when they see the hairtaken from the sack they 
scream suddenly for a minute or two. It is at this time that they dis- 
tribute the gifts. Food has been boiled in many kettles, and is now 
divided among the people not the kindred of the deceased, who are scat- 
tered around the ghost lodge, and some food is usually given to the 
young men of the order to which the deceased belonged. 

A woman who attends to collecting the food, calico, bags, clothing, 
ete., turns to the four posts of the scaffold in succession, and utters one 
of the following sayings or prayers at each post: ‘If the ghosts eat 
this, may I live long!” or “May the ghosts eat this, and I obtain many 
horses!” or “If my nephew (or niece) eats this, may some one give me 
many presents!” This woman is careful to put the best part of the 
food on the bowl or dish under the scaffold near the head of the corpse.’ 
Should any one eat before the food has been put aside for the ghost, all 
the ghosts become angry with him, and they are sure to punish him; 
they will make him drop his food just before it reaches his mouth, or 
they will spill the water when he tries to drink, and sometimes they 
cause a man to gash himself with a knife. 


GOOD AND BAD GHOSTS. 


§ 277. Some ghosts are beneficent, but most of them are maleficent. 
They know all things, even the thoughts of living people. They are 
glad when the wind blows. Bushotter’s younger brother was crazy at 
one time, and a doctor or pezuta wiéaSa said that the sickness had been 


caused by a ghost. 
INTERCOURSE WITH GHOSTS. 


§ 278. Lyndsays: The belief in the powers of some Dakotas to call up and con- 
verse with the spirits of the dead is strong in some, thongh not general. They fre- 
quently make feasts to those spirits and elicit information from them of distant 
friends and relatives. Assembling at night ina lodge, they smoke, put out the fire, 
and then, drawing their blankets over their heads, remain singing in unison in a 
low key until the spirit gives them a picture. This they pretend the spirit does; 
and many a hair-erecting tale is told of the spirit’s power to reveal, and the after 


confirmation .? 
GHOST STORIES. 


A few ghost stories of the Teton collection will now be given. 


‘In one of his papers Bushotter says that it is the mother of the deceagea person who deposits the 
food under the scaftold and utters the prayers. John Bruyier,a halflood Teton from Cheyenne 
River Agency, South Dakota, never heard the petition about the horses, for if parents obtained horses 
after the death of their son, they gave them away. 

2Minn. Hist. Soc, Coll., vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 69. 


490 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§ 279. The ghost husband.—A young Lakota died just before marry- 
ing a young girl whom he loved. The girl mourned his death, so she 
cut her hair here and there with a dull knife, and gashed her limbs, just 
as if she had been an old woman. The ghost returned and took her for 
his wife. Whenever the tribe camped for the night the ghost’s wife 
pitched her tent at some distance from the others, and whenthepeople 
removed their camp the woman and her husband kept some distance 
behind the main body. The ghost always told the woman what to do; 
and he brought game to her regularly, which the wife gave to the people 
in exchange for other articles. The people could neither see nor hear 
the ghost, but they heard his wife address him. He always sent word 
to the tribe when there was to be a high wind or heavy rain. He could 
read the thoughts of his wife, so that she need not speak a word to him, 
and when she felt a desire for anything he soon obtained it for her. 

§280. The solitary traveler.—Once a solitary traveler was overtaken 
by a tremendous thunderstorm near a forest. So he remained there for 
the night. After dark he noticed a light in the woods, and when he 
reached the spot, behold, there was a sweat lodge, in which were two 
persons talking. One said, ‘Friend, some one has come and stands 
without. Let us invite him to share our food.” The listener fled sud- 
denly, as they were ghosts, and they pursued him. Though he looked 
behind now and then, he could not see them; so he ran with all his 
might towards a hill, and escaped from them. As he was ascending a 
divide of the Bad Lands, all at once he heard the cry of a woman. He 
was very glad to have company for therest of thejourney; but no sooner 
had he thought about the woman than she appeared by his side, saying, 
‘“‘T have come because you have just wished to have my company. ” 
This frightened the man, but the ghost woman said, ‘Do not fear me, 
else you will never see me again.” So they went on silently till day- 
break. Then the man looked at her, but her legs could not be seen, 
though she was walking without any apparent effort. Then the man 
thought, ‘‘What if she should choke me?” Immediately the woman 
disappeared like the wind. (See § 245). 

§ 281. The ghost on the hill—One day, when the people were hunting 
the buffalo, a strange man appeared on a hill. He wore a winter robe, 
with the hair outside. ‘When he was descending the hill the people 
became alarmed, but he continued to advance. The young men rushed 
to meet him, taking bows and arrows. They could not see his face. 
They tried to shoot him, but each arrow passed by him on one side or 
the other. So they finally fled, as he was a ghost. 

§ 282. The Indian who wrestled with a ghost—A young man went 
alone on the warpath. At length he reached a wilderness, encoun- 
tering many difficulties, which did not deter him from his undertaking. 
One day, as he wasgoing along, he heard a voice, and he thought, “I 
shall have company.” As he was approaching a forest he heard some 
onehalloo. Behold, it was an owl. By and by he drew near another 


poRsEY. | GHOST STORIES. — 491 


forest, and as night was coming on he had to rest there. At the edge 
of the forest he lay down in the open air. At midnight he was aroused 
by the voice of a woman, who was wailing, ‘‘ My son! my son!” Still he 
remained where he was, and continued putting wood on the fire. He 
lay with his back to the fire, placing his flint-lock gun in readiness be- 
fore him. He tore a hole in his blanket large enough to peep through. 

Soon he heard the twigs break under the feet of one approaching, so 
he peeped without rising. Behold, a woman of the olden days was 
coming. She wore a skin dress with long fringe. A buffalo robe was 
fastened around her at the waist. Her necklace was composed of very 
large beads, and her leggins were covered with beads or poreupine 
work. Her robe was drawn over her head, and she was snuffling as 
she came. The man lay with his legs stretched out, and she stood by 
him. She took him by one foot, which she raised very slowly. When 
she let it go it fell with a thud, as if he was dead. She raised it a sec- 
ond and third time. Still the man did not move himself. Then the 
woman pulled a very rusty knife from the front of her belt, seized his 
foot suddenly, and was apparently about to lift it and gashit, when up 
sprang the man, saying, ‘‘ What are you doing?” Without waiting for 
a reply he shot at her suddenly, and away she went, screaming “ Yun! 
yuy! yun! yun! yun! yun!” Then she plunged into the forest and was 
seen no more. 

Once again the man covered his head with his blanket, but he did 
not sleep. When day came he raised his eyes, and, behold, he saw a 
human burial scaffold, with the blankets, etc., ragged and dangling. 
He thought, ‘Is this the ghost that came to me?” On another occa- 
sion he came to a forest where he had to remain for the night. He 
started a fire, by which he sat. Suddenly he heard some one making 
the woods ring as he sang. The man shouted to the singer, but the 
latter paid no attention to him. The man had a small quantity of 
wasna (grease mixed with pounded dried buffalo meat and wild cher- 
ries) and plenty of tobacco. So when the singer, who was a male 
ghost, came to him and asked him for food, the man replied, “‘ I have 
nothing whatever ;” but the ghost said, ‘‘ Not so; I know that you have 
some wasna.” Then the man gave some of it to the ghost and filled 
the pipe for him. After the meal, when the ghost took the pipe and 
held it by the stem, the man saw that his hand had no flesh, being 
nothing but bones. As the ghost’s robe had dropped from his shoul- 
ders to his waist all his ribs were visible, there being no flesh on them. 
Though the ghost did not open his lips as he smoked, the smoke 
was pouring out through his ribs. When he finished smoking the 
ghost said to the man, ‘‘ Ho! we must wrestle together. If you can 
throw me, you shall kill a foe without hindrance, and steal some 
horses.” The young man agreed to the proposition; but before begin- 
ning he gathered plenty of brush around the fire, on which he put an 
armful. Then the ghost rushed at the man, seizing him with his bony 


492 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


hands, which pained the man, but this mattered not. He tried to push 
off the ghost, whose legs were very powerful. When the ghost was 
brought near the fire, he became weak, but when he managed to pull the 
man towards the darkness, he became very strong. As the fire got low 
the strength of the ghost increased. Just as the man began to grow 
weary the day broke. Then the struggle was renewed. As they drew 
near the fire the man made a desperate effort, and with his foot he 
pushed a firebrand suddenly into the fire. As the fire blazed again, 
the ghost felljust as if he was coming to pieces. So the man won, and 
the ghost’s prophecy was fulfilled; he subsequently killed a foe, and 
stole some horses. For that reason people have believed whatever the 
ghosts have said. 

§ 283. The man who shot a ghost.—In the olden time a man was travel- 
ing alone, and in a forest he killed severalrabbits. After sunset he was 
in the midst of the forest, so he made a fire, as he had to spend the 
night there. He thought thus: “Should I encounter any danger by 
and by, I have this gun, and I am a man who ought not to regard any- 
thing.” He cooked a rabbit and satisfied his hunger. Just then he 
heard many voices, and they were talking about their own affairs, but 
the man could see nobody. So he thought, “It seems that now at 
length I have encountered ghosts.” Then he went and lay under a 
fallen tree, which was at a great distance from the fire. He loaded his 
gun with powder only, as he knew by this time that they were really 
ghosts. They came round about him and whistled, “Hyu, hyu, hyu!” 
He has gone yonder,” said one of the ghosts. They came and stood 
around the man, just as people do when they hunt rabbits. The man 
lay flat beneath the fallen tree, and one ghost came and climbed on the 
trunk of that tree. Suddenly the ghost gave the cry uttered on hitting 
an enemy, “A"-he!” and he kicked the man on the back. But before 
the ghost could get away, the man shot at him and wounded him in 
the legs; so the ghost gave the male ery of pain, “‘ Au! au! au!” And 
finally he went off crying as females do, ‘‘ Yuy! yun! yun!” And the 
other ghosts said to him; “‘ Where did he shoot?” And the wounded 
one said: ‘He shot me through the head and I have come apart.” Then 
the other ghosts were wailing on the hillside. The man decided to go 
to the place where they were wailing. So, as the day had come, he 
went thither, and found some graves, one of which a wolf had dug into 
so that the bones were visible, and there was a wound in the skull. 


ASSINNIBOIN BELIEFS ABOUT GHOSTS. 


§ 284. Smet says:) 


The belief in ghosts is very profound, and common to all these tribes. Indians 
have often told me that they have met, seen, and conversed with them, and that they 
may be heard almost every night in the places where the dead are interred. They 
say that they speak in a kind of whistling tone. Sometimes they contract the face 
{of a human being whom they meet] like that of a person in an epileptic fit. 


1 Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 140. 


DORSEY. | PRAYERS TO THE DEAD. 493 


The Assinniboines never pronounce the name of Tchatka [i. e., Catka, or, Left Hand, 
a former chief] but with respect. They believe that his shade guards the sacred tree ; 
that he has power to procure them abundance of buffalo and other animals, or to drive 
the animals from the country. Hence, whenever they pass they offer sacrifices; they 
present the calumet to the tutelary spirits and manes of Tchatka. He is, according 
to their calendar, the Wah-kon-tangka par excellence, the greatest man or genius 
that ever visited their nation.! 


PRAYERS TO THE DEAD, INCLUDING ANCESTORS. 


§ 285, Riggs says*® that the Dakota pray to the spirits of their de- 
ceased relatives. [See §§ 67-71.] And in his account of the Assinni- 
boin, Smet says: 

The Assinniboines esteem greatly a religious custom of assembling once or twice a 
year around the graves of their immediate relatives. These graves are on scaffolds 
about 7 or 8 feet above the surface of the ground. The Indians call their dead by 
name and offer to them meats carefully dressed, which they place beside them. The 
ceremony of burying the dead is terminated with tears, wailings, howlings, and mace- 
rations of all present. They tear the hair, gash the legs, and at last they light the 
calumet, for that is the Alpha and Omega of every rite. They offer it to the shades 
of the departed and entreat them not to injure the living. During their ceremonious 
repasts, in their excursions, and even at a great distance from their graves, they send 
to the dead puffs of tobacco smoke and burn little pieces of meat as a sacrifice to 
their memory. 

§ 286. Before consulting the tutelary spirits [see \ 34] or addressing the dead, they 
begin by kindling the sacred fire. This fire must be struck from a flint, or it must 
reach them mysteriously by lightning, or in some other way. To light the sacred 
fire with a common fire would be considered among them as a grave and dangerous 
transgression.” 


METAMORPHOSES AND THE TRANSMIGRATION OF SOULS. 


§ 287. They believe in transformations, such as are described in Ovid, and they 
think that many of the stars are men and women translated to the heavens. They 
believe in the transmigration of souls. Some of the medicine men profess to tell of 
what occurred to them in bodies previously inhabited for at least six generations 
back. [See §§ 260, 267.] 


EXHORTATIONS TO ABSENT WARRIORS. 


§ 288, Among the Teton it has been customary for those remaining 
at home to make songs about the absent warriors, calling them by name, 
as if they could hear the speakers. This Dakota custom agrees with 
what has been recorded of the Omaha. 

Bushotter has told of another Teton custom. The kindred of a slain 
warrior make songs in his honor, and sing them as they mourn for his 
death. 

MYSTERIOUS MEN AND WOMEN. 

§ 289. Lynd says: 


Certain men profess to have an unusual amount of the wakan or divine principle in 
them. By it they assume the working of miracles, laying on of hands, curing of the 


1 Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 204. 3 Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 243. 
2Am, Antiq.. vol. v, 1883, p, 149, 4 Om. Sociology, Third Ann. Rept, Bur, Eth., p. 325. 


494 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


sick, and many wonderful operations. Some of these persons pretend to a recollection 
of former states of existence, even naming the particular body in which they formerly 
lived. Others assert their power over nature, and their faculty of seeing into futurity, 
and of conversing with the deities. A third class will talk of the particular animals 
whose bodies they intend to enter when loosed from their present existence [§§ 260, 
267, 287]. Inendeavoring to sustain these pretensions they occasionally go through 
performances which are likely to deceive the ignorant throng.! 


Pond wrote thus of the Dakota wakay men :? 


They do not spring into existence under ordinary operations of natural laws, but, 
according to their faith, these men and women (for females, too, are wakan) first 
arouse to conscious existence in the form of winged seeds, such as the thistle, and are 
wafted by the * * intlnence of the four winds till they are conducted to the 
abode of some Taku Wakan, by whom they are received into intimate communion. 
They remain there till they become acquainted with the character and abilities of 
the class of gods whose guests they happen to be, and until they have imbibed their 
spirits, and are acquainted with all the chants, feasts, dances, and rites which the gods 
deem necessary to impose onmen. Thus do some of them pass through a series of 
inspirations with different classes of divinities, till they are fully wakanized and 
prepared for humanincarnation. They areinvested with the invisible wakan powers 
of the gods, their knowledge and cunning, and their omnipresent influence over mind, 
instinct, and passions. They are taught to inflict diseases and heal them, discover 
concealed causes, manufacture implements of war, and impart to them the ton-wan 
power of the gods; and also the art of making suchan application of paints that they 
will protect from the powers of the enemies. This process of inspiration is called 
“dreaming of the gods.” Thus prepared and retaining his primitive form, the demi- 
god rides forth on the wings of the windover * * * theearth, till hehas carefully 
observed the characters and usages of the different tribes of men; then, selecting his 
location, he enters one about to become a mother, and, in due time, makes his ap- 
pearance among men. * * * When one of these wakan men dies he returns to 
the abode of his god, from whom he receives a new inspiration, after which he passes 
through another incarnation as before, and serves another generation. In this man- 
ner they pass through four incarnations, * * * and then return to their original 
nothingness. 


§ 290. There are different persons who regard themselves as wakan, 
says Bushotter. Among these are those who practice medicine, those 
who act as Heyoka, those who boil for the grizzly bear feasts, those 
who take part in the mystery dance, those who foretell the future, those 
who detect wrong-doers and find what has been lost or stolen, and those 
who do various things in a cunning manner. It happens thus to them: 
A man hears ahuman voice during the day and he does what the voice 
directs to be done, or on a certain night a tree converses with him, and 
the two talk about their own affairs, and what the tree tells him to do, 
that he does, so he says, or, it orders him to keep some law or custom 
as long as he lives. Among these superstitious notions are the follow- 
ing: Some men direct the pipe to be handed around the lodge from the 
left side to the right, and others vice versa. Some men dare not gash a 
firebrand with a knife; and should a visitor do so heedlessly, they say 
that he “cuts his finger.” Others will not kill a swallow, lest thunder 
and hail ensue. Some do not allow a knife to be passed above a kettle. 


1Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 11, pt. 2, p. 70. 
2 Pond, in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. v1, pp. 652. 1857. 


DORSEY. | MYSTERIOUS MEN AND WOMEN. 495 


§ 291. The wakan men claim that they are invulnerable. To prove 
this they assemble at stated intervals, having painted themselves in 
various styles. Hach one has a flute suspended over the chest by a 
necklace. They wear long breechcloths, and march in single file. Two 
men armed with bows and arrows rush suddenly towards the waken men 
and shoot at them; but instead of wounding them they merely bend 
the arrows! Sometimes the men fire guns at them, but the bullets fall 
to the ground, and when they are examined they are flattened! No 
visible mark of a wound can be found on the bodies of these wakan 
men, though when they were hit by the bullet or arrow blood pours 
from their mouths. After they wash off the paint from their bodies 
their flesh becomes tender and is vulnerable. This is the excuse urged 
when an ordinary person succeeds in wounding a wakan man. It is 
supposed that the wakan men rub themselves with some kind of medi- 
cine known ouly to themselves, making them invulnerable, and that 
perhaps the bullets or arrows are rubbed with the medicine prior to the 
shooting. It is also supposed that the playing of the flute aids in 
rendering them invulnerable. (See § 306, etc.) 

§ 292. Bushotter names two kinds of Dakota doctors—the Mato 
wapiya, or Grizzly Bear doctor, who is very wakan, and the Pezuta 
wapiya, or Pezuta wiéaSa, the doctor who prescribes roots. The person 
who practices medicine claims to have had interviews with the spirits, 
but he never reveals what the spirits have told him, though he says that 
immediately after the revelation made him by the spirit he begins to 
act according to its directions. And in some cases of sickness this 
doctor takes the flesh of the patient into his mouth and makes a suck- 
ing sound while inhaling, and from the patient’s side he pretends to 
remove something. When he has made the sucking sound after taking 
the flesh into his mouth, or when he has taken blood or something else 
from the side of the patient, he spits it from his mouth. Then he sees 
the patient’s mother, whom he tells what is the cause of the disease, 
and whether the patient will recover or die. Such doctors pretend to 
have within themselves one of the following: A small red hawk, a com- 
mon woodpecker, a real buffalo, a rattlesnake, or a grizzly bear. And 
when one of these doctors kicks on the ground there is heard some- 
thing within him, singing in a beautiful voice; and so the people be- 
lieve what the doctors say about diseases. 

§ 293. When the doctor has sucked the patient's flesh a long time 
without removing anything, he asks a favor of the mysterious being 
dwelling within himself, and then that being cries out often, and the 
doctor succeeds in his efforts. Itis by the aid of these mysterious 
beings that the doctors are enabled to practice medicine. In the olden 
time one of the doctors was very mysterious. Once, when he was 
practicing, a bowl of water was set down before him. He vomited into 
the bowl and a water-snake appeared init. But when the doctor opened 
his mouth again the snake glided gently into it and disappeared down 


496 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


his throat. Such exhibitions by the doctors have been observed by the 
Indians, who are constrained to believe what the doctors claim for them- 
selves. And because they believe that the doctors are very mysteri- 
ous, the latter are able to gather together many possessions as pay for 
their services. Therefore the men and women doctors try to excel one 
another in their skill, as it pays them so well. 

§ 294, A “pezuta wicasa” told Bushotter to say to his step-father 
that his son, Bushotter’s younger brother, had been made crazy by a 
ghost. The doctor came and fumigated the patient, and after he felt a 
little better he sucked at the boy’s chest and drew out some blood. 
He resumed the operation, and then declared that there was in the 
boy’s side a flat object resembling a serpent, the removal of which 
would insure the boy’s recovery. The doctor was promised a horse if 
he would attend the patient until he cured him. Acting by his diree- 
tions, Bushotter’s elder brother caught a large catfish, of the species 
called “howasapa,” and handed it to his step-father, who offered a 
prayer and marked the fish with a knife on the top of the head. After 
this the fish was cooked, and the sick boy ate it and recovered his 
health. It was after this that the same boy was cured by invoking the 
Dawn and offering sacrifice, as related in § 215. 


GOPHER LORE. 


§ 295. Scrofulous sores on the neck under the jaw are said to be 
caused by gophers. These animals can shoot at persons in a magical 
way with the tip of a species of grass, wounding them very mysteriously, 
the injured person being unconscious of the harm done till some time 
has elapsed. The place swells, splits open, and becomes very bad, 
affecting even the face of the sufferer. Few doctors can cure it. He 
who can relieve the patient pretends to extract pieces of grass from 
the neck, and then the person begins to recover. The people are so 
atraid of gophers that they gu around the camp with their hands over 
their jaws. No one dares to go near a gopher hill except he or she be a 
mysterious person. Such a one can go near it and even touch it with 
impunity, as he has different remedies at his command. 


CAUSES OF BOILS AND SORES. 


§ 296. Whoever gets into the habit of eating the large intestine of 
cattle, known as the taSiyaka, is sure to “be hit by a Siyaka,” 7. e., he 
will have a boil.! Siyaka is the name of the grebe or dabehick, but 
what connection there is between the bird and the boil has not been 
learned. The boil will be on some covered part of the body, not on the 
hands or face. The Teton fear to go outside of their lodges at night 
lest the cause of boils be blown to them. If a man eats the liver of a 
female dog, or if a woman eats that of a male dog, the face of the 
offender will break out in sores. 


1 See Contr. to N. A. Ethn. vol. 1x, pp. 146, 149. 


DORSEY. ] SECRET SOCIETIES. 497 
RESULTS OF LYING, STEALING, ETC. 


§ 297. Warts betray a bad person, one given to stealing. If the skin 
of the hard palate peels off, it is said that the person is untruthful. 
When the Teton doubt a man’s word, they ask him to open his mouth 
and let them see his hard palate. He who makes a practice of eating 
the calves of the legs of any species of animal will have a cramp in 
the muscles of his own legs. When one wishes to extract the marrow 
from a bone, he takes care not to split the bone in two, lest his own 
legs should be in frequent pain, or he should become lame. 


SECRET SOCIETIES. 


§ 298. The Dakota use “‘ihanbla” or “ihaymda” as the Omaha and 
Ponka do ‘“ i¢a‘e¢é,” todescribe the mysterious communications received 
from the animals and spirits (§§ 8, 43-52). 

Among the Siouan family of Indians there are societies, religious in character, 
which are distinguished by thename of some animal. Each society has a ritual com- 
posed of chants andsongs to be sung during different parts of the ceremonies, having 
words describing in simple and direct terms the act which accompanies the music. 
These musical rituals, it is often claimed, have been received in a mysterious or su- 
pernatural manner, and are therefore regarded as possessing areligiouspower * * * 
Some societies admit women to membership, through their own visions, or oceasion- 
ally by those of their husbands’, but more generally by means of the visions of male 
relatives. * * * Membership in these societies is not confined to any particular 
gens, or grouping of gentes, but depends upon supernatural indications over which 
the individual has no control. The animal which appears to a man ina vision during 
his religious fasting determines to which society he must belong.! 

§ 299. Those having visions or revelations from ghosts are called 
Wanagi ihayblapi ki. Itis such persons who can draw pictures of 
ghosts with impunity. It is also said that the only persons who have 
their faces drawn awry by the ghosts are the members of this order. 
(See § 275.) 

§ 300. Bushotter’s step-father belongs to the Tatayng ihayblapi kin, 
or the Society of those who have Revelations from the Buffalo, answer- 
ing to the Omaha se i¢a‘e¢é-ma (§§ 45, 50). In one of his visions he saw 
a buffalo with cocklebur down in his hair, so the man subsequently 
put such down in his own hair in imitation of the buffalo. One night 
he saw (probably in a vision) a bison going toward the south with a 
hoop on his head. So the man painted a small hoop red all over and 
wore it on his head, giving his nephew the name Cangleska wanyayg 
mani, He Walks In-sight-of a Hoop. 

§ 301. Some Dakota belong to the Heéinskayapi ihayblapi kiy, or the 
Society of those who have Revelations from Goats. Goats are very 
mysterious, as they walk on cliffs and other high places; and those who 
dream of goats or have revelations from them imitate their actions. 
Such men can find their way up and down cliffs, the rocks get soft un- 


1Miss Fletcher: Elk Mystery of the Ogallala Sioux; in Ann. Rept. Peabody Museum, 1884, pp. 276, 
277. 


11 ETH——32 


498 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


der their feet, enabling them to maintain a foothold, but they close up 
behind them, leaving no trail. Members of the Wakay wacipi, or the 
Order of the Mystery Dance, commonly called the medicine dance, are 
also reckoned among the mysterious or ‘‘ wakan” people (see §113). 
One of Bushotter’s texts relates to this order. Another of his articles 
tells of the Miwatani okolaki¢iye kin or The Mandan Society, which 
used to be called Cante tinza okolaki¢iye, or Society of the Stout 
Hearted Ones. It is now known as Kaygi yuha, Keeps the Raven. 
For a notice of this order, see §§ 194, 195. 

§ 302. The report of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology” 
and Ethnology for 1884 contains an article on the Elk Mystery or Fes- 
tival of the Oglala, a division of the Teton Dakota (pp. 276-288). 
Those who have visions of the elk are the Heliaka ihanblapi kip. 
Bushotter has recorded articles on different societies as follows: Big 
Belly Society, Hlioka and Tokala (animal) Societies, Dog Society, Katela 
or Taniga iéu Society, Grizzly Bear Dance, and Night Dance; but we 
have no means of learning whether any or all of them are composed of 
persons who had visions of animals. 


FETICHISM. 
PUBLIC OR TRIBAL FETICHES. 


§ 303. Among these may be included the Bear Butte, referred to in 
§137: and any white buffalo hide, such as has been described in ‘“‘ The 
White Buffalo Festival of the Unepapas.”! 

Smet gives a description of a gathering of all the Assiniboin, and a 
religious festival lasting several days: 

Offerings are placed on perches that are fastened to the tops of posts supporting 
certain buffalo skin lodges. A tall pole is erected in the middle of the circle (it ig 
between 30 and 40 feet high), and to it they fasten the medicine bags, containing the 
idols, their arrows, quivers, trophies won from their enemies, especially scalps. 
Men, women, and children join in raising and planting the pole, amid the acclama- 
tions of the tribe.” 


PRIVATE OR PERSONAL FETICHES. 


§ 304. Smet also tells us that “A Sioux chief has his war wakay, the 
colored picture of the Russian general, Diebitsch.”* In speaking of 
the Assinniboin, the same author states: : 


Each savage who considers himself a chief or warrior possesses what he calls his 
wah-kon, in which he appears to place all his confidence. This consists of a stuffed 
bird, a weasel’s skin, or some little bone or the tooth of an animal; sometimes it is a 
little stone or a fantastical figure, represented by little beads or by a coarsely painted 
picture. These charms or talismans accompany them on all their expeditions for war 
or hunting—they never lay them aside. In every difficulty or peril they invoke the 
protection and assistance of their wah-kon, as though these idols could really preserve 


1 Miss Fletcher in Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. IT, pp. 260-275. 
2 Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 136. 
3Tbid., p. 46. 


DORSEY. ] SORCERY AND JUGGLERY. 499 


them from all misfortunes. If any accident befalls an idol or charm, if it is broken 
or lost, it is enough to arrest the most intrepid chief or warrior in his expedition, and 
make him abandon the most important enterprise in which he may be engaged. ! 

We may also reckon among the personal fetiches the wohduze of each 
warrior (see the Armor god, §§ 122-5), and perhaps the use of the 
initipi or sweat lodge, and the wild sage or Artemisia, by each of which 
personal purification is supposed to be effected. 


> 
ORDEALS OR MODES OF SWEARING. 


§ 305. While there are no oaths or curses as we have them, the Teton 
can invoke higher powers. Thus one may say: “The Thunderers hear 
me” (Wayin/yay namaliunwe 16, The Flying one really hears me!), and 
if he is lying the Thunderers or one of their number will be sure to kill 
him. Sometimes the man will put a knife in his mouth, and then if he 
lies he will be stuck by a knife thereafter, and death must follow. Or, 
he will say, “The horse heard me” (Suy’kawakay’ namaliuy we 16), 
knowing that the penalty for falsehood will be certain death from a horse 
that will throw him and break his neck. When one says, ‘‘The Earth 
hears me” (Maka kiy lé namaliuy we 16), and he lies, he is sure to die 
miserably in a short time, and his family will also be afflicted. 

Smet says:? 

The objects by which an Assinniboine swears are his gun, the skin of a rattlesnake, 
a bear’s claw, and the wah-kon that the Indian interrogates. These various articles 
are placed before him, and he says, “‘In case my declaration prove false, may my gun 
fire and kill me, may the serpent bite me, may the bears tear and devour my flesh, 
and may my wah-kon overwhelm me with misery.” In extraordinary and very im- 
portant affairs, which demand formal promises, they call upon the Thunder to wit- 
ness their resolution of accomplishing the articles proposed and accepted. 


SORCERY AND JUGGLERY. 


§ 306. As among the Omaha and other Siouan tribes, so among the 
Dakota do we find traces of the practice of sorcery, and there is a special 
word in the Dakota dictionary: ‘limunga, to cause sickness or death, 
as the Dakotas pretend to be able to do, in a supernatural way—to be- 
witch—kill by enchantment.’ The syllable “limuy” seems to convey 
the idea of humming, buzzing, or muttering. 

Jugglery or sleight-of-hand performances are resorted to by the mys- 
terious menand women. (See §§ 64-66, 291-4.) Some of these practition- 
ers Claim to possess the art of making love-charms, such potions being 
sold to women who desire to attract particular men of their acquaint- 
ance. When a woman obtains such a medicine, she uses it in one of 
two ways. Sometimes she touches the man on his blanket with the 
medicine, at others she persuades the man to give her a piece of chew- 
ing gum, which she touches with the medicine. Then she seizes him, 
and he can not escape from her, even should he wish to leave her. So 
he is obliged to marry her. 


Western Missions and Missionaries, p. 141. ; 2 Ibid., p. 143. 


500 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
OMENS. 
BODILY OMENS. 


§ 307. Ringing in one ear signifies one of two things. Some one will 
come without his family, and he must be entertained, or you will hear 
news. The direction whence the person or news will come is shown by 
the ear that is affected. 

If the eye twitches involuntarily some one will Weep. If any other 
part of the body twitches involuntarily some one will hit the person 
there or he will be stabbed or shot there. If the palm of the hand 
twitches often he will soon strike some one, or else he will become angry. 
When a woman has a son sick somewhere, or if he has been killed on 
the way home, her breasts are often very painful. 

If one sneezes once his special friend or fellow, his son or his wife 
has named him; so the sneezer calls out, “‘My son.” If he sneezes 
twice he exclaims, “ My son and his mother!” 


ANIMAL OMENS. 


§ 308. When whip-poor wills sing together at night, saying, ‘“ Hohin, 
hohiy,” one says in reply, “No.” Should the birds stop at once it is a 
sign that the answering person must die soon. But if the birds con- 
tinue singing the man will live a long time.’ 

The ungnagiéala (gray screech owl) fortells cold weather. When the 
night is to be very cold this owl cries out, so the Teton say, just as if a 
person’s teeth chattered. When its ery is heard, all the people wrap 
themselves in their thickest robes and put plenty of wood on the fires. 

The Ski-bi-bi-la is a small gray bird, with a black head, and spotted 
here and there on the breast. It dwells in the forest, and is said to 
answer the person who callstoit. When this bird says, “ Gli hu w6,” 
i. e., Has it returned?” the people rejoice, knowing that the spring is 
near. When a boy hears this bird ask the question, he runs to his 
mother and learns from her that he must reply, ‘‘ No; it has not yet 
returned.” The reason for giving this reply has not been obtained. 

When the people first hear the ery of the night hawk in the spring, 
they begin to talk of going to hunt the buffalo, because when the night 
hawks return the buifalo have become fat again, and the birds bring 
the news, for they never cry in vain. 


OMENS FROM DREAMS. 


§ 309. There are some animals which are esteemed as bringing better fortunes than 
others. Hawks are lucky. Bears are not so good, as the bear is slow and clumsy, 
and apt to be wounded; and although savage when cornered, is not as likely as some 
animals to escape harm. Among some tribes in this family of Indians to dream of 
the moon is regarded as a grave calamity.? See § 30. 


1This is also an Omaha belief. 
“Miss Fletcher, “Elk Mystery of the Ogalalla Sioux,” in Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 281 
note. 


CHAPTER VIL. 


CULTS OF THE MANDAN, HIDATSA, AND SAPONA. 
AUTHORITIES. 


§ 310. This chapter contains no original material, but is a compilation 
made from the following works for the convenience of the reader: 

Byrd (Wm.), History of the Dividing line (1729), vol. 1. Reprint: Richmond, 
Va., 1866. 

U. 8. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of 
Hidatsa Indians. By Washington Matthews. ; 

James’s Account of Long’s Exped., to Rocky Mountains, Phil., 1823, vol. 1. 

Lewis and Clarke’s Exped., ed. Allen, Dublin, 1817, vol. 1. 

The George Catlin Indian Gallery * * * Thomas Donaldson: Smithson. Rept., 
1885, pt. 2, appendix. 

Travelsin * * * North America, by Maximilian, Prince of Wied. Trans. by 
H. Evans Lloyd, London, 1843. . 


ALLEGED BELIEF IN A GREAT SPIRIT. 


§ 311. As among the Dakota, so among the Mandan and Hidatsa, we 
find that some of the earlier writers assert that the religion of the 
Indians under consideration ‘consists in the belief in one Great 
Spirit.”! 

But such assertions are closely followed by admissions which explain 
the mistake of the writer: “Great Spirit” is synonymous with “Great 
Medicine,” a name applied to everything which they do not compre- 
hend. Among the Mandan, ‘“ each individual selects for himself the 
particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is 
either some visible being, or more commonly some animal.” 


THE GREAT MYSTERY A MODERN DEITY. 


Matthews states of the Hidatsa: 


Many claim that the Great Spirit, or, more properly, the Great Mystery, is a deity 
of the modern Indian only. I have certainly heard some old and very conservative 
Minnetarees speak of Mahopa as if they meant thereby an influence or power above 
all other things, but not attaching to it any ideas of personality. It would now be 
perhaps impossible to make a just analysis of their original conceptions in this 
matter.” 


‘Lewis and Clarke’s Exped., ed., Allen, vol. I, p. 174. 
2U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Suryv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 


Indians, p. 48. 
501 


502 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS 
POLYTHEISM. 


Instead of believing in one Great Spirit, the Mandan and Hidatsa 
“believe in a multitude of different beings in the heavenly bodies; 
offer sacrifices to them; invoke their assistance on every occasion; 
howl, lament, fast, inflict on themselves acts of penance to propitiate 
these spirits; and, above all, lay very great stress upon dreams.! 

§ 312. The most sacred objects in the eyes of the Crow or Absaroka, 
a nation closely related to the Hidatsa, are ‘the sun, the moon, and 
tobacco, that is, the leaves of the genuine tobacco (Nicotiana); and all 
their children wear a small portion of this herb, well wrapped up, round 
their neck, by way of an amulet.’ 


WORSHIP. 


§ 313. Full information respecting worship bas not been obtained; 
but we know that among its aecessories are the following: prayer, fast- 
ing, and sacrifice. The different writers tell us of petitions offered to 
the gods for help. 

FASTING. 


§ 314. When a young Mandan wishes to establish his reputation as 
a brave man, he fasts for four or seven days, as long as he is able, goes 
to the bluffs, cries to the Omahank-Numakshi, calls incessantly on the 
higher powers for aid, and goes home at night to sleep and dream. 
They fast before taking part in the Okipa, before organizing a war 
party, etc.® 
SACRIFICE. 


§ 315. Said a Mandan to Lewis and Clarke, “I was lately owner of 
seventeen horses, but-I have offered them all up to my medicine, and 
am now poor.” He had taken all his horses to the plain, where he 
turned them loose, committing them to the care of his “medicine,” thus 
abandoning them forever.* 

“Around the burial scaffolds of the Mandans were several high 
poles, with skins and other things hanging on them, as offerings to the 
lord of life, Omahank-Numakshi, or to the first man, Numank-Ma- 
chana.”* 

§ 316. The Okipa.—That form of self-sacrifice called Okipa by the 
Mandan has been described in detail by Catlin and Maximilian. It 
differs in some respects from the sun dance of the Dakota and Ponka, 
as well as from the Dalipike or Nalipike of the Hidatsa.® 


i1Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 359. 

< Ibid, p. 176. 

3Tbid, pp. 369, 374, 386, 388, 400. 

aTbid, p. 174. 

5Tbid, p. 173. 

6Tbid, pp. 373,377. O-kee-pa: A Religious Ceremony * * * by George Catlin, Phil., 1867, 25 
pp. Smithson. Rept., 1885, pt. 2, pp. 353-368. 


DosEY.| THE DAHPIKE. 503 


§ 317. The Dalipike.—According to Matthews, the most important 
ceremony of the Hidatsa is that of— 

The Dalhpike or Nalipike, which formerly took place regularly once a year, but is 
now celebrated every second or third year only. On the day when it is determined 
to begin this ceremony, some of the men, dressed and mounted as for a war-party, 
proceed to the woods. Here they select a tall, forked cottonwood, which they fell, 
trim, and bark; to this they tie lariats, and, by the aid of horses, drag it to the 
village. In the procession, the man who has most distinguished himself in battle, 
mounted on the horse on whose back he has done his bravest deeds, takes the lead; 
others follow in the order of the military distinction; as they drag the log along, 
they fire guns at it, strike it with sticks, and shout and sing songs of victory. The 
log, they say, is symbolical of a conquered enemy, whose body they are bringing 
into the camp in triumph. [See §§ 28, 42,160.] When the log is set up, they again 
go to the woods to procure a quantity of willows. A temporary lodge of green wil- 
lows is then built around the log, as the medicine lodge, wherein the ceremony is 
performed [see §168.] The participants fast four days with food in sight, and, on 
the fourth day, snbmit to tortures which vary according to the whim of the sufferer 
or the advice of the shamans. Some have long strips of skin separated from differ- 
ent parts of their bodies, but not completely detached. Others have large pieces ot 
the integuinent entirely removed, leaving the muscles exposed. Others have incis- 
ions made in their flesh, in which raw-hide strings are inserted; they then attach 
buttalo-skulls to the strings and run round with these until the strings »ecomes dis- 
engaged by tearing their way out of the flesh. Other have skewers inserted in their 
breasts, which skewers are secured by raw-hide cords to the central pole, as in the 
Dakota sun dance; the sufferer then throws himself back until he is released by the 
skewers tearing out of the flesh. Many other ingenious tortures are devised.! 


§ 318. In the narrative of Long’s expedition to the Rocky Mountains, 
we find an account of the latter part of this ceremony, prepared, as 
Matthews thinks, from the statements of Mr. Dougherty or Mr. Lisa, as 
the expedition did not go near the Minnetaree country. All the tor- 
ments there described, and more, are inflicted to this day. That 
account is as follows 


Annually in the month of July the Minnetarees celebrate their great medicine 
dance. * * * On this occasion a considerable quantity of food is prepared. 
« * * The devotees then dance and sing to their music at intervals for three or 
four days together in full view of the victuals without attempting to taste 
them. But theydo not, even at this time, forego their accustomed hospitality. And 
if astranger enters, he is invited to eat, though no one partakes with him. On the 
third or fourth day, the severer tortures commence. * * * An indi- 
vidual presents himself before one of the * * * magi, erying and lamenting, 
and requests him to cut a fillet of skin from his arm, which he extends for that pur- 
pose. The operator thrusts a sharp instrument through the skin near the wrists, 
then introduces the knife and cuts out a piece of the required length, sometimes ex- 
tending thecut entirely tothe shoulder. Another will request bands of skin to be cut 
from his arm. A third will have his breast flayed so as to represent a full-moon or 
crescent. A fourth submits to the removal of concentric ares of skin from his breast. 
A fifth prays the operator to remove small pieces of skin from various indicated 
parts of his body. * * * An individual requests the operator to pierce a-hole 
through the skin on each of his shoulders, and after passing a long cord through each 
hole, he repairs to a burial ground at some distance from the village, and selects one 


* % 


'U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, pp. 45, 46. 
= James's account of Long's Expedition to Rocky Mountains, vol. 1, pp. 276-278. 


504 ; A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


of the bison skulls collected there. To the chosen skull he affixes the ends of his 
cords, and drags it to the lodge, around which he must go with his burden before 
he can be released from it. No one is permitted to assist him, neither dare he to put 
his hands to the cords to alleviate his sufferings. If it should so happen that the 
horns of the skull get hooked under a root or other obstacle, he must extricate it in 
the best manner he can by pulling different ways, but he must not touch the cords 
or the skull with his hands, or in any respect attempt to relieve the strain upon his 
wound until his complete task is performed. 

Some of the penitents have arrows thrust through various muscular parts of their 
bodies, as through the skin and superficial muscles of the arms, leg, breast, and 
back. 

A devotee caused two arrows to be passed through the muscles of his breast, one 
on each side near the mammae. To these arrows cords were attached, the opposite 
ends of which were affixed to the upper part of a post which had been planted in 
the earth for the purpose. He then threw himself backward into an oblique 
position, his back within about 2 feet of the ground, so as to depend with the greater 
part of his weight by the cords. In this situation of agony he chanted and, kept 
time to the musie of the gong (sic), until he fainted from long abstinence and suffer- 
ing. The bystanders then cried out, ‘Courage! courage!’ After a short interval 
of insensibility, he revived and proceeded with his self-tortures as before, until 
nature being completely exhausted he again relapsed into insensibility, upon which 
he was loosed from the cords and carried off amidst the acclamations of the whole 
assembly, 

Another Minnetaree in compliance with a vow he had made, caused a hole to be 
perforated through the muscles of each shoulder. Through these holes cords were 
passed, the opposite ends of which were attached as a bridle to a horse which had 
been penned up three or four days without food or water. In this manner he led 
the horse to the margin of the river. The horse, of course, endeavored to drink, but 
it was the province of the Indian to prevent him, and that only by straining at the 
cords with the muscles of the shoulder, without resorting to the assistance of his 
hands. And, notwithstanding all the exertions of the horse to drink, his master 
succeeded in preventing him, and returned with him to his lodge, having accom- 
plished his painful task. 


§ 319. In describing the Hidatsa, Prince Maximilian says:! 


They likewise celebrate the Okippe (which they call Akupehri), but with several 
deviations. Thus, instead of a so-called ark, a kind of high pole with a fork on it, 
is planted in the center of the open circle. When the partisans (i. e. war captains) 
intend to go on some enterprise in May or June, the preparations are combined with 
the Okippe (i. e., Okipa) of several young men, who wish to obtain the rank of brave. 
A large medicine lodge is erected open above, with a division in the middle, in which 
the candidates take their places. Two pits are usually dug in the middle for the 
partisans, who lie in them four days and four nights, with only a piece of leather 
around the waist. The first partisan usually chooses the second, who undergoes the 
ceremony with him. There are always young people enough to submit their bodies 
to torture, in order to display their courage. They fast four days and nights, which 
leaves them faint. Many of them begin the tortures on the third day; butthe fourth 
day is that properly set apart for them. To the forked pole of the medicine lodge is 
fastened a long piece of buffalo hide, with the head hanging down, and to this astrap 
isfastened. An old man is then chosen, who is to see to the torturing of the candi- 
dates, which is executed precisely in the same manner as among the Mandans. The 
sufferers often faint. They are then taken by the hands, lifted up, and encouraged, 
and they begin afresh. When they have dragged about the buftalo skull long enough, 
* * * a large circle is formed, as among the Mandans, in which they are made to 
run round till they drop down exhausted, when they are taken to the medicine lodge. 


1Travels * * * in North America. pp. 400, 401. 


DORSEY. ] CULT OF THE YONI. 505 


The medicine man receives from one of the spectators the knife with which the ope- 
ration is to be performed. The partisan is bound to build the medicine lodge. 

During the ceremony the spectators eat and smoke; the candidates take nothing, 
and, like the partisans, are covered all over with white clay. The latter, when they 
dance during the ceremony, remain near their pits, and then move on the same spot, 
holding in their hands their medicines, a buffalo tail, a feather, or the like. None 
but the candidates dance, and the only music is striking a dried buffalo hide with 
willow rods. There have been instances of fathers subjecting their children, only 6 
or 7 years of age, to these tortures. We ourselves saw one suspended by the muscles 
of the back, after having been compelled to fast four days. No application whatever 
is subsequently made for the cure of the wounds, which leave large swollen weals, 
and are much more conspicuous among the Hidatsa than among the Mandan. Most 
of the Hidatsa have three or four of these weals in parallel semicircular lines almost 
an inch thick, which cover the entire breast. There aresimilar transverse and long- 
itudinal lines on the arms. 

Referring to Maximilian’s description just given, Matthews observes: 

At this time, the Hidatsa call the Mandan ceremony akupi (of which word proba- 
bly akupehi is an old form); but they apply nosuch term to their own festival. Max- 
imilian did not spend a summer among those Indians, and, therefore, knew of both 
ceremonies only from description.! If the Minnetaree festival to which he referred 
was, as is most likely, the Nalipike, he is, to some extent, in error. The rites re- 
semble one another only in their appalling fasts and tortures. In allegory, they seem 
to be radically different. 

CULT OF THE YONI. 


§ 320. An account of the great buffalo medicine feast of the Hidatsa 
(‘instituted by the women”) has been recorded by Maximilian. Prayers 
are made for success in hunting and in battle. When the feast had 
continued two hours, the women began to act the part, which bore a 
slight resemblance to what Herodotus tells of the women in the temple 
of Mylitta.? 

When the dance of the half-shorn head was sold by its Mandan pos- 
sessors, they received in part payment the temporary use of the wives 
of the purchasers, each woman having the right to choose her consort.® 

Lewis and Clarke have given accounts of two of the Mandan dances, 
the buffalo dance and the medicine dance, at the conclusion of which 
were rites that astonished the travelers, but they were told that in the 
medicine dance only virgins or young unmarried females took part.‘ 


ABSAROKA FEAR OF A WHITE BUFFALO COW. 


§ 321. The Absaroka or Crow Nation have a superstitious fear of a 
white buffalo cow. When a Crow meets one, he addresses the sun in 
the following words: ‘TI will give her (i. e., the cow) to you.” He then 
endeavors to kill the animal, but leaves it untouched, and then says to 
the sun, “Take her, she is yours.” They never use the skin of such a 
cow, as the Mandan do.° 


1Yet Maximilian says, ‘‘ We ourselves saw one suspended, etc.” 
2 Travels ~ * in North America, pp. 419-422. 

3 Ibid, pp. 426-428. 

4Thbid, vol. 1, pp. 189, 190. 

5Tbid, p.175. 


506 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
MANDAN CULTS. 
MANDAN DIVINITIES. 


§ 322. According to one of Maximilian’s informants, the Mandan be- 
lieve in several superior beings. (1) The first is Ohmahank-Numakshi, 
the Lord of Life. He is the most powerful. He created the earth, man, 
and every existing object. They believe that he has a tail, and appears 
sometimes in the form of an aged man and, at others, in that of a young 
man. (2) Numank-Machana, the First Man, holds the second rank; he 
was created by the Lord of Life, but is likewise of a divine nature. He 
resembles Nanabush or Manabozho of the Ojibwa and cognate tribes. 
(3) Ohmahank-Chika, the Lord of Evil, is a malignant spirit, who has 
much influence over men; but he is not as powerful as Ohmahank-Nu- 
makshi and Numank-Machana. (4) Rohanka-Tauihanka, who dwells in 
the planet Venus, protects mankind on earth. The name of the fifth 
power has not been gained, but he is ever moving, walking over the 
earth in human form. They call him, “The Lying Prairie Wolf.” (6) 
Ochkih-Hadda' is a spirit that it is difficult to class. They believe that 
one who dreams of him is sure to die very soon thereafter. This spirit 
is said to have come once into their villages and taught them many 
things, but since then he has not appeared. They fear him, offer him 
sacrifice, and in their villages they have a hideous image representing 
him. 

§ 323. The sun is thought to be the residence of the Lord of Life. In 
the moon dwells, as they say, the Old Woman who Never Dies. They 
do not know much about her, but they sacrifice to her as well as to the 
other spirits. She has six children, three sons and three daughters, 
who inhabit certain stars. The eldest son is the Day, the second is the 
Sun, the third is the Night. The eldest daughter is the star that rises 
in the east, the Morning Star, called, ‘The Woman Who Wears a 
Plume.” The second daughter, called ‘“* The Striped Gourd,” is a star 
which revolves the polarstar. The third daughter is the Evening Star, 
which is near the setting sun.? 

§ 324. The Old Woman who Never Dies.—The cult of this spirit is 
observed in what Say calls “the corn dance of the Manitaries.” Mavxi- 
milian declares that Say is quite correct in his account of it, and that 
the Mandan practice it as well as the Hidatsa. 

It is the consecration of the grain to be sown, and is called the corn dance feast 
of the woman. The Old Woman who Never Dies sends, in the spring, the water- 
fowl, swans, geese, and ducks, as symbols of the kinds of grain cultivated by the 
Indians. The wild goose signifies corn; the geese, the gourd, and the duck, beans. 
It is the old woman who causes these plants to grow, and, therefore, she sends these 
birds as herrepresentatives. It is seldom that eleven wild geese are found together 
in the spring; but, if it happens, this is asign that the crop of corn will be remarka- 
ably fine. The Indians keep a large quantity of dried meat in readiness for the 
time in the spring when the birds arrive, that they may immediately celebrate the 


10-kee-hee-dee of Catlin. ?Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, pp. 359, 360. 


DORSEY.] GUARDIAN SPIRITS. 507 


corn feast of the women. They hang the meat before the village on long scaffolds 
made of poles, three or four rows, one above another, and this, with other articles of 
value, is considered as an offering to the Old Woman who Never Dies. The elderly 
women of the village, as representatives of that old woman, assemble about the scaf- 
folds on a certain day, each carrying a stick, to one end of which an ear of corn is 
fastened. Sitting in a circle, they plant their sticks in the ground before them, and 
then dance around the scaffolds. Some old men beat the drum and shake the gourd 
rattles. The corn is not wetted or sprinkled, as many believe, but on the contrary, 
it is supposed that such a practice would be injurious. While the old women are 
performing their part, the younger ones come and put some dry pulverized meat 
into their mouths, for which each young woman receives in return a grain of the con- 
secrated corn, which she eats. Three or four grains of the consecrated corn are put 
into their dish, and are afterwards carefully mixed with the seed corn, in order to 
make it yield an abundant crop. The dried meat on the scaffolds is the perquisite 
of the aged females, as the representatives of the Old Woman who Never Dies. But 
members of the Dog Society have the privilege of taking some of this meat from the 
scafiolds without opposition from anybody. 

A similar corn feast is held in the antumn, but at that season it is held for the pur- 
pose of attracting the herds of buffaloes and of obtaining a large supply of meat. 
Each woman then carries an entire cornstalk with the ears attached, pulling up the 
stalk by the roots. They designate the corn as well as the birds by the name of the 
Old Woman Who Never Dies, and call on them saying, ‘‘ Mother, pity us; do notsend 
the severe cold too soon, lest we do not gain enough meat. Prevent the game from 
departing, so that we may have something for the winter!” 

In autumn, when the birds migrate to the south, or, as the Indians say, return to 
the Old Woman, they believe that they take with them the dried meat hung on the 
scaffolds, and they imagine that the Old Woman partakes of it. 

The Old Woman who Never Dies has very large patches of corn, kept for her by 
the great stag and the white-tailedstag. Shehas, too, many blackbirds which help to 
guard her property. When she intends to feed these keepers, she summons them, and 
they fall on the corn, which they devour with greediness. As these corn patches are 
large, the Old Woman requires many laborers, hence she has the mice, moles, and 
stags to perform such work for her. The birds which fly from the seashore in the 
spring represent the Old Woman, who then travels to the north to visit the Old Man 
who Never Dies, who always resides there. She generally returns to the south in 
three or four days. In former times the Old Woman’s hut was near the Little 
Missouri River, where the Indians often visited her. One day twelve Hidatsa went 
to her, and she set before them a kettle of corn, which was so small that it did not 
appear sufficient to satisfy the hunger of one of the party. Butshe told them to eat, 
and, as soon as the kettle was emptied it was filled again, and all the men had 
enough.! 


GUARDIAN SPIRITS. 


§ 325. The Mandan undertake nothing without first invoking their 
guardian spirits, which appear to them in dreams (see § 236). When 
a man wishes to choose his guardian spirit, he fasts for three or four 
days, and sometimes longer, retires to a solitary place, does penance, 
and sometimes sacrifices joints of his fingers. He howls and cries to 
the Lord of Life, or to the First Man, beseeching him to point out the 
guardian spirit. He continues in this excited condition until he 
dreams, and the first animal or other object which appears in the dream 
is the guardian spirit. Each man has such a spirit. There is on the 


‘Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, pp. 378-380. 


508 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


prairie a large hill, where they renvain motionless many days, lamenting 
and fasting. Not far from this hill is a cave, into which they creep at 
night. The choice and adoration of guardian spirits is said to have 
been taught the people many years ago by the Ochkih-Hadda. It was 
he who taught them the art of tattooing, and who instituted medicine 
feasts.! 

MANDAN BELIEF ABOUT SERPENTS AND GIANTS. 

§ 326. The Mandan believe that there is a huge serpent which inhab- 
its a lake three or four days’ journey from their village, and to which 
they make offerings. The tradition relates how two Mandan youths 
encountered a giant, who carried them to a village of giants. The 
latter part, which tells how one of the youths was changed into a huge 
serpent after killing and eating a serpent, resembles a Winnebago tra- 
dition.’ 

THUNDER LORE OF THE MANDAN, 

§ 327. The Mandan believe that thunder is produced by the wings of 
a gigantic bird. When the bird flies softly, as is usually the case, he 
is not heard; but when he flaps his wings violently, he occasions a roar- 
ing noise. This bird is said to have two toes on each foot, one behind 
and one before. It dwells on the mountains, and builds nests there as 
large as one of the forts. It preys upon deer and other large animals, 
the horns of which are heaped up around the nest. The glance of its 
eyes produces lightning. It breaks through the clouds and makes way 
for the rain. The isolated and peculiarly loud clapsof thunder are pro- 
duced by a large tortoise which dwells in the clouds. 


ASTRONOMICAL LORE, 


§ 328. The stars are deceased men. When a child is born a star de- 
scends and appears on earth in human form; after death it reascends 
and appears again as a star in the heavens. 

The rainbow isaspirit which accompanies the sun. Many affirm that 
the northern lights are occasioned by a large assembly of medicine men 
and distinguished warriors of several northern nations, who boil their 
prisoners and slain enemies in huge cauldrons.® 


MYSTERY OBJECTS AND PLACES OF THE MANDAN AND HIDATSA. 


§ 329, The mystery rock of the Mandan and Hidatsa is thus described 

by Lewis and Clarke: 4 
* 

This medicine stone is the great oracle of the Mandans, and whatever it announces 
is believed with implicit confidence, Every spring and, on some occasions during 
the summer, a deputation visits the sacred-spot, where there is a thick, porous stone 
20 feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. Having reached the place, the cer- 
emony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff 


‘Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 369. 
2Thid., pp. 380, 381. 

3Tbid., p. 361. 

4Lewis and Clarke, Exped., ed. Allen, Vol. 1, p. 205. 


DORSEY. } MANDAN AND HIDATSA MYSTERY OBJECTS, ETC. 5O9 


themselves, and then present the pipe to the stone; after which they retire to an ad- 
joining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed that all the 
embassy do not sleep. In the morning they read the destinies of the nation in the 
white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decipher. 


The same stone, as worshiped by the Hidatsa, is thus deseribed by 
James:! 


The Me-ma-ho-pa or medicine stone * * * isalarge, naked, and insulated rock 
situated in the midst of a small prairie, about a two days’ journey southwest of the 
village of that nation. In shape it resembles the steep roof of a house. The Minne- 
tarees resort to it for the purpose of propitiating their Man-ho-pa or Great Spirit by 
presents, by fasting and lamentation, during the space of from three to five days. 
An individual who intends to perform this ceremony takes some presents with him, 
» * * and also provides a smooth skin upon which hieroglyphies may be drawn, 
and repairs to the rock accompanied by his friends and the magi. On his arrival he 
deposits the presents there, and, after smoking to the rock, he washes a portion of its 
face clean, and retires with his fellow devotees to a specified distance. During the 
principal part of his stay, he cries aloud to his god to have pity on him, to grant him 
success in war and hunting, to favor his endeavors to take prisoners, horses, and 
scalps from the enemy. When the time for his * * * prayer has elapsed he re- 
turns to the rock; his presents are no longer there, and he believes them to have 
been accepted and carried off by the Man-ho-pa himself. Upon the part of the rock 
which he had washed he finds certain hieroglyphics traced with white clay, of which 
he can generally interpret the meaning, particularly when assisted by some of the 
magi, who are no doubt privy to the whole transaction. These representations are 
supposed to relate to his future fortune, or to that of his family or nation; he copies 
them off * * * upon the skin which he brought with him for that purpose, and 
returns home to read from them to the people the destiny of himself or them, If a 
bear be represented with its head directed toward the village, the approach of a war- 
party or the visitation of some evil is apprehended. Tf, on the contrary, the tail of 
the bear be toward the village, nothing but good is anticipated, and they rejoice. 
They say that an Indian on his return from the rock exhibited * * * on his 

* * chart the representation of a strange building, as erected near the village. 
They were all much surprised and did not perfectly comprehend its meaning; but 
four months afterward the prediction was, as it happened, verified, and a stockade 
trading house was erected there by the French trader Jessaume. 


Matthews refers thus to this ‘‘ oracle” of the Hidatsa and Mandan :? 


The famous holy stone or medicine rock (Mihopas, or Mandan, Mihopinis) * * * 
was some two or three days’ journey from their residence. The Hidatsa now seldom 
refer to it, and I do not think they ever visit it. 


§ 330. According to Maximilian: * 


The Mandans have many other medicine establishments in the vicinity of their 
villages, all of which are dedicated to the superior powers. ~ * * Of those 
near Mitutahankus, one consists of four poles placed in the form of a square; the two 
foremost have a heap of earth and green turf thrown up round them, and four buffalo 
skulls laid in a line between them, svhile twenty-six human skulls are placed in a row 
from one of the rear poles to the other, and on some of these skulls are painted single 
rei stripes. Behind the whole two knives are stuck into the ground, and a bundle 
of twigs is fastened at the top of the poles with a kind of comb, or rake, painted red. 
The Indians repair to such places when they desire to make offerings or petitions; 


1 James's Account of Long's Exped. to Rocky Mountains, Vol. 1, p. 273 

2U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Pub., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, pp. 50, 51. 

2Travels * * in North America, pp. 381, 382. 


510 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


they howl, lament, and make loud entreaties, often for many days together, to the 
Omahank-Namakshi. Another ‘‘medicine establishment” consisted of a couple of 
human figures, very clumsily made of skins, fixed on poles, and representing, as was 
told to Maximilian, the sun and moon, but in his opinion, probably the Omahank- 
Numakshiand the Old Woman that Never Dies. : 

§ 331. If a Mandan possesses a “ medicine pipe” (i. e., what the Omaha 
and Ponka call a niniba weawa®,) he sometimes decides to adopt a 
“medicine son.” The young man whom he is to choose appears to him 
in a dream; but it is necessary that he should be of a good family, or 
have performed some exploit.! 


DREAMS. 


§ 332. Dreams afford the motives for many of their actions, even for the penances 
which they impose on themselves. They think that all which appears in their 
dreams must be true. Before they became acquainted with firearms, a Mandan 
dreamed of a weapon with which they could kill their enemies at a great distance, 
and soon after the white men brought them the first gun. In like manner they 
dreamed of horses before they obtained any. In many cases the guardian spirit is 
revealed to the fasting youth ina dream. If the Lord of Life makes him dream of a 
piece of cherry wood or of an animal, it isa good omen. The young men who follow 


such a dreamer to the battle have great confidence in his guardian spirit or ‘‘ medi- 


cine.” ? 


ORACLES. 


§ 333. The Mandan and Hidatsa consider the large gray owl a mys- 
tery bird, with whom they pretend to converse and to understand its 
attitudes and voice. Such owls are often kept alive in lodges, being 
regarded as soothsayers. They have a similar opinion of eagles.’ 


FETICHES. 


§ 334. The skin of a white buffalo cow is an eminent fetich in the 
estimation of the Mandan and Hidatsa. The hide must be that of a 
young cow not over 2 years old, and be taken off complete, and tanned, 
with horns, nose, hoofs, and tail. It is worn on rare occasions. 

When the owner wishes to sacrifice such a skin to the Omahank- 
Numakshi or to the Numank-Machana, he rolls it up, after adding some 
artemisia or an ear of corn, and then the skin remains suspended on a 
pole until it decays.* 

Besides the white buffalo skins hung on tall poles as sacrifices, there 
were other strange objects hung on tall poles near the villages of the 
Mandan and Hidatsa. These figures were composed of skin, grass, 
and twigs, which seemed to represent the sun, moon, and perhaps the 
Omahank-Numakshi and the Numank-Machana. The Indians resorted 
to them when they wished to petition for anything, and sometimes 
howled for days and weeks together.’ 
For a reference to trees and stones, see § 348. 


1Travels * * * in North America, p. 370. 2Tbid, pp. 382, 386. 3Thid, pp. 383, 403. 


4Tbid, pp. 371, 372. 5 Thid., p. 372. 


DORSEY. ] FOLK-LORE. 511 


“Charata-Numakshi (the Chiet of Wolves),” a Mandan, had a 
painted buffalo dress, which was his fetich. He valued it highly as a 
souvenir of his brother, who had been shot by the enemy.’ 


FOLK-LORE, 


§ 335. When a child is born the father must not bridle a horse, that 
is, he must not fasten a lariat to the horse’s lower jaw, otherwise the 
infant would die in convulsions. Should the wife be enceinte when the 
husband bridled the horse ill Juck would be sure to follow, frequently 
in the form of a failure to kill any game. If an Indian in such cases 
wounds a buffalo without being able to kill it quickly, he tries to take 
the buffalo’s heart home and makes his wife shoot an arrow through it; 
then again he feels confidence in his weapons that they will kill speedily. 

The Indians affirm that a pregnant woman is very lucky at a game 
resembling billiards. If a woman passes between several Mandan who 
are smoking together it is a bad omen. Should a woman recline on 
the ground between men who are smoking a piece of wood is laid 
across her to serve as a means of communication between the men. 

The strongest man now living among the Mandan, who has been the 
victor in several wrestling matches with the white people, always takes 
hold of his pipe by the head, for were he to touch another part of it 
the blood would suddenly rush from his nostrils. As soon as he bleeds 
in this manner he empties his pipe, throwing the contents into the fire, 
where it explodes like gunpowder, and the bleeding stops immediately. 
They say that nobody can touch this man’s face without bleeding at 
nose and mouth. 

A certain Mandan affirms that whenever another offers him a pipe 
to smoke, out of civility, his mouth becomes full of worms, which he 
throws into the fire by handfuls. 

Among the Hidatsa, when a certainman smoked very slowly no per- 
son in the lodge was allowed to speak nor to move a single limb, except 
to grasp the pipe. Neither women, children, nor dogs were allowed to 
remain in the hut while the man was smoking, and some one was 
always placed as a guard at the entrance. If, however, there were just 
seven persons present to smoke none of these precautions were observed. 
When the particular man cleared his pipe and shook the ashes into the 
fire it blazed up, perhaps because he had put into the pipe some gun- 
powder or similar combustible. When any person had a painful or 
diseased place this same man put his pipe upon it and smoked. On 
such occasions he did not swallow the smoke, as is the Indiam custom, 
but he affirmed that he could extract the disease by his smoking, and 
he pretended to seize it in his hand and to throw into the fire.’ 


SORCERY. 


§ 336. They believe that a person whom they dislike must die, if 


1 Travels ~ in North America, p.178. 
2Tbid., pp. 403, 404. 


512 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


they make a figure of wood or clay, substituting for the heart an awl, 
a needle, or a poreupine quill, and bury the image at the foot of one of 
their ‘‘ medicine poles.”! 


JUGGLERY. 


§ 337. The ‘“* medicine of one man consists in making a snow ball, 
which he rolls a long time between his hands, so that at length it 
becomes hard and is changed into a white stone, which, when struck, 
emits a fire. Many persons, even whites, pretended they had seen 
this, and they can not be convinced to the contrary. The same man 
pretends that, during a dance, he plucked white feathers from a certain 
small bird, which he rolled between his hands, and formed of them in 
a short time a similar white stone. * * * A great many Mandan 
and Hidatsa believe that they have wild animals in their bodies; one, 
for instance, affirmed that he had a buffalo calf, the kicking of which 
he often felt; others said that they had tortoises, frogs, lizards, birds, 
etc. * * * Among the Hidatsa were seen medicine dances of the 
women, where one claimed to have an ear of corn in her body, which 
she ejected from her mouth during the dance, and then ate, after it had 
been mixed with Artemisia. * * * Another female dancer caused 
blood to gush from her mouth at will.” 


GHOST LORE, 


§ 338. The Mandan believe that each person has several spirits dwell- 
ing within him; one of which is black, another brown, and a third light- 
colored, the last alone returning to the Lord of Life. They think that 
after death they go to the south, to several villages which are visited 
by the gods; that their existence there is dependent on their course of 
life while in this world; that the brave and kind-hearted carry on the 
saine occupation, eat similar food, have wives, and enjoy the pleasures 
of war and the chase. Some of the Mandan are said not to believe all 
these particulars, but to suppose that after death their spirits will dwell 
in the sun or in certain stars. 


THE FUTURE LIFE. 


§ 539. The Mandan beliefin a future state is connected with the tra- 
dition of their origin: The whole nation resided in one large village under 
ground, near a subterraneous lake. Some of the people climbed up to 
this earth by means of a grape-vine, which broke when a corpulent 
woman essayed to climb it. Therefore the rest of the people remained 
in the subterranean village. When the Mandan die they expect to re- 
turn to the original seats of their forefathers, the good reaching the 
ancient village by means of the lake, which the burden of the sins of 
the wicked will not enable them to cross.’ The concluding clause of the 


! Maximilian, Travels * * in North America, p. 382. 2 Thid, pp. 382, 383, 423, 424. 
3 Lewis and Clarke, Expedition, ed. Allen, Vol. 1, p. 175. 


DORSEY. ] HIDATSA DIVINITIES. ya 


last sentence can hardly be of Indian origin; it is very probably due to 
white influence. 


FOUR AS A MYSTIC NUMBER AMONG THE MANDAN. 


§ 340. According to Catlin:! 


The Okipa invariably lasts four days; four men are selected by the first man to 
cleanse out and prepare the mystic lodge for the occasion; one of these men is called 
from the north part of the village, another from the east, a third from the south, and 
the fourth from the west (see §373). The four sacks of water, in the forms of large 
tortoises, resting on the floor of the lodge, seem to typify the four cardinal points. 
The four buffalo skulls and as many humanskulls on the floor of the lodge, the four 
couples of dancers in the buffalo dance and the four intervening dancers in the same 
dance, deserve our stndy. The buffalo dance in front of the mystic lodge, repeated 
on the four days, is danced four times on the first day, eight times on the second, 
twelve times on the third, and sixteen times on the fourth. There are four sacrifices 
of black and blue cloths erected over the entrance of the mystic lodge. The visits 
of the Evil Spirit were paid to four of the buffalo in the buffalo dance. In every 
instance the young man who submitted to torture in the Okipa had four splints or 
skewers run through the flesh on his leg, four through his arms, and four through 
his body. 


HIDATSA CULTS. 
HIDATSA DIVINITIES. 


§ 341. The Hidatsa believe in the Man who Never Dies, or Lord of 
Life, Ehsicka-Wahaddish,? literally, the first man, who dwells in the 
Rocky Mountains. He made all things. Another being whom they 
venerate is called the Grandmother. She roams over the earth. She 
had some share in creation, though an inferior one, for she created the 
toad and the sand-rat. She gave the Hidatsa two kettles, which they 
still preserve as a sacred treasure and employ as charms or fetiches on 
certain occasions. She directed the ancestors of the present Indians to 
preserve the kettles and to remember the great waters, whence came 
all the animals dancing. The red-shouldered oriole (Psaracolius phoe- 
niceus) came at that time out of the water, as well as the other birds 
which still sing along the banks of rivers. The Hidatsa, therefore, look 
on all these birds as “‘ medicine” for their corn patches, and attend to 
their songs. When these birds sing the Hidatsa, re.aembering the 
direction of the Grandmother, fill the two kettles with water, dance and 
bathe, in order to commemorate the great flood. When their fields are 
threatened with a great drought they celebrate a ‘‘ medicine” feast with 
the two kettles, as they beg for rain. The shamans are still paid, on 
such occasions, to sing for four days together in the huts, while the 
kettles remain full of water. 

§ 342. The sun, or as they term it, “the sun of the day,” is a great 
power. They do not know what it really is, but when they are about 
to undertake some enterprise they sacrifice to it and also to the moon, 


' Catlin, in Smithsonian Rept., 1885, pt. 2, p. 372. 
2So called by Maximalian, same as the Itsika-mahidis of Matthews. 


11 ETH 33 


514 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


which they call “the sun of the night.” Themorning star, Venus, they 
regard as the child of the moon, and they account it as a great power. 
They affirm that it was originally a Hidatsa, being the grandson of the 
Old Woman who Never Dies.’ 

§ 343. Matthews? found that the object of the greatest reverence 
among the Hidatsa was, perhaps, the Itsika-mahidis, the First Made, 
or First in Existence. They assert that he made all things, the stars, 
sun, the earth, the first representatives of each species of animals and 
plants, but that no one made him. He also, they say, instructed the 
forefathers of the tribes in all the ceremonies and mysteries now known 
to them. They sometimes designate him as Itaka-te-taS, or Old Man 
Immortal. 

ANIMISM,. 


§ 344. If we use the term worship in its most extended sense it may be said that 
* * * (the Hidatsa) worship everything in nature. Not man alone, but the sun, 
the moon, the stars, all the lower animals, all trees and plants, rivers and lakes, many 
bowlders and other separated rocks, even some hills and buttes which stand alone— 
in short, everything not made by human hands, which has an independent being, or 
can be individualized, possesses a spirit, or, more properly, a shade. 

To these shades some respect or consideration is due, but not equally to all. For 
instance, the shade of the cottonwood, the greatest tree of the Upper Missouri Val- 
ley, is supposed to possess an intelligence which may, if properly approached, assist 
them in certain undertakings; but the shades of shrubs and grasses are of little im- 
portance. When the Missouri, in its spring-time freshets, cuts down its bank and 
sweeps some tall tree into its current, it is said that the spirit of the tree cries while 
the roots yet cling to the land and until the tree falls into the water. Formerly it 
was considered wrong to cut down one of these great trees, and, when large logs were 
needed, only such as were found fallen were used; and to-day some of the more 
czedulous old men declare that many of the misfortunes of the people are the result 
of their modern disregard for the rights of the living cottonwood. The sun is held 
in great veneration, and many valuable sacrifices are made to it.® 


WORSHIP OF THE ELEMENTS, ETC. 


§ 345. This is in substantial accord with what Maximilian was told, 
as will be seen from the following: 

In the sweat bath the shaman, after cutting off a joint of the de- 
votee’s fingers, takes a willow twig, goes to the dishes containing food, 
dips the twig in each and throws a part of the contents in the direction 
of the four winds, as offerings to the Lord of Life, the fire, and the 
divers superhuman powers.* 


SERPENT WORSHIP. 


§ 346. The Hidatsa make occasional offerings to the great serpent 
that dwells in the Missouri River by placing poles in the river and 


1Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 398. 

2U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, p. 47. 

3Tbid., pp. 48, 49. 

4Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 402. 


DORSEY.] DAIMONISM—FETICHES. Hild 


attaching to them sundry robes or colored blankets. The tradition of 
this great serpent resembles the Mandan tradition, but with some dif- 
ferences.' 

§ 347. Daimonism.—The Hidatsa believe neither a hell nor in a devil, 
but believe that there are one or more evil genii, in female shape, who 
inhabit this earth, and may harm the indian in this life, but possess no 
power beyond the grave. Such a power or powers they call Mahopa- 
miis. The Mahopa-miis dwells in the woods and delights in doing 
evil. She is supposed to strangle such children as, through parental 
ignorance or carelessness, are smothered in bed.’ 


FETICHES. 


§ 348. Among the fetiches of the Hidatsa are the skins of every kind 
of fox and wolf, especially the latter; and, therefore, when they go to 
war, they always wear the stripe off the back of a wolf skin, with the 
tail hanging down the shoulders. They makea slit in the skin through 
which the warrior puts his head, so that the skin of the wolf’s head 
hangs down upon his breast. 

Tribal fetiches.—Buttalo heads also are fetiches. In one of their vil- 
lages they preserved the neck bones of the butfalo,-as do the Crow or 
Absaroka, and this is done with a view to prevent the buffalo herds 
from removing to too great a distance from them. At times they per- 
form the following ceremony with these bones: They take a potsherd 
with live coals, throw sweet-smelling grass upon it, and fumigate the 
bones with the smoke. 

There are certain trees and stones which are fetiches, as among the 
Mandan. At such places they offer red cloth, red paint, and other arti- 
cles to the superhuman powers.’ (See § 334.) 

In the principal Hidatsa village, when Maximilian visited it, was a 
long pole set up, on which was a figure of a woman, doubtless repre- 
senting the Grandmother, who first gave them kettles. A bundle of 
brushwood was hung on the pole, to which were attached the leathern 
dress and leggins of a woman. The head of the figure was made of 
Artemisia, and on it was a cap of feathers.‘ 

§ 349. Personal fetiches.—Matthews uses the term amulet instead of 
personal fetich, in speaking of the Hidatsa: 

Every man in this tribe, as in all neighboring tribes, has his personal medicine, 
which is usually some animal. On all war parties, and often on hunts and other ex- 
cursions, he carries the head, claws, stuffed skin, or other representative of his med- 
icine with him, and seems to regard it in much the same light that Europeans in 


former days regarded—and in some cases still regard—protective charms. ‘To insure 
the fleetness ofsome promising young colt, they tie to the colt’s neck a small piece of 


' Maximilian, Travels *~ * * in North America, p. 402. 

2U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ. No. 7, 1877: Ethnol. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, pp. 49, 184. 

3Maximilian, Travela * * * in North America. pp. 399-400. 

4 Ibid, p. 396. 


516 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


deer or antelope horn. The rodent teeth of the beaver are regarded as potent charms, 
and are worn by little girls on their necks to make them industrious, ! 

The “ Medicine Rock” of the Mandan and Hidatsa has been described 
in § 329. 

§ 350. Oracles—Matthews speaks of another oracle, to which the Hi- 
datsa now often refer, the Makadistati, or house of infants, a cavern 
near Knife River, which they supposed extended far into the earth, but 
whose entrance was only a span wide. It was resorted to by the child- 
less husband or the barren wife. There are those among them who im- 
agine that in some way or other their children come from the Makadis- 
tati; and marks of contusion on an infant, arising from tight swaddling 
or other causes, are gravely attributed to kicks received from his former 
comrades when he was ejected from his subterranean home.’ 

§ 351. James says: 

At the distance of the juurney of one day anda half from KnifeCreek ~*~ * * are 
two conical hills, separated by about the distance ofa mile. One of these hills was 
supposed to impart a prolific virtue to such sqnaws as resorted to it for the purpose 
oflamenting their barrenness. A person one day walking near the other hill, fancied 
he observed on the top of it two very small children. Thinking that they had strayed 
from the village, he rau towards them to induce them to return home, but they im- 
mediately fled from him. *~ * * andin a short time they eluded his sight. Re- 
turning to the village, the relation of his story excited much interest, and an Indian 
set out the next day, mounted on a fleet horse, to take the little strangers. On the 
approach of this person to the hill he also saw the children, who ran away as before, 
and though he tried to overtake them by lashing the horse to his utmost swiftness, 
the children left him far behind. These children are no longer to be seen, and the 
hill once of such singular efficacy in rendering the human species prolific has lost this 
remarkable property.* 

Matthews? says that this account seems to refer to the Makadistati, 
but, if such is the case, he believes that the account is incorrect in some 
respects. 


DREAMS. 


§ 352. The Hidatsa have much faith in dreams, but usually regard as 
oracular only those which come after prayer, sacrifice, and fasting.’ 


BERDACHES. 


§ 353. The French Canadians call those men berdaches who dress in 
women’s clothing and perform the duties usually allotted to women in 
an Indian camp. By most whites these berdaches are incorrectly sup 
posed to be hermaphrodites. They are called miati by the Hidatsa, 
from mia, a woman, and the ending, ti, to feel an involuntary inclina- 


'\Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 50. 

“Ibid. p.51. 

3James’s Account of Long’s Exped. to Rocky Mountains, vol. 1, pp, 274, 275. 

4U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethuog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, p. 51. 

5 Tbid, p. 50. 


DORSEY. ] ASTRONOMICAL AND FOOD LORE. le 


tion, i. e., to be impelled against his will to act the woman. See the 
Omaha mitquga, the Kansa mi"quge, and the Dakota winkta and 
winkte (§§ 30, 212.) 


ASTRONOMICAL LORE, 


§ 354, Ursa major is said to be an ermine, the several stars of that 
constellation indicating, in their opinion, the burrow, the head, the 
feet, and the tailof that animal. They call the milky way the ‘ashy 
way.” 

They think that thunder is caused by the flapping of the wings of 
the large bird, which causes rain, and that the lightning is the glance 
of his eye when he seeks prey. 

They call the rainbow, “the cap of the water,” or “the cap of the 
rain.” Once, say they, an Indian caught in the autumn a red bird 
that had mocked him, releasing it after binding its feet together with a 
fish line. The bird saw a hare and pounced upon it, but the hare crept 
into the skull of a buffalo lying on the prairie, and as the line hanging 
from the bird’s claws formed a semicircle, they imagine that the rain- 
bow is still caused by that occurrence.' 


FOOD LORE. 


§ 355. They have queer notions respecting the effects of different 
articles of diet; thus: an expectant mother believes that if she eats a 
part of a mole or shrew, her child will have small eyes; that if she 
eats a piece of porcupine, her child will be inclined to sleep too much 
when it grows up; that if she partakes of the flesh of the turtle, her 
offspring will be slow or lazy, ete.; but they do not suppose that such 
articles of food atfect the immediate consumer. 


FOUR SOULS IN EACH HUMAN BEING. 


§ 356. “It is believed by some of the Hidatsa that every human being 
has four souls in one. They account for the phenomena of gradual 
death where the extremities are apparently dead while consciousness 
remains, by supposing the four souls to depart, one after another, at 
different times. When dissolution is complete, they say that all the 
souls are gone, and have joined together again outside of the body. I 
have heard a Minnetaree quietly discussing this doctrine with an Assin- 
neboine, who believed in only one soul to each body.”? 


SORCERY. 


§ 357. “They have faith in witchcraft, and think that a sorcerer may 
injure a person, no matter how far distant, by acts upon an effigy or 
upon a lock of the victim’s hair.” * 


‘Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, p. 399. 

2U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, p. 50. 

3Ibid, p. 50. 


518 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD. 


§ 358. The Hidatsa always lay their dead upon scaffolds. As the 
Lord of Life is displeased when they quarrel and kill one another, those 
who do so are buried in the earth, that they may be no longer seen. In 
this case a buftalo head is laid on the grave, that the herds of buffalo 
may not keep away, for, if they were to smell the wicked, they might 
remove and never return. The good are laid upon scaffolds, that they 
may be seen by the Lord of Life. 

The Crows have no fear of death, but they have a horror of being 
buried in the ground.? 


HIDATSA BELIEF AS TO FUTURE EXISTENCE. 


§ 359. They think that after death they will be restored to the man- 
sions of their ancestors under ground, from which they are intercepted 
by a large and rapid watercourse. Over this river, which may be com- 
pared to the Styx of the ancients, they are obliged to pass on a very 
narrow footway. Those Indians who have been useful to the nation, 
such as brave warriors or good hunters, pass over with ease and arrive 
safely at A-pah-he, or ancient village. But the worthless Indians slip 
off from the bridge or footway into thestream which * * * hurries 
them into oblivion.’ 


Their faith concerning a future life is this: When a Hidatsa dies his shade lingers 
four nights around the camp or village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge 
of his departed kindred in the Village-of the Dead. When he has arrived there, he 
is rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on earth by receiving the same 
regard in the one place as in the other; for there, as here, the brave man is honored 
and the coward despised. Some say that the ghosts of those who commit suicide 
occupy a separate part of the village, but that their condition differs in no wise from 
that of the others. In the next world, human shades hunt and live on the shades of 
the buffalo and other animals that have here died. There too there are four seasons, 
but they come in an inverse order to the terrestrial seasons. During the four nights 
that the ghost is supposed to linger near his former dwelling, those who disliked or 
feared the deceased, and do not wish a visit from the shade, scorch with red coals a 
pair of moccasins, which they leave at the door of the lodge. The smellof the burn- 
ing leather, they claim, keeps the ghost out; but the true friends of the dead man 
take no such precautions. * * * They believe in the existence and advisability 
of human and other ghosts, yet they seem to have no terror of graveyards and but 
little of mortuary remains. You may frighten children after nightfall by shouting 
nohidahi (ghost), but will not scare the aged.* 


SAPONA CULTS. 


§ 3594. The following account of the religion of the Sapona, a tribe 
related to the Tutelo, was given in 1729 by Col. William Byrd, of West- 
over, Va.2 While much of it appears to be the white man’s amplifica- 


‘Maximilian, Travels * * * in North America, pp. 404, 405. 

*Tbid, p. 176. 

3Lewis and Clarke’s Exped., edited by Allen, vol. 1, p. 280. 

4U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877: Ethnog. and Philol. of Hidatsa 
Indians, p. 49. 

5 Byrd, history of the dividing line (1729), vol. 1, 106-108. Reprint: 1866. 


DORSEY. | SAPONA CULTS. iy) 


tion of the Indian’s narrative, it is plain that the account contains 
a few aboriginal beliefs. For this reason, and because it is the only 
known account of the Sapona religion, it is now given in full: 


“In the evening we examined our friend Bearskin concerning the religion of his 
country, and he explained it to us, without any of that reserve to which his nation 
is subject. He told us he believed there was one supreme God, who had several 
subaltern deities under him. And that this Master-God made the world a long time 
ago. That He told the sun, the moon and stars their business in the beginning, 
which they, with good looking after, have faithfully perform’d eversince. That the 
same Power that made all things at first has taken care to keep them in the same 
method and motion ever since. He believed God had form’d many worlds before He 
form’d this, but that those worlds either grew old or ruinous, or were destroy’d for 
the dishonesty of the inhabitants. That God is very just and very good—ever well 
pleas’d with those men who possess those God-like qualities. That He takes good 
people under His safe protection, makes them very rich, fills their bellies plentifully, 
preserves them fromsickness and from being surpriz’d or overcome by their enemies. 
But all such as tell liesand cheat * * * He never fails to punish with sickness, 
poverty and hunger, and after all that, suffers them to be knockt on the head and 
scalpt by those that fight against them. He believed that after death both good and 
bad people are conducted by a strong guard into a great road, in which departed 
souls travel together for some time till, at a certain distance this road forks into 
two paths', the one extremely levil, the other stony and mountainous. Here the 
good are parted from the bad by a flash of lightning, the first being hurry’d away 
to the right, the other to the left. The right hand road leads to a charming warm 
country, where the spring is everlasting, and every month is May; and as the year 
is always in its youth, so are the people, and particularly the women are bright as 
the stars, and never scold. Thatin this happy climate there are deer, turkeys, elk, 
and butialoes innumerable, perpetually fat and gentle, while the trees are loaded 
with delicious fruit quite throughout the four seasons. That the soil brings forth 
corn spontaneously, without the curse of labour, and so very wholesome, that none 
who have the happiness to eat of it are ever sick, grow old or dy. Near the entrance 
into this blessed land sits a venerable old man on a mat richly woyen, who examins 
strictly all that are brought before him, and if they have behay’d well, the guards 
are order’d to open the crystal gate and let them enter the land of delights. The 
left hand path is very rugged and uneven, leading to a dark and barren country, 
where it is always winter. The ground is the whole year round cover’d with snow, 
and nothing is seen upon the trees but icicles. All the people are hungry, yet have 
not a morsel to eat except a bitter kind of potato, that gives them the dry-gripes, 
and fills their whole body with loathsome ulcers, that stink and are insupportably 
painful. Here all the women are old and ugly, haying claws like a panther, with 
which they fly upon the men that slight their passion. For it seems these haggard 
old furies are intolerably fond, and expect a vast amount of cherishing. They talk 
much, and exceedingly shrill, giving exquisite pain to the drum of the ear, which in 
that place of torment is so tender, that every sharp note wounds it to the quick. At 
the end of this path sits a dreadful old woman ona monstrous toadstool, whose head 
is cover’d withrattlesnakes instead of tresses, with glaring white eyes, thatstrike a 
terror unspeakable into all that behold her. This hag pronounces sentence of woe 
upon all the miserable wretches that hold up their hands at hertribunal. After this 
they are deliver’d over to huge turkey-buzzards like harpys, that fly away with them 
to the place above mentioned. Here, afterthey have been tormented a certain num- 
ber of years, according to their several degrees of guilt, they are again driven back 
into this world, to try if they will mend their manners, and merit a place next time 
in the regions of bliss. ” 


1See the Omaha belief, in § 68. 


CHeAGP HE BOR Vili: 
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 
PEET ON INDIAN RELIGIONS. 


§ 360. In the Journal of the Victoria Institute of Great Britain for 
1888,' is an article containing the following statements, which were not 
seen by the writer until he had completed the preceding chapters of this 
paper. 

Referring to Mr. Eells, the Nez Percé missionary, and to Mr, Wil- 
liams, who has been laboring among the Chippewas, Mr. Peet observes:? 

There are four or five poiats on which both missionaries seem to be agreed * * * 
These four doctrines—the existence of God, inmortality of the soul, the sinfulness of 
man, andthe necessity of sacrifice—seem to have been held in various modified forms 
by all the tribes in North America. 

On the next page* he gives a classification of native religions, by 
which he means those of America. He says that these religions may 
be divided by geographical districts into several classes: 

(1) Shamanism, by which he seems to mean the worship of the wakan 
men and women. “Among the Eskimos, Aleuts, aud other hyperborean 
nations, who subsist chiefly by fishing.” (2) Animism, by which he 
probably means the worship of “souls” or ‘shades,’ including ghosts, 
as every object, whether animate or inanimate, is thought to have a 
“shade.” ‘Phis belief, he says, is found in its highest stage among tribes 
that formerly dwelt in British North America, between Hudsons Bay 
and the Great Lakes. These tribes subsist by hunting. (3) Animal 
worship, practiced by a class partly hunters, partly farmers, dwelling, 
say, between 35° and 48° N. lat. (4) Sun worship, the cult of the 
tribes south of 35° N. lat., and extending to the Gulf of Mexico. 
(5) Elemental worship, which he defines as “the worship of rain, light- 
ning, the god of war and death,” found in Mexico and New Mexico. 
(6) Anthropomorphism, a religion which gave human attributes to 
the divinities, but assigned to them supernatural powers. This pre- 
vailed in Central America. 


\Rey.S. D. Peet, on the tradition of aborigines of North America, in Jour. Vict. Inst., Vol. x1, pp. 
229-247. 
2Tbid., p. 232. 
§1bid., p. 233. 
520 


DORSEY. ] THE AUTHOR’S REPLY. 521 
THE AUTHOR’S REPLY. 


§ 361. But what do we find prevalent among the tribes under consid- 
eration in this paper? 

I. Idea of God.—The Siouan tribes considered in this paper were not 
monotheists (§§ 26, 94, 95, 511). The statement recorded in § 21 about 
a crude belief in a Supreme Being, which the Omaha called Wakanda, 
was accepted by the author as the belief of his informants; but we must 
remember that the Omaha tribe has been in a transition state for many 
years, certainly since 1855, and possibly since the days of Maj. Long’s 
visits to them. (2) That these Indians believed in a Great Spirit who 
was Supreme over all other superhuman powers needs more evidence. 
The only assertion of such a belief which the author has gained was ob- 
tained from an Omaha (see § 22), but this assertion was denied by two 
other members of that tribe. (3) In those cases alleged as proving a 
belief in one Great Spirit, a closer study of the language employed 
reveals the fact that a generic term has been used instead of a specific 
one, and, in almost every instance, the writer who tells of one Great 
Spirit supplements his account by relating what he has learned about 
beliefs in many gods or spirits. (4) These tribes had cults of many 
powers; everything animate and inanimate was regarded as having a 
“ shade.” 

Il. Belief in immortality—The author finds no traces of a belief in the 
immortality of human beings. Even the gods of the Dakota were 
regarded as being mortal, for they could be killed by one another (§ 94). 
They were male and female; they married and died, and were succeeded 
by their children. But if for‘‘immortality” we substitute ‘‘ continuous 
existence as shades or ghosts” there will be no difficulty in showing that 
the Siouan tribes referred to held such abelief respecting mankind, and 
that they very probably entertained it in a crude form prior to the 
advent of the white race to this continent (§§ 67-71, 91, 338). 

Ill. Idea of sin.—The scriptural idea of sin seems to be wanting 
among these tribes. There have been recorded by the author and others 
many acts which were deemed violations of religious law, but few of 
them can be compared with what the Bible declares tobesins. It was 
dangerous to make a false report to the keeper of the sacred tent of war 
or to the directors of the buffalo hunt, in the estimation of the Omaha, 
for the offender was sure to bestruck by lightning or bitten by a snake 
or killed by a foe or thrown by a horse or have some other disaster 
befall him.' It was dangerous to break the taboo of any gens or subgens, 
or to violate any other ancient custom.’ (See §§ 45, 68, 222, and 286 of 
this paper.) 

IV. Idea of sacrifice—The idea of sacrifice as atoning for sin has 
not yet been found by the author among these Siouan tribes. In no 


10m. Soc., 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnol., §§ 136, 137. 
*Tbid., §§ 19, 21, 31, 97, ete. 


522 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


irstance of sacrifice recorded in this paper has the author detected any 
notion of expiation for sin against a justand holy Being. But sacrifice, 
whether in the form of fasting, seif-torture, or the offering of property, 
was nade in order to win the favor of a god, to obtain a temporal 
advantage (§§ 28, 29, 101, 144, etc.), or to avert the anger of demons, as 
when the people were suffering from famine or an epidemic (§ 144), 

V. Shamanism.—W hile there have been shamans and various orders 
of shamans among these tribes, no trace of a worship of shamans as 
gods has yet been found. On one occasion the author met a Ponka 
shaman, Cramped Hand, who exclaimed, “Iam a wakanda.” But no 
other Ponka ever said that he or she worshiped Cramped Hand as a 
wakanda. . 

VI. The other beliefs named by Dr. Peet have been found, in some 
tribes, side by side. Animism, or a form of animism, was held by those 
who worshiped the sun, animals, ete. ‘Everything had a soul” (§§ 97, 
136, 137, 265-288, 344, etc.) Certain animals were’ worshiped (§§ 24, 
43, 78, 92, 326, etc.). Thesun was invoked, not only in the sun dance 
(§§ 139-212), but on other occasions (§§ 28, 43, 73, 312, 323). Stars, too, 
were regarded as gods (§§ 31, 43), Elemental worship had a wider sig- 
nificance among these tribes than Dr: Peet assigns it (§§ 27, 33-35, 43, 44, 
74-77, 363, etc.). And there are traces of anthropomorphism, for some 
of the gods are in human form (§§ 217, 235); others are supposed to 
inhale the odor of tobacco smoke, which is pleasant to them; they eat, 
breathe, use weapons against one another as well as against human 
beings, and on one occasion an Indian was called on to aid one or the 
other of two contending gods; they hear, think, marry, die, and are 
succeeded by their children (§§ 25, 29, 35, 36, 72, 75, 94, 109, 112, 117, 
119, 136, 217, 322, etc.). 

§ 362. The cults affected the social organization of the tribes that had 
gentes bearing mystic names (see §§ 57 and 82 of this paper, and Om. 
Soe., in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Eth., Chap. iii, and pp. 356, 359-361); orders 
of shamans and other secret societies were intimately associated with 
them (§§ 43-45, 86, 87, and 89; and Om. Soc., pp. 342-355); personal 
names still refer to them (§§ 31, 47, 53, 59, 74,75, and 77; and Om. Soc., 
pp. 228, 232, 236, 238-244, 246-218, 250, and 251); and almost every act 
of the daily life of the people was influenced by them (§§ 23, 24, 27, 28-30, 
32, 33-36, 39-41, 54, 101, ete.; and Om. Soe., Chap. vi, and pp. 267, 274, 
286, 287, 289-291, 293-299, 316, 319-325, 327, 328, 357, 368-370). 


CULTS OF THE ELEMENTS. 


§ 363, Prior to writing this paper, the author had observed what Dr. 
Foster stated in his Indian Record and Historical Data respecting the 
division of the Winnebago tribe into four groups, named after the 
earth, air, fire, and water, respectively, i. e., Foster claimed that the 
Winnebago had people named after land animals, others after birds and 


1See Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 673, 674, Figs. 3 and 4. 


TT. 


DORSEY. ] CULTS OF THE ELEMENTS. 523 


the winds, others after the thunder-beings, and others after the 
Waktceqi or water monsters.' (See § 96.) 

During the year 1890 the author obtained from the three principal 
Ponka chiefs the classification of their 
gentes by phratries, and the character 
of the mystic songs peculiar to each 
phratry. 

On comparing this information with 
that which has been related about the 
Dakota gods, there seemed to be good 
reasons for inferring that not only the 
Dakota tribes, but also the Omaha, 
Ponka, Winne-bago, and others of the 
same stock, divided their gods into fou” 
classes, those of the earth, wind-mak- 
ers, fire, and water. Fic. 193.—The (atada gentile circle. 

§ 364. Among the Omaha, Iowa, and cognate tribes, we find that when 
a gens assembled as a whole, for council purposes, they sat around the 
fire in the order shown in the accompanying diagram, Fig. 193: 

Legend.—1, Black Bear subgens; 2, Small Bird subgens; 3, Eagle subgens; 4, 
Turtle subgens; 5, fireplace; 6, entrance. 


Se See ee 


i 
! 
H 
é 


Places in the circle were assigned according to kinship; thus, the 
WAR 


Black Bear and Small Bird people are 
spoken of as “sitting on the same side 
of the fireplace,” as they are full kin, 
while they are only partially related to 
those who sit on the other side (Nos.3 
and 4). That the fireplace was sacred, 
there being traces of a hearth cult, has 
been shown in §§ 33and 40. Further- 
more, the Qatada circle is remarkable 
not only for its arrangement according 
to kinship, but for its symbolic char- 
acter; because the Black Bear people 
are associated with the ground or earth, 

Fic. 194.—The four elements, ete. as is shown by their personal names; 
the Small Bird people are Thunder-beings or Fire people; the Eagle 


subgens consist of ‘‘“Wind-maker” people; and the Turtle subgens is 
composed of Water people. 


§ 365. This suggests another diagram, Fig. 194, in which the author 
has put the names of four classes of Dakota gods, with what he sus- 
pects to be their appropriate colors, R standing for red, B for black, Y 
for yellow, and Bl for blue. 


1The reader is cautioned against supposing that ‘‘air’ as usedin this section is employed i the 
scientific sense, because the Indians were ignorant of the nature of the atmosphere. They distin- 
guish between the ‘‘Something-that-moves” (which we term the “ Wind-maker,”’ ‘‘ Wind-makers" 
in the plural) and the winds, and they also had distinct names for the clouds and “ upper world.” 
They also had special names for the Four Quarters (Dakota, tatuye topa; (/egiha, tade ui¢é dubaha). 


524 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Earth people serve or assist Fire people (§ 35 and perhaps § 36). Do 
Water people ever serve Wind-maker people (see address to a stream 
in time of war, § 23)? The Fire powers are hostile to the powers of the 
Water (§§ 75, 77, 117-119); we have yet to learn whether, in any gens, 
a subgens named after the Thunder-being sits on the same side of the 
gentile fireplace with a subgens named after a power of the Water. Is 
there a warfare going on between the powers of the Earth and the 
Wind-makers? The Fire powers and Wind-makers are concerned in 
all kinds of suffering, including war, disease, and death (§§ 117, 119, 
127, 129), and there is no hostility existing between them.! 

The Ka*se gens of the Osage has several names, Wind people, South- 
wind people, Those who light the pipes (in council), and Fire people. 

The powers of the Earth and Water are interested in the preservation 
of life, and so we may consider them the patrons of peace. ‘‘ Peace,” 
in Omaha, Ponka, and jaiwere, means “The land is good,” and ‘to 
make peace” is expressed by ‘to make the land good.” The words for 
“water” and “life” are identical in some of the Siouan languages, and 
they differ but slightly in others. 

It is interesting to note what has been said by Mr. Francis La 
Flesche? about water: ‘“ Water seems to hold an important place in 
the practice of this medicine society, even when roots are used for the 
healing of wounds. The songs say: ‘ Water was sent into the wound, 
‘Water will be sent into his wound,’ etc.” The mystic songs of the 
doctors of the order of buffalo shamans tell of the pool of water in a 
buffalo wallow where the wounded one shall be treated. 

But we must note some apparent inconsistencies. While the Unktelii 
created the earth and the human race (§ 112), they are believed to feed 
on human spirits or ghosts; though ghosts are reckoned among the sery- 
ants of the Unktelii! And while the powers of the Fire and Water are 
enemies, one is surprised to observe that in the war gens of the Omaha 
as well as in the two war gentes of the Kansa, there is the sacred clam 
shell as well as the war pipe! (See § 36 and Om. Soc., p. 226.) 


THE FOUR QUARTERS. 


§ 366. According to the tradition of the Inke-sabe, an Omaha buffalo 
people, the ancestral buffaloes found the East and South winds bad 
ones; but the North and West winds were good. From this the author 
infers that the Omaha associated the East with the Fire powers or the 
sun, the South’ with the Air powers, the North with the Earth powers, 
and the West with the Water powers. 

On the other hand, an Iowa man told Mr. Hamilton that the South 


1See § 33 where there is an account of the invocation of the winds at the consecration of the fire- 
places. 

2The Omaha Buffalo Medicine-Men, in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, No. x, p. 219, and note. 

3It is interesting to observe in this connection that the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, in an 
address entitled ‘‘Outlines of the philosophy of the North American Indians.’ New York, 1877, 
(p. 10), spoke of ‘‘ the god of the south, whose breath is the winds.” 


DORSEY. ] THE FOUR QUARTERS. 525 


wind was a beneficent one, while the Northeast wind was maleficent 
(§ 74). This variation may have been caused by a difference in the hab- 
itats of the tribes referred to. 

§ 367. Among the Kansa, Paha"le-gaqli and Ali*kawahu, when they 
invoked the four winds, began at the left (as they were Yata people) 
with the East wind (Baza"ta, Toward the Pines), next they turned to 
the South wind (Ak’a, whence one of the names of the Ka"ze gens), then 
to the West wind (Ak’a jinga or Ak’uye), and lastly to the North wind 
(Hnita, Toward the Cold).' (See Fig. 195.) 

It should be noted that those Kansa war captains, Paha™le-gaqli and 
Ali*kawahu, belong to gentes on the left side of the tribal circle. They 
were facing the South before they began the invocations to the various 
powers including the four winds. See § 200 for the order (E, 8, 
W, N) observed in felling the tree to be used as a sun pole. The same 

N N 


4 
Ss Ss 
Fic. 195.—Kansa order of invoking the Fic. 196.—Tsiou (Osage) order of placing the 
winds, ete. four sticks, ete. 


order was observed by the Dakota “priest” in the ceremonies pertain- 
ing to the White Buffalo festival of the Hunkpapa, as related by Miss 
Fletcher: in placing cherries on the plate, in pouring water on the piles 
of cherries, in placing tufts of swan’s down on the plate’, in rotating 
the plate, in circling the heap of black earth’, and in giving the four 
pinches of consecrated meat to the four sons of the owner of the white 
buffalo hide.* 

§ 368. The Teiou old man of the Osage tribe consecrated each mystic 
hearth by placing four sticks in the form of a cross, beginning at the 
west, as shown in Fig. 196, then laying the sticks at the north, east,and 
south, as he named the four mystic buffaloes (§ 33). This Tsiou man 
belonged to the peace side of his tribe, and he began with the quarters 
referring to the peace elements. But the Pa*yka old man of the same 
tribe, when he consecrated the mystic fireplaces for his half-tribe, began 
on the right, with the stick at the east, as shown in Fig. 197. He 
belonged to the war side of the tribe, though his gens was a peace- 
making gens! 


!Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, p. 676. 

2An. Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. mI, p. 267. 
3Tbid, p. 268. 

4Tbid, pp. 272, 273. 


526 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§ 369. The Ma*yinka and Upa® gentes of the Kansa tribe conse- 
crated the mystic fireplaces for their people; but we have not obtained 
the particulars of the Kansa ceremony, which probably resembled that 
in which the Tsiou and Patyka old men took part. 

According to Two Crows and the late Joseph La Fléche, there were 
four sacred stones in the custody of the Ma"¢inka-gaxe or Earth-lodge- 
makers’ gens of the Omaha: red, black, yellow, and blue.! 

§ 370. Whenever the Osage warriors came in sight of their village on 
returning from an expedition against the enemy, they were met outside 
the village by the principal man of the Ka*se (the Wind or South 
wind gens.) This Ka"se man walked around the warriors, performing 
a ceremony as he started from the north, repeating it at each quarter, 
and ending with the east, as shown in Fig. 198. 


N 
2 f 


w € 
3 
. s 
Fic. 157.—Pa*yka (Osage) order of placing the Fig, 198.—ha"se (Osage) order of cireumam- 
q * 5 
tour sticks, ete. bulation. 


§ 371. Assuming that we have a correct grouping of the four ele- 
ments in Fig. 194, it appears that Paha*le-gaqli and Ali*kawahu began 
with the quarters associated with war; that the Tsiou old man began 
with those referring to peace, and the Pa®yka old man with those per- 
taining to war, and the principal man of the Ka®se gens with those on 
the peace side. 

§ 372. In cutting off the un- 
der skin from a sealp, the Os- 
age war captain— 
stood facing the East * * * 

E Holding the scalp in one hand, with 
the other he placed the knife-blade 
across it, with the point toward the 
South (see Fig. 199). Then he turned 


the knife with the point toward the 

East. Next, with the blade resting 

5 2 on the scalp, the point to the South 

Fic. 199.—Sh how the Osag: red the scalp fi 4 5 4 
: ae eaeaiancee hibits pas he moved the knife backward and 
forward four times, cutting deeper into the scalp on each occasion. Then he made four 
similar cuts, but with the point to the East. After this, the flat part of the blade 


'Om. Soc., 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 242. 


DORSEY.] SYMBOLIC COLORS. 527 


being on the scalp, its edge was put against one of the four corners made by the 
previous incisions (1, 2,3,and 4), beginning with No.1. He eut under each corner 
four times, singing a sacred song each time that he changed the position of the knife. 
* * * The scalp was stretched and fastened to a bow, which was bent and formed 
into ahoop. This hoop was tied to a pole, which was carried by the principal kettle- 
bearer. ! 


Observe that in this ceremony the South and East were the mystic 
quarters, answering to the ‘bad winds” of the Inke-sabé tradition. 

When the Dakota “priest,” referred to in § 367, wished to rotate the 
plate containing the cherries and down, he grasped the plate with his 
right hand (note that the right side of the Osage circle was the war 
side) between the east and south piles of cherries and his left hand 
(compare with custom of Tsiou gens of Osage, § 368) held the plate 
between the west and north piles. 

In the Hede-watci, the Omaha women and girls danced from the east 
to the south, and thence to the west and north, while the men and boys 
proceeded in a different order, beginning at the west, and dancing 
toward the north, and thence toward the east and south.’ 


SYMBOLIC COLORS. 


§ 373. On the tent of Hupe¢a (Pl. XLIv, E), a black bear man, were 

represented four kinds of lightning—blue, red, black, and yellow. This 

TRE was a mystery decoration (§ 45), and 

if the colors were associated with the 

four quarters, the powers were proba- 

bly invoked in the order shown in Fig. 
200. (See §§ 340, 369.) 

§ 374. Blue is assumed to be the 
earth symbol for two reasons: (1) In 
the decorations of those who have had 
visions of bears, there is a broad blue 

s'3 band, representing the earth, out of 

BESCh which the bear is sometimes depicted 

ee aaa tore. aud the tour as issuing; (2) and, furthermore, the 
Indians seldom distinguish between blue and green, hence, blue may 
symbolize grass and other vegetation, springing from the earth. In 
apparent contradiction of this use of blue, we are told by Lynd that 
“the Tunkan is painted red as a sign of active worship” (see § 152), 
and by Riggs (§ 133) that large bowlders were adorned with red and 
green paint, though the use of the two colors may have depended on a 
composite cult. In this connection attention is called to the battle 
standards represented on the tent of gejequta, an Omaha, These 
painted standards had red and blue stripes, denoting the stripes of 


YELLOW RED 


A= 
wim 


Osage War Customs, in Am. Naturalist, Feb., 1884, pp. 131, 132. 

2The west and north are supposed to be the peace quarters, and the east and south the warquarters- 
See Fig. 194 and § 378. 

30m. Soe., p. 299. 


528 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


Indian cloth, sometimes used instead of feathers on the real standards. 
The latter were carried by the leaders of war parties, and each stand- 
ard could be used on four such expeditions. When the warriors ap- 
proached the hostile camp, the keeper of the standard removed the 
scarf of blue and red cloth from the shaft and wore it around his neck 
as he went to steal horses (see Pl. xLrvy, A, the name Bowlder Thunder- 
being in § 390, also § 388). 

§ 375. Red is known to be the Omahacolor for the east. Amongthe 
Dakota the spear and tomahawk, the weapons of war, were said to 
have been given by the Wakinyan, the Thunder-being or Fire power; 
hence they are painted red (§ 105). 

The late Dr. S. R. Riggs informs us that— 

In the tiyotipi were placed the bundles of the black and red sticks of the soldiers.’ 

Toward the rear of the tent, but near enough to the fire for convenient use, is a 
large pipe placed by the symbols of power. ‘These are two bundles of shaved sticks 
about 6inches long. The sticks in one bundle are painted black and in the other red. 
The black bundle represents the real men of the camp—those who have made their 
mark onthe warpath. The red bundle represents the boys and such men as wear no 
eagle feathers.? 

They shave out small round sticks all of the same length, and paint them red, and 
they are given out tothe men. These are to constitute the tiyotipi. * ~*~ * Of 
all the round shaved sticks, some of which were painted black and some painted 
red, four were especially marked. They are the four chiefs of the tiyotipi that were 
made. 

§ 376. Black is assumed to be the symbolic color for the Takuskan- 
Skan, the Wind-makers, whose servants are the four winds and the four 
black spirits of night. Black as a war color is put on the face* of the 
warrior. The Santee Dakota consider the raven (a black bird) and a 
small black stone, less than a hen’s egg in size, symbols of the four 
winds or quarters. Among the Teton Dakota, the TakuSkanSkan 
symbols, are small pebbles of two kinds, one white, and, according to the 
description, translucent; the other ‘‘resembles ordinary pebbles,” prob- 
ably in being opaque. 

§ 377. Yellow is assumed to be the color symbolizing water, the west, 
and the setting sun. The Dakota, Omaha, Ponka, and goiwere tribes 
have been familiar for years with the color of the water in the Missouri 
river. In a Yankton Dakota legend® recorded by the author it is said 
that when two mystery men prepared themselves to visit a spirit of the 
water in order to recover an Indian boy, one of the men painted his 
entire body black, and the other painted himself yellow (this seems to 
refer to the south and west, the windmakers and the spirits of the 
waters). 

In certain Omaha tent decorations we find that the tent of a Turtle 
man (Fig. 161) has a yellow ground. <A similar yellow ground on the 


' Contr. to N. A. Ethnol., vol. 1x, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography, p. 193. 
2Thbid., p. 197. 

3 From Renville’s account of the tiyotipi, in ibid., pp. 200, 202. 

40m. Soc., p.317. Osage War Customs, pp. 118, 119, 124, 131. 

5 Contr. N. A. Ethnol., vol. vi, The Cegiha Language, p. 375. 


DORSEY.] SYMBOLIC COLORS. oe 


tent of Ma"tcu-na™ba of the Haga gens (Fig. 174) may be connected 
with the tradition that the Haiga gens came originally from beneath the 
water. Too much stress, however, must not be placed upon the colors 
of such mystery decorations, as they may be found hereafter to have 
had another origin. It is conceivable, although we have no means of 
proving it, that he who had a vision, depicted on his robe and tent not 
only the colors pertaining to the objects seen in the vision, but also the 
color peculiar to the eponymic ancestor or power that was the “ nikie” 
(§ 53). As some men were members of more than one order of 
shamans, their tent and robe decorations may refer to the one order 
rather than to the other, and sometimes there may be a reference to 
both orders. The yellow on the top of the tent of Frog, an Ictasanda 
man, was said to refer to a grizzly bear vision (fide George Miller, an 
Omaha—see Fig.177.) But when we compare it with Pl. xLIv, D, show- 
ing the tent of a Hanga man, who was a Buffalo shaman as well as 
a Grizzly Bear shaman, we find that the top of the latter tent has a 
yellow band (apparently pointing to the Hanga tradition of an aquatic 
origin), as well as a blue band at the bottom (referring to the grizzly 
bear vision). 

§ 378. From what has been said respecting the figures 194-199, we 
are led to make the following provisional codrdinations: 


= 

| Dakota god. | Element. | Quarter. | Color. 

| : z | | ; (eae 

| Tunkan ........ | Barth .....-. eee ENOUDM eerste | Bite eee 
Wakinyan...-.- | UN Rinse somesnee | Kast... Bale Aceonéescc 
TakuSkanSkau -| Wind-makers...) South -.- aa} BACK pees =e 


Unktehi -..----- | Water. =. ---<.. WER <6 arama | Mellow -.2-22=~- 

| 2 ! R ty i a Waxes | 
NoTte.—The names of the Dakota gods are given because we have more informa- 

tion about them, and the exact Omaha equivalent for Takuskanskan has not been 


obtained. 


§ 379, Miss Fletcher gave, in 1884, a list of symbolic colors, which 
differs somewhat from that which the author has suggested in the pre- 
ceding section. She said: 


White, blue, red, and yellow possess different meaning, yet are not very clearly 
determined by all tribes.'. Among the Dakotas the following interpretation prevails: 
White is seldom used artificially; when it occurs in nature, as the white buffalo, 
deer, rabbit, etc., and on the plumage of birds, it indicates consecration. The sacred 
feathers and down are always white,” the former being taken from the under part of 
the eagle’s wing and are soft and downy. This meaning of white holds good with 
the Omahas, Poneas, etc., and seems to have a wide application among the Indians. 
Blue represents the winds, the west, the moon, the water, the thunder, and some- 
times the lightning. * * * Red indicates the sun, thestone, the forms of animal 
and vegetable life, the procreativeforce. Yellow represents sunlight as distinguished 
from the fructifying power of the sun.* 


1 The author accepts this without hesitation. 
2 Yet these feathers and down are often colored: see §$ 112, 116, 132, 239, 242, and 263. 
An. Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 11, p. 285, note 10. Written in 1882. 


11 ETH 34 


530 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


The author has never observed this use of white as a symbulic color. 
In speaking of albino animals, we infer that to the Siouan mind they 
are consecrated because they are rare. In fact, Miss Fletcher says: 


The white buffalo is rare and generally remains near the center of the herd, which 
makes it difficult of approach. It is therefore considered as the chief or sacred one 
of the herd; and it is consequently greatly prized by the Indians.! 


While the author is convinced of the great value of Miss Fletcher’ Ss 
investigations, he inquires concerning the veracity of her interpreters. 
He would lice, to see more detailed evidence before he accepts as the 
Dakota classification one which puts in the same category not only the 
winds and thunder, but also the water, the west, and the moon. He 
also asks why should the moon be separated from the sun (see § 138), 
and why should the west be the only quarter symbolized by a color? 
Besides, the Dakota shamans say that the Thunder-beings are of four 
colors, black, yellow, scarlet, and blue (see § 116), 

In response to the wish of the author, Miss Fletcher has kindly fur- 
nished him with the following letter of explanation, received after the 
rest of the paper had been written: 


Consecration as applied to the color white in the article you have quoted needs a 
few words of explanation. 

The almost universal appropriation of white animals to religious ceremonies is 
unquestionable; whether this selection rests wholly upon the rarity of this color is a 
little doubtful. The unusual is generally wakan; this feeling, however, is not con- 
fined to a color, and although the white buffalo and the white deer are not often met 
with, other white animals, as the rabbit, are not uncommon, nor are white feathers. 
It is true these white feathers are often colored for ceremonial uses, but the added 
colors have their particular meanings, and these do not seem to override the primal 
signification that the feathers selected to bear these symbolic colors are white. The 
natural suggestion that a white ground would best serve to set off the added lines 
may have been in the distant past the simple reason why white feathers were chosen ; 
and this choice adhered to for generations would at last become clothed with a mys- 
terious significance. If this were ever true, this reason for choosing white feathers 
is not recognized to-day. I have been frequently told, the feathers must be white. 

While I should now hesitate to say that white symbolizes consecration, still, after 
continued study, I find the idea clinging about the color, which, as I said then, is sel- 
dom artificially used. 

Various symbolic colors are not infrequently placed upon one object, so that the 
combining of symbols,? or even their occasional exchange, does not seem discordant 
to the Indian mind; this fact among others renders it difficult to draw a hard and 
fast line about any one color or symbol. 

Furthergesearch has shown me that green and blue and black are related and that 
to a degree green and blue are interchangeable. Blue is regarded as a darkened 
green; that is, green removed from the light, not deepenedin hue. Blue, therefore, 
stands intermediate between green which has the light on it, and blue shaded into 
black, which has no light on it. In some ceremonies green typifies the earth; in 
others blue is thesymbol. Thesky is sometimes represented by green, and again blue 
is used, while blue darkened to black stands for the destructive elements of the air. 


1An. Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 111, p. 260. 

2As it was customary for gentes of the same phratry to exchange personal names, a (Kansa) Deer 
name, for instance, being given to a (Kansa) Buffalo man, and vice versa, the author thinks that an 
exchange of symbolic colors might be expected. Compare what Matthews tells about the exchange 
of white and black among the Navajo, in § 380. 


poRsEY. | SYMBOLIC COLORS. 531 


I have found a subtle connection between the elements of earth and air that 
answers somewhat to the blending of the symbolic colors just spoken of. This con- 
nection is revealed in the reciprocal or complementary functions of gentes belonging 
to these two great divisions represented in the tribal structure, as well as in the 
reactionary character of the elements themselves as portrayed in the myths and typi- 
fied in some ceremonies. For instance, the eagle mythically belongs to the air, and 
is allied to the destructive powers of the element and to wars upon the earth, yet the 
Eagle gens, although connected with the air division of the yentes, is in some tribes 
a peace gens. An enemy escaping to the tent of an Eagle man is safe and can not be 
molested. In symbols eagle feathers are not only the pride and emblem of the war- 
rior but they are essential in certain ceremonies of amity and peace-making. 

A study of the position of gentes belonging to the divisions of earth and air, their 
tribal and ceremonial duties, together with their mythological significance, shows 
lines connecting the gentes of the earth with the gentes of the air which are vertical, 
so tospeak, and might be represented as running north and south on the tribal circle, 
and indicating mediating offices as between contending or opposite forces. 

It would oceupy too much space to fully set forth my reasons for thinking blue- 
black to be the symbol of the thunder rather than red and yellow. Although thunder 
is allied to the four quarters, to the four elemental divisions and partakes of their 
symbolism, still a study of thunder myths, thunder-names, and the tribal offices of 
thunder gentes seems to me, at ny present understanding of them, to indicate the 
blue-black as the persistent symbol. 

I would not at this date make any unqualified statement giving green, blue, or black 
asthe symbol of the west, the water, or the moon; and although in some instances these 
colors occur in connection with these objects of reverence, I am now inclined to class 
these as incidental rather than as representative of the color symbols. 

One word regarding red and yellow. Red not only represents the sun and the pro- 
creative forces (yet black is sometimes used in the latter), but the color carries with 
it the idea of hope, the continuation of life. The dawn of the day, the east, is almost 
without exception in these tribes denoted by red. This red line, forceful, aggressive, 
yet life giving and hope-inspiring, starts from a war division of the tribal circle and 
fades into yellow as it passes into an opposite peace division in the west. Red and 
yellow bear to each other a relation somewhat resembling that of blue and black, 
only reversed; the red loses its intensity in yellow, the aggressive force symbolized. 
in the red is not expressed in the yellow. If the Indian’s world were arched with his 
symbolic colors, we should see a brilliant band of red start from the east and fade to 
yellow in the west; while the green-blue line from the north would deepen to the 
black of the south. In the first the intense color would rush from war into the mild 
light of peace; the second bright hue would spring from peace to be lost in the dark- 
ness of war. Thus the two hold the tribe within the opposing yet complementary 
forces which constitute the mystery of the relation between life and death. 

I will not go further into this interesting subject nor revert to the revolution of 
these symbolic colors as throwing light on tribal migrations and history. 

Thanking you for this opportunity to modify some of my statements written nine 
years ago, 

I remain, cordially yours, 


ALICE C. FLETCHER. 
PEABODY MusEuM, 


Cambridge, Mass., January 3, 1891. 

In the Word Carrier of November, 1890, published by A. L. Riggs, 
at Santee Agency, Nebr., is an article on page 30, from Mary ©. Collins, 
who is evidently one of the mission workers. She says: “I went into 
the sacred tent and talked with Sitting Bull. Hesat * * * oppo- 
site the tent door. Hands and wrists were painted yellow and green; 


532 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


face painted red, green, and white.” (Did the four colors refer to the 
elements?) ‘As I started toward him he said, ‘Winona,' approach me 
on the left side and shake my left hand with your left hand.’” (Does 
the gens of Sitting Bull camp on the left side of the tribal circle, 
occasioning the use of the left in all ceremonies, as among the Tsiou 
gentes of the Osage? Or is the left the war side among the people of 
Sitting Bull, as among the Kansa? See §§ 33 and 368.) 

§ 380. The following are the symbolic colors of the North Carolina 
Cherokee, the Ojibwa, the Navajo, the Apache, the Zuni, and the 
Aztec: 


Quarter, | Cherokee. Ofwe BEE eoaghe: Zuni. Aztec. 
CAE MIT ACD (b) (chen encanto) a) (g) CO KO} 
East -.-...-. Red, 1....| White.| Red....) White, 1..| Yellow; Black...) Yellow. White, 4.| Yellow. 
Sonth ...... | White, 4 -| Green .| Green..| Blue, 2.-..) Red ...| White ..| Greenor| Red, 3...| White. 
| Blue.-. 
West....-.- Black, 3..| Red ...| White -) Yellow, 3 - Blue...| Yellow..| Black.. Blue, 2 ..| Blue. 
North..-.-.. | Blue, 2-..| Black .| Black..| Black, 4...| White.) Blue | White -| Yellow,1/ Red. 
Mipper world): coc. essen |p ae eae lo aoteniere (Bl ne een ese eee ees oe) eer eine All col- 
| ors, 5. 
HOWORWOL| tc. ccna cen see ee |e eerie jaWilitte! avid) | hoo ea) codpemaeen| seme eee Black, 6. 
black in 
spots. 
Su ees) eee ee ae eee eee eee PEO aac] eee say beeisscntes RESASSORS bck eee asc 
4 l 


a Mooney, in Jour. Am. Folklore, Vol. m1, No. 8, Jan.-Mar., 1890, pp. 49, 50. 

> Hoffman, in Am. Anthropologist, July, 1889, pp. 217,218; from Sicosige, a second-degree Mide 
of White Earth, Minn. 

¢ Hoffman, in ibid., p. 218; from Ojibwa, a fourth-degree Mide, from another locality. 

d Matthews, in 5th An. Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 449. 

e Mallery, from Thos. V. Keam’s catalogue of relics of the ancient buildings of the southwest 
table-lands—quoted in Trans. Anthrop. Soc. of Washington, Vol. 11, 141, 1885. 

Jf Gatschet, on Chiricahua Apache sun circle, in Trans. Anthrop. Soc. of Washington, Vol. 11, 
147, 1885. 

g Cupt. J.G. Bourke, in a letter to the author, Dec. 4, 1890. In Noy., 1885, he obtained from a 
San Carlos (Pinal) Apache green as the color for the north. 

hk Mrs. M.C. Stevenson, in 5th An. Rept. Bur. Eth., p. 548. According to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes the 
Hopi or Moki have a similar order of colors, the west having green (or blue). 

i Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico, Vol. vi (fide Capt. J. G. Bourke). 


According to Gatschet the Chiricahua Apache call the sun, when 
in the east, ‘‘ the black sun,” and a tornado or gust of wind also is called 
“black.” (See § 378.) 

Matthews says that in rare cases white is assigned to the north and 
black to the east, and that black represents the male and blue the 
female among the Navajo. (See § 105 of this paper.) 

§ 381. The author calls "special attention to the colors of the four 
sacred stones of the Omaha Wolf gens, red, black, yellow, and blue 
i. e., E., 8., W., N.; see § 369), and to those on the tent of an Omaha 
Black Bear man (see § 373, and PL, XLIV, E, where the colors are given 
in the order N., E., 8., W.). He has not*yet gained the colors for the 
upper and lower worlds, though the Omaha offer the pipe to the “‘ vener- 


‘Winona, name of the first child if a daughter, not ‘first daughter.” 


DORSEY. ] COLORS IN PERSONAL NAMES. 533 


able man sitting above” and to the *“‘ venerable man below lying on his 
back.” (§ 27.) 

In the tradition of the Tsiou wactaye gens of the Osage there is an 
account of the finding of four kinds of rocks, black, blue or green, red, 
and white. And from the left hind legs of four buffalo bulls there 
dropped to the ground four ears of corn and four pumpkins.’ The corn 
and pumpkin from the first buffalo were red, those from the second were 
spotted, those from the third were cade, i. e., dark or distant-black, and 
those from the fourth were white. 

Green, black, white, and gray are the traditional colors of the ances- 
tral wolves, according to the Wolf people of the Winnebago, though for 
‘““oreen” we may substitute “blue,” as the corresponding name for the 
first son in that gens is Blue Sky. Among the personal names in the 
Thunder-being subgens of the Winnebago are the four color names, 
Green Thunder-being, Black Thunder-being, White Thunder-being, and 
Yellow Thunder-being (instead of Gray). James Alexander, a member 
of the Wolf gens, said that these four Thunder-being names did not 
refer to the four quarters. This seems probable, unless white be the 
Winnebago color for the east and gray or yellow that for the west. 

In November, 1893, more than two years after the preceding sentence 
was written, a Winnebago told the author that among his people white 
was associated with the north, red with the west, and green with the 
south. Of these he was certain. He thought that blue was the color 
for the east, but he was not positive about it. 


COLORS IN PERSONAL NAMES. 


§ 382. The following shows the color combinations in a list of forty- 
six objects taken from the census schedules of the Dakota, Hidatsa, 
and Mandan tribes (U.S. Census of 1880), the lists of Dakota names 
given in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 
175, 177-180, and the list of Winnebago names collected by the author. 
Blue or green (chiefly blue), 26; red, 25; black, 31; yellow, 30; scarlet, 
38; white, 37; gray, 18; say or distant-white (whitish), 4; rusty-yellow 
or brown (gi), 18; spotted, 17; and striped, 8. Objects combined with 
two colors, 7; with three colors, 7; with four colors, 4; with five colors, 
5; with six colors, 5; with seven colors, 6; with eight colors, 6; with 
nine colors, 5; with ten colors, 1; with all eleven colors, none. It should, 
however, be remembered that the lists consulted did not contain all the 
personal names of the Siouan tribes which have been mentioned, and 
that it is probable there would be found more color combinations if all 
the census schedules were accessible. We can not say whether each of 
the colors (including spotted and striped) has a mystic significance in 
theSiouan mind. Perhaps further study may show that red (Sa) and 
scarlet (duta, luta) have the same symbolic meaning, and rusty-yellow 
(gi) may be an equivalent of yellow (zi). 


1Osage Traditions, in 6th An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 379. 


534 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
THE EARTH POWERS. 


§ 383. The Tunkan or bowlder, the Dakota name for the Earth pow- 
ers, is also called the Lingam by Riggs (§ 132), as if connected with a 
phallic cult (§§ 164, ete.). The Earth powers (Lunkan) and the Wind- 
makers (TakusSkanskan) are said by the Dakota to have a common 
symbol; but is not the symbol of the TakusSkanskan a pebble (§ 376)? In 
the Kansa war chart (see § 127) does the large (red) rock refer to the 
Earth powers? And does the small rock refer to the Wind-makers? The 
Earth powers and the Wind-makers seem to be associated in some de- 
gree: (a) In the use of the rock symbol (if the TakuSkanskan symbol 
be a true rock), and (bd) in the-use, among the Omaha, of eagle birth- 
names in the social divisions called “‘ Keepers of the pipes.” This lat- 
ter rests upon the assumption that the Inke-sabé is a buffalo gens 
which should be regarded as having some connection with the Earth 
cult. When the Omaha chiefs assembled in council the two sacred 
pipes were filled by the Ictasanda keeper (a member of a Fire and 
Water gens); but they were carried around the council lodge by the 
Inke-sabé and jye-da-it‘aji keepers. The Inke-sabé keeper started 
around the lodge with one of the pipes; when he had gone halfway 
(1. e., aS far as the entrance) the je-da-it‘aji keeper started from the 
back of the lodge with the other pipe, taking care to keep behind the 
Inke-sabé keeper just half the circumference of the circle.! The je-da- 
it‘aji man belonged to the Eagle or Wind-makers subgens and the 
Inke-sabé man to one that we term provisionally an Earth gens. (See 
Fig. 194.) The Iike-sabé, it is true, have a tradition that they came 
originally from the water; but the buffalo is specially associated with 
the earth. Among the Dakota the buffalo and the earth are regarded 
as one. (§ 239.) 


EARTH GENTES. 


The Earth gentes, as far as we can judge, are as follows: Inike-sabé 
and Hanga (?), two Buffalo gentes, and the Wasabe-hit‘aji, a Black 
bear subgens, among the Omaha; the Wacabe and Maka® (Buffalo 
gentes,) among the Ponka; the Ma*yinka (Earth) and Wasabe (Black 
bear), of the Kansa; the Earth and Black bear of the Osage; Black 
bear, and perhaps Wolf, among the Iowa and Oto; Black bear, of the 
Missouri; and Black bear and Wolf of the Winnebago. The Black 
bear people of the Winnebago were the only men of that tribe who 
enforced discipline in time of war and acted as policemen when there 
was peace. The tradition of the Winnebago Wolf gens names four 
brothers that were created. The first was green [sic] and was named 
Blue Sky (referring to day). The second was black, and his name re- 
ferred to nigbt. The third was white and the fourth was gray. The 
green, black, and white wolves have remained in their subterranean 


10m. Soc., in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 223, 224. 


DORSEY. ] THE FIRE POWERS. 535 


abodes. They are never seen by mankind. The gray wolf was the 
ancestor of all the wolves which are seen above ground. (See § 90.) 
These four colors are evidently symbolic; but the author has not yet 
learned whether they have any reference to the four quarters. (See 
§ 75.) 

THE FIRE POWERS. 


§ 384, Among these were the Thunder-beings and the Sur. The 
former were usully considered maleficent powers, as distinguished from 
the Sun, the beneficent Fire power; but occasionally the Thunder- 
beings were addressed as “grandfathers,” who could be induced to 
gratify the wishes of the suppliants by granting them success in war 
(§§ 35, 36). It was probably with reference to the Sun that the East 
was considered the source of light and life, the West being associated 
with the taking of life in the chase or on the war path (see § 28). Red 
among the Omaha is the color symbol of the East, but red is also 
symbolic of war. The “fire paint” among the Tsiou gentes of the 
Osage tribe is red. It is applied when the fire prayers are said. Red 
is a war color among the Dakota, Omaha, Kansa, and Osage. The 
Tsiou crier received in his left hand a knife with the handle painted red. 
The Hanya crier received in his right hand a hatchet with the handle 
reddened. On the death of a comrade the surviving Osage removed the 
bark from a post oak, say, about 5 feet from the ground, painted the 
blazed tree red, broke four arrows and left them and some paint by the 
tree... Whenever the author saw Paha*le-gaqli, one of the war chiefs 
of the Kansa, he noticed that the man’s face was painted red all over. 
In the middle of the war chart of Paha*le-gaqli was a fire symbol; but 
the chief feared to represent it in the copy which he made for the 

-author. It probably consisted of the four firebrands placed at right 
angles and meeting at a common center. The Omaha must have had 
such a symbol] at one time (see § 33). The Osage had it, according to 
their tradition (see §§ 40, 365). The successful warriors among the 
Omaha could redden their weapons when they joined in the dance.” 

The Dakota give the following as the sentinels for the Wakinyan: 
The deer at the north, the butterfly at the east, the beaver at the south, 
and the bear at the west (§ 116). If these were arranged to conform 
to the order of Fig. 194 the bear would be at the north, the beaver at 
the west, the deer at the east, and the butterfly at the south. But there 
may be a special order of grouping the servants of each class of pow- 
ers differing from the order of the four powers themselves. The 
Dakota wakan men say that the Wakinyan are of four colors, black, 
yellow, scarlet, and blue (§ 116). The Thunder men of the Omaha 
legend had hair of different colors, the first having white hair, the sec- 
ond red, the third yellow, and the fourth green hair. * 


1Osage war customs, in Am. Naturalist, Feb., 1884, pp. 118, 126, 132, 
20m. Soc.,in 3d An. Rept. Bur, Ethn., pp. 329, 330. 
3 Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. vi, p. 187. 


536 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
FIRE GENTES. 


The following appear to be the Fire gentes: Thunder-being people of 
the Omaha tribe, Elk gens, Small-bird subgens, Deer, and Ictasanda 
(Reptile and Thunder-being) gentes; the Hisada and Black bear gentes 
of the Ponka; the Lu or Gray hawk people (also called Thunder-being 
people) of the Kansa tribe, with whom are associated the Deer and 
Buffalo gentes in the singing of the Thunder songs (§ 36); the y¢t"! 
or Thunder-being gens, on the Tsiou, Buffalo. or Peace side of the 
Osage tribe (!!), perhaps the Tcexiqa, a bird gens of the. lowa tribe; 
part of the Teexija gens of the Oto and Missouri tribes; and the 
Waka"tcara or Thunder-being subgens of the Winnebago. 

Four Thunder-beings were invoked by the Ictasanda gens (§ 35): 
Pig¢ize-ma¢i", Pia"ba-tig¢e, Pia"ba-gi-na", and Gaagig¢eda". Was each 
of these supposed to dwell at one of the four quarters? 

Among the Osage and Kansa tribes there is a gens known as the 
Mi" k’i" (from mi*, the sun, and k’i*, to carry a load on the back), ren- 
dered ‘‘Sun Carriers.” Some of the Osage insisted that this name re- 
ferred to the buffalo instead of the sun, as that animal carries a robe 
or plenty of hair on his back; and they maintained that the Mi" ki" 
was a buffalo gens. That there is some connection in the Indian mind 
between the sun and the buffalo is shown in the sun dance, in which 
the figure of a buffalo bull (§ 164) and buffalo skulls (§§ 147, 173, 176, 
177, 181, and 198, and Pl. xLv111) play important parts. 


THE WIND-MAKERS. 


§ 385. The TakuSkanSkan of the Dakotas has been described in a 
previous chapter (§§ 127-131). The Omaha tribe has the order of the 
I*-kug¢i or the translucent stone, in which order the Wind-makers 
were probably invoked. The Tsiou old man addressed the four winds 
and as many mystic buffaloes when he laid down the four firebrands. 
And at a similar ceremony the old man of the Pa®yka gens addressed 
the four winds and as many mystic deer (§ 33). The Omaha evidently 
had a prayer, ‘‘ Ho, ye four firebrands that meet at a common point!” 
(§ 40.) With this there may have been addresses to the winds. Four 
firebrands were used in a Winnebago ceremony (§ 84). 

The Inke-sabé (Omaha) belief as to the four winds has been related 
in § 366.” The winds and the sun were associated in the ceremony of 
raising the sun pole, judging from what Bushotter has written (§ 167). 
There was also some connection in the Dakota mind between the winds 
and the buffalo. Compare the figure of the winds on a buffalo skull 
as described by Miss Fletcher? in her account of the sun dance. 


1A Kansa saying: Lu, Tcediiiga, Taqtci abacki wanaxe kinukiye, abe au, They say that the Thun- 
der-being, Buffalo, and Deer gentes cause a ghost to ‘‘kinu,” referring to some effect on a ghost which 
can not be explained. 
20m. Soc., in 3d An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 229. 
3Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc., Vol. 31, p. 583. See, too, An. Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 11, p. 262, lines 
15-18. 


DORSEY. ] WIND AND WATER POWERS. 537 
WIND GENTES. 


The following social divisions are assigned to this category: The 
yyaze, or Wind people, and the je-da-it‘aji, Touch-not-a-buftalo-skull, 
or Eagle people, of the Omaha tribe; the (ixida and Nikadaona gentes 
of the Ponka; the Ka™ze (Wind or South Wind people), Qiiya (White 
eagle), Ghost, and perhaps the Large Hanga (Black eagle), among the 
Kansa; the Kase (also called the Wind and South Wind people), and 
perhaps the Hanya uta¢angse (Black eagle) gens of the Osage; the 
Pigeon and Buffalo gentes of the Iowa and Oto tribes; the Hawk and 
Momi (Small bird) subgentes of the Missouri tribe; the Eagle and 
Pigeon, and perhaps the Hawk subgens of the Winnebago Bird gens. 


EACH QUARTER RECKONED AS THREE. 


Each wind or quarter is reckoned as three by the Dakota! and pre- 
sumably by the Osage (see § 42), making the four quarters equal to 
twelve. Can there be any reference here to a belief in three worlds, 
the one in which we live, an upper world, and a world beneath this one? 
Or were the winds divided into three classes, those close to the ground, 
those in mid air, and those very high in the air? The Kansa seem to 
make some such distinction, judging from the names of the divisions of 
the Ka*ze or Wind gens of that tribe. 


“NAMES REFERRING TO OTHER WORLDS. 


References to a world supposed to be above that one in which we 
dwell occur in some of the personal names of the Dakota, in the U. S. 
Census list of 1880. There we find such names as, Wolf Up-above, 
Hawk Up-above, Grizzly-bear Up-above, and Buffalo-bull Up-above. 
Grizzly-bear Up-above should be taken in connection with the tradition 
of the Black-bear people of the Osage tribe. These people tell how 
their ancestors descended from the upper world, bringing fire.2. The 
tradition of the Wolf people of the Winnebago tribe tells of the creation 
of their ancestors as wolves in a subterranean world, and of a belief 
that many wolves remain there still. The Winnebago have, too, the 
name, Second Earth Person, referring to a waktceqi or watermonster, 
as the waktceqi are supposed to dwell in the world beneath this one. 
They call this world The First World, and the subterranean one The 
Second World. 


THE WATER POWERS. 


§ 386. The Unktelii of the Dakota answers to the Wakandagi of the 
Omaha and Ponka, and the Waktceqi of the Winnebago. One of the 
Omaha myths relates toa Wakandagi with seven heads. The Waktceqi 
have the Loon as a servant, and in this respect they resemble the tyrant 


‘Compare An. Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. 3, p. 289, note 1. 
2Osage War Customs, in Amer. Naturalist, Feb. 1884, p. 133. 


538 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


U-twa/—ye of the yoiwere myth. The name utwaye is now given to the 
muskrat. The male Water powers inhabit streams, and the females 
dwell under the ground, presumably in subterranean streams. Accord- 
ing to Winnebago belief, they support the weight of the hills. Some of 
the Omaha thought that these powers dwelt under the hills (§§ 77, 107), 
The monsters supposed to inhabit bogs were probably a species of 
water spirits (§ 254). Streams were invoked as ‘“ Wakanda” by the 
Omaha (§ 23). Though the natural habitat of the buftalo is the surface 
of the earth, and the Dakota believe the animal to be of subterranean 
origin, he is of subaquatic origin according to the traditions of the 
Inke-sabe and Hanga gentes of the Omaha.! But no traces of such a 
belief have been found among the buffalo gentes of cognate tribes. 
“One day, when the principal man of the people not known as the Wa- 
¢igije subgens of the Inke-sabe, was fasting and praying to the sun- 
god,” he saw the ghost of a buffalo, visible from the flank up, arising 
from a spring.’””* 


WATER PEOPLE. 


The Water people among the Omaha are the Turtle subgens, parts 
(if not all) of the Inke-sabe and Hanga (Buffalo) gentes, and perhaps a 
part of the Ictasanda gens. Those among the Ponka have not yet been 
ascertained; but they may be the Wajaje and part of the Hisada. 
Among the Kansa they are the Turtle people. In the Osage tribe are 
the Turtle Carriers, Ke yatsii (said to be a turtle, but probably a Water- 
monster), Fish, Beaver, and, perhaps, the Tsewa¢e or Pond Lily people. 
Among the Iowa and Oto are the Beaver gentes. And the Winnebago 
have the Water-monster gens. 


CAUTIONS AND QUERIES. 


§ 387. There are many gentes and subgentes which can not be assigned 
to any of the four categories of elemental powers for want of evidence. 
It is unsafe to argue that, because two buffalo gentes of the Omaha 
claim a subaquatice origin, all buffalo gentes should be regarded as 
Water people. Certain cautions should be kept in mind. 

§ 388. The power of each of the four classes of elemental gods extends 
beyond its special element. For instance, the Unktelii, who rules in 
the water, has for his servants or allies, the black owl in the forest 
(Query: Has this any connection with the fire or thunder?), eagles in 
the air, and serpents in the earth. And the Thunder-beings have as 
their servants, the bear, whose abode is in the ground, the beaver, who 
is associated with the water, the butterfly, who lives in the air; and 
the deer. 

§ 389. The servants of a class of elemental gods do not necessarily 
belong to that element which those gods regulate. Thus, the Black 


10m. Soc., in 3d. An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 229, 233. 
2Symbolizing the fire. 
This seems to point to a subaquatic origin. See Om. Soc., p. 231. 


DORSEY. ] COMPOSITE NAMES. jag 


bear people of the Omaha, an earth people, assist the Elk people in the 
worship of the Thunder; and among the Kansa, the buttalo people per- 
form a similar service for the Lu or Thunder-being people (§§ 35, 36). 

Those who belong to the same phratry, belong to the same social 
division; but while they “sing the mystery songs together,” they need 
not be assigned to the same elemental category. 

§ 390. As the order of Thunder shamans is composed of those who 
have had dreams or visions of the sun, moon, stars, Thunder-beings, or 
some other superterrestial objects or phenomena, may not all super- 
terrestial beings, including those of the ‘‘upper world,” be regarded as 
Thunder-beings by the Indians? (See § 45 and the Thunder-being 
names in § 393.) 

That is to say, may not the eagles, and other birds of the “upper 
world” be Eagle Thunder-beings, Crow Thunder-beings, etc., though 
their special element is not the fire but the “wind-makers,” and the 
grizzly bears who reside under ground in that upper world, have given 
rise to the personal name, Grizzly-bear Thunder-being? If this be cor- 
rect, then Bowlder Thunder-being may refer to a bowlder in the upper 
world, unless the supposition respecting composite names (in § 392) be 
true. ~ 
§ 391. The following appears at first sight to be the proper classifica- 
tion of the subgentes of a Bird gens in a few of the Siouan tribes: 
Thunder-bird, Eagle, Hawk, and Pigeon. But a study of personal 
names has led to a modification of this grouping: for we find such 
names as Eagle Thunder-being, Hawk Thunder-being, and Pigeon 
Thunder-being, as distinguished from ordinary eagles, hawks, and 
pigeons. Hence, we may find on further study that in some tribes there 
are eagle, hawk, and pigeon names for gentes and subgentes whose 
patron gods are Thunder-beings. For instance, the Lu gens of the 
Kansa tribe has two names for itself, Leda" nikaci*ga, Gray hawk 
People, and Lu nikaci®ga, Thunder-being People. 


COMPOSITE NAMES. 


§ 392. There are other composite names, most of which are found in 
the census lists of the Dakota tribes, whose gentes are said to have no 
animal names, and a few have been obtained from the personal name 
lists of the Omaha, Ponka, and Kansa, and the census lists of the 
Mandan, and Hidatsa, that give animal names to some or all of their 
gentes. In the Winnebago name list no such personal names have 
been found, though that people has animal names for its gentes. 

Each of these composite names may refer to a vision of a composite 
being, who was subsequently regarded as the guardian spirit of the 
person who had the dream or vision. Or the bearer of such a name 
may have had a dream or vision of two distinct powers. In the picto- 
graph of such a name, the powers (or symbols of the two powers) rep- 
resented in the name are joined (see § 374). 


540 


A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


§ 395, The following is a list of composite names which may be found 
to symbolize the four elements. The elements are designated by their 
respective abbreviations: E for earth, F for fire; A for air, and W for 
water. The interrogation mark after any name denotes a provisional 


or conjectural assignment. 


Turtle Grizzly-bear (W+E). 

Grizzly-bear Small-bird (E+ A), 

Cloud Grizzly-bear (F?+-E). 

Grizzly-bear Buffalo-bull (E+ 2). 

Fire Grizzly-bear (F+-E). 

Sun Grizzly-bear (F-+-E). 

Ghost Grizzly-bear (?-+-E). 

Grizzly-bear Weasel, given as ‘‘ Weasel 
Bear” in 4th An. Rept. Bur. Eth., Pl. 
LXIx, No. 174. 

Tron Grizzly-bear (‘‘Iron” is generally 
denoted by blue in the Dakota picto- 
graphs. See § 107.) 

Bald-eagle Grizzly-bear (A?+B). 

Shield Grizzly-bear. (The shieldis on the 
bear’s side, 4th Eth., Pl. yx111, No. 62.) 

Crow Grizzly-bear. 

Whirlwind Grizzly-bear. (The whirlwind 
precedes in the pictograph, 4th Eth., 
P]. tv, No. 77.) 

Hawk Thunder-being. 

Pigeon Thunder-being. (A*zoiwere name 
—not yet found in Dakota.) 

Buffalo-bull Thunder-being. 

Grizzly-bear Thunder-being (E+F). 

Fire Thunder-being (F-+-F). 

Elk Thunder-being. 

Pipe Thunder-being. (4th Eth., Pl. yxx1, 
No. 179, a winged pipe.) 

Cloud Thunder-being. 

Horse Thunder-being. 

Iron Thunder-being. (See § 107.) « 

Earth Thunder-being (E-+-F. ) 

Black-Bird Eagle. 

Eagle Hawk. (4th Eth., Pl. rv1, No. 53.) 

Eagle Small-bird. (4th Eth., Pl. xx v1, No. 
116.) 

Grizzly-bear Eagle. (4th Eth., Pl, xx, 
No. 170; a bear with an eagle’s tail.) 
Horse Eagle. (4th Eth., Pl. yxvin, No. 

153; horse body and eagle’s tail.) 

Dog Eagle. (4th Eth., Pl. ru, No. 9; dog 
with eagle’s tail.) 

Eagle Swallow. (4th Eth., Pl. yxxrx, No. 
282; eagle with forked tail of a swal- 
low). 

Cloud Eagle. 

Tron Deer. 

Cloud Dog. 


Buffalo-bull Small-bird. 

Mountain Buffalo-bull. 

Crow Buffalo-bull. 

Buftalo-bull Dog. 

Cloud Buffalo-bull. 

Buttalo-bull Man (i. e., Indian). 

Buffalo-bull Ghost. 

Stone Buffalo-bull. 

Buffalo-bull Buffalo-cow (the only name 
in which both sexes are given). 

Tron Buffalo-bull. (See § 107.) 

Buffalo-bull Wind. 

Buftalo-cow Eagle. : 

Iron Buffalo. (N. B.—It is uncertain 
to which element the buffalo should be 
assigned. He seems to be associated 
with all of them.) 

Sun-dog (F?+E?). 

Eagle Thunder-Being (A?+F). 

Elk Eagle. (4th Eth., Pl. xxx, No. 178; 
an elk’s horns and eagle’s tail. ) 

Sun Eagle (F+-A). 

Star Eagle (F?-LA). 

Stone Eagle (E?-+-A). 

Iron Eagle. 

Crow Eagle. 

Owl Eagle. 

Weasel Eagle. 

Grizzly-bear Hawk. 

Fire Hawk. 

Scarlet Hawk Whirlwind. 

Hawk Ghost. 

Iron Hawk. (4th Eth., Pl. tv1, No.47; the 
hawk is blue.) , 

Tron Wolf. 

Wolf Ghost. 

Fire Wind (F-+A). 

Fire Lightning. 

Iron Lightning. 

Iron Star. 

Tron Boy. (4th Eth., Pl. pvm1, No.81; a 
boy painted blue.) 

Iron Crow. (4th Eth., Pl. nvr, No.-47; 
a crow painted blue.) 

Crow Ghost. 

Tron Elk. > 

Female-elk Boy. (4th Eth., Pl. rv, No. 
66; the head and shoulders of a boy 
joined to a female elk.) 


DORSEY.] PERSONAL NAMES FROM HORNED BEINGS. 


Iron Dog. 

Dog Ghost. 

Bowlder Thunder-Being (E+F). 
Tron Whirlwind. 

Tron Beaver. 

Small-bird Beaver. 

Tron Owl. 

Cloud Hail. 

Tron Cloud. 


Hermaphrodite Ghost (!) 
Iron Kingfisher. 

Cloud Horse. 

Tron Horse. 

Lightning Horse. 

Earth (or Ground) Horse. 
Wind Horse. 

Fire Horse. 

Black-bird Horse. 


541 


Fire Cloud. 

Tron Wind. 

Stone Ghost. 
Cloud Black-bear. 


Small-bird Man (or, Indian; 4th Eth., 
Pl. Liv, No. 28; bird’s head and wings 
on aman’s body). 

Dog Rattlesnake. 


There are several ‘‘WasSiéun” names: Cloud Wasiéun, Fire Wasi- 
¢un, Night Wasiéun, and Iron Wasi¢éun. The last one has for its picto- 
graph a man with a hat, i. e., a white man, and can hardly have any 
mystic significance. The name, Wasi¢un, originally meant ‘ guardian 
spirit,” but it is now applied to white people (§ 122). In the absence of 
the pictographs, we can not tell whether Cloud Wasiéun, Fire Wasi- 
éun, and Night Wasiéun refer to guardian spirits (in which case they 
are mystic names connected with cults) or to white men. 

Most of the above names are taken from the Dakota census lists. 
The yoiwere lists furnish only two composite names of this character: 
lron Hawk Female, and Pigeon Thunder-being. The Kansa list has 
Moon Hawk and Moon Hawk Female, the latter name, which is found 
in the Omaha and Ponka list, suggesting the Egyptian figure of a 
woman’s body with a hawk’s head, surmounted by a crescent moon. 
Horse Eagle appears to be a sort of Pegasus. Buffalo-bull Eagle may 
refer to the myth of the Orphan and the Buffalo-woman, in which we 
learn that the Buffalo people ascended through the air to the upper 
world.! 


PERSONAL NAMES FROM HORNED BEINGS. 


§ 394. The Dakota lists have several names of horned beings, as fol- 
lows: Horned Grizzly-bear, Horned Horse (4th Eth., Pl. Liv, No. 29, and 
Pl. Lxx1, No. 193), Horned Dog, Horned Eagle, Gray Horned Thunder- 
Being, Horned Deer, Black Horned Boy, and Snake Horn. No attempt 
to explain these names has been made. Among the Winnebago, the 
following names refer to water monsters, and belong to the Waktceqi 
or Water-monster gens: Horn on one side (equivalent to the Dakota, 
He-sayniéa), Horns on both sides, Two Horns, Four Horns, and Five 
Horns. 

The Winnebago list has the name Four Women (in one), with which 
compare what has been said about the Double-Woman (§ 251). 


‘Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. vi, pp. 142, 146. 


542 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 
NAMES DERIVED FROM SEVERAL HOMOGENEOUS OBJECTS OR BEINGS. 


An examination of the personal name lists reveals such names as 
First or One Grizzly-bear, Two Grizzly-bears, Three Grizzly-bears, 
Four Grizzly-bears, Many Grizzly-bears; One Path, Two Paths, Four 
Paths Female, Many Paths; One Cloud, Two Clouds, Three Clouds, 
Many Clouds; One Crow, Two Crows, Three Crows, Four Crows, Many 
Crows. The author suspects that these names and many others of a 
similar character are symbolic of the four quarters and of the upper 
and lower worlds, and that the Indian who was named atter the larger 
number of mystic objects enjoyed the protection of more spirits than 
did he whose name referred to the smaller number. This accords with 
the Cherokee notion described by Mr. Mooney in his article on the 
Cherokee theory and practice of medicine:' The shaman is represented 
as calling first on the Red Hawk from the east, then on the Blue Hawk 
in the north, the two hawks accomplishing more by working together. 
Still more is effected when the Black Hawk from the west joins them, 
and a complete victory is won when the White Hawk from the south 
joins the others. 

Compare with this the Osage opinion that the man who could show 
seven sticks (representing seven brave or generous deeds) was of more 
mportance than he who could show only six sticks. 


| RETURN OF THE SPIRIT TO THE EPONYM. 


§ 395. In two of the buffalo gentes of the Omaha (the Inke-sabé and 
Hatga) there isa belief that the spirits of deceased members of those 
gentes return to the buffaloes. Does the abode of the disembodied 
spirit differ in the gentes according to the nature of the eponymic 
ancestor? For instance, is there a belief among the Ell people that 
their spirits at death return to the ancestral Elk? 


FUNCTIONS OF GENTES AND SUBGENTES. 


§ 396. In several tribes there seems to have been a division of labor 
among the gentes and subgentes, that is, each social division of the 
tribe had its special religious duties. 

In the Omaha tribe we find the following: the Elk gens regulated 
war; it kept the war tent, war pipes, and the bag containing poisons; 
it invoked the Thunder-being, who was supposed to be the god of war, 
and it sent out the scouts. The Inke-sabé and Hanga gentes were the 
leading peace gentes; they regulated the buffalo hunt and the cultiva- 
tion of the soil. The Hanga gens had the control of the peace pipes, 
and a memberof that gens lighted the pipes on all ceremonial occasions 
except at the time of the anointing of the sacred pole. The Inke-sabé 
gens kept the peace pipes, and a member of that gems acted as crieron 


1 Jour. Am. Folk-lore, Vol. 111, No. vii, pp. 49, 50. 
20m. Soc., in 3d An, Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp, 222, 223. 


DORSEY. | FUNCTIONS OF GENTES AND SUBGENTES. 543 


many occasions, the other crier being a member of the ya"ze or Wind 
gens. An [ctasanda man usually filled and emptied the pipes; but a 
Hanga man filled them when the sacred pole was anointed. The ye-da- 
it‘ajl keeper of a sacred pipe really kept instead the sacred tobacco 
pouch and buffalo skull. The Inke-sabé and je-da-it‘aji keepers carried 
the two pipesaround the circle of chiefs. The Black bear people aided 
the Elk people in the worship of the Thunder-being in the spring of 
the year. 

§ 397. The following division of labor existed in the Ponka tribe: The 
Wasabe-hit‘aji and Hisada gentes led in the worship of the Thunder- 
being. The @ixida and Nikadaoua gentes led in war. The Wacabe, 
Maka®, and Nuge, all buffalo gentes, regulated the buffalo hunt. The 
Wajaje (Reptile people) with whom used to be the Necta or Owl people, 
appear to have been servants of the subaquatic powers. 

§ 398. In the Kansa tribe we find that the Earth Lodge and Elk 
gentes consecrated the mystic fireplaces whenever a new village was 
established; that the Earth Lodge people consecrated the corn, and 
regulated the buffalo hunt as well as farming; that the Elk people 
directed the attack on the buffalo herd; that the Ghost people announced 
all deaths; that the two Hatiga gentes led in war and in mourning for 
the dead; that the Tciju wactage was a peace-making gens; that a mem- 
ber of the Deer gens was the crier for the tribe; that the member of the 
Lu or Thunder-being gens could not take part in the waqpele gaxe 
(§28) and must remain in the rear of the other warriors on such an 
occasion; and that the Wind people, who had to pitch their tents in 
the rear of the other gentes had a ceremony which they performed 
whenever there was a blizzard (§ 55). 

§ 399. In the author’s account of Osage war customs he relates the 
following incidents: On the first day of preparation for the warpath 
the Black bear people bring willows and kindle a fire outside the. war 
tent. On the same day some other Hatya people deposit branches of 
dried willow in some place out of sight of the war tent, and the @uqe 
men (part of the Buffalo-bull gens) bring in those branches. On the 
next day men of the Night gens (a sort of Black bear people) set the wil- 
low branches on fire, and they and the Elder Osage people say prayers. 
After this there is a struggle to secure pieces of the charcoal. An Elk 
man and a Ka*se man act as criers. On the third day an Osage man 
brings in the sacred bag for the Hatya or Wasaoe mourner (the gens 
of each man is not specified, but both men belong to the right or war 
side of the tribe), and a Singsay¢e man brings in a like bag for the 
mourner belonging to the Tsiou or peace side of the tribe. On the 
fourth day a woman of a Buffalo gens on the right or Haiya side of the 
tribe lays down two strips of buffalo hide so that the warriors may take 
the first step on the warpath. After the warriors start, a Q@uqe man 
is taken ahead of them in order to perform some ceremony which has 
not been recorded. 


544 A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS. 


On the return of the war party the warriors are met outside of the 
village by an old man of the Ka*se or Wind gens. He performs certain 
ceremonies as he walks around the party (beginning at the north and 
ending at the east), and then he tells them whether they can enter the 
village. The clothing of the returning warriors becomes the property 
of the old Ka*se man and his attendant. 

The Ka*se gens of the Osage tribe is called the Idats‘é, because it 
devolves on a member of that gens to fill the peace pipes. The 
corresponding gens of the Kaze tribe is called Ibate‘é or Hatga-jifiga. 


THE ‘‘MESSIAH CRAZE.” 


§ 400. Since the present article was begun there has arisen the 
so-called ‘“‘Messiah craze” among the Dakota and other tribes of 
Indians. The author does not feel competent to describe this new form 
of Indian religion, but he suspects that some features of it are either 
willful or accidental perversions of the teachings of the missionaries. 


§ 401. In presenting this study of Siouan cults to the scientific world 
the author has a painful sense of its incompleteness, but he hopes that 
the facts here fragmentarily collated may prove helpful to future 
investigators. The inferences, provisional assumptions, and suggestive 
queries in this chapter are not published as finalresults. Even should 
any of them prove to be erroneous the author’s labor will not be in 
vain, for through the correction of his mistakes additional information 
will be coliected, tending to the attainment of the truth, which should 
be the aim of all mankind. 


IMINO Bx: 


Page. 
ABSAROKA, Reference to beliefs of... ...-- 505 
Arr, Beliefs respecting. .-.:.........----- 522 
ALABAMA, Explorations in............--- XXiXx 


ALEXANDER, JAMES, Acknowledgments to 369, 423 


— cited on symbolic colors.--.--......... 533 
ALGONQUIAN languages, Bibliography of. xxxiv 
ALPHABET, SlOUSD hae. = oy ay wen ene = ines 363 
ALTAR used among the Sia. ...-..-....-.. 104 
AMULETS, Mskimo-:--=.--.-.2-5--5/----=<- 201 | 
— of northern Indians .......-......---.- 275 
— sal of a2e2 coe wcse ee sae en ee eee see 515 
AMUSEMENTS, Eskimo........-.-------.-- 254 
— of northern Indians. -- 320 
ANCESTOR worship, Absence of - 371 
— —, Terms indicative of -. 368 
ANIMAL life of the Ungava district -- 174 


DY CNS easter eee 


— societies, Organization of. 69 
ANIMALS taboo among Iowa Indians -..-. 426 
— — — the Omaha.....-----.....-..--..- 412 
ANIMISM among northern Indians -.....- 273 
— — Sionan peoples......-....-:.---..-.- 431, 514 
— USC OB SION Otis ene aecr me Eee saree xlv, 520 
A"pa"SKA, Mystery decoration of---..---- 398 
ANTELOPE, Myths concerning. .-..--...-- 52, 64 
ANTHROPOMORPHISM, Primitive - 520 
Ant, Myths concerning ....--.. 104 
— societies, Organization of 69 
ANUNGITE, Description of .........-...-.- 473 
APACHE, Symbolic colors of....-..---.--- 532 
APOTHEOSIS, Belief in-...--.....---.----- 425 
APPARITIONS, = — "= sj222 20s <2 eee en cenccs 497 
ARCHERY, Md sie. somemeyee: aes emia a 313 
ARICKARA belief, Reference to .-....---.- 403 
— COTOMOnial -twemeees tees tee oot 437 
Arizona, Explorations in....--.-..-..--- XXVii 
ARMSTRONG, W. H., cited on Hawaiian 

(PRON OMCS heer eee eee none 364 
ARROW games among the Sia - 60 
aa JU abe Ss" esate steno one coesoe 246 
— EN CN OM O byaes eee eeie tee iain te eae 312 
—, Use of, in ceremonial. - 122 
Arts, Ceramic, among the Sia...-......-- 11 
SUS ein) aSnoacase yo odonoc one bsaseosecu 259 
Set CTLON Otte es eile ae it eee 297 
—, Structural, among the Sia..-..--....-. 23 
ASHES, Use of, in ceremonial Ae Jeet ss ASS 134 
ASHLEY, E., cited on Indian beliefs ------ 444 
ASSINIBOIN, Beliefs among -..----- 431, 436, 485, 492 
=—sehiChisme—— Heat eas ee Sena eres 498 
ATHAPASCAN myths, Reference to. -. 391, 484 
ATHLETICS, Indians <=. Sececisces secs = 321 


11 ErH——35 


31,146, 425 | 


Page. 

ATONEMENT, Absence of belief in..-...... 521 
AvRoRAS, Eskimo myths concerning. ... 266 
— of the Ungava district ...........:2..- 173 
AUTHORITIES on Siouan cults .......--.-- 361 
AWS: NGNENOt 2-5. -9ace estas ae see cies 318 
PAX COremONIAlis= woe sen aea ee ae ee 454 
AZTEC, Symbolic colors among. 532 
BADGER, Myths concerning -.-....-...--- 37, 152 
BALL used in primitive football aoe 257 
BANDELIER, A. F., quoted on Sia history 11 
BARTER by the Si 12 
BASKETS, Birch-bark among the Nenenot. 301 
BATHS; Use of = —— 2222 2222222 3e2- fhe: 300 
BEAR, Myths concerning............... 39,47, 477 
— of the Ungava district -............--. 174 
BEAR BUTTE, Myths concerning...-...-.- 449 
BEAVER, Chase of the.-.-.-...-........-. 316 
—, Myths concerning. .-.--J---.--.--..--. 339, 439 
13125 hy Se oe aU SUSU EE AA Eee 54 
BEtEFs, Character of primitive--.--..--. xliv, 67 
— concerning the buffalo 475 
—— OS KUM Ob meee em Sete is “ 196 
——y MOCHA) canon icelns eee a= - 143, 192 
— not found among Siouan peoples - 371 
OR a Soa Sees eee sae ee ae ne F 365, 431 
Bent Horn, Exhibition of shamanism by 417 
| (BERDAGHES) treme satis ocisem fetter nen 467, 516 
—, Beliefs concerning -..--..-.---.-...-.. 378 
Bic ELK, JOHN, acknowledgement to. -..- 362 
— quoted on fetiches ........-...--...... 41d 
Bie GRIZZLEY BEAR cited on jugglery --. 417 
Bie TURTLE, Myth of.--...............-. 369 
BIRCH-BARK canoes, Nenenot ...-...--... 304 
—, Use of, for baskets ......-.--..-..-..- 301 
BIRD societies, Organization of 70 
Birps carved in ivory by the Eskimo 260 
—, Myths concerning... .- 153 
— of the Ungava district . - 175 
BLACKBIRD, Customs concerning .-----.. 410 
Boas, FRANZ, Work by, on the Eskimo.. XXIV 
BOAWS BM SKIMO see oe ees ee eee 235 
(BOGIES andian jos 5- edocs sce nee fae 473 
Bos, Myths concerning. -......-.-.----. 481 
1310) US ie A et = ey a cl es ae errs ee Seg 496 
BOOms SESkimor-cessens sees ae a 179, 205, 217 
BourRKE, JOHN G., Acknowledgement to- 455 
— cited on phallic worship ---.......--.. 457 
— — — sun dance -- 450, 459 
— — — symbolic colors 532 
— quoted on sun dance -..-....--.------ 464 


546 INDEX. 


Page. | 
Bow cases, Eskimo -......--.-..--...---- 247 
—, Eskimo-.- a 246 
—, Nenenot.....=-----+-- = 312 
Bow .inG among the Eskimo. --..--.---.- 257 
Brant, Myths concerning. --------------- 327 
Brinton DANIEL G., cited on Heyoka 
PO08 eee eee ae eee es 469 
BRUYIER, JOHN, cited on ghost belief. ---- 489 
— — — Siouan myths --.--..--.-.-.----: 480 
— J RelerencenonmOlk: Oleen= eases eee 362 
Burra.o, Beliefs concerning ---...-- 37, 393, 403, 
473, 505, 510, 518 
— dance, Description of .....-..----.---- 513 
— skull, Use of, in ceremonial - - 545 
— taboo among the Omaha. 411 
BUILDING among the Sia ..-------- S05 23 
BuRIAL among northern Indians - 271 
— — the Sia.--....-.--...-....... 144 
—, Customs connected with ........----- 486 
BusHOTTER, GEORGE, cited on ghost 
Wf Foes ee sete po cetecce ce sentosscess9 487 
—— — Indian beliefs--.--.---..--.-.--- 496 
—— — — customs...-. Svante]: Sn Ssce 493 
— quoted on buffalo myths. .--.-.-------- 476 
—— — Heyoka women ...-..-----..-..- 471 
Sa SSRI NCS seen pec 441, 447, 467 
— — — Mandan song ....-.-.2-.--....-- 464 
— — — ‘SUN CANC -- -s=— one e = een eee 453 
— — — — worship...... 450 
— — — worship of Inyan .- So 448 
— Reference tomvmork: Olisa--- ae cceenaee 363 
Byrp, WILLIAM, Acknowledgement to .. 501 
— quoted on Indian beliefs -...... ...---- 519 
CALENDAR Eiskimol=-s22- 25+ ae eeeeece eee 202 
CALIFORNIA, Explorations in-.-.--..------ Xxix 
CANDIDS seins oes See eeite wer emacs xli 
—, Researches in..----.--.--2.-2.-<. c= XXX 
CANNIBALISM among the Eskimo....-..-- 187 
GANOES; -Nenenoty- -- 22. a -p ee aoe 304 
CANOTIDAN, Description of .-.--..-...--- 473 
Carp games among the Eskimo----...--- 255 
CARDINAL POINTS, Association of, gwith 
COLTS ene eeee 397 
— —, Beliefs concerning - - 377, 524 
— —, Societies of the----- ne 70 
— —, Supplication to - 124 
CarvinG, Eskimo .-...-....-.. -..-...-.. 260 
CASA\GRANDE) DRuintofes.-=-s---se-aeeeeee XXvii 
CATLIN, GEORGE, cited on Indian beliefs- 506 
— quoted on Indian customs .----..-...-- 513 
—, Reference to work of .-........-...--- 501, 502 
CEREMONIAL connected with infancy... -- 482 
i DU DOL Ogre ete ee 208 
— in the scalp dance - ---.-..-...-.--..-2- 526 
—ofoult societies -------- =<. 2-2. oe 75 
— — Dahpike ...- Sach borcossccs 503 
———' PNOST LOU LO ovine ofan nn aein aeeee ne 487 
SS OUE Ne Sile.c0 SSeS te menoeanecncc ar, 373, 436, 440 
CEREMONY connected with relation of 
sya eos se echoodcnemsrontac toads 369 
CuHass, Methods of the.-.--...-------.---- 277, 316 
—, Usages connected with the ----...---- 274 
CHECKERS among northern Indians. .-...- 323 


Page. 
CHEROKEES, Reference to customs of ---. 369 
—, Study of works of .---. ao) EXEL 
—, Symbolic colors of .---.-..---...-..--. 532 
CHILDBIRTH among northern Indians . --. 271 
—, Beliefs concerning.----.......----.-.- 511, 516 
—, Ceremonials connected with..-.-...-. 132 
CHILDHOOD, Customs relating to ---...-- 190, 482 
CuiLpren, Condition of, among northern 

Dh egeemeeacee Sess Sonne one secoco 269 
—, Eskimo myths concerning. -.--..----- 265 
SN NN EN 0 ee 190 
CLANS, Sia .-.--------- mcnooscso- soe 19 
CLARK, MAy §., Acknowledgment to -... 78 
CLARKE, F. W., Analysis of pigment by 142 
CLIMATE of the Ungava district. -....---- 172 
CLOTHING of northern Indians -. 208, 281 
(CoupMy ths) oo ese aaa os 37 
Co1ns, Use of, among the Eskimo ..-.---. 212 
Coutuins, Mary C., quoted on symbolism. 531 
Cotors, Association of, with cardinal 

(DOLIGS eee eee eee eee ae ee eee 397 
— in personal names....--...-..----.---- 533 
— — Siouan symbolism..-.-----.....----- 523, 527 
—, Significance of, in games...----. orton 60 
Comps; Nenenot)2 22-25 -see eee 319 
CONCEPTION, Beliefs concerning immacu- 

[Sea Ase scorer oe Sos enone sce 59 
CoNJURING among northern Indians ---.- 193, 274 
CONSTELLATIONS, Beliefs concerning. --.. 517 
CooKING among northern Indians .-..... 233, 280 
Corn, Customs concerning.-.---.-------- 410 
—, Myths — --..-.... 40, 76, 403 
CosmoGony, Dakota. 438 
= SAGs eee eae 26, 143 
CostuME, Eskimo-. ie 208 
— in'ceremonial! 22: -222522--sen-sssee 106, 122, 133 
—, Nenenot 289 
= Seer eauerc contac] s2sSsecment coerce 22 
Couaear, Myths concerning.---.-.------- 39, 154 
—NOCIOLY Of UNG sc = nem tere eae eae 118 
CourrTsHIP among the Eskimo ---------.- 188 
Coyorr, Myths concerning ..-..-..------ 147 
CRAMPED HAND cited on beliefs -------.- 366 
—, Exhibition of shamanism by..----.---. 417 
CREATION myths -.-...----- 32, 338, 438, 506, 513, 519 
CREE Indians, Northern relatives of .--.. 267 


Crow Indians, Beliefs of- - -- 436, 505, 518 
Curt, Definition of..-...--.- : 361 
— societies among the Sia ----..-.- 69 
Cutts, A study of Siouan.....-.- a 361 
—, Discussion — —..--.---.---.-.------. xliii 
Cup-AND-BALL among Northern Indians . 255, 323 
CuRLING among the Eskimo .-....----... 257 
CURTIN, JEREMIAH, Work of......-.- XXix, XXxili 
CUSHING, FRANK HAMILTON, cited on Zuni 
(CUSLOMS ee ee tetete ee eee Sane 369 
—, Reference to work of --..---.------.. xxvii 
Customs, Indian domestic ------ 119, 178, 183, 185, 
205, 275, 299 
9 MOTUS, ee ce anise =binessesese 148, 191 


(@EGIHA Indians, Researches concerning. xxxii 


Dascuick, Myths concerning ------ ------ 496 
DAHPIKE, Description of the -...-.-.-.--- 503 


Ss 


INDEX. 547 
Page. Page. 
DAIMONISM, Siouan. .......----.---------- 433,515 | EMEtTics taken before ceremonials, Pur- 
Daxkora, Beliefs of the 432 POSS) Ohaeae ee reas eee eee cee 87 
— cults, Description of 431 | EponyM, Beliefs respecting the - 542 
Daxora, Explorationsin .....-..---.----- xliii | Errors, Common, concerning the naka xhi 
Dakoran languages, Work on = xxxi | Eskimo, Customs of ........-.--.....----- 168 
DANCE, Ceremonial.......---------- KKVIISTBisGoe|| —— MN VERS ene nee ee ae enone ec aee 193, 195 
440, 450, 463, 503, 513,526 | — of the Ungava district ................ 175 
DANCING lodge, Siouan = £58 —nOpOriOMecn sset ose naae coco ante ace oe xli 
PER OCICULOS SaaS ee eee eee eae 428 | —, Whale fishing by - 174 
Davis, W. W.H., es on history of the ETHNOLOGY of the wae aL distri ictiess—— 167 
SWhocsescess 45 10 | Exposition, New Orleans, Exhibition at . xxxvii 
Dawy, Beliefs concerning. BBB i —— PATI eine wet ee ciciemeelae ace dte cee XXXVii 
VW Seabee aper semen 467 
DeaD, Disposal of the-- 518 
DEATH, Beliefs concerning. ..---. 374, 421,512,518 | Farrn cure, Primitive ..............----- 68 
—, Customs relating to ....-.----.-------- 485 | Pas?ine among Siouan tribes - 390, 436, 502 
DECORATION among Siouan peoples. - -..- 397 | Feast of the Heyoka ...........-...----- 469 
DEeER hunting, Eskimo.........-..------- 249 | Westivaus, Nenenot ....-....--.--------- 322 
—, Myths concerning. ...-.---- 37, 64, 153, 201, 328 | Pericues, Use of,in ceremonials .. 40,95, 120, 135 
412 | Fetichism among northern Indians -..-.- 201, 272 
SSO ee Sionan. ce eee ee 412, 426, 443, 498, 510, 515 
DEERSKIN, Useof ---- - 284.299 | Fewkes, J. WALTER, cited on symbolic 
DEFINITIONS of terms.-..----------------- 36 365 COLORS re cnte se aca a een eee aoe 532 
DEITIES, Siouan .--.-..-.----..--- 372, 445, 506,521 | Fire, Ceremonial connected with 
DELUGE, Myth concerning the .---------- 57 | — chief, Decoration of. ....--...........- 
Demt-Gops, Absence of behef in..-------- 871 | —, Myths concerning.... ..2:......-. 
Dice, Primitive game of...-...----------- 61,178 | — powers in Siouan concepts 
DIFFERENTIATION of labor among Indians 271,542 | —, Worship of 
Diseases of the Eskimo...-...-..-------- 187 | Fire society, Organization of - 
District OF CoLumBIA, Fieldwork in.--. _ xxvi | Fireplace, Consecration of . .-. 
DIVINTNES SOU AN = fo. eee eee eae a 506,513 | Fisu, Use of, for food - 
DIVORCE: Skim) —o- == aeons = 189 | FisH-HooKs, Nenenot 
DoctTRESS, Sia. - - .- = 133 | FIsHING among the Eskimo..-...-. 204 
Dog whip, Eskimo-..........--.---------- 244 | FLETCHER, ALICE C., cited on beliefs.414, 500, 536 
—, Habits of the— —— — ceremonials.~...2.-2<3.-6.-0c-s2 385, 391 
—y US6 Of. 22 oo. e-news 2 — — — ghost lodge ...........-.-.-...... 487 
POLIS) WSK enon ase = me = — — — sun dance....-....-....-..... 457, 462, 466 
Dominoes, Primitive game of ---....-..-- 2076 ||) athe Wiman Cvecen aes = eee eee eh 451 
DoNALDSON, THOMAS, Reference to work — quoted on berdaches .......-.........- 379 
OP Lae Bass San teoos tas scinigsessozescs 501 | — — — ceremonials.-.-.-.-....... =} 446 
Dorsey, J. OWEN, A study of Siouan cults. BOL) — ——-— Indian Delietse-- as.) ose nna= 434, 476, 437 
—, Review of report by -.------.--.------ xliii_ | — — — kinship terms. - 368 
=, Witt Oi care sass oe cope snedesoce XXiV, xxxi | — — — rites of prberty..---..-.---...... 483 
DouBLE woman, Mythic ....-.-.--------- 480 | — — — sun dance... 450%%53 
DREAMS, Beliefs concerning... 200, 395, 500,510,516 | — — — symbolism 427, 529 
—, Influence of, among northern Indians. PARA N= Sn MOG SF So eo AgsoSon cee ecasas 439 
Driep BuFFALO SKULL, Mystery decora- | —, Reference to work of..........:..-... 
OWA? - 78s Aioe oscodnarbrigase esas seco 396 | Fioats, Fishing, Eskimo. --.............. 
REM PN ONGn Obie ena rane 322; co. ||) IORUTE SIOMAN = -—s--c-2-~s cee scarce ane 
DUELING among northern Indians ------- 27h Onk-LOREWUndiam!: hes) -s-e ee -ee 260, 327, 
DuLHuT, DANIEL GREYSELON, cited on eR OOD = ese eas cee Seas 140, 2 
Wndiansbelietss emates= eee 438 | —, Lore concerning .....-...-..-..--.-... 
Dwarrs, Siouan mythic 5 481 | — used in ceremonial . 
DWELLINGS, Indian....--...........----- .298 | FoorBaLL among the Eskimo....-........ 
Fort Cumo, Ethnology of ..---.-..-.-.--- 
Fort GEORGE, High tides at....-...-.--- 
EAGLE, Myths concerning - 47,104,510  Fosrrer, THOMAS, cited on Indian beliefs- 
EaRrtTH, Beliefs — .-.-.--.-.--.--- 386, 424,438,522 Fox, Eskimo myths concerning.-.--...-.. 
— formations, Symbolic ...--....-..-.---- 427 | FREMONT, SAMUEL, Acknowledgement to 
— powers, Description of .......-....-.-- 534 | — cited on fetiches.............-..-.---.. 
EELLS, Myron, Reference to work of _---. 520 | — — — Indian beliefs .--..-.......-.. 374, 375. 
EFFiGicés, Use of, among the Eskimo -.-.- 260 | Froc, Myths concerning..........---..-. 
ELEMENTS, Cults of the .......--=..<------ 522) |! ORNITUREEskimo...2--.2s+<c=.--.--0-s 
ELK taboo among the Omaha -....-..--.--- 412 | Furs, Eskimo classification of .-....---- 
HlvesSionansc:2sceesk sees ogcc- Seca acts 481 | — taken by northern Indians. -..----..-- 177, 181 


548 INDEX. 

Page. Page. 
GLDFLY infesting the reindeer .......---. 295 | HoFrMAN, W.J., cited on symbolic colors 532 
GAHIGE, Acknowledgement to . ...-.----- 362) =" WOLk Ofss. = on. Seer ee XXVi, XXxili 
— cited on primitive beliefs -........ 377,420,446 | HonnoaiGa, Description of -- 473 
GAMBLING among the Eskimo....-------- 178 | Hovmegs, W. H., Researches by. xxiv, xxvi, xxxiv 


GAMES, Primitive. --. 60, 178, 255, 323 


GATSCHET, ALBERT §., cited on symbolic 

Colors een. ceremees 532 
—, Researches by XXXii 
GEORGE RIVER, Description of.--.-..------ 169 
GerorGIA, Explorations in. ......--.------ XXV 
Genesis among northern Indians -.-.---. 261, 336 
Gentes, Description of. --.----.--.---- 534, 536, 542 
GeEsturE, Use of, among northern In- 

GIGI) Pa asoessmcsere mee: Syston sages 183 
Guost belief, Siouan...-. 421, 474, 484, 496, 512, 518 | 
— dance among the Omaha .-.-...-...---- 393, 544 
— lodge, Description of-----..-..--.----- 487 
= atories:, Leones. <= -se- soe 489 
GIANT society, Ceremonial of 91 
POUL S| Olea e=e == 126 
Giants, Beliefs concerning ...--..----.-- 508 | 
GILL, DE Lancey W., Work of....-.-.--- xxxviil 
SRUMTONY, 00 Of. seseee ee eee ae eae 471 
Goats, Myths concerning....-.---------- 497 
SOD, Siouan idewof..-- 22). --- eee xiv, 521 
GOGGLES; Siskim0ss-<.--=- === os =a 222 
Gopruer, Myths concerning...----------- 496 
GRAVE, Eskimo,.<- << 2s sectd-ree ee ooorace 192 
GREAT Spirit, Absence of belief in. -xlvi 365, 423, 

431, 501, 521 
—— among the Eskimo -.--.-. 194 
Grese, Myths concerning 496 
GREEN COkN dance, Siouan 429 | 
Grubs in reindeer skins ..---.----------- 295, 
GuILbEmors, Mythic origin of.-..-------- 262 
GULLS, — See ecw neee---- a8 263 
HAMILTON, WILLIAM, cited on Indian be- 

IW) et ae stat eeierSsong 419, 423, 524 
HIANMDEPY, Practice of .-.---2---..-.-25- 437 | 
Harp WALKER, Mystery decoration of--- 399 
Hare, Myths concerning the --...--. 147, 263, 340 
HShwess, Dogec<c2-0-sescree. seca ee see 243, 
Harpoon used among northern Indians. 183, 240 
Hawks, Mythic origin of 263 
HEAppDRESS, Nenenot....---.-.----------- 286 
HEMATITE, Use of, among northern In- 

(HEM h - sestinsestes|jone soto osc tent 298 
HENNEPIN, Lovts, cited on Indian beliefs 438 
HENSHAW, H. W., Researches by-------- Xxxi 
HERDING among the Sia..-....-..--.----- 25 
HERMAPHRODITISM, Beliefs concerning. - 379 
HERO worship, Traces of .....--.....--.- 371 
Hewirt, J. N. B., cited on Iroquoiar be- 

MNS enka Ghsos sastacsseo a sasde esos 366 
STAG AS) (eae St BOUEE Ie pao ECS OIBUAC Sa 22.026 O.ay 
HeyoKA, Beliefs concerning ..-....-.-.--. 443, 468 
~— man, Story of the .----.-....----..-..- 469 
Hiparsa, Ceremonial among .-.---------- 437 
—, Oults\of thes ------- 2 501 
=- myths, Reference to..---.....-...----- 891, 511 
Hitters, J. K., Photographie work by.. xxxviii 
HINMAN,S D., cited on stone gods 446 
History of the Sia .......-...--..-.--... 10 


Ho-NA'-AL-TE ceremonial over hunters... 120 
HorskE, Beliefs concerning -.........----. 479,510 
—, Use of, by the Sia -------.....-2..-22.- 25 
— —— inceremonial -....--........ 462, 487, 504 
HospPIvTauiry of the Sia ....-..----....2.. 12.113 
HOUSEHOLD articles, Northern.....-..... 228, 300 
Hovsgs, Myths concerning .--...--...... 58 
— of the Ungava district...............- 167 
Hovey, H. C., quoted on worship of In- 

Val on. sss costae eee eee toca 448 
—, Reference to work of.........--...---- 363 
Hupson Bay Company, Work of, in the 

Ungayadistriate----<.2--ss-> ee esse 167 


Hupson Bay Terrirory, Indians of xli, 167,267 


HUMAN phenomena, Definition of... ...-- 365 
HunrTING among northern Indians ...... 203, 240, 

249, 276, 279, 316 
—, Ceremonial connected with ...... -.. 120 
= TO POM Ones = <e= 5 soe rena ae see 238, 246 
Hupega, Mystery decoration of......... 396 
IgA‘EGE, Description of ..............---- 392 
Tom pick, erimitive jos ese. eee eee eee 319 
= ACO e fe see ons fam eee eae eee 318 
IcTASANDA custom, Description of -....-- 383 
IHANKTONWANNA. Beliefs among. .-..---- 436 
Ixro; Deseription of = 22- === <2 cee 471 
IMMORTALITY, Primitive belief in ....-.-. 419, 430, 


484. 512.518, 521 
IMPLEMENTS of northern Indians ...---. 


INDAGINGA, Description of........-...-..- 386 
InprAna, Explorations in- XxVv 
INDUSTRIES) Of Sia)jo= oo ee osteo 22 


InFANCY, Ceremonials connected with ... 140,482 


INKE-SABE decoration, Description of .. .- 408 
Innuir, Legendary origin of..-.----....-- 261 
— of the Ungava district ........-- acoso 175 
INSTITUTIONS, Siouan.-....-.-...-.....--- 411 
{nrEsTINES, Use of, for clothing ---...---- 220 
INTOXICANTS, Absence of, among the Ne- 

HOMO)! eae seo sseebese wo asare eee te 304 
INVOCATION of the trap) ---.---=--.-+---.- 387 
INVULNERABILITY, Indian belief in -.--.--- 495 
INVAN; Beliefimithes=--=-----------=5-65> 447 
TowA, Beliefs among. .----...---- eee 439 
—, Explorations in...---....------....-.. XXV 
Troquois, Beliefs of the xxx, 366 

| IRRIGATION by the Sia ....---.--- 2 11 
| ISLANDS, Mythie origin of ....... 264 
Ivory carving among the Eskimo 260 
yA SD SSerip bOnOn ee enime ene emanate 471 
JAMES, Epwin, Acknowledgment to ..... 501 
— cited on Indian beliefs .-.......-.....- 372 
— quoted on Indian beliefs --..-.-.- - 509, 516 
Jay, Beliefs concerning the. --.-----.--. 273 
JEMEZ Indians, Researches concerning -- XXX 
JUGGLERY among Siouan tribes ....-. 416, 499, 512 
! 


INDEX, 549 
Page. Page. 
KAnSA beliefs in future life. 421 | LirrLE WHALE RIVER Indians, Descrip- 
— cults, Deseription of. ...- 371,415 | UNG) tsa Se oaigcisoe soose Seer asses 182 
—, Researches concerning -.-...---.----- xxxii Lioyp, H. Evans, Reference to work of- - 501 
KincssporovcGH, Lorp, cited on symbolic LopGE, Ceremonies and beliefs respect- 

colors ..--.-- 532 1) Dae eee ese ee 274, 458, 487 
Kunsuir terms, Significance of. ..---- 368 | Lona@gyiry among northern Indians... -. 190, 270 
KLAMATH Indians, Publications concern- | Lone, STEPHEN H.., cited on beliefs -----. 448 

THY Rhye 35 -pecmec aS oo aoe beopopconced xxxii | — quoted on Omaha customs ...---..----- 375 
KNIFE ceremonial .-.---.--------.---.---- 545 | — — — rites of puberty nese nese as eeseaa 483 
KNIFE sociery, Ceremonial of --------.--- 101 | —, Reference to work of ......----------- 363, 563 

= OLZANiZAtION Of..--- === -9-42---- => 69 | Loon, Eskimo myths concerning -.-..--. 262 
SON ESO liens tenn ae eee see ae se 128 Lynp, J. W., cited on Indian beliefs - .375, 486, 527 
Knives of northern Indians..--.-.-.. 206, 252,317 | — qnoted on ghost belief .-..------------ 484, 489 
KoKsoaGMyvt, Description of -..-..----- 184 — -—W— Heyoka gods... zs 469 
KOKSOAK RIVER, Description of . 700) tg eeeenaa= aa 2. dus ea paeee cane 472 
—, Ethnology of ...----.----- 167 — — — Indian beliefs. - 431, 445, 473, 493 
KwapPa beliefs, Reference to- 6 BOS: 7 = ceremonislsoas ceo. cess esaeee 437 
—, Researches concerning - - - Xxxii — —W— gun dance... = 450 

—, Reference to work of .- < 363 
Lynx, Myths concerning ---...----------- 148 
sO GEOL LOL tOOd iy tans renee maaan leita 279 
LABOR, Division of ....- 271, 542 | 
LABRADOR, Ethnology of - 167 
—, Myths from .--..-..- 264 | Maaic, Primitive ----.---., ------.---.--. 197, 509 
WADLES; Nenenot =~ -:-----2----------2=<5 302 MALLERY, GARRICK, cited on primitive 
La Fiecue, Francis, Acknowledgment (PN ek te teeceeetocae selene xlvi 

Poise eens Sob eacm base See aDeon, etece 362 |. — —— symboliec’colors----.--.--..-.-..- 532 
Esciredron Delieise-jensaeme aman 373 | —, Researches by-.-----...--=--- Xxxi 
Se = ni Pe - peso eson acs soaaposc 378 | MAMMALS of the Ungava district. -- 174 
— — — fetichism ..-..-- 413 | MANDAN, Ceremonial among.-..--- 437 
— quoted on Indian beliefs 420,524 | —, Cults of the ...--.-.... 501 
— — — shamanism ......-.-.---..---..-- 393 | — dance, Description of... - 463 
La FrLicue, JosepH, Acknowledgment ManirosA, Explorations in -...--.------- XXV 

LA: 3 oo Ssedscghecare sopeig sacossegee 362 | MARRIAGE among northern Indians.. 188, 199, 270 
— cited on Indian beliefs - BRYA BT GES GE ||) = SSNS 22 oar se aioe aan eer Sose 19 
— —— shamanism ..-.-. 392 | Marrow, Extraction of....-...--.-.-..-- 278 
— — — Siouan customs-..-..-------...... 390 | MaRTEN, Myths concerning -.--.--..---- 338 
LA FLECHE, SUESETTE, cited on fetiches. AIG MASKS! Sian. sae. card aercineaticeiee see ass lly 
SANE LIS Ki) Oe nen gale miela aaa eta 229 | Maro v1Pt, Beliefs concerning..-.-.- -- 448 
LANG, ANDREW, quoted on primitive be- | MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, Acknowledg- 

li) CB sero caoratince ape Ae eods Aen 368 ROT GLO eae eet te ene cer 501 
LANGUAGE, Modification of the Eskimo. . 176 ae cited on Indian beliefs -------.-------- 391, 403 
LARCH RIVER, Description of...-.-..-..- 171 | — — — — ceremonials 505 
Law, Common, among the Eskimo....---. 186 | — — — Navajo beliefs 369 
LEAF RIVER, Description of .-........... 171 | — — —- symbolic colors 532 
LEGENDS of northern Indians ..........-. 260,327 | —quoted on Indian beliefs ....-. 501, 509, 514, 518 
EN OURS a at eerie cla fa ee ee sie 430) |) — sioman tetichea == 2-2. senses 515 
neces) NONENOGE Ares. seca ence ese 283,291 | MAXIMILIAN( ALEXANDER PHILIPP), PRINCE 
LEwis, MERRIWETHER, omen on Indian zu WIED, cited on Indian beliefs.. 440, 443,515 

GUBEOMIS ae mene meters ele nine = 505 | — quoted on — —...--- -- 506, 509 
— ~— Shoshoni ceremonials ...-....-..- 37) | — — — -- ceremonials --- 504 
— quoted on Indian beliefs -...-......--- 481,508 | —, Reference to work of 501 
— — — mythic dwarfs.....-- 23 481 | McLEAN, JOHN, cited on Hudson Bay ter- 

—, Reference to work of .-...-----.- 6 502 TRI) 7 BSAOOGe Osseo peccicneaas babocsae 168 
Lue T, DANIEL GREYSELON, SIEUR DU, ae MepIcInE lodge of northern Indians---.. 274 

ed on Indian beliefs -....--....-..--- 438 | —, Primitive... xxviii, 269, 274, 325, 417, 427, 454, 495 
Lice, Eskimo myths concerning. - 263 | — rock of the Mandan..-......--..------. 508 
License, Poetic, among the Sia.-..-.----- 123 | —, Thaumaturgic-..-.-..-- 75, 97, 104, 125, 134, 194 
Lirf, Primitive belief in future... .----- 419,430, | MEMENTOES among northern Indians. --. 274 

484, 512, 518.521 | MmssIAH craze, Reference to the .--..---- 544 
Lieut, Mythic origin of --........-...--. 29 | MrerAMORPHOSES, Indian belief in ------- 493 
LIGHTNING myths. -...- 37, 52, 123, 127, 366, 420,517 | METEMPSYCHOSIS, — — —....------------ 484 
—, Symbolism connected with........---- 527 | MicHiGAn, Explorations in.---....-..---- XXvi 
Linea, Beliefin the -.........-.-------- 447 | MippLeton, J. D., Explorations by---.-- XXvi 
LITTLE SOLDIER, Mystery decoration of. 395 | —, Resignation of ...-..-.-..-....--..---- XXvi 


550 INDEX. 
Page. Page. 
MIGRATION, Eskimo...............---..-. 203 -- NEw Mexico, Explorations in.........-.. Xxxix 
— myths of the Sia .....-................ 21h Sia in dinny fee een ee 9 
MILLER, GEORGE, Acknowledgment to... 362 New York, Field work in................ XXX 
— cited on beliefs... ~ <2. --- nese sensea se 372,377 | Nicut, Beliefs concerning ..............- - 467 
— —-— fetichism ......-.....<5.2-2252-- 413 | Nikin decorations, Description of ......- 407 
—, Information derived from .-.......... xxxii | — names among the Iowa and Otoe...--. 439 
—, Mystery decoration used by .......... 394 | NOMENCLATURE, Peculiarities of Indian.. xxix 
—- quoted on Ictasanda custom........... 383 | NortH Carouiya, Explorations in -. xxvi, xxvii 
—— — Omaha invocations .............. S87 4) NORTH DAKOTA, — — 7 -. <a. ceeecaseee XXV 
— — — Sionan decorations.. - 398,401 | Nupa*axa, Acknowledgment to . aa 362 
— — —star beliefs.- 379 | NumBeERs, Mystic......-..5----------.--- 513 
MINDELEFF, Cosmos, Work by Xxxvi | NUMERALS, Use of, among the Eskimo... 256 
MINDELEFF, VICTOR, — — ..-. - XXVii, xxxvi 
MINIWATU, Beliefs concerning -........-- 440 | 
MuwyeEsora, Field work in. ._.. - xxvi | On10, Explorations in....-......:..-..-.. xxvi 
MINNETAREE, Beliefs among. - - aan 436 | O1L, Consumption of, among the Eskimo. 233 
Mirrens of northern Indians. .....-. 219, 284,285 | Osmpwa, Ceremonials of.....-.......-.--- XXVii 
MOCOASINS; Nenenot ie. ... 2s ene cones 284 | —, Symbolic colors of.... 532 
MODELING, Report on ...............---.- xxxvi | OxrpA, Description of the. .-.--. 502 
MOLE, Myths concerning..........-...... 52 | OMAHA beliefs as to future life . 419 
MONSTER Myths's..0-2-100e ee ee 42 | — cults, Description of ......... 371 
MonTaGnals of the Ungava district ..... 181 | — customs, —— .....- feciesashs0 374 
Moon, Beliefs concerning. 35, 265, 378, 449, 467,513 | —, Researches concerning......... Xxxi 
Mooney, JAMES, cited on Indian customs. 369,542 | — terms, Definition of............. z 367 
— —- — symbolic colors......:-.......--. 532 | — tribal fetiches-....-.....<0.cccccescou- 414 
—, Researches by........----- XXvVi, XXVii, xxxiii | Omens, Indian belief in.................. 500 
MORTUARY CUSTOMS and beliefs.. 143,178, 191,271 | ONONDAGA Indians, Researches concern- 
MosquivoEs, Mythic origin of ........--- 264 B10 ie we mie ee ee ee XXX 
Movunp explorations ......-.. xxv. | ORACKES, Belief in 2-2-2 2--<. co etncsces 510, 516 
Mous:, Beliefs concerning. 273 | ORDEALS, Customs connected with -..... 414, 499 
Murbocu, Joun, editor of paper on Eth- OrEGoN, Explorations in.............---- xxxii 
nology of the Ungava district 167 | ORNAMENTATION of clothing, Nenenot. . -. 283 
—, Reference to work of...-....-.... : 238 | OSAGE cults, Description of.............. 371, 376 
Music among northern Indians. --.....-- 322. | — tribal fetiches.......-..-.-.-..---.-.-. 414 
MUsKHOGEAN languages, Bibliographyof. xxxiy | OTOE, Beliefs among..... = 439 
Muskrat, Myths concerning............- 338 | OrrEeR, Myths concerning - 355 330 
Mystery dance, Description of .........- 440 | OWLs, Beliefs concerning ...... ees 273, 500, 510 
— decoration; Use of -..--- 225 -eneenecced 394 
= Definition Ola a-pascaeen ene eee re 365 
=F Indian helietaineess seen 445,493,508 | PACI"-NA" PAJI, Acknowledgment to----. 362 
— tree, Description of the.........-...... 453 | PappLEs, Nenenot...--..-..-.....-.-.-.- 306 
Myrn, Special definition of.-.......-..-.. 368 | Painrsticks, —--.--...-..-..-.--2-2-.--- 297 
MyrTHovoey, Primitive...-............... xlv, 26, | —used among northern Indians...-..--.- 296 
116, 261, 327, 365, 431 | —, Use of, in worship .-.--..............- 438 
Myrus concerning the buffalo 476 | Patnrine, Post mortem .-.....--...-..--. 144 
25, Creationeec=- 9. aoe ee 430, 513,519 | —, Sand, among the Sia-....-.... 77, 102 
—of the Eskimo.. 195 | PALATHNIHAN language, Work on.-...--.- xxix 
— — — Mandans 506 | PARKMAN, FRANCIS, cited on Indian beliefs 443 
= we Sia t=. ot ee ee ee 9,146 | Paternity, Indefinite, among Indians -.- 271 
PEACE, Symbolism connected with. - * 523 
PECK, E. J., Influence of, on Indians...-.. 182 
NAmMEs, Children’s, among the Sia ......- 141 | Peet, STEPHEN D., quoted on Indian be- 
—, Colors in personal ...-....-...-.:..... 533 1G) (Ree ee ase secre esses 520 
—, Composite .. 539) | (BENATES, Sioman-" =. <--o2- oe eee gee 475 
—, Eskimo....-. 200 | PESTLES used among northern Indians -. 280, 302 
—, Mystical 439, 522,537,541 | PHALLIC WORSHIP, Sioman ............... 456 
—, Significance of personal .............- 868) | PHONETICS) so. nonsense eee ee 363 
—, Topographic, among the Eskimo....- 202 | PHoroGrapus of Indians, Record of.-... xxxviii 
NASKOPIE Indians, Description of. --. 183,267 | PicroGrapHy, Work on.....-.-.-.-. Xxxi 
NavaJo beliefs, Reference to ..-- 369 | PIGMENT, Indian, Analysis of 142 
—, Symbolic colors of .....-- 532 | PrLuine, James C., Bibliographic work 
NAVIGATION, Eskimo . : 236 DY- wa -- se -nnn ean een sees een ne XXiv, XXxiv 
NEBRASKA, Explorations in. xliii | Pree, Beliefs concerning - - 511 
NEEDLE: -Nenenot: o.csuses-s-ascenee ce oe 310 | —, Ceremonialrelating to. 373,377, 425, 435, 458, 487 
NENENOT Indians, Description of ........ 183,267 | — dance, Reference to.........-.-...-.--- 406 


INDEX. 551 
Page. Page. 
[Prpm N@nen Obaasee-s= scenes eee eee nie 302 | RiagGs, STEPHEN R., quoted on Indian 
PLANETS, Myths concerning. 514 OP ies eae eee ssrotioreseskeseetace 473 
SERTCAINTDS jpn) a wim ste : BE) I IN 5a so ease pops sessaeae 471 
PoLYGAMy among northern Indians --... 188,270 | — —— moon worship - 449 
POLYTHEISM among Siouan tribes - 502 | — — — Siouan dance... “i 443 
Ponp, G.H., cited on beliefs. .-.-.- 3(02|| = tS DON ALOR See eee cenafan 475 
— quoted — — 446 | —, Reference to work of....-.------------ 363 
He yOkaPods-smes-~ scea n= eo 468) | Rives, Mortuary, so-<--0----e-e=2----aoa-- 485 
— — — Indian beliefs ...-.-.--.-----.--- 432) 404 || -Pubonbyscer tee <= <= -e eels ese ate 483 
——— mystery dance ..-..-..--.--------- 440) || —, Sia theurgistic- --:--.--.---..-.----... 73 
— ——sun dance .-....... --.-------.---- 450) }) RUINS; Siaicseog.cces-shccseccscseaecaseees 10 
—, Reference to work of. --.---.-.-.------ 363 
PonKa belief as to future life ----.-...--- 419 
— cults; Description of .-<..------..-=--- 371 | Sacrep tent of the Omaha....-.......--- 413 
—, Researches concerning. --..--.-------- XXXx1 | SACRIFICE, Primitive...-...-...-.--.---.. 196, 373 
— terms....--..-------++++++22++-2es2e++ 367 380, 426, 435, 459, 502, 521 
POPULATION, Eskimo. -...---------------- 176 SAnp painting among the Sia oe 77 
PortaGe, Method of making, among | Sanssouct, Louis, cited on beliefs 378 
northern Indians .--.....-.----------- 306 | Sapona, Beliefs of the........--.--.------ 501,518 
Pottery, Sia . =m 12. Saran, Absence of belief concerning. ---- 371 
POVERTY, — toes 112. Say, THOMAS, quoted on berdaches. -...- 379 
PowELL, J. W., cited on Indian beliefs. -- DAD Indian peliets) -essses=--eecee- 372, 421, 431 
— —— linguistic classification -.-.-..--. 10 | —, Reference to workof-...-..:.....-..-. 363 
— — — Tusayan secret ceremonials -- --- 13 | ScarroLp burial among northern Indians - 272 
—, Classification of languages by. --.----- XXX | SoaLp dance, Ceremonial connected with. 526 
PowERs recognized in Siouan concepts. .- 534 | ScarapEus, Myths concerning. .....-..-. 37 
PRAYER among the Indians. --...---- 130, 373,435 | ScARIFICATION in ceremonial -. 
IBRIESTEOOD  Siaitemerites -eieci= mae aes 16 | Scrapers, Nenenot .......-.....-.-.----- 
Propuecy, Aboriginal~ --..--.------- 404,424,444 | Sparskrn, Use of, among northern Indians- 


PsyYCHOTHEISM, Absence of.. xlv, 365, 431, 501, 521 
PTARMIGAN, Hunting of ---- 204 
PusBerty, Ceremonial connected with 208, 443, 483 


SP UBLIGADIONS ae are mies eleln = eles leiaeinisl== = «imi Xxiv 
QuAnTERS; The/fout--27-2-.-....-...2.-. 524, 537 
QUERIES concerning Indian beliefs. -..--. 538 
QUER!-RAN-NA society, Organization and 
ceremonialiof -- eae aoe = = =~ 112, 113, 130 
Quivers, Eskimo -.......-.-..-.......--. 247 
QuORATEAN language, Work on.....-.--- xxix 


Rassit, Myths concerning ..- 
RAIN ceremonial among the Sia 


65, 334, 472 
76, 91, 101, 113 


— songs —— — ......-......-.--.--. 123, 126, 128 
RarnBow, Beliefs concerning -. 37,56, 401, 508, 517 
RATTLESNAKE, Myths— .......-..-.-.- 44, 156, 479 
RAVEN, Mythic origin of. ....-...-------- 262 
REINDEER hunting. .-.....-.--..-..-..--- 276, 313 
—, Myths concerning .-...........--..-.. 200 
Sp WTO Asdrcdianeteesor coodestice o265 276 
RELIGION, Primitive..--....----!.. xlv, 9, 193, 520 
— — APersistence Olen s-sa--s--5- aoo> aes 13,179 

, Special definition of - y 368 
RESURRECTION, Absence of belief in. 421 
REVERENCE for ancestors . ----- 2 371 
Reynovrps, H. L., Researches by XXV, XXXV 
Riaes, A. L., cited on rites of puberty --- 483 
—— —/SymMbolism ~ = 5s. --..-----+<---=2- 531 
Riaa@s, STEPHEN R., cited on Dakota terms 366 


— — — Indian beliefs... 375, 439, 444, 468, 480, 493 
——-— stone gods ....-.- ........------. 447 
—, Publication of dictionary by--.-....-. XXX1 
— quoted on Indian beliefs.........-. 


SEA PIGEONS, Mythic origin of.-..-..---.-- 
SEASONS, Recognition of, by Indians-..-. 
SENSE development among the Eskimo -- 
SERPENT, Beliefs concerning.........-.-. 
a Wiebe) 0) os Ssnocenomrdeeneess=cnse 
SEWING, Primitive. . 
SHapows, Myths concerning 


SHAMANISM, Siouan -. . - 392, 496, 513, 522 
— among northern Indians. ...---.---.-.. 194, 273 
Sin ase G yO meee soeneccocecenss eso 417, 520 
= PeTSIStO0CO Oheesa=s= ae am= cea aa ee 179 
SHAMANS, Position of, among Siouan 

(AMIE seen sce moose SSeS SS SSeS 371 
SHEA, J. GiuMARyY, quoted on Indian be- 

WOE soe dlsssseecSaasessss-gae2 Sots 431 
—, Reference to work of .-.-.....-....-.. 363 
SHELLS, Marine, used in Pueblo country. 114 
SHoxs, Eskimo-.-..-----.-.-.------------ 217 
SHOSHONI ceremonial, Reference to .----- 375 
SHrew, Myths concerning. .----.-....... 39 


SrA Indians, Researches concerning xxx, xxxix, 3 


SIGN LANGUAGE, Work on ........------- Xxxi 
Sty, Indian concepts concerning ---.----. 521 
SINEW, Extraction of ---..--:..-.-..----- 251 
—, Use of, for’ sewing ------.---.--.------ 221 
S10UAN alphabet - -- C s 363 
— cults, Study of ....-<-......... xxxii, xliii, 351 
=" DefnitioniOles. co. ss-een = -o- cee 361 
SIssITONWAN, Beliefs among.... ...-.--. 436 
SITTING BULL, Symbolic colors used by -- 531 
SkATonA, Mythic serpent.--..-...-...-.. 157 
SKIN clothing, Use of .......-...-.-...... 209 
—- dressing among northern Indians --.. 205, 275, 

278, 292 


552 INDEX. 
’ 
Page. Page 
SKIn tents, Eskimo... —.--:..-.-.---<---- 226 “SUBAQUATIC MONSTERS, Belief in .-..-....- 386 
SKINNING, Peculiar method of--.-......--. 207 | — POWERS, Worship of....--...-..--.-..- 424, 438 
SKUNK, Myth concerning .----.------.--. 150 | SUBTERRANEAN MONSTERS, Belief in -..-.- 386 
(a) pp a Gocmeea ee sme Osa cea ace 266 | — powers, Worship of....-...-..-------- 424, 438 
SLEDs among northern Indians -..------. 240,306 | SuicibE among the Eskimo -...-..---..-- 186 
SmeT, P.J.DE, cited on Indian beliefs. 439,447,477 | Sun, Beliefs concerning 29, 35,43, 71, 266,423,449, 513 
——--— (OWN se Gan cscc onsen saste = 499 | — dance, Siouan ......-...-.---.-..--.-.- 378, 450 
— quoted on fetichism..-..........-.--.-- 498 | — pole, Description of the -.-.......-.--- 453, 457 
— — — Indian beliefs --- 443,492 | — symbol among the Sia .-..--..-...----- 36 
— — — — ceremonials ---. 437 | — OTS HAD aa cteio cee ane sem ete ee eee 376, 520 
— — — sun worship ---.- 449 SUPERHUMAN phenomena, Definition of -. 365 
—, Reference to work of - -- a8 363 | SUPERSTITION among northern Indians -. 179, 272 
SMOKING among northern Indians -.. 234, 291,302 | SwaLLow, Myths concerning..---.-.----- 58, 263 
—, Beliefs concerning .-......-.---..--.. 511 | Swear houses, Nenenot .-- 300 
— in ceremonials -..... 83, 93, 105, 373, 435, 458,487 | SwiminG board, Nenenot - Ag 320 
Smoxine deerskins ...-...------------:-- 296 | SyMBOLISM, Siouan.-.-.....-------.- . 427,523 
SNAKES, Myths concerning ......-..--.-- 479) |) SYNONYMY, Work On- 2... cen sedaee ess Xxxi 
—, Use of, in ceremonials ---..-..--.-...- 87 
———— jugglery ------.---2-...22-. 2. 419 
SNAKE SOCIETY, Organization and cere- TABOO among Iowa Indians -.........-... 426 
TON AN @ heater ea meee ae te ea 69,78: | —— the’ Omaha....- -.-~- i Jscs---0-0>-= 411 
= 'Songsof< ft S29 oes eee ees 123 «| ———— Sig. echo oe are na eee eee 19 
SNARING among northern Indians. ....... 279,315 | TAKUSKANSKAN, Belief in...-...-......-- 445 
SNEEZING, Beliefs concerning - -- : 500 | TALISMAN, Eskimo-..-...-- 197 
SNOW goggles, Eskimo...-- 222 | TANNING, Primitive..-...-- 294 
— houses, Description of - - 223 | TarGets, Nenenot.-- 326 
— shoe, Nenenot:.-.<..-2<2--0- ses seen cee 308 | TATTOOING, Eskimo. - = 207 
— —, Use of, among northern Indians ... 311 | —, Siouan.-.--..--.-- as 486 
— shovel, Primitive....--..---2-....-...- 318 | Trams, Dog..---- : 241 
SnurFF, Useof,among northern Indians -234, 291, 302 | TENNESSEE, Explorations in - -.. eet) NERS: 
SOAPSTONE, Use of, for utensils. -..-...-- 228 | TENTs of northern Indians ---.------ 226, 273, 298 
SociEriks, Secret, among the Dakota. -.. 497 | Teron, Customs of.-.......---.-....:--.. 493 
Sop honses, Eskimo - -.-..---.....-----.- 228 | —, Researches concerning.----......--.-- xxxi 
SONGS} Sia iss. soc oceans 123,125,127 | TETONWAN, Beliefs among.-...--..----.- 436 
PIOUS sh nara sice es ont Se cree seen eee eee 445,480 | THAUMATURGY, Siouan......-..--..----.- 417 
SorcERY, among Siouan tribes. ...416, 499,511,517 | THeisM, —..-.........-.-...------------- 502 
Soul, Beliefs concerning the....-.......- 517 | THEURGISTS, Sia s 16.7. 
SourH CaRorinA, Explorations in... ...-- xxv | THomas, Cyrus, Publications by .-...--. XXXV 
SourH DakoTa, ——,.....-....-..------ SEK: Vinll NWO: Dy eos ae ae ee oe ee xxiv 
SPEARS, Primitive---.------------...2.-.- 288,314 | THUNDER beings, Mythic .....--......-.. 441 
SPIDER deity of the Sia...-.-...-......... 26 | —, Beliefs concerning.-....-...--..--- 37, 381, 385, 
—, Myths concerning -.....- eee 40, 68, 472, 479 424, 441, 508, 517, 523 
SPIDER SOCIETY, Organizationof -....--.- 69 | — shamans, Order of'-..---:-.----------- 395 
Spirit, Absence of concept of--- 365,371, 423,431, | THrowrnesticKks, Eskimo...--.------.--- 239 
501,521 | TipEs in the Ungava district ..... 170 
—, Beliefs in....-. 194, 272,333, 342, 374, 475, 507, 542 | Topacco, Ceremonial relating to - 425 
SPIRITUALISM, Primitive. -.-.--.........-. 497 | —, Myths — —.........-.......--- = 62 
SPOONS Nevendtisa=-<2- se. eee ee eed 302,306 | —, Use of, among northern Indians. -.234, 291, 302 
SPRUCE BEER, Effect of, on the Nenenot-- 304 | — — —, in ceremonials 377 
SQuiRREL, Myths concerning -.-......... 48,328 | TopoGGAns, Nenenot .---.--...---.....--. 307 
Srars, Beliefs— -.....-- 30, 37, 266, 379, 467,508,517 | TopoarapHy of the Ungava district-.--. 168 
STATEMENT, Winancial- --25.5-. 22s 24ee 5. oe xIvii | TORTURE ceremonial..-...-------......-. 503, 505 
STATURE of the Eskimo .........-....... 177,184 ||\——im'thesun:dance.2----- sore eenee eons 462, 465 
STEVENSON, J AMES, Reference to work of. 9,14,89 | Torems, Usage connected with’. 371 
STEVENSON, MATILDA Coxe, cited on sym- IRG Yi.) NOM ONO Gee onan nee eee ee 326 
DOlic colors -22055-:s-n- 2 eee ee 532 | TRADING among northern Indians -.....- 75 
— Explorations Dyines.d see sane xxx | TRADITIONS, J,oiwere <-.--------------4-. 430 
—, Memoirby, onthe Sia....--...-----.-.- 3 | TRANCE among Indian devotees. 392 
—, Review of reportby-.---..-.----------. xxxix | TRANSMIGRATION, Indian belief in -.---.. 421, 493 
STONE god, Belief in the. -...-..--.------- 447 | TRANSPORTATION among northern Indians 304 
— houses, Eskimo ---....----..-.--------- 228 | Trap, Invocation of the .-.---.--- 387 
Stories of northern Indians -- 260,327 | TRAPPING among northern Indians - - 204, 280 
STREAMS, Deification of --.---------- x 372 | Trees, Beliefs concerning. - -- 390, 482 
STRENGTH, Physical, of the Eskimo. .-...- 268 | —, Ceremonials relating to. .-.---- ae 456 
STUBBS, STEPHEN, Mystery decoration of - 405 | TROPHIES among northern Indians. . 274 


INDEX. 553 

Page. Page. 

TROPHIES, Use of, in ceremonial. ....----- 121 Warts, Myths concerning. -.-.---------- ped 
TuUNKAN, Belief in the .----------------- 447 | Water, Beliefs concerning 886, 424 438, 522 
Turkey, Myths concerning 365|| — people, Mythic. 2-2 s=.05------0=="--=-- 538 
TurNER, LucieN M., Memoir by, on eth- es powers, in Siouan concepts.--. ------- 537 
nology of the Ungava district - sees 167 | Weapons of northern Indians - 246, 312 
_, Review of report by ------------ xli | WeavHeRr, BeliefS concerning. ---.------- 468 
Twiss, Aaya ce concerning .----- 489 | WEITSPEKAN language, Work on -...---- Xxix 


7 cited on Indian beliefs. “ 


— — — shamanism .-- 392 
— — — Sionan customs ..-.--.----------- bi! 
Ty.or, E. B., cited on fetichism. -------- 412 
JOlWERE cults, Description of .---------- 423 
Se tTraditlons eer aa sae = eee ei 430) 
UMANE, Significance of symbol ..-------- 451 
UNGAYA BAY, Description of ------------- 171 
--, Ethnology of .--.---------------+----- 167 
UNGAVA DISTRICT, — — 267 
UnktTent, Worship of the = 5 438 
Uvensits, Cooking, among northern vie 
ARO hee bas 9Sy ones aaa sao cee eneee 228. 300 
Uveérra, Ceremonial of. -.----- < 458 
VALLIERE, ALPHONSUS, cited on Indian 
beliefs 394 
VARGAS, EvsEsiI0, quoted on the Sia. .---- 9 
—, Reference to writings of .-------- = x! 
VEGETATION of the Ungayva district.----. 169, 173 
VENISON, Preservation of...--.------------ 217 
VIABILITY among northern Indians ----.- 269 
VioLrn, Eskimo 259 
Visions, Beliefs concerning .----- RaHeoyas 395, 467 
WAKAN, Description of concept of- 2 494 
WAKANDA, Definition of. -. 366, 431 
— Worship of....-.-----------------+---- 372 
WAKANTA, The sun a.--..----------+----- 423 
WAKI"ya®, Siouan belief in. ------------- 441 
Wanaal, Description of-..--------------- 484 
WANUKIGE, Mystery decoration of . ------ 395 
War, Ceremonial connected with. --. 390, 444, 493 
—, Symbolism — — ..-------------+-++--- pz 


WarmMru, Deification of 
Warriors, Society of the..-. 


West VirGinta, Field work in 
WHALE fishing, Indian-....---- 
Wuip, Eskimo dog..----------------- 
Wuipproorwith, Myths concerning 
Ware people, Legends — 2 
Winp, Belief: 7, 380, 410, 423, 446, 514, ¢ 
— makers of Siouan mythology 
WiunnesBaco, Beliefs of the. 
— cults, Description of 
—, Researches concerning 


—, Syinbolie earth formations Ofer=c 7 
Wuivona, Significance OfName)s--~.------ §32 


Witcucrart, Primitive- .-------------- 
Wotr, Myths concerning. - 
WOLVERINE — — 
—, Trapping of .--- 


Woman (Douse}, Mythie 480 
Women, Condition of Indian .---------- 269, 320 
—, Heyoka.-...----.5-------------- ae 47/1 


—, Myths concerning -.--.--------------- 264, 480 
Woopeurn, J. M., quoted on Indian be- 


Nl he pan aca ne Sen canoe sesame Speesaaes 482 

Reference to work of .-. ..----------- 363 
Woop RATs, Myths concerning ---.------ 34 
—, Consumption of .--------------------- 25. 
Worsulp, Primitive forms of.... 425, 436, 502,514 
WRESTLING, Indian 321 
Wyanpor language, Work on .-.. Xxx 
VON Cult of the. o-> ---he—-~ <== == 505 
Yucca, Use of, in ceremonial. --.---- 103, 119.1 
YuRIAN langnage, Work on ...---------- xxix 


ZoOTHEISM among Indians... 
Zvnt, Cult societies of 
— customs, Reference to 


—, Researches concerning 
—, Symbolic colors of 


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