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A Hillside Street in Romam Jerusalem along which Jesus and the Disciples may well 
HAVE WALKED (o//ef Germer-Durond). 



(Srrru Ifunh InnU. No. IT 












1816 Chestnut Street 



Faithful Comrade in 

the Campaign of Life 


Copyrifiht, 1016, by 
American Sunday-School Union 

All rights vested in and reserved by 



For a hundred years or- more the explorer and the excavator 
have been busy in many parts of the world. They have brought 
to light monuments and texts that have in many cases revolution- 
ized our conceptions of history and have in other cases thrown 
much new light on what was previously known. 

In no part of the world have these labors been more fruitful than 
in the lands of the Bible. In Egypt and Babylonia vistas of history 
have been opened to view that were undreamed of before explora- 
tion began. The same is true for that part of the history of Pales- 
tine which antedates the coming of Israel. Information has also 
been obtained which illumines later portions of the history, and 
makes the Biblical narrative seem much more vivid. It is now 
possible to make real to oneself the details of the life of the Biblical 
heroes, and to understand the problems of their world as formerly 
one could not do. Exploration has also brought to light many 
inscriptions in the various countries that confirm or illuminate the) 
traditions, history, poetry, and prophecy of the Bible. The sands 
of Egypt have even yielded us some reputed new sayings of our 

It is the purpose of this book to gather into one volume the most 
valuable information of all sorts that the excavations in Bible lands 
have afforded, and to put it in such form that it may be of service 
to the pastor and Sunday-school teacher. An attempt has been 
made so to present the material that one may not only have the 
wealth of illumination for Biblical study that exploration has pro- 
duced, but also that he may possess an outUne of the history of the 
exploration and of the countries sufficient to enable him to place 
each item in its proper perspective. Whether in handling so large 
a mass of data the writer has achieved his aim, the reader must 
judge. The preparation of the volume was undertaken at the 
request of the Board of Managers of the American Sunday-School 
Union, for publication under the John C. Green Income Fund, — 
a fund founded in 1877 "for the purpose of aiding ... in secur- 


ing a Sunday-school literature of the highest order of merit . . . 
by procuring works . . . germane to the oVjjects of the Society." 
The foundation requires that the manuscripts procured by the fund 
shall become the exclusive property of the American Sunday- 
School Union, and, that the selling price may be reduced, the 
Society is prohibited from including the cost of the manuscript 
in the price of the book. 

This work is confined to those phases of archaeology upon which 
light has been thrown by exploration. No attempt is made, for ex- 
ample, to treat the constitution of the Hebrew family, or the dress 
worn in ancient Palestine, for these are subjects to which explora- 
tion has contributed no new knowledge. 

The texts published in Part II have, with few exceptions, been 
freshly translated by the writer especially for this work. This 
is true of all except the majority of the Egyptian texts and two 
Greek papyri which were not accessible in the original. Transla- 
tions of these were taken from the works of well-known scholars, 
to each of whom credit is given in connection with the passage 
quoted from his work. The quotations of Palestinian place names 
from the inscriptions of the Egyptian kings, of which the writer has 
made a special study, are based on his own translations of the 

Aa archaeological fact, or a text brought to light by excavation, 
is often of little significance apart from its interpretation, and the 
interpretation of such data frequently varies according to the 
point of view occupied by the interpreter. As stated in the fore- 
word of Part II, it has been the writer's aim throughout to main- 
tain a neutral attitude on controverted points. 

Not the least service that archaeology has rendered has been the 
presentation of a new background against which the inspiration of 
the Biblical writers stands out in striking vividness. Often one 
finds traditions in Babylonia identical with those embodied in the 
Old Testament, but they arc so narrated that no such conception of 
God shines through them as shines through the Biblical narrative. 
Babylonians and Egyptians pour out their hearts in psalms with 
something of the same fervor and pathos as the Hebrews, but no 
such vital conception of God and his oneness gives shape to their 
faith and brings the longed-for strength to the spirit. Egyptian 
sages developed a social conscience comparable in many respects 
with that of the Hebrew prophets, but they lacked the vital touch 


of religious devotion which took the conceptions of the prophets out 
of the realm of individual speculation and made them the working 
ethics of a whole people. Archaeology thus reinforces to the modern 
man with unmistakable emphasis the ancient words, "Men spake 
from God, being moved by the Holy Spirit" (2 Peter 1 : 21). 

The writer is under obligation to all his predecessors. Endeavor 
has been made in the footnotes to acknowledge each individual 
obligation. Lest any oversight may have occurred there, he would 
here express both his indebtedness and his gratitude to all who by 
their various explorations and studies have preceded him and been 
his teachers. 

Of these, Prof. R. A. Stewart Macalister should, perhaps, be 
singled out for an especial word of gratitude, for in Chapters VI-XI 
of Part I his work of excavation has been quoted more frequently 
than any other. This apparent partiality is due to the fact that 
Gezer was excavated more completely than any other Palestinian 
site; that, because of its early and long-continued occupation in 
ancient times, it reveals a great variety of civilizations; and that, in 
The Excavation of Gezer, Prof. Macalister has presented the results 
of his work with a completeness and a degree of intelligibility that 
no other excavator in Palestine has approached. He has made his 
work a model of what such a publication should be, and has thereby 
made us all his debtors. 

Especial thanks are due to Dr. George B. Gordon, Director of the 
University Museum, Philadelphia, for his kindness in furnishing an 
advance copy of the proof-sheets of Volume X of the Publications 
of the Babylonian Section of the museum, from which the material 
embodied in Chapter VHI of Part II was translated, and to Prof. 
Morris Jastrow, Jr., and Dr. Edward Chiera for the benefit of their 
fresh collation of the text. This was of considerable importance, 
since Dr. Langdon's copy of large portions of it had been made 
from photographs, rather than from the original tablet. The 
writer is also indebted to Prof. W. R. Arnold, of Andover Theo- 
logical Seminary, for helpful suggestions concerning the interpreta- 
tion of a passage in the temple-papyrus from Elephantine which 
has hitherto baffled translators. Thanks are also due to the fol- 
lowing authors and publishers for permission to reproduce illus- 
trations contained in books written or published by them: The 
Palestine Exploration Fund, for permission relating to Warren's 
Jerusalem; Bliss and Macalister's Excavations in Palestine, 1898- 


1900; Macalister's Excavation oj Gezer, and Peters and Thiersch's 
Painted Tombs of Marissa; Rev. Prof. C. J. Ball, of Oxford, Light 
from the East; J. C. Hinrichs'sche Biichhandlung, Koldeway's 
Das Wieder Erstehendc Babylon; Dr. I. Benzingcr and Herr Paul 
Siebeck, Ilebrdische Archdologie; Monsieur J. Gabalda, Vincent's 
Jerusalem; Prof. A. T. Clay, of Yale, Light on the Old Testament 
from Babel; Prof. Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins, The Psalms in 
his Sacred Books of the Old Testament; Rev. J. P. Peters and G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, Peters' Nippur; Prof. C. C. Torrey, of Yale, 
Journal of the American Oriental Society; George H. Doran Co., 
Ravasay^s Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia; Dr. Mitchell Carroll, 
American Journal of Archcsology and Art and Archceology; Rev. A. 
E. Breen, Diary of My Life in the Holy Land; Thomas Nelson and 
Sons, The Illustrated Teachers^ Bible; and to Ferris and Leach, for 
permission to use again a number of photographs published in 
the writer's A Yearns Wandering in Bible Lands. Dr. R. E. Briin- 
now not only granted permission to reproduce illustrations from 
Brunnow and Domaszewski's Provincia Arabia, but generously 
loaned the original photographs and drawings. Prof. Harold N. 
Fowler, Editor of the American Journal of Archceology, also kindly 
loaned an original photograph of the excavation at Sardis. The 
source of each illustration, when not the writer's o^\^^, is indicated 
in the list of illustrations by mentioning the name of the author 
of the book or article from which it is taken. 

Grateful acknowledgment should also be made to Rev. Edwin 
Wilbur Rice, D. D., Litt. D., Honorary Editor of the Publications 
of the American Sunday-School Union, who carefully read the book 
in manuscript and made many valuable criticisms and suggestions. 

The table of contents and the chapter-headings were prepared 
by James McConaughy, M. A., Editor of the Publications of the 
American Sunday-School Union; the indices, by A. J. R. Schu- 
maker, ]M. A., Assistant Editor. The writer is grateful to them, 
not only for this service, but for many helpful criticisms and cour- 
tesies while the book has been passing through the press. Valuable 
suggestions have also been made by Mrs. Barton, who has carefully 
read the proofs. Miss Bertha V. Dreisbach has given intelligent 
and painstaking service in preparing the manuscript for the press, 
and in proof-reading; Mr. V. Winfield Challenger and Miss Laura 
G. Leach have rendered a like valuable service in assembling and 
arranging the illustrations. 


The quotations of Scripture passages throughout are from the 
American Standard Revised Version. 

If this volume should bring to some remote worker or secluded 
young person a tithe of the inspiration and joy that such a book 
would have brought the writer in the rural home of his boyhood, he 
would ask no higher reward for the labor it has cost. 

George A. Barton. 
Bryn Mawr, Pa. 
May. 1916. 



List of Illustrations 1 

Table of Signs 9 

Introduction 11 


I. Eg\tt 17 

The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. Eji^yptian Dis- 
coveries. Decipherment. Chronology. Outline of the History. 
Egj-ptian Discoveries which bear on the Bible. 

JI. Babylonia and Assyria 40 

The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. The Discovery 
of .\ntiquities. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions. Chro- 
nology. Outline of the History. Discoveries which illumine the 
Bible. ^^ - 

III. The Hittites 68 

A Forgotten Empire. Hittite Monuments. Hittite De- 
cipherment. Hittite History. 

; IV. Palestine and Its Exploration 83 

The Land. Early Exploration. Early American Explora- 
tions. Palestine Exploration Fund. The German Palestine 
Society. The American School at Jerusalem. Samaria. Par- 
ker's Excavations at Jerusalem. Latest Excavations. 

V. Outline of P.\lestine's Arch,5:ological History 103 

The Early Stone Age. The Late Stone Age. The Amorites. 
The Canaanites. Egyptian Domination. The Philistines. 
The Hebrews. Philistine Civilization. The Hebrew King- 
doms. The Exile and After. The Coming of Rome. Later 

VI. The Cities of Palestine 123 

Their Sites. The Walls. The Stone Work. Houses. Palaces. 
Foundation Sacrifices. City Gates. Water Supply. 

Vn. Ro.\DS and Agriculture 132 

VIII. Pottery 141 

Importance of Pottery. Pre-Semitic Pottery. First Semitic 
Pottery to 1800 b. c. Pottery of Second Semitic Period. Third 
Semitic Period. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period. Hellen- 
istic Period. 

IX. Utensils and Personal Ornaments 149 


Chapter Pack 

X. Measures, Weights, and Money 158 

Measures. Weights. Inscribed Weights. Money. 

XI. High Places and Temples 167 

A Sanctuary of the Prc-Semitic Cave-Dwcllcrs. A Rock-Altar 
at Megiddo. A Rock-Altar at Jerusalem. High Place at Tell 
es-Saii. High Place at (lezcr. At Taanach. High Places at 
Petra. A Supposed Philistine Temple. At Megiddo. The 
Temple to Augustus at Samaria. 

XII. The Tombs of Palestine 179 

Burning the Dead. Cave Burials. Cistern Burial. Burial 
un^ier Menhirs. Earth-Graves. Rock-Hewn Shaft Tombs. 
Doorway Tombs. Tombs with a Rolling-Stone. 

XIII. Jerusalem 185 

Situation. Gihon. Cave-Dwellers. The El-Amarna Period. 
Jebusite Jerusalem. The City of David. Solomon's Jerusalem. 
From Solomon to Hezekiah. Hezekiah. From Hezekiah to the 
Exile. The Destruction of 586 b. c. The Second Temple. 
Nehemiah and the Walls. Late Persian and Early Greek Periods. 
In the Time of the Maccabees. Asmonrean Jerusalem. Herod ' 
the Great. The Pool of Bethesda. Gethsemanc. Calvary. 
Agrippa I and the Third Wall. 

XIV. The Decapolis 213 

Origin. Damascus. Scythopolis. Cities East of the Sea of 
Galilee. Gadara. Pella and Dion. Gerasa. Philadelphia. 
Jesus in the Decapolis. 

XV. Athens, Corinth, and the Chltrches of Asia 219 


Chapter Pace 

I. An Epic of the Creation which Circulated in Babylon and 

-' Assyria in the Seventh Century b. c 235 

Text of the Epic. Comparison of the Epic with the First 
Chapter of Genesis. The Epic and Other Parts of the Bible. 

II. Another Account of the Creation Found at Babylon 255 

Text of the Account. Comparison of it with Genesis 2. 

III. The Babylonian Sabbath 258 

Feast of Marduk and Zarjianit. A Day called Shabatum. 
A Day in Some Tablets at Yale. 

IV. The Legend of Adapa and the Fall of Man 260 

Comparison with Genesis 3. The Adapa Myth. 

V. The Patriarchs before the Flood 264 

'\^ Babylonian Long-Lived Kings. Comparison with Genesis 5. 

'^ Comparison with Genesis 4. Comparison with the List of 



Chapter Page 

/. A Babylonian Account of the Flood, from a Tablet Writ- 
ten AT Nineveh in the Seventh Century b. c 273 
Translation of the Text. Comparison with Genesis 6-9. 
Another Babylonian Version. 

VII. An Account of the Creation ant) Flood, from a Tablet 

yX Written at Nippur before 2000 b. c 278 

'^ Translation. Comparison with the Other Version. 

VIII. An Account of the Origin of a City ant) the Beginning 
^ of Agriculture, from a Tablet Written at Nippur 

<^ before 2000 B. c 283 

Translation. Comparison with Biblical Material. 

IX. Abraham and ARcn.iiOLOGY 290 

y^ Abraham hired an Ox. Abraham leased a Farm. Abra- 

/-^ ham paid his Rent. Who was this Abraham ?_ Travel 

between Babylonia and Palestine. Hammurapi, King of the 

Westland. Kadur-JMabug. Kings supposed by some to be 

those of Genesis 14. 

X. Jacob and Joseph 299 

-^ y Appearances of these Names in Babylonian and Egyptian 

-^ Records. "The Tale of the Two Brothers"; its Bearing on 

the Story of Joseph in Genesis. Letters to a Ruler like 

Joseph. The Seven Years of Famine. Inscription showing 

Preparation for Famine. 

XI. Palestine in the Patriarchal Age 307 

The Tale of Sinuhe. Communication between Egypt and 
XII. Moses ant) the Exodus ^lO 

/The Legend of Sargon of Agade; its Resemblance te the 
Story of Moses. The Pillar of Merneptah; the Only Appear- 
ance of the Name " Israel " outside of the Bible. 

XIII. The Code of Hammurabj ant5 the Pentateuch 313 

The Text of the Code; Resemblance to and Contrast with the 
Mosaic Code. The Mosaic Code not borrowed from the 
Babylonian; Different Underlying Conceptions. 

XIV. An Alleged Parallel to Leviticus— a Carthaginian Law 

Concerning Sacrifices 342 

The Text of the Carthaginian Law. Comparison with the 

Levitical Law. 

XV. Some Letters from Palestine 344 

Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal. Of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem. 

Their Light on Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian 

Domination of Palestine. 

XVI. Documents from the Time of Israel's Jl-dges 352 

Report of Wenamon. Its Illustration of Certain Points of 
Biblical History about the Time of Deborah or Gideon. Refer- 
ence to the Philistines. 













Arch^ological Light on the Books of Kings 358 

Gudca and Cedar-Wood for his Palace. The Eponym 
Canon. The Seal of Shcma. Shishak's List of Conquered 
Asiatic Cities. Ashurnasiqjal's Description of his Expedition 
to Mediterranean Lands. Shalmaneser Ill's Claims regard- 
ing Tribute from the Kings of Israel. The Moabitc Stone. 
Adadnirari IV's Mention of the "Land of Omri." Inscription 
describing Tiglathpilcser IV's Campaign. Sargon's Con- 
quests. Sennacherib's Western Campaigns. The Siloam 
Inscription. Esarhaddon's List of Conquered Kings. Ashur- 
banipal's Assyrian Cam] )aign. Necho of Egypt. Nebuchad- 
rezzar II. Evil-Merodach. Discoveries in Sheba. 

The End of the Babylonian Exile 382 

Inscriptions of Nabuna'id; their Bearing on Biblical State- 
ments regarding Belshazzar. AccounL of the Capture of 
Babylon bearing on the Book of Daniel. Inscription of Cyrus 
bearing on the Capture of Babylon. Cyrus's Permission for 
the Return to Jerusalem. 

A Jewish Colony in Egypt during the Time of Nehemiah. 3&7" 
Papyri Witness to the Existence of a Colony at Elephantine. 
Translation of a Petition relating to their Temple. Reply 
of Persian Governor. Historical Bearings of these Docu- 
ments. A Letter relating to the Passover. A Letter show- 
ing that the Jews were Unpopular at Elephantine. 

A Babylonian Job 392 

Translation of a Poem relating to the Afflictions of a 
Good Man. Comparison with the Book of Job. A Fragment 
of Another Similar Poem. 

Psalms from Babylonia and Egypt 

Character of their Psalms. Babylonian Prayers to the 
Goddess Ishtar. Comparison with the Psalter. A Babylo- 
nian Hymn to the Moon-God. A Babylonian Hymn to Bel. 
An Egyptian Hymn to the Sun-God. Is the Hymn Monothe- 
istic? An Egyptian Hymn in Praise of Aton. Comparison 
with the Psalter. 



Parallels to Proverbs and Ecclesiastes 

The Nature of the Book of Proverbs and the Parallels. 
Babylonian Proverbs from the Library of Ashurbanipal. 
Precepts from the Library of Ashurbanipal. Comparison with 
the Bible. Egyptian Precepts of Ptahhotep. Comparison 
with the Bible. Parallel to Ecclesiastes from the Gilgamesh 

Egyptian Parallels to the Song of Songs 413 

Nature of the Song of Songs. Translation of Some Egyptian 
Love-Poems. Comparison with Biblical Passages. 

Illustrations of Passages in the Prophets 417 

Uniqueness of the Prophetic Books. An Assyrian Pro- 
phetic Vision. Comparison with the Bible. The Egyptian 



Chapter Page 

Social Conscience. Tale of the Eloquent Peasant. Compari- 
son with the Bible. An Ideal King; Extract from the Admo- 
nitions of Ipuwer. Comparison with IMessianic Expectations. 
Sheol. Ishtar's Descent to the Underworld. Comparison 
with Prophetic Passages. A Lamentation for Tammuz. 

XXV. Reputed Sayings of Jesus Found in Egypt 428 

Early Collections of the Words of Jesus. Translation of 
Sayings found in 1897. Comments. Translation of a Leaf 
found in 1904. Comments. Opinions as to these Sayings. 

XXVL Arch.eological Light on the Enrolment of Quirinius... 432 
Translation of a Papyrus showing that in the Second Cen- 
tury Enrolment was made Every Fourteen Years. Com- 
ments. Translation referring to an Enrolment in the Reign of 
Nero. Fragment from the Reign of Tiberius. Enrolments 
probably inaugurated by Augustus. Document showing that 
People went to their own towns for Enrolment. Inscrip- 
tion supposed to refer to Quirinius. Inscription from Asia 
Minor referring to Quirinius. Discussion. Conclusions. 

XX\TI. Arch^ological Light on the Acts and Epistles 438 

The Politarchs of Thessalonica. An Altar to Unknown 
Gods. An Inscription from Delphi and the Date of Paul's 
Contact with Gallio. Some Epistles from Eg>T3t. Inscrip- 
tions mentioning Aretas, King of Arabia. 

Index of Scripture Passages 445 

Index 451 

Illustrations: Plates 1-114. 


A Hillside Street in Roman Jerusalem along which Jesus and the 

' Disciples may well have walked. . Frontispiece. 

Figure Plate 

1 Syrian Traders in Egypt, from a Tomb at Bcni Hasan (after Ball) . . 

2 Crown of Lower Egypt 

3 Crown of Upper Egypt 

4 Crown of United Egyjjt 

5 Sphinx and Pyramid of Khafre 

6 Pyramids of Khufu and Khafre 2 

7 Step Pyramid of Zoser 2 

8 Body from a Pre-dynastic Tomb 3 

9 Head of the Mummy of Ramses II 3 

10 A Store-Chamber at Pithom (after Navillc) 4 

11 Ancient and Modern Brick-Making (after Petric) 4 

12 Plan of City and Temple of Leontopolis (after Petrie) 5 

13 A Passover-Oven (after Pclrie) 5 

14 The Rosetta Stone (after Thomas Nelson and Sons) 6 

15 The "Israel" Inscription of Merneptah 6 

16 Mounds of Nuffar (after Clay) 7 

17 Excavation at Nuffar (after Clay) 7 

18 Gate of Ishtar, Babylon (after Koldeway) 8 

19 Phalanx of Soldiers from Eannatum's "Stele of Vultures" 8 

20 Inscribed Column from Persepolis 9 

21 Silver Vase of Entemena 9 

22 Mound of Birs Nimrud (after Peters) 9 

23 Hittite Gates at Boghaz Koi (after Puclistein) 10 

24 Hittite Types from Egyptian Monuments (after Garstang) 10 

25 A Hittite King (after Piichstcin) 11 

26 The Boss of Tarkondemos 11 

27 The Seal of Shema, Servant of Jeroboam 11 

28 Tell el-Hesy after Excavation 12 

29 The Site of the Old Testament Jericho 12 

30 Excavation of Gezer 13 

31 Remains of a Colonnaded Street at Samaria 13 

il Excavation at Tell Hum 14 

ii Egyptians Attacking a Palestinian City (after Pcrrol and Chipicz) . . 14 

34 Israelitish Jericho (after Sellin) 15 

35 Israelitish Houses at Jericho (after Sellin) 15 

36 Philistines from the Palace of Ramses III 16 



Figure Platk 

37 Canaanitish Fortress at Jericho (after Sellin) 16 

38 Inscribed Disc from Phajstos (one-fourth actual size) 17 

39 Gebel Fureidis 17 

40 Bastion for the Protection of an Insertcci Tower {after Macalisler).. . 18 

41 Remains of Walls of Megiddo {after Schumacher) 18 

42 Walls of Buildings at Samaria {after Reisner) 19 

43 Specimens of Stone- Work at Gezer {after Macalisler) 19 

44 Building-Bricks from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 19 

45 Plan of Palace at Taanach {after Sellin) 20 

46 The Great City Wall at Gezer {after Macalisler) 20 

47 Israelitish Houses at Gezer 21 

48 Specimens of Mosaic Floors {after Macalisler) 21 

49 A Doorway at Gezer {after Macalisler) 22 

50 Door-Sockets from Gezer {after Macalisler) 22 

51 Supposed House of Hiel, Jericho {after Sellin) 23 

52 Foundation of the Palace of Omri, Samaria {after Reisner) 23 

53 Hebrew Palace at Megiddo {after Schumacfier) 23 

54 Plan of the Maccaba;an Castle at Gezer {after Macalisler) 24 

55 Stone- Work of the Maccabaean Castle {after Macalistcr) 24 

56 A Foundation-Deposit, Gezer {after Macalistcr) 24 

57 A City Gate at Megiddo {after Schumacher) 25 

58 The South Gate at Gezer {after Macalisler) 25 

59 The South Gate at Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie) 25 

60 Entrance to the Underground Tunnel at Gezer {after }facalister). ... 26 

61 The North Gate at Gezer {afler Macalistcr) 26 

62 Plans of the Underground Tunnel at Gezer {after Macalisler) 27 

63 Plan of Underground Tunnel at Gibeon {after Abel) 28 

64 One of Solomon's Pools 28 

65 Post of City Gate, Samaria {after Reisner) 29 

66 Part of City Wall and Gate, Samaria {after Reisner) 29 

67 Road South of Gerizim 30 

68 Lines of Roman Roads at Tell el-Ful 30 

69 Roman Road North of Amman 30 

70 A Granary at Gezer {after Macalistcr) 31 

71 Some Roman Mile-Stones 31 

72 Plan of a Granary at Gezer {after Macalistcr) 31 

73 A Hoe {after Macalisler) 32 

74 An Egyptian Reaping {after Wreszinski) 32 

75 A Sickle {after Wreszinski) 32 

76 Plowshares from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 32 

77 Egyptian Plowing {after Wilkinsoti) 33 

78 A Modern Threshing-FIoor 33 

79 Egyptians Threshing and Winnowing {after Wilkinson) 33 


Figure Plate 

80 Egyptian Threshing-Sledge {after Wilkinson) ii 

81 A Saddle-Quern from Megiddo {ajicr Schumacher) 34 

82 A Rotary-Quern {after Macalistcr) 34 

83 A Mortar and Pestle {after Macalistcr) 34 

84 Two Women Grinding at a Mill {after Schumacher) 34 

85 An /Vncient Olive-Press {after Macalisler) 35 

86 A Modern Olive-Press {after Macalistcr) 35 

87 A Wine Vat {after Macalistcr) 36 

88 An Olive-Press at Work {after Macalistcr) 36 

89 Cows' Horns from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 37 

90 Animals' Heads from Gezer {after Macalisler) 37 

91 A Horse's Bit from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 37 

92 Drawings of Horses from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 37 

9i A Clay Bird from Gezer {after Macalisler) 38 

94 A Cock from Alarissa {after Peters and Thiersch) 38 

95 A Bee-Hive from Gezer {after Macalistcr) 38 

96 Pre-Semitic Jars {after Macalisler) 39 

97 Pre-Semitic Pottery {after Macalisler) 39 

98 Four Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalistcr) 39 

99 Three Pitchers from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) .... 39 

100 A Jar from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 39 

101 Jugs from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 40 

102 A Jug from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 40 

103 A Jar from the Second Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 40 

104 Some Fine Pottery from the First Semitic Stratum {after Macalisler) 41 

105 "Ear" and "Button" Jar-Handles {after Macalisler) 41 

106 A "Pillar" Handle {after Macalisler) 41 

107 A Flat-bottomed Jug {after Macalistcr) 41 

108 A Painted Philistine Vase from Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie).. . 42 

109 War-Scene on Potsherd from Megiddo {after Schimacher) 42 

110 Jars of Third Semitic Stratum from Beth-shemesh {after Mackenzie) 42 

111 Hebrew Pottery from Megiddo {after Schumacher) 42 

112 Hebrew Jars and Pitchers from Jericho {after Sell in) 43 

113 Hebrew Pitchers and Bowls from Jericho {after Sellin) 43 

114 A Funnel from Gezer {after Macauster) 44 

lis A Potter's Seal from Gezer {after Macalisler) 44 

116 An Inscribed Hebrew Jar-Stamp from the Shephelah {after Bliss and 

Macalistcr) 44 

117 Hebrew Potterj' from Gezer {after Macalisler) 44 

118 A Scarab used as a Jar-Stamp {after Macalisler) 45 

119 A Jar-Handle Stamped with a Scarab {after Macalisler) 45 

120 A Jar with Tapering Base from Gezer {after Macalisler) 45 

121 Hellenistic Filter from Gezer {after Macalisler) 45 


Figure Plate 

122 Hellenistic Pottery from Gezer (nfler MacaVtsler) 45 

123 Hellenistic Striiiner from Gezer {ajicr Macalislcr) 46 

124 Roman Pots from Gezer {ajtcr Macalislcr) 46 

125 Hellenistic Jar from Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 46 

126 A Lamp of the First Semitic Period, Megiddo {aflcr Schumacher) .. . . 46 

127 Lamps from the Second Semitic Period, Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) .... 47 

128 Lamps from the Israeli tish Period, Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 47 

129 A Byzantine Lamp from Jericho {aflcr Scllin) 47 

130 A Lamp bearing a Christian Legend {aflcr Macalislcr) 47 

131 Hellenistic Lamps from Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 48 

132 Hebrew Lamps from Jericho {after Scllin) 48 

133 Ovens found at Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 49 

134 A Baking-Tray from Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 49 

135 Bronze Dishes from Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 49 

136 Shell Spoons from Gezer {aflcr Macalislcr) 49 

137 Silver Dishes from a Philistine Grave at Gezer {after MaccUister) .... 50 

138 Glass Ointment Vessels from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 50 

139 Feeding-Bottles (?), Gezer {after Macalislcr) 51 

140 Forks from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 51 

141 Philistine Silver Ladle, Gezer {after Macalislcr) 51 

142 Bronze Needles and Pins from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 51 

143 Bone Needles from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 52 

144 Modern Woman Spinning 52 

145 Spindle Whorls from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 52 

146 A Large Key from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 52 

147 A Smaller Key from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 52 

148 Lamp-Stands from Megiddo {after Schumacher) . 53 

149 Flint Knives from Jericho {after Scllin) 53 

150 Iron Knives from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 54 

151 Bronze Knives from Gezer {after Macalisler) 54 

152 A Chisel from Gezer {after Macalislcr) 55 

153 A File from Gezer {after Macalisler) 55 

154 A Cone of Flint for making Knives, Gezer {after Macalisler) 55 

155 A Bronze Hammer-Head, Gezer {after Macalislcr) 55 

156 A Fish-Hook, Gezer {after Macalisler) 55 

157 A Bone Awl-Handle from Gezer {after Macalisler) 55 

158 Whetstones from Jericho {after Scllin) 55 

159 Nails from Gezer {after Macalisler) 55 

160 Axe-Heads from Gezer {after Macalisler) 56 

161 Carpenters' Tools from Gezer {after Macalisler) 56 

162 A Scimitar from Gezer {after Macalisler) 57 

163 Impression of a Basket on Mud, Gezer {after Macalisler) 57 

164 Flint Arrow-Heads from Gezer {after Macalisler) 57 


Figure Plate 

165 Bronze Arrow-Heads from Gezer {after Macalister) 57 

166 Bronze Swords from Gezer {after Macalister) 58 

167 Bronze Spear-Heads, Gezer {after Macalister) 58 

168 A Pipe from Gezer {after Macalister) 59 

169 An Egyptian Harp {after Haupt) 59 

170 An Assyrian Upright Harp {after Eanpl) 59 

171 An Assyrian Horizontal Harp {after Haupt) 59 

172 A Babylonian Harp {after Haupt) 59 

173 Jewish Harps on Coins of Bar Cocheba, 132-135 a. d. {after Madden) 59 

174 Assyrian Dulcimer {after Haupt) 59 

175 Seals from Gezer {after Macalister) 60 

176 A Comb from Gezer {after Macalister) 60 

177 Toys from Gezer {after Macalister) 60 

178 Styli from Gezer {after Macalister) 60 

179 Children's Rattles from Gezer {after Macalister) 60 

180 A Perfume-Box, Gezer {after Macalister) 61 

181 A Necklace from Gezer {after Macalister) 61 

182 Bracelets from Gezer {after Macalister) 61 

183 Spatulae from Gezer {after Macalister) 61 

184 Rings from Gezer {after Macalister) 61 

185 Supposed Hebrew Measures from Jerusalem {after Germer-Durand) . . 62 

186 A Neseph Weight 63 

187 A Payim Weight belonging to Haverford College 63 

188 A Beqa Weight {after Torrey) 63 

189 A " Daric " of Darius {after Benzinger) 63 

190 A Tetradrachma of Alexander the Great {after Benzinger) 63 

191 A Coin of Ptolemy Lagi {after Benzinger) 63 

192 Half-Shekel of Simon the Maccabee {after Benzinger) 64 

193 A Coin of John Hyrcanus {after Madden) 64 

194 Tetradrachma of Lysimachus 64 

195 A Coin of Augustus 64 

196 A Denarius of Tiberius 64 

197 A Coin of Claudius 64 

198 A Coin of Herod the Great 64 

199 A Roman Quadrans (?) 64 

200 A Coin of Herod Agrippa 1 64 

201 A Shekel of the Revolt of A. D. 70 64 

202 Cave-Dwellers' Place of Sacrifice, Gezer {after Macalister) 65 

203 Plan of Caves at Semitic High Place, Gezer {after Macalister) 65 

204 "Pillars" of the High Place at Gezer 65 

205 Rock-Altar at Megiddo {after Schumacher) 66 

206 The " Beth-el " of Gezer {after Macalister) 66 

207 The Supposed Serpent-Pen at Gezer {after Macalister) 66 


Figure Plate 

208 The Rock-Altar at Jerusalem {after Dulman) 67 

209 The Laver at Gezer (after Macalister) 67 

210 The Terra-cotta Altar from Taanach (after Selliii) 68 

211 Supposed High Place at Taanach (after Sell in) 68 

212 High Place at Tell cs-Safi (after Bliss and Macalister) 69 

2L? Libation Bowl from Taanach (after Sellin) 69 

214 An Astartc Plaque from Gezer (after Macalister) 69 

215 Plan of the High Place at Petra Rafter Briinnow) 70 

216 Plan of Herod's Temple at Samaria (after Lyon) 70 

217 The Altar at Petra (after Briinno'd') 71 

218 The "Round Altar" at Petra (after Briinnow) 71 

219 Supposed "Pillars" at Petra (after Briinnow) 71 

219a A Brazen Serpent from Gezer (after Macalister) 72 

220 Plan of Supposed Semitic Temple at Gezer (after Macalisler) 72 

221 Walls of Herod's Temple, Samaria (after Reisner) 72 

222 "Pillars" of a Supposed Temple, Gezer (after Macalister) 73 

223 Chapel of the Palace at IVIegiddo (after Schumacher) 73 

224 Voluted Capital (probably Philistine) from 'Mef;,[ddo(after Schumacher) 74 

225 Incense-Burner from Megiddo (after Schumacher) 74 

226 Philistine Graves, Gezer (after Macalister) 75 

227 A Rock-hewn Tomb at Siloam (after Benzinger) 75 

228 A Shaft-Tomb (after Bliss and Macalister) 75 

229 A Cistern-Burial at Gezer (after Macalister) 75 

230 A Columbarium at Petra (after Dalman) 76 

231 Entrance to the Tomb of the Judges 76 

232 A Sunken-Door Tomb (after Mill. u. Nack. d. Deulsch. Palaslina- 

Vereins) 77 

233 Kokim in the Tomb of the Judges 77 

234 Plan of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa (after Peters and Thiersch) . . 78 

235 A Cross-Section of the Tomb of the Judges 78 

236 Architectural Decoration of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa (after 

Peters and Thiersch) 79 

237 Plan of the Upper Floor of the Tomb of the Judges 79 

238 A Tomb with a RoUing-Stonc at Beit Jibrin (after Moidton) 80 

239 Interior of a Hellenistic Tomb at Marissa (after Peters and 

Thiersch) 80 

240 The Hills and Valleys of Jerusalem (after Vincent) 81 

241 Underground Jebusite Tunnel at Gihon, Jerusalem (after Vincent).. . 82 

242 Maudsley's Scarp, Jerusalem 82 

243 Plan of Solomon's Buildings, Jerusalem (after Slade) 83 

244 Phoenician Quarry-Marks, Jerusalem (after Warren) 83 

245 Shaft at the Southeast Corner of the Temple Area (after Warren) ... 84 

246 Examining Ancient Walls in an Underground Tunnel (after Warren). 84 


Figure Plate 

247 Front Views of Solomon's Temple (after Stadc) 85 

248 Side Views of Solomon's Temple {ciflcr Sladc) 85 

249 Plan of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 86 

250 The Seven-branched Lamp-Stand from the Arch of Titus 86 

251 The Brazen Laver cf Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 87 

252 A Portable Laver of Solomon's Temple {after Stade) 87 

253 Stone-Work of a Wall of Jerusalem built in the Fifth Century A. d... 88 

254 Stone- Work in Nehemiah's Wall, Jerusalem 88 

255 Restoration of the Asmoniean Bridge over the TyropcEon Valley 

{after Ilanauer) 89 

256 Front of "David's Tower" (Herod's Palace) Today {after Breen).. . . 89 

257 Reconstruction of Herod's Temple {after Caldecott) 90 

258 "Solomon's Stables" 90 

259 One of the Supposed Pools of Bethesda {after Hanauer) 91 

260 Front of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher 91 

261 " Gordon's Calvary," looking toward Jerusalem {after Breen) 92 

262 " Gordon's Calvary," from the City Wall {after Breen) 92 

263 Outside of " Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" (after Breen) 93 

264 Inside of " Gordon's Holy Sepulcher" (after Breen) 93 

265 The Barada (Abana), Damascus 94 

266 The Street Called Straight, Damascus 94 

267 Palace at Kanatha (after Briinnow) 95 

268 Circular Forum and Colonnaded Street, Gerasa 95 

269 Temple of the Sun, Gerasa 96 

270 Site of Rabbah Ammon 96 

271 Theater at Amman (Palestinian Philadelphia) 97 

272 Roman Forum at Athens 97 

273 iMars' Hill, Athens 98 

274 Fountain in the Agora, Corinth 98 

275 Lintel of Jewish Synagogue, Corinth (after Richardson) 99 

276 Lechseum Road, Corinth (after Richardson) 99 

277 Parthenon, Athens, from the East 100 

278 Main Street at Ephesus 100 

279 Site of the Temple of Diana, Ephesus, in 1902 101 

280 The Theater, Ephesus 101 

281 The Amphitheater, Ephesus 102 

282 The Stadium, Ephesus 102 

283 Pergamum (after Ramsay) 103 

284 The Acropolis and partly Excavated Temple, Sardis (after Butler). 103 

285 Excavated Temple, Sardis, looking toward the Hermus Valley (after 

Butler) 104 

286 A Christian Church at Sardis (after Butler) 105 

287 Smyrna (after Ramsay) 105 


Figure Plate 

288 A Ruin at Laodicea (after Ramsay) 106 

289 A Bridge over the Jordan on the Line of a Roman Road 106 

290 Fragment of a Creation-Tablet 107 

291 Assyrian Sacred Tree Conventionalized 107 

292 Hammurapi Receiving the Laws from the Sun-God 107 

293 The So-called Adam and Eve Seal 107 

294 A Tablet from Nippur, Relating the Beginnings of Irrigation and 

Agriculture {after Langdon) 108 

295 Top of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser 108 

296 Jehu of Israel Doing Homage to Shalmaneser 108 

297 The Siloam Inscription 109 

298 Sennacherib Receiving Tribute at Lachish {after Ball) 109 

299 An Altar to Unknown Gods {after Deissmann) 110 

300 The Moabite Stone 110 

301 Papyrus Containing Sayings of Jesus {after Grenfell and Hunt) Ill 


Map of Egypt to First Cataract Facing page 18 

Map of the Ancient World Facing page 40 

Map of Palestine Facing page 104 


Map of Jerusalem in the Time of the Jebusites and David 112 

Map of Solomon's Jerusalem 112 

Map of Jerusalem from Hezekiah to the Exile 113 

Map of Nehemiah's Jerusalem 113 

Map of Asmonaean Jerusalem 114 

Map of Herodian Jerusalem 114 


§ = section. 
ibid. = the same. 
op. cit. = work cited. 

f. = and following page, 
ff. = and following pages. 
cf. = compare. 
V. = verse, 
col. = column. 
p. = page. 
[ ] in translations of tablets indicate words supplied where not de- 
in translations of tablets indicate missing line or words which can- 
not be supplied. 


One who would write on archaeology and the Bible must at the 
outset define the scope of his undertaking, for the word archaeology- 
conveys different meanings to different people. Judgments also 
differ as to how things ancient can best serve the interests of the 
Biblical student. To many the word archaeology calls up visions 
of ancient pottery, jewelry, swords, utensils, etc., which are valued 
as objects of curiosity simply because they are old. Others, when 
they think of archaeology, call to mind excavations, in which the 
walls of ancient temples and cities are laid bare, so that we may see 
how men lived in other days. To such, archaeology is identical with 
antiquarianism. A book on archaeology and the Bible written from 
this point of view would confine itself to the way in which texts of 
Scripture are illustrated or illumined by antiquarian objects. 

To still others the word archaeology calls up ancient tablets or 
papyri, inscribed with hieroglyphics or some other strange charac- 
ters, from which the initiated can decipher texts that prove the 
truth of one's views of Scripture. According to this view, archae- 
ology is the science of ancient documents, and a book dealing with 
archaeology and the Bible should confine itself to the discussion of 
documents which confirm or illustrate the Biblical text. 

Those who hold either of these views of archaeology will find 
in this book much that will accord with their expectations, but 
much also that will seem to them irrelevant. In Part I, Chapters 
IV, VI-XII deal with antiquities, their discovery, and the light 
which these shed upon the inspired page, for antiquarianism is a 
part of archaeology. Portions of Part I are devoted to the dis- 
covery of inscribed objects; in Part II the reader will find a full 
presentation of the bearing of these upon the different parts of the 
Sacred Volume. Those who hold the second of the views men- 
tioned above will not, therefore, be disappointed. 

Neither of the views mentioned corresponds, however, with the 
limits of archaeology. Archaeology is "that branch of knowledge 
which takes cognizance of past civilizations, and investigates their 



history in all fields, by means of the remains of art, architecture, 
monuments, inscriptions, literature, language, implements, cus- 
toms, and all other examples which have survived."^ This defini- 
tion is accepted by the writer of this work and has guided him in the 
prej)aration of the following pages. It has, of course, been impos- 
sible in one volume to deal adecjuately with the antiquities and the 
ancient documents and to treat fully the history of the civilizations 
of the Biblical countries, but an endeavor has been made to place 
the reader in possession of an intelligent point of view with reference 
to these things. As the physical structure of a country determines 
to a large degree the nature of its buildings, the utensils employed 
by its inhabitants, their writing materials, and their relations with 
other peoples, — as well as the way the objects were preserved from 
ancient to modern times, — brief descriptions of the physical fea- 
tures of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, the three most 
prominent of Biblical countries, have been introduced. 

Our knowledge of the early history of Egypt and Babylonia has 
come almost wholly from archaeological exploration; it has seemed 
fitting, therefore, to introduce in Part I, Chapter I, § 6, and Chapter 
II, § 6, brief sketches of the history of these countries. This ap- 
peared all the more necessary since the inhabitants of these two 
countries worked out, m advance of any other peoples, the initial 
problems of civilization. Palestine borrowed from them both, so 
that it is impossible to understand the history and archaeology 
of Palestine apart from Egyptian and Babylonian antecedents. 
Whenever it is possible the reader should supplement these sketches 
by reference to the larger works cited in the notes. 

Similarly in Part I, Chapter V, an outline of the history of Pales- 
tine from the earliest times is presented. To some this may seem 
unnecessary, since centuries of that history passed before the 
Hebrew people came to the country, but it is hoped that every 
reader will be glad to know the various vicissitudes through which 
passed the land that was chosen by God as the home of the religious 
leaders of the human race. This history also gives emphasis to the 
promise "to give thee great and goodly cities, which thou buildedst 
not, and houses full of all good things, which thou fiUedst not, and 
cisterns hewn out, which thou hewedst not, vineyards and olive- 
trees, which thou plantedst not" (Deut. 6 : 10, 11). 

Some, too, may be surprised that the chronologies of Egypt and 

^Century Dictionary, edition of 1903, Vol. I, p. 293. 


Babylonia and Assyria should be treated as fully as they are in 
Part I, Chapter I, § 5, and Chapter II, § 5, but in the writer's view 
this treatment was necessary and appropriate for several reasons: 
(1) The data on which these chronologies are built up are for the 
most part the fruits of archaeological research. (2) They are our 
only means of measuring the antiquity of civilization, since the 
Bible itself affords no continuous system of chronology.^ If the 
student of the Bible is to have any intelligent idea of what "the 
fulness of time" (Gal. 4 : 4) means, he should know what the sources 
of our chronology are and how they are rightly used. (3) Such a 
presentation seemed all the more necessary because in many books, 
especially those of some English Egyptologists, the materials are 
employed uncritically, and civilization is made to appear much older 
than it really is. 

To accomplish all these aims the writer has adopted the following 
plan: In three chapters the archaeology, history, and civilization of 
Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria, and the Hittites are briefly treated, 
together with the discoveries which especially interest the Biblical 
student. These are the three great civilizations which preceded the 
Israelitish. A much more detailed treatment is given to Palestine, to 
which Chapters IV-XIV of Part I are devoted. In the last chapter 
of Part I an attempt has been made to present the discoveries in 
Greece and Asia Minor which throw light on the New Testament. 
In Part II the texts, Babylonian, Assyrian, Egyptian, Hebrew, 
Moabitish, Phoenician, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin, which bear on 
the Bible, are translated. They are arranged in the order of the 
Biblical books which they illuminate. Each translation is accom- 
panied by a brief discussion in which its chief bearing on the Bible is 
pointed out. 

In conclusion it may not be out of place to offer a word of guid- 
ance to two or three classes of readers. Those who are not inter- 
ested in the history of Babylonia and Egypt, but wish simply to 
know what has been discovered in those countries which throws 
light on the Scriptures, should turn at once to Part I, Chapter I, § 7, 
and Chapter II, § 7, and to the translations of the various texts in 
Part II. A reader that is interested especially in Palestine, rather 
than in the ancient civilizations to which the Hebrews were indebted, 
should begin Part I at Chapter IV. Possibly after he has read that 

* The chronology of Archbishop Usher, printed in the marpin of many Bibles, is not a part 
of the Biblical text, but a collection of seventeenth century calculations and guesses. 


which the Holy Land has contributed to the understanding of the 
Bible, he may be ready to give a little attention to such outlying 
peoples as the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Hittites. In that case 
he will turn back and read Chapters I-III. 

Pastors or Sunday-school teachers who wish to employ the book 
as a tool by means of which to study certain texts or lessons should 
follow a different course. These will be able with the aid of the full 
index of Scripture references to turn at once to all the material 
bearing on the passage in question. If the use of this index does 
not afford all the information desired, reference should then be made 
to the analytical table of contents at the beginning, or to the 
index of subjects at the end, or to both. 

It is the writer's hope that, in addition to its use as a book of refer- 
ence for the elucidation or illustration of individual texts, there may 
be some who will enjoy reading the whole work, and who will fmd, 
as he himself has found, that every scrap of knowledge of ancient 
life in Bible lands serves to make the Bible story and the lives of 
Biblical characters so much more real, or puts them or their words 
in a perspective so much more clear, that the eternal message comes 
with new power and can be transmitted with greater efficiency. 





The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. Egyptian Discoveries. De- 
cipherment. Chronology. Outline of the History: The pre-dynastic period. 
The archaic period. The old kingdom. The first period of disintegration. The 
middle kingdom. Second period of disintegration. The empire period. The period 
of foreign dynasties. The lower empire. The Persian period. The Ptolemaic period. 
The Roman period. Egyptian Discoveries Which Bear on the Bible: Texts 
bearing on the story of Joseph. The Invasion of Egypt by the Ilyksos. The El- 
Amarna letters. Period of the Oppression and the Exodus. Campaign of Sheshonk I. 
Papyri discovered at Elephantine. The palace of Hophra. The castle at Tahpanhes. 
The Jewish temple at Leontopolis. Papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Discoveries in Nubia. 

1. The Land. — Egypt is in many ways unique among the 
countries of the world. One of these unique features is its form. 
If we omit the Delta, it has but one dimension, — length. From 
Cairo to the First Cataract is a distance of 583 miles, while the 
breadth of the valley, including the barren lands on each side of 
it, varies from 12| to 31 miles. If we include Nubia to the Fourth 
Cataract, which the Egyptians ultimately conquered, the length 
is much greater, being about 1,100 miles. In Nubia the banks 
are much more precipitous, the valley varying from 5 to 9h miles. 
The verdant portion is, however, often not more than a mile in 

This land is flanked on each side by extensive barren deserts 
on which there is almost no rainfall. Eg^^pt itself would be a part 
of this desert, were it not for the overflow of the Nile. This 
overflow is caused by the peculiar formation of this marvelous 

The upper part of the Nile consists of two main branches, called, 
respectively, the White and the Blue Nile. The White Nile rises 
3 degrees south of the equator, some 4,000 miles south of the 
Mediterranean, to the south of Lake Victoria Nyanza. This 
region is watered by tropical rains, which fall almost daily. This 



steady water supply gives to the Nile its constant volume. At 
Khartum, 1,350 miles from the Mediterranean in a direct line, 
and 1,650 miles as the river winds, the White Nile is joined by the 
Blue Nile. This branch of the river drains a large part of Abys- 
sinia, an upland and mountainous region which has a dry and a 
rainy season. In the dry season this stream dwindles almost to 
nothing; in the rainy season it is a turbid mountain torrent, which 
rushes impetuously onward, laden with loose soil from all the land 
which it drains. For this reason it is called the Blue, i. e., the 
Dark or Turbid, Nile. 

At a distance of 140 miles north of the union of the two Niles 
the river receives its only other tributary, the Atbara, which also 
flows in from the eastern side. The Atbara, like the Blue Nile, 
is an insignificant stream except in the rainy season, when it is a 

It is the variation of the water supply from the Blue Nile and 
Atbara which causes the overflow of the river in Egypt. At the 
beginning of June the river begins slowly to swell; between the 
15th and the 20th of July the increase becomes very rapid; toward 
the end of September the water ceases to rise and remains at the 
same height for twenty to thirty days. In October it rises again, 
attaining its greatest height. It then decreases, and in January, 
February, and March the fields gradually dry off. This overflow 
prepares the soil of Egypt for cultivation, first by softening it and 
then by fertilizing it. It was easy, under these conditions, to 
develop agriculture there. 

Indeed, the w'idth of productive Egypt is determined by the 
lateral extent of this overflow. For the last 1,500 miles of its 
course the Nile receives no tributary. It plows its way through 
regions of desert which, but for the Nile itself, are unbroken. 
At six points, beginning at Khartum and ending at Assuan, the 
river makes its way over granite ridges, through which it has never 
succeeded in cutting a smooth channel. These are called the 
Cataracts. As civilized man discovered these from the north, 
that at Assuan is known as the First Cataract, and that at Khartum 
as the Sixth. The calendar of ancient Egypt was shaped in part 
by the Nile. The year was divided into three seasons of four 
months each. Beginning with the rise of the water about July 19th, 
there was the season of the inundation, which was followed by 
four months of winter and four months of summer. 

Map of Egypt. 



In late geologic time all Eg^-pt north of Cairo was a bay of the 
Mediterranean. In the course of the centuries the sea has been 
driven out by deposits of detritus brought down by the Nile. 
As the mud was deposited in this level region, the water continued 
to make its way through it here and there. Several mouths were 
kept open, and thus the Delta was formed. This Delta is called 
Lower Eg\-pt. Upper Egx-pt extends from Cairo to the First 
Cataract: Xubia, from the First Cataract to the Sixth. 

2. The Preservation of Antiquities. — Rain in Eg}-pt is ver>% 
ver\' rare. One might almost say that it never rains. The 
countr}' lies in a latitude so far south that frost is rarely known. 
These two conditions have united to preserv^e the ruins of many 
ancient buildings in both Eg>-pt and Nubia in a state of perfec- 
tion which is rare in other countries. It was the custom of the 
ancient Eg\-ptians to bur}^ their dead in the dry land beyond the 
reach of the Nile's overflow. Like many other peoples, they 
placed in the tombs of their dead many objects used by the de- 
parted in life. Further, their peculiar beliefs concerning im- 
mortality led them to mummify the bodies of the departed; i. e., 
they fortified them against decay. Thus archaeological objects 
have been preser\'ed in Eg>pt in an abimdance and a perfection 
without parallel. So many of these are massive temples of stone, 
which, through all the ages, have stood unconcealed as silent wit- 
nesses of a past greatness, that from Cairo to the First Cataract 
Eg>-pt is one great archaeological museum. 

3. Egyptian Discoveries. — Although many Egyptian antiqui- 
ties have always been visible, they attracted little attention 
imtil modem times. Eg}-ptian temple walls are covered with 
hierogh-phic writing, but the art of reading it had long been lost. 
Coptic, a language descended from the ancient Eg}-ptian, was 
still preser\'ed as the sacred language of the Eg>ptian Church, as 
Latin is the ecclesiastical language of Roman Catholics, but no 
one realized that Coptic was simply late Eg^^Jtian. 

In the seventeenth centurs' European travelers began to bring 
home EgA.'ptian antiquities. In 1683 a specimen of Egyptian art 
was presented to the Ashmolean ISIuseum at Oxford. In the 
eighteenth centur>' R. Pococke (1704-1765) and F. L. Norden 
(1704-1742) described a number of Eg>T)tian ruins and identified 
a number of the sites mentioned by classical authors. Pococke 
was an Englishman and Norden a Dane. Others, like the ex- 


plorer Bruce, who was seeking the sources of the Nile (1768-1773), 
participated to some extent in the work. 

No systematic examination of the antiquities was made, how- 
ever, until the time of Napoleon I. When Napoleon invaded 
Egypt in 1798, he was accompanied by an army of eminent schol- 
ars and artists, nearly a hundred strong, and although in the 
settlement with England, which followed in 1802, the French 
were compelled to surrender their archaeological treasures to 
Great Britain, they were permitted to publish the results of their 
observations and explorations. The publication of these ad- 
vanced slowly, but between 1809 and 1822 the great work, con- 
sisting of one volume of introduction, three volumes of plates, 
and three volumes of texts, was given to th^ world. In these 
volumes the antiquities from the First Cataract to Alexandria 
were systematical!}' described, and many of them were repro- 
duced in magnificent water-color illustrations. As the nine- 
teenth century progressed, additional discoveries were made, 
partly by the labors of such scientists as Lepsius and Mariette, 
and partly through the rifling of tombs by natives, who often sold 
their finds to Europeans. Since Egypt passed under English 
control, exploration has been fostered by the government, and 
English, French, German, Italian, and American explorers have 
taken part in it. The tombs of many of the ancient Pharaohs, 
the mummies of a considerable number of them, all sorts of im- 
plements and household furniture, have been discovered, as well 
as a great variety of historical, literary, religious, and business 

Within the last twenty years a series of tombs of a previously 
unknown type has been discovered. The bodies buried in these 
tombs did not lie on the back as the ordinary Egyptian mummy 
does, but on the side, with the knees drawn up to the chin. It 
was at first thought that these tombs were the work of a new race 
of men who had invaded Egypt at some time in the historical 
period, but further study indicates that they are the tombs of the 
early Egyptians from whom the Egyptians known to history were 

4. Decipherment. — One of the objects found by the French 
at the time of Napoleon's expedition was the "Rosetta Stone," 
so called because found at Rosetta (Ar-Rasliid), a town near the 
mouth of the westernmost of the large branches of the Nile. This 


stone was set up about 200 b. c. by some priests, who expressed, 
through the mscription which it bore, their thanks to the young 
king, Ptolemy V, because certain taxes formerly imposed on them 
had been remitted. The inscription was written in three kinds 
of writing — hierogh-phic Egyptian (picture-writing), demotic 
Egyptian (developed from picture-writing), and Greek; (see Fig. 
14). It was among the objects which the English took in 1802, 
and had been placed in the British Museum. Although the Greek 
portion of the inscription could be easily read, the attempts of 
various scholars, through a period of twenty years, had succeeded 
in establishing the values of only a few characters of the Eg^-ptian. 
In 1818 Jean Francois ChampoUion, a French scholar, who before 
this had busied himself with the study of Coptic and Egj-ptian 
geography, began the study of the Rosetta Stone. He assumed 
that the language of the upper registers must be an older form 
of the Coptic tongue. By a most painstaking comparison of the 
characters in the upper registers with the Coptic equivalents of 
the words in the lower or Greek register, he succeeded in deciph- 
ering the long-forgotten writing of ancient Egvpt. He published 
his discovery in 1822. Thus the door to the historical and literary 
treasures of ancient Eg}^t was unlocked, and from that time to 
this the study of Egyptian inscriptions and documents has gone 
steadily forward. Many universities now maintain chairs of 
Eg^-ptology. The ability to read EgN^ptian has opened up vistas 
of history of which men had hitherto no conception. 

5. Chronology. — We are dependent for our main outline of 
EgN'ptian chronology upon the work of Manetho, an EgN^ptian 
priest, who lived about 250 b. c, and wrote a chronicle of his 
native land in the Greek language. He grouped the kings of 
Eg>'pt from the time of Menes (or Mena) to the conquest of 
Alexander the Great (332 b. c.) into thirty-one dynasties. Man- 
etho's dynasties enable scholars to determine the relative order of 
the kings, and thus form the backbone of our chronology. Around 
his statements the discoveries of the excavators and explorers are 
grouped. Manetho's work has not, however, come down to us. 
We know it only through quotations in the Chronographiai of 
Julius Africanus (221 a. d.) and the Chronicon of Eusebius of 
Cesarea (265-340 a. d.). The num.ber of years assigned to each 
king, and consequently the length of time covered by the dynas- 
ties, differ in these two copies, so that, while the work of Manetho 


forms the backbone of our chronology, it gives us no absolutely 
reliable chronology. It is for this reason that the chronological 
schemes of modern scholars have differed so widely. 

Another source of chronological information is the so-called 
"Palermo Stone," which is preserved in the Museum of Palermo, 
Sicily. This stone is a hard diorite, and is but a fragment of the 
original. It was inscribed about the middle of the fifth dynasty, 
and originally contained a list of the kings of Egypt from a time 
long before Mena to the middle of the fifth dynasty. Though 
now but a fragment, it is still of great value for the period which 
it covers. In addition to this, we also have the King List of 
Karnak, set up by Thothmes III, of the eighteenth dynasty, the 
King List of Abydos, inscribed by Seti I and Ramses II, of the 
nineteenth dynasty, and the King List of Sakkarah, inscribed by 
Ramses II. As these are all simply selections from the list of 
the predecessors of their authors, they are of secondary importance. 
The "Turin Papyrus" would be of value chronologically, but for 
its unfortunate history. This papyrus originally contained the 
most complete list of Egyptian kings that has come down to us, 
with the exception of Manetho's chronology. It formed part of 
the collection of M. Drovetti, the French Consul-General in 
Egypt. The collection was offered to the French government 
in 1818, but was finally purchased by the king of Sardinia. When 
the collection arrived in Turin, it was found that this papyrus was 
broken into small fragments in the bottom of the box in which it 
had been shipped. The fragments were afterward (1824) examined 
by ChampoUion the younger, who discovered their true char- 
acter. In 1826 another Egyptologist went to Turin and joined 
the fragments; but the science of Egyptology was then in its 
infancy, and he in his ignorance joined pieces which did not natu- 
rally belong together. For this reason it is only occasionally that 
the document yields us any chronological data. 

The greatest aid in fixing Egyptian chronology is the "Sothic 
Cycle." At an early date the Egyptians adopted a calendar 
which made up a year of 365 days. Their year originally began 
when the rapid rising of the Nile coincided with the rising of the 
star Sirius, called by them Sothis. These events coincided on 
July 19th. As their calendar made no allowance for leap year, 
in four years their new year began a day too soon, in eight years 
two days too soon, and so on. In 1,460 years {i. e., 365 X 4) their 


New Year's Day would make a complete circuit of the year. These 
periods of 1 ,460 years are called Sothic Cycles. Censorinus, in Chap- 
ters XVIII and XXI of his De Die Natali, written in 238 a. d., 
tells us that a new Sothic cycle began at some time between 140 
and 144 a. d. If a new cycle began in 140 a. d., the previous one 
began in 1320 b. c; the one before that, in 2780 b. c; and the one 
before that, — if they had their calendar so early, — in 4240 b. c. 
Reisner holds that the EgN^^tians adopted their calendar in 2780 
B. c, but Meyer and Breasted hold that it is unthinkable that they 
should have been without a calendar until that time, as by that 
date the civilization of the pyramid builders was at its height; 
they accordingly maintain that the Eg\'ptian calendar was adopted 
in 4240 b. c. 

An illustration will show how the Sothic cycle helps in deter- 
mining dates. A priest in the 120th year of the twelfth dynasty 
wrote a letter to his subordinates, to inform them that the rising 
of Sothis would occur on the fifteenth day of the eighth month. 
As there were thirty days in each month, the year diverged at this 
time 225 days. This date, then, was just 900 years after the be- 
ginning of the cycle in 2780 b. c; i. e., the fetter was written in the 
year 1880 b. c. It proves that the twelfth dynasty began in 
2000 B. c, and fixes for us all the dates of that dynasty. The 
calendar in the so-called Papyrus Ebers shows that in the tenth 
year of Amenophis I, of the eighteenth dynasty, the divergence 
had increased to 308 days. This must have been 1,232 years 
after the beginning of the cycle, which was the year 1548 b. c. 
Data gained from these sources are supplemented by what is called 
dead reckonmg; i. e., by adding together all the specific dates of 
the length of reigns which are given in the inscriptions, and test- 
ing them by collateral references. Meyer and Breasted have 
worked out the chronology from these data in this way. Meyer 
places the accession of Mena at 3200 b. c, while Breasted places 
it at 3400 B. c. This difference is slight when compared with the 
differences in the chronologies of the older Eg>^tologists. 

6. Outline of History.^— The history of Egypt, as it concerns 
our subject, extends over a period of five thousand years. It falls 
mto twelve periods: 

' For fuller accounts of the history of Egypt, see Breasted's History of the Ancient Egyptians, 
New York, Scribner's, 1908; or Breasted's History of Egypt, second edition, 1909, New York, 


(1) The Pre- Dynastic Period, which wc suppose extended from 
about 5000 b. c, or earlier, until about 3400 b. c, is the period 
before that covered by Manetho's dynasties. At the ben;innin,c; of 
this period Egypt was divided into 42 districts, which the Egyp- 
tians called spl or lisp, and which the Greeks afterwards called 
Homes. Each nome was occupied by a different tribe, which at 
the first lived in isolation from the other tribes. Each tribe had 
its god, to which an animal was sacred. This condition prevailed 
for so many centuries that the customs of this time became per- 
manently fixed. The sacredness of these animals continued right 
down to Roman times. During this period the dead were buried 
on their sides with the knees drawn up to the chin; (see Fig. 8). 
The Egyptians of this period lived partly by hunting, partly by 
fishing, and partly by agriculture. From objects found in their 
tombs we "infer that they used stone implements, wore a great 
many beads, made implements and combs of bone, made 
decorated pottery, constructed boats for use on the Nile and 
fitted sails to them, and each tribe had its own standard or 
emblem. Of course, during the centuries when Egj^jt was so 
politically divided there were many wars between nome and 

After some centuries, through the conquest of one nome by 
another, these 42 nomes were consolidated into two kingdoms. 
The 20 nomes of the Delta formed the kingdom of Lower Egj^t; 
the 22 nomes, which were ranged along the Nile from Cairo to the 
First Cataract, formed the kingdom of Upper Egypt. The symbol 
of Upper Eg^-pt was a papyrus plant; that of Lower Egypt, the 
bee. The crown of Upper Egypt was a kind of tall helmet; that 
of Lower Egypt, a diadem of openwork; (see Figs. 2, 3, and 4). 

At what period this union of the nomes into two kingdoms 
occurred, we can only conjecture. Probably it was as early as 
4200 or 4300 b. c. At all events, the two kingdoms existed sepa- 
rately for so long a time that their memory was ever afterward 
prescr\^ed. To the end of Egvptian history the kings bore the 
title, "king of Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt." Even in the 
Hebrew of the Old Testament the name for Egx'pt is literally 
"The two Eg\T:)ts." In this long pre-dynastic period the people 
were gradually emerging from savagery toward civilization. 
They were solving the initial problems of civilized life. According 
to Meyer and Breasted the people of Lower Eg}'pt had progressed 


far enough before 4200 b. c. to invent a calendar which approxi- 
mately coincided with the solar year. 

(2) The Archaic Period. — The history of united Egypt begins 
with the reign of Menes or Mena, who in some way, whether by 
conquest or marriage is uncertain, united the two crowns. He 
came from the nome of This, of which the city of Abydos, sacred 
to the worship of Osiris, was the chief town. He and his suc- 
cessors continued to administer the two parts of Egypt as separate 
countries. Mena founded the first dynasty, and the second dy- 
nasty seems to have been connected with his house; it was, at all 
events, from the nome of This. These two dynasties ruled Egypt 
for 420 years, from 3400 to 2980 b. c. This is known as the 
archaic period of Egyptian history. Men were, during this time, 
gradually developing the art of expressing thought by means of 
picture-WTiting. At some tune during the first dynasty the 
Egyptians began to work the turquoise mines in the Wady Mag- 
hara in the penmsula of Smai. The tombs of this period were 
low, flat houses of brick. The Arabs call them mastabas or 
"benches." During the second dynasty the Egyptians began to 
conceive of their gods in human form. They preserved the 
continuity of the earlier animal and bird forms by putting the old 
heads on human bodies. 

(3) The Old Kingdom embraces dynasties three to six, and ex- 
tended from 2980 to 2475 b. c, a period of more than 500 years. 
During the third and fourth dynasties the power of the king was 
supreme and the first great culmination of Egyi^t's civilization 
occurred. It was in this period that the pyramids developed. 
Zoser, the first king of the third dynasty, built as his tomb the 
so-called Step Pyramid; (see Fig. 7). It consists of five stages 
which vary from 29| to 36 feet in height. It is not, therefore, 
a true pyramid. At the base it is 352 X 396 feet. Seneferu, the 
last king of the third dynasty, built a similar tomb, but, as he 
made the stages lower and more numerous, it approached more 
nearly the pyramidal form. 

Kliufu or Cheops, the founder of the fourth dynasty, improving 
upon the work of his predecessors, constructed the first real pyra- 
mid and the greatest of them all. The blocks with which he built 
were about three feet high, and he made a step with each course 
of stones. A covering, which has now been removed, was originally 
placed over the whole, thus securing a perfect pyramidal form. 


This pyramid is now 7vS0 (originally 768) feet on each side, and 
451 (originally 482) feet high. It contains some 2,300,000 blocks 
of stone, each weighing on the average two and a half tons; (see 
Fig. 6). The stone was cjuarried from the Mokattam hills on the 
other side of the Nile, more than twelve miles away. 

Kliafre, the next king but one after Kiiufu, built the second 
pyramid, which is almost as high as that of Khufu, being 447^ 
feet, but measures on the sides but 690h feet. Within and under 
the pyramids are the tomb chambers. KJiafre also carved out 
of the native rock, not far from these two pyramids, the great 
Sphinx, the head of which bore a portrait of himself. From the 
top of the head to the pavement under the paws is 66 feet; the 
breadth of the face is 13 feet 8 inches, and the other parts are in 
proportion. Near the Sphinx stands a temple, built of polished 
granite, wliich is connected by an underground passage with the 
pyramid of Khafre. All these are silent but eloquent witnesses 
to the skill of the Eg\q3tians of this period in stone work, and to 
the absolute power of the Pharaoh; (see Figs. 5 and 6). 

Menkaure, the next king, constructed a smaller pyramid, the 
side of its base being 356| feet and its height 204 (originally 219) 
feet. Either his power was less or the resources of the kingdom 
were becoming exhausted. Though the pyramidal form of tombs 
continued for several centuries, no others were ever built that 
approached these in size. 

The fifth dynasty was founded by a priest of On. During its 
rule the power of the king was not so absolute, and a powerful 
nobility began to develop. These nobles had themselves buried 
in tombs of the old mastaba t}^e, and adorned the walls with 
pictures of the industries which were carried on upon their country 
estates. One of the most famous of these is the tomb of a certain 
Ti, from the pictures in which much has been learned of the various 
industries of ancient Egypt. 

By the time of the sixth dynasty a strong nobility had been 
developed in the different nomes, so that the monarchy was 
thoroughly feudal. The absolute power that the kings of the first 
four dynasties had exercised had passed away. During the sixth 
dynasty the conquest of northern Nubia was begun, an expedition 
was sent to the far-away land of Punt, a country far to the south. 
It was probably the region on both sides of the straits of Bab-el- 
Mandeb, comprising southwestern Arabia and Somaliland. An 


expedition was also sent over sea to Palestine, to chastise the in- 
habitants of the southern portion of that country for invading 
Eg^'pt. The capital of Eg>T5t during the whole of the Old Kingdom 
was Memphis. The city thus gained a prominence which made it 
ever afterward famous. In early times it had been called the 
WTiite Wall, but after the sLxth dynasty it was called Men-nofer, 
of which Memphis (Hosea 9:6) is a corruption. It is in the Old 
Testament more often called Noph, a corruption of the last part 
of the name. (See Isa. 19 : 13; Jer. 2 : 16; 44 : 1; 46 : 14, 19; Ezek. 
30:13, 16.) 

(4) The First Period of Disintegration covers dynasties seven to 
ten of Manetho's list, a period lasting from 2475 to 2160 b. c. At 
the beginning of this period the powerful nobles in the different 
nomes seem, many of them, to have set up each a government of 
his own. Thus Egj^t was once more resolved into many con- 
tending kingdoms. Through a cycle of 2,500 years a whole circle 
of political evolution had been completed. Starting with 42 chiefs 
or kinglets, the country had first become two kingdoms, then one 
kingdom. In this struggle the local nobility had been eliminated. 
Through nine hundred years the central monarchy was supreme, 
then slowly a new nobility developed, which finally overthrew the 
kingdom and once more made Egypt a group of weak and con- 
tending states. 

During the last two hundred and fifty years of this period of 
darkness we gain some glimpses of a feudal monarchy which had 
its residence at Heracleopolis in central Eg}T3t and controlled a 
good part of the land with varying degrees of success. These 
kings were apparently the ninth and tenth dynasties of Manetho. 

(5) The Middle Kingdom. — About 2160 b. c. an eleventh dynasty 
arose and began to struggle for the supremacy, finally achieving it. 
This family belonged to the nome of Thebes, which had hitherto 
been of no particular importance. It now became the scat of 
government, and remained for 1,500 years one of the most im- 
portant cities of EgsqDt. 

About the year 2000 this dynasty was followed by the twelfth, 
a powerful line of kings which ruled from 2000 to 1788 b. c. This 
was the period of the great ]VIiddle Kingdom. The nobles were 
still strong, and the monarchy was thoroughly feudal in its organ- 
ization. Three of these monarchs bore the name Sesostris. They 
raised Eg^-pt to a high degree of prosperity and power. Trade 


with Punt was resumed, Nubia was conquered to the Second 
Cataract, which was made the southern frontier of the realm, the 
mines of Sinai were worked, and one of the kings, Amenemhet HI, 
built a large temple there, at a point now called Sarbut el-Khadem. 
This temple was explored a few years ago by Petrie. 

Trade with Palestine and Syria flourished during this period. A 
noble of middle Egypt pictured in his tomb some of those who 
came to trade with him. When the pictures were first discovered, 
it was thought that they were the sons of Jacob, come to buy corn 
in Egypt; (see Fig. 1). 

Sesostris HI invaded Palestine before 1850 b. c. and captured a 
city which was apparently Shechem, though the spelling of the 
name is peculiar. The kings of this period were buried in tombs 
of pyramidal form, though the pyramids were not large. One of 
them built a great administration building at Hawara, which was 
known to the Greeks as the Labyrinth and was regarded as one of 
the wonders of the world. 

During this and the preceding period a social conscience was 
developed in Egypt which found expression in a remarkable litera- 
ture. Extracts from two examples of this, "The Eloquent 
Peasant" and "The Admonitions of Ipuwer," are published in 
Part 11, p. 418, ff., 421, ff. 

(6) Second Period of Disintegration. — The thirteenth dynasty, 
which began in 1788 b. c, had not been long upon the throne, when 
powerful rebellions again broke up the kingdom. Petty kinglets 
ruled once more in many parts of the land. These kings comprise 
Manetho's thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties. The land, dis- 
united, became an easy prey to an invader. Such an invader 
came. For more than 3,000 years Egypt, protected by her deserts, 
had lived her life unmolested. The uncivilized Nubians on the 
south, the Lyl^ans on the west of the Delta, and the uncivilized 
tribes of Sinai had been easily held in check. But now a powerful 
invader came from Asia with a well organized, though barbaric 
army. They conquered Egypt and imposed upon her two dynas- 
ties of kings, who ruled for about a hundred years, until they were 
driven out about LS80 b. c. These kings were Manetho's fifteenth 
and sixteenth dynasties. He calls them Hyksos, which has been 
held to mean "Shepherd Kings," but which probably meant 
"Ruler of Countries." They have been generally believed to be 
Semitic, though some scholars now think they may have been of 


Hittite origin. In any event, large numbers of Semites came to 
Eg\pt with them, and left many Semitic names in the Delta. 
Some of these will be discussed below. This invasion broke up 
Egypt's splendid isolation and brought her into the current of world 
events, from which she was never afterward to free herself. 

(7) The Empire Period. — ^At some time before 1600 b. c. a 
seventeenth dynasty arose at Thebes and began the struggle to ex- 
pel the foreign kings. This was not accomplished until the founder 
of the eighteenth dynasty, Amosis I (1580-1577), achieved it. In 
order to secure freedom from mvasion the kings of this dynasty were 
compelled to follow the invaders into Asia, and in time Thothmes 
III (1501-1447) conquered Palestine, Phoenicia, and Syria to 
the Euphrates, and organized it into a compact empire, which 
held together until about 1360. The kings of this dynasty also 
carried the concjuest of Nubia to Napata, at the Fourth Cataract. 
They worked the mines of Sinai, traded with Punt, and inaugu- 
rated the "empire period," which lasted in reality till well into the 
twentieth dynasty, about 1165, and which, for convenience, we 
count as extending to the fall of the twenty-first dynasty in 945 b. c. 

The foreign conquests brought many immigrants to Egypt and 
also took many Eg}'ptians for longer or shorter periods to foreign 
lands. Egj^ptian customs in dress as well as the Egj^Dtian language 
changed rapidly during this time. The Asiatic conquests of 
Thothmes III brought Egypt into relations with Asiatic kings, and 
in time his successors, Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, had an 
interesting exchange of letters with kings of Babylon, Assyria, 
Mitanni, and Alashia (or Cy-prus), as well as with Egj^atian vice- 
roys in Syria and Palestine. Some of these letters are translated 
in Part 11, p. 344, ff. 

Amenophis IV made the first attempt known in history to estab- 
lish a monotheistic religion. Although it was unsuccessful, it pro- 
duced a beautiful hymn, which is translated in Part II, p. 403, ff. 
The kings of this period were buried in tombs of a new type. These 
were excavated out of the solid rock, cut deep into the mountain- 
side. They were all in the famous Valley of the Tombs of the 
Kings back of Thebes. 

The nineteenth dynasty succeeded the eighteenth about 1350 
B. c. During a period of weakness between the two, the Asiatic 
dominions had been lost. These were in large part reconquered by 
Seti I and Ramses 11. The last-mentioned king ruled 67 years, 


from 1292 to 1225 b. c. He did much building in all parts of 
Egypt and Nubia. Among his enterprises were the cities of Pithom 
and Raamses in the Delta. He has long been thought to have been 
the Pharaoh who oppressed the Hebrews. Early in his reign he 
fought with the Hittites, but afterward made a treaty of peace 
with their king and married his daughter. The text of this treaty 
has been preserved. It is the earliest extant international treaty, 
and it contained an extradition clause, though this applied to 
political offenders only. (For head of Ramses, see Fig. 9.) 

Merneptah, the son and successor of Ramses II, has been sup- 
posed to be the Pharaoh of the Exodus. His hymn of victory over 
his enemies is translated in Part II, p. 311. 

In the reign of Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty (1198-1167 
B. c), the Philistines and other tribes, coming from across the sea, 
from Crete and Asia Minor, invaded Egypt. Repulsed by him, 
they invaded Palestine, where they secured a foothold. Ramses 
IV, his successor, was the last Pharaoh to work the mines in Sinai. 
By the reign of Ramses IX (1142-1123 B.C.), Eg^-pt's Asiatic empire 
was gone and her prosperity had so declined that the natives of 
Thebes took to robbing the tombs of kings for a living. The 
records of the trials of some of these have survived. In the reign 
of Ramses XII (1118-1090 b. c), Wenamon made his famous ex- 
pedition to Phoenicia, a part of which is narrated in Part II, p. 352, fT. 

The twenty-first dynasty (1090-945 b. c.) was a line of weak 
monarchs, who simply held Egypt together. During their rule 
David built up Israel's empire. One of them, either Siamon or 
Pesibkhenno II, was the Pharaoh whose daughter Solomon married. 
(See 1 Kings 3 :l,f.; 9:16.) 

(8) The Period of Foreign Dynasties (945-663 B. c). — During 
the time of the twenty-first dynasty the Lybians, who for centuries 
had made unsuccessful attempts to invade Eg^'pt, settled in large 
numbers in different parts of the country, and adopted Egyptian 
customs, while some of them became wealthy and powerful. In 
945 B. c. one of these, named Sheshonk, founded the twenty-second 
dynasty. This king is the Shishak of the Bible. It was he who 
gave asylum to Jeroboam, when he fled from Solomon (1 Kings 
11 :40), and who in the days of Rehoboam invaded Palestine. 
(See 1 Kings 14 : 25-28.) The dynasty founded by Shishak lasted 
for two hundred years. During the first century of this time it was 
very flourishing. One of its kings, Osorkon II, was apparently an 


ally of Ahab ; at all events, a vase bearing Osorkon's name was found 
at Samaria in Ahab's palace. This dynasty made its capital at 
Bubastis in the Eg\T3tian Delta, called Pi-beseth in Ezekiel 30 : 17. 

During the last century of this dynasty's rule Nubia, which had 
been for many centuries under Egyptian sway, gained her inde- 
pendence under a powerful dynasty which made Napata, at the 
Fourth Cataract, its capital. In 745 b. c. the twenty-second 
dvnasty was succeeded by the twenty-third, which held a precari- 
ous existence until 718, when it was succeeded by the one king of 
the twenty-fourth. Egypt was during this period in great disorder, 
and in 712 the Nubian kings swept down from the south and con- 
quered the country, establishing the twenty-fifth dynasty. The con- 
trol thus passed from the Lybians to the Nubians. Tirhakah, the 
third king of this dynasty, took part in the wars against Sennacherib 
in Palestine. (See 2 Kings 19 : 9; Isa. 37 : 9, and Part II, p. 375, ff.) 
In 670 Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, invaded Egypt, defeated 
Tirhakah and made all the Delta as far as Memphis an Assyrian 
province. Some years later, when Tanut-amon, the successor of 
Tirhakah, endeavored to regain the Delta, Assurbanipal, of Assyria, 
marched up the Nile, took Thebes, that for 1,500 years had been 
mistress of Eg^^pt, and during much of that time mistress of a large 
part of the then known world, and barbarously sacked it. This 
was in 661 b. c. This event made a great impression on surrounding 
nations. It is referred to in Nahum 3 : 8, where Thebes is called 
No-amon, or the city of the god Amon. 

(9) The Lower Empire is the name given by scholars to the 
period of the twenty-sixth dynasty, 663-525 b. c. This dynasty 
was founded by Psammetik I, who became the viceroy of Egypt 
under Assurbanipal, of Assyria, in 663 b. c. Psammetik was 
descended from a native Egyptian family of the city of Sais in the 
western Delta, and a nimiber of his ancestors had been prominent 
in the history of Eg^-pt during the preceding century. At first he 
was a vassal of Assyria, but soon troubles in the eastern part of the 
Assyrian dominions enabled him to make Eg>'pt independent. 
The Eg)T3tians, finding themselves once more free under a native 
dynasty, experienced a great revival of national feeling. Every- 
thing Eg>TDtian interested them. They looked with particular 
affection upon the age of the pyramid builders, who lived more than 
two thousand years before them. They revived old names and old 
titles, and emulated the art of the olden days. They manifested 


such vigor and originality withal, that the art of the lower empire 
rivals that of the best periods of Egvptian history. 

Necho, the son and successor of Psammetichus, endeavored, as 
Assyria was declining to her fall, to regain an Asiatic empire, 
Josiah, of Judah, who sought to thwart him, was defeated by Necho 
and killed at the battle of Megiddo in 608 b. c. (2 Kings 23 : 29). 
Necho aften\'ard deposed Jehoahaz and took him captive to 
Egypt (2 Kings 23 : 34). Four years later, when Necho made a 
second campaign into Asia, he was defeated by Nebuchadrezzar 
at Charchemish on the Euphrates, and compelled to hastily retreat 
to Egypt, hotly pursued by the Babylonians. Jeremiah, who per- 
haps caught sight of the rapidly moving armies from, the Judaean 
hills, has given a vivid account of the flight in Jeremiah 46. Jere- 
miah considered this event so important that he began then to com- 
mit his prophecies to writing. (See Jeremiah 36.) After this 
Necho devoted himself to the internal government of Eg^-pt, 
though he became the patron of an enterprise for the circumnaviga- 
tion of Africa, which was carried out by some Phoenicians. (See 
Herodotus, IV, 42.) Hophra, a later king of this dynasty (588-569 
B. c), in order to gain influence in Asia, tempted King Zedekiah 
to rebel against Babylon, and thus lured the little state of Judah 
to its destruction. During the reign of Hophra's successor, Amo- 
sis II, Cyrus the Great founded the Persian empire, and in 525 b. c. 
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, overthrew the twenty-sixth dynasty, 
and made Eg^pt a Persian province. 

(10) The' Persian Period. — Cambyses, after conquering Egypt, 
attempted in vain to conquer Nubia. The Nubian monarchs at 
this time moved their capital from Napata, at the Fourth Cataract, 
to Meroe, at the Sixth Cataract. Darius (521-485 b. c.) ruled 
Egv'pt with great wisdom and tact, but under his successors there 
were frequent rebellions. Finally, in 406 b. c, the Eg^-ptians actu- 
ally gained their independence, which they maintained until 342 
B. c. During this period three native dynasties, the twenty-eighth, 
the twenty-ninth, and the thirtieth, successively occupied the 
throne. Manetho counts the Persians as the twenty-seventh 
dynasty. In 342 b. c. the Persians reconcjuercd the country and 
held it for ten years until it was taken by Alexander the Great. 
This ten years of Persian rule constitutes Manetho's thirty-first 

(11) The Ptolemaic Period (332-31 b. c). — For eleven years 


Egypt formed a part of Alexander's empire. Upon his death, in 
323 B. c, it fell to the control of his general, Ptolemy Lagi, who 
founded a line of Ptolemies that ruled until overthrown by Augustus 
in 31 B. c. With the accession of the Ptolemies many Greeks settled 
in Egypt ; Greek became one of the languages of commerce, and had 
a considerable influence in transforming the Egyptian language into 
Coptic. Until the year 198 b. c. the Ptolemies controlled Pales- 
tine. Philadelphus, the second of the line, rebuilt in the Greek 
style the city of Rabbah Ammon east of the Jordan, and named it 
Philadelphia. He, like his father, encouraged many Jews to settle 
in Alexandria, and, according to tradition, became the patron of the 
translation of the Old Testament Scriptures into Greek. At all 
events, the Pentateuch was translated in his time, and the trans- 
lation of the other books followed. This translation is known as 
the "Septuagint" because of the legend that Ptolemy Philadelphus 
set 72 men to translate it. By the beginning of the Christian era 
there were so many Jews in Alexandria that it had become a second 

(12) The Roman Period. — The Romans, upon conquering Egypt, 
disturbed in no way the internal affairs of the country. They gave 
it good government and fostered its internal institutions. Many 
old Egyptian customs persisted among the people; it is in regard to 
some of these that discoveries of interest to Biblical scholars have 
been made. From tombs and the places in the dry sands of the 
desert, where waste-baskets were emptied, many records have been 
discovered, some of which are translated in Part II, p. 432,ff.,440,ff. 

Meantime, a state had developed out of the old monarchy of 
Nubia, described above, which was ruled by a woman, whose 
official title was Candace. It was an officer of hers to whom Philip 
preached, as described in Acts 8 : 27-39. Recent excavations in 
Nubia have recovered some of the art of these people, who became 
Christian in the second or third century, as well as some inscrip- 
tions of theirs in a script that is not yet deciphered. 

7. Egyptian Discoveries which Bear on the Bible: 

(1) Texts Bearing on the Story of Joseph. — A number of texts 
from the Middle Kingdom and other periods present features simi- 
lar to parts of the story of Joseph and afford somewhat faint paral- 
lels to certain conceptions of the Hebrew Prophets. These are 
translated in Part II, p. 300, ff., and p. 418, ff. 

The name of Joseph's wife, Asenath (in Egyptian As- Neil, 


"favorite of the goddess Xeith"), occurs from the eighteenth d}Tiasty 
onward. Such names as Potiphar, the master of Joseph (Gen. 
30:1), and Potiphera, Josejih's father-in-law (Gen. 41 :45), in 
Egyptian Pedcjrc, "he whom the god Re gives," as well as the name 
given to Joseph, Zaj)henath-paneah (Gen. 41 :45), in Egyptian 
Dc-pnute-cf-onkh, "the god speaks and he lives," are common in 
Egypt from the beginning of the twenty-second dynasty, 945 b. c. 
//(2) The Invasion of Egypt by the Hyksos. — This took many 
Semites to Egypt. The very name Hyksos is held by Breasted to 
mean "ruler of countries." It was probably a title by which these 
kings called themselves, for they evidently ruled a considerable 
portion of western Asia, as well as Egypt. "Ruler of countries" 
is just the Semitic-Babylonian and Assyrian shar-matCiti, a title 
which ]\lesopotamian kings gave to themselves through much of 
their history. It had been employed by the Sumerians before 
them, being the familiar Sumerian lugal kurkurra, "king of 
countries." If the Hyksos were Amorites, kinsmen of theirs had 
ruled in Bab)-lonia long before their invasion of Egypt, and that 
these may have been Amorites is indicated by the name Jacob-her, 
which was borne by one of their kings. This is an Egj-ptian form 
of the Babylonian Yagub-iln, or Jacob-el, an Amorite name found 
on business documents in Babylonia three or four hundred years 
earlier. In the time of Thothmes HI this name was, Thothmes 
tells us, borne by a Palestinian city, to which it had apparently 
been given by some Amorite from Babylonia. Whether the 
Hyksos were Amorites or not, a number of Semitic names were 
given to places in Lower Eg^pt at the time of their occupation. 
Such was the name Magdol, or Migdol. The Egyptian name of 
Tanis was Zar, which Brugsch claims as Semitic. Thakut, an old 
name of Pithom, is the same as the Semitic Succoth, "booths." 

In the winter of 1905-1906 Petrie, excavating at Tell el-Ye- 
hudiyeh,' about 20 miles north of Cairo, discovered what he believes 
to have been one of the original encampments of the Hyksos in 
Egypt. This encampment consisted of a large space, averaging 
about 1,500 feet in each direction, surrounded by a wall of sloping 
sand and mud. This wall, varying from 80 to 140 feet wide at the 
top and from 130 to 200 feet wide at the bottom, presented on the 
outer side a long slope, and is quite unlike any structure of the 
native Egyptians. From the nature of the wall and the small 

' See Petrie, Hyksos and the Israelite Cities, London, 1906. 


objects found near it, Pctric infers that it was the rampart of a 
people who defended themselves with bows and arrows. A ceme- 
tery of the same level yielded to the explorer a considerable amount 
of black pottery, not at all like pottery of native Ej^yptian manu- 
facture, and a number of crude scarabs. These objects Petrie 
believes are products of the art of the Hyksos before they had been 
in Egypt long enough to adopt Eg\^tian civilization. In 1912 
Petrie discovered a similar Hyksos camp at the site of Heliopolis, 
the Biblical On. 

It has been held by many that Abraham, Joseph, and Jacob all 
went to Eg^-pt during the reign of the Hyksos dynasty. It would 
be natural for Semites to enter such a country, if it were ruled by a 
dynasty of the same blood as themselves. Eg^-pt has, however, 
furnished no positive archaeological evidence of this view. The 
Semitic names just alluded to, which are sometimes cited as evi- 
dence of it, in reality only prove that many Semites came wnth the 
Hyksos. They make it probable, indeed, that some of the Hyksos 
were Semites, but give us no positive evidence concerning the 
patriarchs. On the other hand, nothing has been discovered in 
Eg\pt to disprove this view. 

(3) The El-Amarna Letters. — In the winter of 1887-1888 a native 
Egyptian woman, according to one account, accidentally discovered 
some clay tablets in the soil at Tell el-Amarna, about 200 miles 
south of Cairo on the east bank of the Nile. She is said to have sold 
her rights in the discovery for about 50 cents. It was thus that 
nearly four hundred clay tablets, inscribed m the Babylonian lan- 
guage and characters, which opened an entirely unknown vista in 
the history of Palestine and the surrounding countries, were found. 
These were letters written to Kings Amenophis III and Amenophis 
IV, of the eighteenth dynasty. (See § 6 (7).) Seven of them 
were written by Ebed-hepa, King of Jerusalem, about 1360 b. c, 
and give us a glimpse of that city more than 350 years before 
David conciuered it for Israel. Others of the letters came from 
other cities of Palestine and Phoenicia, and reveal to us through 
contemporary documents the conditions there in the patriarchal 
age. Some of these are translated in Part II, p. v344, ff. 

(4) Period of the Oppression and the Exodus. — The statement in 
Exodus 1:11 that the Pharaoh who oppressed the Egx-ptians built 
the store-cities of Pithom and Raamses, indicates that this Pharaoh 
was Ramses II, for Naville, who excavated the site of Pithom 


(Egyptian Pi-luni, "House of the god Turn") in 1883, found much 
work of Ramses II there, inckiding colossal statues of this king, 
and also found no evidence that there had been any town of im- 
portance on the site before.' The name of the other city, Raamses, 
also points to the same king, since Ramses I, the only other king of 
the name Egypt had known, reigned less than two years — a time 
insufficient for the building of a city. The Bible evidently refers, 
then, to Ramses II. Concerning Ramses II and his reign much is 
now known, as has been pointed out in § 6 (7); (see Fig. 10). 

All through the nineteenth dynasty peoples from Syria were 
employed by the kings on public works. Among these was a 
people called 'prw = Aperu or Apuri, which some have thought to be 
Hebrews. Whether the Hebrews are really mentioned in this way 
is doubted by others, for references to the 'prw do not cease at the 
time the Exodus of Israel must have occurred. They were em- 
ployed by Ramses IV, of the twentieth dynasty, as late as 1165 b. c. 

Much has been learned from archaeology about Egyptian brick- 
making, and it corresponds to the description of it given in Exodus. 
We have pictures of men at the work. No one thought of burning 
bricks in Egypt. The clay was moulded and dried in the sun. 
Straw was mixed with the clay to increase its adhesive quality. 
Naville says that some of the corners of some of the buildings at 
Pithom were actually built of bricks without straw. (See Exod. 
5 :7-18; and Fig. 11.) 

The name Pithom continued as one of the names of this store- 
city or fortress until at least 250 b. c, for it is found on a pillar 
which Ptolemy Philadelphus set up there, l^ut side by side with 
this name the place, all through its history, bore the name Thakut, 
which is philologically the Egyjitian equivalent of the Hebrew 
Succoth. As this was the first station of the Hebrews when they 
left Egypt (Exod. 12 : 37; 13 : 20; Num. 33 : 5, 6), Naville holds 
that the Hebrews, after leaving the land of Goshen, must have 
passed out on the south side of the Isthmus of Suez. 

Petrie believes that in the winter of 1905-1906 he discovered the 
city of Raamses^ at Tell cl-Retal)ch, eight miles west of the site of 
Pithom, on the Wady Tumilat. The objects found here show 
that the site was occupied in the time of the Old Kingdom and on- 
ward, but as Ramses II and Ramses III l)oth set up here statues 

' See Naville, The Store-City of Pillinm an! the Route of the Exoitus, 4lh cd., London, 1903. 
* See Petrie, Ilyksos and the Israelite Cities, p. 28. f. 


of themselves, and erected important buildings, and as the location 
is the only one that fulfils the conditions of the city Raamses, 
Petrie feels confident that this was the site. This view receives 
some confirmation from the title of an officer who served here under 
Ramses III, and who is called: "Chief archer, keeper of the gran- 
aries, keeper of the palace; chief archer, keeper of the granaries of 
Arabia (or Syria)." 

Merneptah, who is generally supposed to have been the Pharaoh 
under whom the Exodus occurred, was not drowned in the Red Sea, 
as some have wrongly inferred from Exod. 14 : 23-28, but was duly 
buried like his predecessors. His mummy has been found and is 
now in the Gizeh Museum at Cairo. 

Merneptah in the fifth year of his reign set up a hymn of victory 
on a pillar in a temple erected by his father, Ramses II. This 
hymn, discovered by Petrie in 1896, is famous as the only writing 
outside the Bible that mentions Israel by name. A part of it is 
translated in Part II, p. 311, where its bearing on the Exodus is 
discussed; (see Fig. 15). 

(5) Campaign of Sheshonk I. — The record on a wall of the 
temple of Karnak in Eg>-pt by Sheshonk I, the Shishak of 1 Kings 
14 : 25, of his campaign in Palestine, confirms the statement of 
Kings and puts the whole campaign in a new perspective. It is 
treated in detail in Part II, p. 359, f. 

(6) Papyri Discovered at Elephantine. — In recent years papyri 
discovered at Elephantine, an island in the First Cataract, reveal 
the existence of a Jewish colony there, which had a Jewish temple 
on the island. This colony was established there at some time 
during the twenty-sixth dynasty, and was thus one of the earliest 
of those Jewish settlements in foreign countries which formed the 
dispersion. A number of the records of these papyri, which relate 
the fortunes of this temple, the relations of this colony to their 
Eg^-ptian neighbors and their knowledge of the law, are translated 
in Part II, p. 387, ff. The origin of the colony is also discussed 

(7) The Palace of HopJira. — Hophra, of the twenty-sLxth dynasty, 
was, as noted in § 6 (9), the king who lured Judah to her ruin. 
Petrie in 1907 discovered his palace at Memphis. The discovery 
makes Hophra seem a little more real.^ 

(8) The Castle at Tahpanhcs.—\\e learn from Jer. 43 : 7, 8 and 

' See Petrie, The Palace of Apries, London, 1909. 


44 : 1 that, after the destruction of Jerusalem, Jeremiah with many 
other Jews lied to Tahpanhes in Egypt and established a Jewish 
colony there. Jeremiah, as a symbolical act, was directed to hide 
some stones in the cement of the tiled area of the court of Pharaoh's 
house there (Jer. 43 : 8). Tahpanhes was the Daphne of the 
Greeks. It was on the site of the modern Tell Defennch. This 
was in ancient times the easternmost city of the northern Delta. 
A hundred and fifty miles of desert stretched away to the east of 
it, until one came to the gardens of Gaza in Palestine. Petrie ex- 
cavated Tell Defenneh in 1883-1884, and discovered the large 
castle there, which is probably the building in which Jeremiah 
buried his stones. This was the last act o^ Jeremiah's life of which 
we have any record. He was then an old man and apparently died 
soon afterward, probably at Tahpanhes, certainly in Eg>-pt. 

(9) The Jeii>isk Temple at Leontopolis. — Josephus tells us twice, 
once in his A ntlquities of the Jews, Book XTII, Chapter HI, and again 
in his Wars of the Jews, Book VII, Chapter X, that, when Jonathan, 
the Maccabee, was made high priest of the Jews, about 153 B. c, 
Onias, the son of Onias HI, the deposed high priest, went to 
Egypt and obtained a grant of land and permission to build a 
Jewish temple. This land was in the region of the city of Bubastis, 
the nome where the cat goddess was sacred, and was accordingly 
called by the Greeks Leontopolis. There were at this time about 
as many Jews in Eg^pt as in Palestine, and doubtless Ptolemy VII 
thought to keep them more loyal by granting them a temple. He 
gave to Onias the revenues of a considerable territory for the sup- 
port of the temple. Josephus tells us that Onias urged as a reason 
for the construction of this temple that it would be in fulfilment of 
the prophecy in Isa. 19 : 19-22. Josephus goes on to say that 
this temple was built as an exact reproduction of the temple at 
Jerusalem and that it continued to exist as a place of worship until 
after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, when troubles caused 
by Jewish zealots led the Roman government to close the temple 
at Leontopolis and discontinue its worship; (see Fig. 12). 

The site of this temple was at Tell el-Yehudiyeh, the "Tell of 
the Jewess," about 20 miles north of Cairo. This tell was excavated 
by Petrie in 1905-1906. He found there remains of the Jewish 
temple, which fully confirm the statements of Josephus. Not only 
the temple, l)ut the form of the Jewish settlement, was made as 
far as possible a replica of the city of Jerusalem. One of the 


most interesting discoveries was a series of ovens for the roasting 
of Paschal lambs. Others of a similar character were found higher 
up in the moimd, but this first series was most nvmierous. Petrie 
infers that the temple was dedicated by a great Passover Feast, to 
which Jews came in large numbers from throughout Eg\pt;^ (see 
Fig. 13). 

(10) Papyri from Oxyrhynchus. — About 123 miles south of Cairo 
and nine miles to the west of the Nile lies the town of Behnesa, 
which the Greeks called Oxyrhynchus, from a sharp-nosed lish which 
M-as sacred there. Since 1897 Grenfell and Hunt, two English ex- 
plorers, have been season after season exploring the rubbish heaps 
of the old town. The inhabitants committed the contents of their 
waste-baskets to the sands, and on account of the dry climate 
these have never decayed. Here were found the "Sayings of Jesus," 
some of the documents concerning the Roman census, and some of 
the letters translated in Part II, pp. 432, ff., 440, flf., as well as many 
remains of the works of classical authors. Similar documents have 
been found in other parts of Eg^-pt, but no other site has yielded as 
many as Ox}-rhynchus. 

(11) Discoveries in Nubia. — During the winter of 1908-1909 
Maclver explored at Karanog in Nubia for the University of 
Pennsylvania. He found in a cemetery many remains of the 
civilization of the Christian Nubians. They still called their 
queen Candace (see Acts 8 : 27), fed her on milk, and regarded 
obesity as an attribute of royalty. More will be known of the 
Nubians of this period when the mscriptions discovered at Karanog 
and at Shablul, deciphered by Mr. Griffith, have been more com- 
pletely studied. The explorations of the English at Meroe have 
afforded a connected view of the development of this Nubian civili- 
zation. They found there the remains of an early period extending 
from about 650-400 b. c, which was followed by about a century 
when the royal residence was elsewhere, a middle period from 300 
to 1 B. c, during the latter part of which Hellenic influences were 
felt, and a late period, from 1 to 350 a. d., during which Roman 
forms of art penetrated the country.- 

1 See Petrie, Uyksos and the Israelite Cities, p. 191, ff. 

' See Aniuiis of Arclueology and Anthropology, VII. Liverpool, 1914, pp. 1-10. 


The Land. The Preservation of Antiquities. The Discovery of Antiquities: 
By Benjamin of Tudela. By Rich. By Botta and Place. By Layard. By Loftus 
and Kawlinson. By Oppert and Rassam. By (Jeorge Smith. By Sarzec. By Peters, 
Ward, and Hayncs. By Koldeway. By Andrae. By de Morgan. By Harper and Banks. 
By Genouillac. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions: By Nicbuhr. By Grote- 
fend, De Sacy, and Rawlinson. Babylonian column. Babylonian-Semitic. Chro- 
nology. Outline of the History: The prehistoric period. Sumerians. The I're- 
Babylonian period. "Stele of the Vultures." The early Babylonian period. Kassites. 
Pashe dynasty. The early Assyrian period. The second Assyrian period. The Neo- 
Babylonian period. The Persian period. The Greek and Parthian periods. Dis- 
coveries which Illumine the Bible. 

1. The Land. — The Mesopotamian Valley, as the great region 
watered by the Tigris and the Euphrates Rivers is called, in many 
respects resembles Egypt, although in other respects it differs 
strikingly from Egypt. The country is like Egypt in that it is 
formed by rivers; it differs from Eg\^t in that it has two rivers 
instead of one. In late geologic time the Persian Gulf extended 
far up toward the Mediterranean. All of what was Babylonia has 
been formed by detritus (silt) brought down by the Tigris and the 
Euphrates. The process of forming land is still going on. At the 
head of the Persian Gulf about seventy feet a year is still formed 
in this way, or a mile in about seventy-five years. 

Both the Tigris and the Euphrates rise in the mountainous re- 
gions of Armenia, on opposite sides of the same range of mountains. 
The melting of the snows on these mountains gives both rivers, 
like the Nile, a period of overflow. As the source of the Tigris is 
on the south side of the mountains, it begins to rise first. Its rise 
begins about the first of March, its overflow is at its height in 
May, and the water recedes in June or July. The Euphrates 
begins to rise about the middle of March, continues to rise until 
June, and does not recede to its ordinary level until September, 
The soil thus formed is of rich materials, and the retreating flood 
leaves it each year well watered and softened for agriculture. Here, 
as in Egypt, one of the earliest civilizations of the world developed, 


It was quite independent of that in Egypt, and consequently dif- 
fered from the Egyptian in many respects. Unhke Egypt, Baby- 
lonia had a rainy season; nevertheless she was mainly dependent 
upon the overflow of the rivers for her irrigation and her fertility. 
As she possessed two rivers, her breadth was greater than that of 
Egypt, but she lacked the contiguity of protecting deserts, such as 
Eg}TDt possessed. All through her history her fertile plains at- 
tracted the mountain dwellers of the East and the peoples of the 
West. Subject to frequent invasion by these, Babylonia had no 
long peaceful development such as Eg}'pt enjoyed before the 
Hyksos invasion. From before the beginning of written history 
race mingled with race in this great valley, invasions were fre- 
quent, and the construction of permanent empires difficult. 

The breadth of the Mesopotamian Valley affected also the 
building materials and the character of the art. Stone was much 
more difficult to obtain than in Eg^pt. Clay only was abun- 
dant. All buildings were consequently of brick. These structures 
were far less enduring than those in Egypt; their upper parts 
have dismtegrated and buried the lower portions. Babylonian 
ruins are accordingly all under ground. The almndant clay was 
also used by the Babylonians as writing material. When baked, 
it proved far more enduring than the Egyptian papyrus. Thus, 
notwithstanding the general similarities which the Mesopotamian 
Valley presents to Egypt, its differences profoundly affected 
Babylonian history and Babylonian art. 

2. The Preservation of Antiquities. — Babylonian cities were 
usually built on terraces of brick. The walls of the cities and 
their buildings were constructed of the same material. Refuse 
from the houses in these towns was always thrown out into the 
streets, so that, as the centuries passed, the streets were gradu- 
ally elevated. The walls of the brick houses gradually became 
unstable in the lapse of time, and as the houses were repaired they 
were brought up to the level of the street. Consequently even in 
peaceful times the mounds on which the cities were built gradually 
grew higher. Most of these cities were at various times destroyed 
in warfare. Sometimes all the houses would be partially demolished 
and the site would be for a time practically uninhabited. When 
at length the place was repeopled, the top of the mound would be 
smoothed off and taken as the base of a new city. In this way 
through the many centuries of Babylonian history the sites of her 


cities have become great mounds. When these cities fmally fell 
into ruin, the clay of the upper part of the walls gradually disin- 
tegrated in the weather and formed a coating of earth over the 
whole, which preserved the foundations of the walls both of cities 
and houses, as well as the inscribed cla)', stone tablets, and the 
works of art buried underneath. 

Connected with each Babylonian and Assyrian temple was a 
kind of staged tower, shaped in a general way like the stepped 
pyramid of Zoser at Sakkarah in Egypt. The Babylonians called 
these towers Ziggurats. As the bricks of these towers decayed, 
they formed in connection with the city mound a kind of hillock 
or peak, which varied in accordance with the height of the tower. 
The ruin of the Ziggurat at Birs Nimrud, the ancient Borsippa, is 
one of the most imposing to be seen in ancient Babylonia; it was 
long thought to be the original of the Tower of Babel (Gen. 11 : 9). 
It thus came about that no ancient temple of Babylonia, lilce some 
of those in Egypt, has remained above ground. Explorers have 
had to dig to discover antiquities; (see Fig. 22). 

3. The Discovery of Antiquities: By Benjamin of Tiidcla. — 
The first man from western Europe who traveled through Baby- 
lonia and Assyria and noted their ruins was a Jew, Benjamin of 
Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre. Leaving home about 1160 
A. D., he traveled through Palestine, crossed the cjesert by way of 
Tadmor, visited Mosul opposite ancient Nineveh, and went south- 
ward to the site of Babylon. He also saw the ruin of Birs Nimrud, 
and believed it to be the Tower of Babel. Between the sbcteenth 
and eighteenth centuries many other travelers visited the Mesopo- 
tamian Valley and described what they saw. Some of these, 
toward the close of the eighteenth century, described curious in- 
scriptions which they had seen there on bricks. This information 
led the British East India Company in 1797 to instruct its resident 
at Bussorah, in southern Babylonia, to try to secure some of these 
inscriptions. This he did, and early in 1801 the first case of in- 
scribed bricks arrived at the East India House in London, where 
they are still preserved. 

By Rich. — Early in the nineteenth century Claude James Rich 
became resident of the East India Company at Bagdad. In his 
travels through the region he visited the mounds of Hillah (Baby- 
lon), Kouyunjik (Nineveh), and others, where he made some slight 
excavations, and found many inscriptions. The smaller ones he 


added to his collection, but many of them were of too monumental 
a character to be removed. Through these efforts a wide-spread 
interest was aroused. 

By Botla and Place. — In 1842 the French government created a 
vice-consulate at Mosul, opposite the site of ancient Xineveh, and 
appointed to the position Paul Emil Botta, who had served as 
French consul at Alexandria in Egypt. Botta's mission was made 
in part archaeological. In December, 1842, Botta began digging 
m the mound of Kouyunjik, the site of ancient Nineveh. Here he 
worked for three months. As he found only a few inscribed bricks 
and the fragments of some bas-reliefs, he became discouraged, and 
changed the field of his operations to a mound called Khorsabad, 
situated about fourteen miles to the northeast of Kouyunjik. 
Here he discovered a palace filled with interesting inscribed bas- 
reliefs made of alabaster, as well as a city about a mile in cir- 
cumference. Under the corners of the palace and under the city 
gates were many inscribed cylinders of clay. This proved to be 
the palace and city built by Sargon, King of Assyria (722-705 b. c), 
as his new capital. He named it Dur-Sharrukin, or Sargonsburgh. 
His name had so entirely disappeared from ancient literature that 
only one reference to him has survived, that in Isaiah 20 : 1, but 
here was his palace arising from the dust together with abundant 
annals of his reign. (See Part II, p. 369, ff.) 

Botta and his successor, Victor Place, excavated intermittently 
at Khorsabad for ten years, uncovering the palace and making a 
plan of it, excavating the city walls and gates, studying the drain- 
age of the ancient town, and fully describing the whole. Although 
a part of the antiquities found were lost in the Tigris by the wreck 
of a raft on which they were being floated down the river, a large 
collection reached France, where they are preserved in the Louvre. 

By Layard. — The success of Botta fired the enthusiasm of Austen 
Henry Layard, a young Englishman of Huguenot descent, who 
began to excavate in 1845 at Nimrud, a mound further down the 
Tigris than Mosul, and the site of the Biblical Calah (Gen. 10 : 11). 
His money was at first furnished by a few friends, but as he soon 
discovered a royal palace there similar to the one Botta had im- 
earthed at Khorsabad, the trustees of the British Museum com- 
missioned him to excavate for them. He thus continued the work 
intermittently until 1849. During this time he spent most of 
his energy upon the mound of Kouyimjik, where he discovered 


another royal palace. This palace proved to be the work of Sen- 
nacherib, the son of Sar<:;on (named in 2 Kings 18 : 13; Isa. 36), 
who built the one at Khorsabad, while the palace at Calah was, in 
its final form, the work of Esarhaddon, the son of Sennacherib. 
(See 2 Kings 19 : 37.) The palace at Nineveh had in turn been 
repaired by Esarhaddon's son, Assurbanipal. 

By Lojtiis and Rcndinson. — As these excavations progressed, 
others were stimulated to make minor explorations. Thus in 1850 
William Kennett Loftus carried on small excavations at the mound 
of Warka, the site of the Biblical Erech (Gen. 10 : 10), in south- 
ern Babylonia, from which he recovered important antiquities. 
From 1851-1855 the oversight of English excavations was entrusted 
to Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, the British consul-general at Bagdad. 
Under his direction J. E. Taylor, British vice-consul at Bassorah, 
made an excavation at the mound of Mugheir, the site of Ur of 
the Chaldees, where he unearthed important inscriptions. At the 
same tune Loftus was traveling about Babylonia collecting an- 

By Oppert and Rassam. — In 1852 a French expedition under the 
direction of Jules Oppert reached Babylonia. Oppert made im- 
portant excavations at Hillah, the site of the city of Babylon, and 
at Birs Nimrud, the ancient Borsippa. In 1852 Hormuzd Rassam, 
who had been one of Layard's helpers, continued under Rawlinson 's 
direction the excavation at Nineveh. This work continued until 
1854; Rassam had the good fortune to find, in a part of the mound 
previously untouched, still another palace. This was the palace 
of Assurbanipal, the last of Assyria's great kings, who ruled from 
668 to 626 B. c, and who collected here a great library. This 
library Rassam discovered, and as it contained every variety of 
Babylonian and Assyrian literature, including dictionaries and 
grammatical exercises, it was one of the most important archa.'o- 
logical discoveries ever made. During the last part of the time 
Rassam was succeeded by Loftus. Finally, in the autumn of 1854, 
Rawlinson himself undertook an excavation at Birs Nimrud, and 
unearthed some important inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar II, 
King of Babylon, 604-562 b. c. (See 2 Kings 24, 25.) 

After this the interest in excavation waned for a time, while 
scholars were busy reading the tablets already found. 

By George Smith. — In December, 1872, George Smith, an em- 
ployee of the British Museum, announced that among the tablets 


from Nineveh he had found an account of the flood which closely 
resembled that in the Bible. This aroused so much interest that 
the proprietors of the London Daily Telegraph contributed money 
to send George Smith to Assyria to explore further the mounds 
there. George Smith thus led two expeditions of exploration, one 
in 1873 and the other in 1874. He extended the trenches of his 
predecessors at Nineveh and discovered many more important 
inscriptions. In 1876 he was on his way to Mesopotamia for the 
third time, when he died of fever at Aleppo. The British Museum 
immediately secured the services of Rassam again, who during 
that year and 1877 extended the work at Kouyunjik (Nineveh) 
and also foimd a palace of Shalmaneser III, King of Assyria, 860- 
824 B. c, at a mound called Balawat, situated to the east of 

By Sarzec. — Meantime, the interest of France was again aroused, 
and in 1877 her consul at Bassorah, Ernest de Sarzec, began the 
excavation of Telloh, a mound in southern Babylonia, which turned 
out to be the site of Shirpurla or Lagash, one of the oldest and 
most important of the ancient cities of Babylonia. Work was 
carried on at intervals here by Sarzec until his death in 1901, and 
has since been continued by Gaston Cros. The results have not 
received the popular acclaim accorded to the discoveries of Botta 
and Layard, but scientifically they are far more important. Some 
of the oldest examples of Babylonian art have been discovered, as 
well as many thousands of tablets. One room alone contained 
an archive of business documents estimated at thirty thousand. 
Much of our knowledge of the history of early Babylonia is derived 
from material found at Telloh. 

By Peters, Ward, and Haynes. — In 1884 America began to take 
an interest in Babylonian exploration. This was due largely to 
the initiative of Dr. John P. Peters, then Professor of Hebrew in 
the University of Pennsylvania, now Rector of St. Michael's 
Church, New York. Through his efforts Miss Catherine L. Wolfe, 
of New York, contributed the money to defray the expenses of 
an expedition to Babylonia for a preliminary survey. This ex- 
pedition was led by Dr. William Hayes Ward, Editor of the New- 
York Independent. It spent the winter of 1884-1885 in Mesopota- 
mia, made many observations of the various mounds, and col- 
lected some archaeological material. Dr. Peters continued his 
efforts, and as a result a fund was raised in Philadelphia to defray 


the expenses of an excavation in the interest of the University of 
Pennsylvania. This expedition set out in 1888 under the direc- 
tion of Dr. Peters. The site chosen for the exploration was Nuffar, 
about sixty miles to the southeast of Babylon. The work was con- 
tinued for two seasons under the direct control of Dr. Peters. 
After an interruption of three years the work was resumed under 
the general direction of Dr. Peters, with Dr. John H. Haynes as 
Field Director. Dr. Haynes, in the most self-sacrificing and heroic 
manner, continued the work both summer and winter until Febru- 
ary, 1896, laying bare many of the features of the ancient city of 
Nippur, which had occupied the site, and discovering many in- 
scribed tablets. While this work was in progress Prof. Herman 
V. Hilprecht became nominal head of the expedition on account 
of the removal of Dr. Peters to New York. A fourth expedition 
under the guidance of Dr. Ha}'nes began work at Nuffar (Nippur) 
in February, 1899, and worked until March, 1900. During this 
work Dr. Haynes discovered a large archive of tablets, the exact 
number of which is variously estimated. The find was similar to 
that made by Sarzec at Telloh; (see Figs. 16 and 17). 

NulTar, the ancient Nippur, was one of the oldest centers of 
Babylonian civilization, and the work of the Americans there is, 
for our knowledge of the history of ancient Babylonia, next in 
importance to that done by the French at Telloh. A large num- 
ber of the tablets discovered at Nippur are now in the University 
Museum in Philadelphia. Meantime, the Turkish government 
had undertaken on its ov^^n account an excavation at Abu Haba, the 
site of the ancient Sippar in northern Babylonia. The direction 
of the work was committed to the oversight of the French Assyriol- 
ogist, Pere Scheil, and the work was carried on in the early part 
of the year 1894. Much interesting material was brought to light. 

By Koldcu'ay. — Also during this decade a new Society, the 
Orient-Gescllschaft, had been formed in Berlin for the purpose of 
excavation. This Society began in 1899 the excavation of the 
great mound which covered the ruins of the ancient city of Babylon. 
The work was committed to the direction of Dr. Robert Koldeway, 
who has carried it steadily forward until the present time. Kolde- 
way has laid bare at Babylon a number of the great works of King 
Nebuchadrezzar — the magnificent walls with which he surrounded 
Bab}'lon, and the palace and temples with which he adorned it. 
As the work at Babylon has progressed, Koldeway has made a 


nmnber of minor excavations in smaller mounds of Babylonia. 
During the season of 1912-1913 Dr. Julius Jordan undertook, under 
Dr. Koldeway's general direction, an excavation at Warka, the 
Biblical Erech, where Loftus had dug sixty years before. A part 
of the great temple of Ishtar has been uncovered by Dr. Jordan, 
together with a portion of the city wall and many houses. Many 
tablets have also been found, some of them having been written as 
late as the Seleucid and Parthian periods, 312-50 B.C.; (see Fig. 18). 

By Andrae. — While the excavation at Babylon has been in 
progress, the Oricnt-Gesellschaft has also conducted another at 
Kalah-Sherghat, on the Tigris, in ancient Assyria. This is the site 
of the city of Ashur, from which the country of Assyria took its 
name. (Cf. Gen. 10 : 10, 11.) The work has been under the 
direction of Dr. Andrae and has been in progress from 1902 to the 
present time. Temples and palaces have been uncovered, and 
inscriptions from every period of Assyrian history have been 
found. The latest reports of the work at Ashur tell of the discovery 
of objects which connect the founding of the city with immigrants 
from Lagash in southern Babylonia. 

By de Morgan. — In 1900 a French expedition began the exca- 
vation of Susa, in ancient Elam, the Shushan of the Bible. (See 
Neh. 1:1; Esther 1:2, etc., and Dan. 8:2.) This work was under 
the direction of J. de Morgan. While Susa is not in Babylonia, 
the excavations here added greatly to our knowledge of Babylonian 
history and life, for during the first two seasons of the excavation, 
two inscribed stone pillars were discovered, which the ancient 
Elamites had at some time taken as trophies of war from the 
Babylonians. One of these was an inscription of Manishtusu, 
King of Kish, who ruled about 2700 b. c, and the other the pillar 
which contained the laws of Hammurapi, the most important 
single document relating to Babvlonian life that is known to us. 
(See Part II, Chapter XIII.) 

By Harper and Banks. — During the year 1903-1904 the Uni- 
versity of Chicago sent an expedition to Babylonia. The expenses 
were borne by a contribution from John D. Rockefeller. The 
late Prof. Robert Harper was Scientific Director of the expedition, 
and Dr. Edgar J. Banks, Field Director. The work was con- 
ducted at the mound of Bismya, which proved to be the site of the 
ancient city of Adab, one of the oldest Babylonian cities, which 
seems not to have been occupied since about 2600 b. c. Many 


interesting finds were made, includinj^ a statue of a king, Lugalda- 
udu, and many tablets. Friction with the Turkish government 
brought the expedition to an untimely close, and owing to the 
same cause the tablets discovered are hoarded at Constantinople 
and have not been given to the world. 

ByGcHouillac. — During the early part of the year 1914 a French 
expedition, under the direction of H. de Genouillac, excavated at 
Ukhaimir, the site of ancient Kish. They have discovered the great 
Ziggurat of the temple of Zamama, the god of Kish, and are said 
to have made other important finds, but the details are not yet 

4. The Decipherment of the Inscriptions.— -The task -of learning 
to read the inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria was much more 
dilficult than the decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, for 
no such simple key as the Rosetta Stone was at hand. The key 
that finally unlocked the mystery came not from Babylonia, but 
from Persepolis in Persia. When Cyrus the Great conquered 
Babylon in 538 b. c. the Persians had not developed a system of 
writing. They accordingly adapted to their language the char- 
acters of the Babylonian script. The Babylonian script had begun, 
like the Egyptian hieroglyphs, as a system of picture-writing, in 
which each picture represented an idea. These had gone through 
a long development, in which the original picture-forms had been 
supplanted by conventional characters derived therefrom. In 
making these characters on clay, one end of a line was always 
wider than the other, hence the characters are called "wedge- 
shaped" or "cuneiform." In the course of the ages the Babylonians 
had come to use the characters to express both syllables and whole 
words, and a scribe might mingle these uses of a sign at will in 
writing a composition. Many of the signs might also express 
any one of several syllables. In adapting this complicated system, 
the Persians had the wisdom to simplify it. They selected or 
constructed a character for each sound, making a real alphabet. 
Three of the Persian kings, Darius (521-485), Xerxes (486-465), 
and Artaxerxes II (405-359), wrote their inscriptions in three 
languages, — Babylonian, Elamite, and Persian, — employing wedge- 
shaped scripts for all of them. 

By Nicbuhr.—ln the ruins of the great palace of the Persian 
kings at Persepolis many of these inscriptions in three languages 
were preserved. These ruins attracted the notice of many travelers 


from the time that Odoric, a monk, saw them in 1320 a. d., and 
a number of travelers had made copies of some of them and brought 
them back to Europe. The inscriptions were a great puzzle. 
After Alexander the Great (331-323 b. c.) Persia had been sub- 
ject to foreign powers until 220 a. d., when the Sassanian dynasty 
(220-641 A. D.) made Persia again an independent kingdom. In 
the revival of Persian letters that occurred in Sassanian times, a 
form of the Phoenician alphabet was used, because the old charac- 
ters of these inscriptions had been forgotten. In 1765 Carsten 
Niebuhr, a Dane, visited Pcrsepolis and made accurate copies of a 
large number of these inscriptions. The first correct readmg of any 
of these inscriptions was done from Niebuhr 's copies; (see Fig. 20). 
By Grotefend, de Sacy, and Rmdinson. — A number of scholars 
had studied Niebuhr's copies, but the first to read any of them 
correctly was Georg Friedrich Grotefend, a German scholar. He 
began with the assumption that the three groups of lines in the 
inscriptions contained respectively three languages, and that the 
first of these was the Persian of Cyrus and his successors. In 
the years 1787-1791 Sylvestre de Sacy, a French Oriental scholar, 
had studied and in part expounded some Sassanian alphabetic 
inscriptions from Persia, which had also long attracted the notice 
of scholars. These Sassanian inscriptions were many of them cast 
in the same mould. They ran thus: 

"X the great king, king of kings, the king of Iran and Aniran, son of Y, 
the great king," etc. 

Grotefend had these inscriptions before him, and compared this 
formula with the inscriptions from Persepolis. He noted that as 
often as the formula contained the word "king" the inscriptions 
from Persepolis contained the same group of signs, and that as often 
as it had "of kings," they reproduced the group with a different 
ending. He therefore rightly concluded that these signs were the 
old Persian spelling of the Persian word for "king" with its genitive 
plural. Taking from the Sassanian inscriptions the word for king, 
he proceeded to parcel out its sounds among the characters with 
which the word was spelled in the Persepolis inscriptions. He also 
found a king, who was the son of a man not a king. This, he 
rightly held, could be none other than Darius, the son of Hystaspes. 
Apportioning the proper groups of signs among the sounds of these 
names, he obtained still further alphabetical values. Thus a 


beginning was made. Grotefend was, ho\ve\er, unable to carry 
the work far, and in the years that followed Eugene Burnouf, 
Christian Lassen, Isidore Lowenstern, Henry C. Rawlinson, and 
Edward Hincks all made contributions to the subject. The honor 
of having first correctly read and interpreted a long inscription be- 
longs to Rawlinson. Rawlinson was a young army officer, who as 
a boy had been in India, where he learned Persian and several of 
the dialects of India. In 1833 he was sent to Persia with other 
British ofl&cers to assist in the reorganization of the Persian army. 
Here his attention was attracted by the great Persian inscriptions 
in the mountains near Hamadan, the ancient Ecbatana, and in the 
intervals of military duties he copied and studied several of them. 
He was, in the early stages of his work, quite unaware of the work 
done by Grotefend and others, but hit independently upon the 
method followed by Grotefend. Owing to the fact that the in- 
scriptions on which Rawlinson worked were longer than those ac- 
cessible to Grotefend, and also contained more proper names, 
Rawlinson attained greater success than any of his predecessors. 
He did not publish his results, however, until he had become thor- 
oughly familiar with all that others had done. It was not until 
1846 that he published a full interpretation of the Persian column 
of the great Behistun^ inscription of Darius I. 

Babylonian Column. — This successful achievement related, how- 
ever, only to the Persian column. The mysteries of the Babylonian 
column had not yet been solved. This task, as will be evident 
from the complicated nature of the writing mentioned above, was 
a much more difficult one. The decipherment of the Persian had, 
however, taught the sound of many cuneiform signs. These sounds 
were carried over to the Babylonian column as a nucleus of informa- 
tion. Excavations were all the time also bringing new material to 
light, and a comparison of inscriptions, in many of which the 
same words were written in different ways, sometimes ideographi- 
cally and sometimes syllabically, helped on the general stock of 
knowledge. Rawlinson, Hincks, Jules Oppert, and Fox Talbot were 
the men who at this stage of the work were still wrestling with the 
problem. Again Rawlinson was the man to achieve the first dis- 
tinguished success. In 1851 he published one hundred and twelve 
lines of the Babylonian portion of the Behistun inscription with 
transliteration and translation, and accompanied the whole with 

' So called from the name of the mountain on which it is written. 


copious notes in which the principles of the grammar were set forth. 
A hst of the signs and their values was also added. From that 
day to this the study has steadily gone forward. 

Babylonian-Semitic. — The work of Rawlinson and his co-laborers 
proved that the language of the ancient Babylonians was a Sem- 
itic language, closely akin to Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic, and 
Ethiopic. Within the ne.xt few years after he had found the key 
to the cuneiform writing, Rawlinson announced that the inscrip- 
tions from Babylonia contained material in another and very differ- 
ent language. The researches of later years have fully confirmed 
this, and scholars call this language Sumerian. The people who 
spoke it were tl've inventors of many elements in the ci\'ilization 
of early Babylonia, and for many centuries at the dawn of history 
divided the country with the Semites. 

5. Chronology. — The materials for constructing the chronology 
of Babylonian and Assyrian history are as follows: 

(1) Claudius Ptolemy, an Egyptian astronomer who flourished 
in the second century a. d., made a list of the kings of Eg^-pt, 
Persia, and Babylonia back to the accession of the Babylonian 
king, Nabonassar, in 747 b. c. This list was compiled as an as- 
tronomical aid, and is very accurate. 

(2) The Assyrian kings kept lists of years and of principal 
events, to which scholars have given the name "Epon^Tn Lists," 
because each year was named after the king or some officer. Tab- 
lets containing these lists have been recovered on which we can 
still read the chronology from 893 to 666 b. c. This list accordingly 
overlaps the list or "canon" of Ptolemy. Some of these Assyrian ^ 
kings were also kings of Babylon, and where the lists overlap they 
agree. One of these lists mentions an eclipse which occurred at 
Nineveh in the month Sivan (May- June), 763 b. c. This eclipse 

has been calculated and verified by modern astronomers, so that 
the chronology covered by these lists rests upon a secure scientific 

(3) For dates in Ass}Tian history anterior to 893 b. c. we have 
to depend upon incidental notices in the inscriptions. Thus Sen- 
nacherib, whose date is fixed by the Eponym Lists as 705-681 b. c, 
relates that during his reign he recovered from Babylon the images 
of two gods that had been taken as booty by IMarduknadinakhi, 
King of Babylon, from Tiglath-pileser, King of Assyria, 418 years 
before Sennacherib brought them back. It follows from this that 


Tiglath-pileser I of Assyria and Marduknadinakhi of Babylon 
were ruling from about 1120 to 1100 b. c. 

We also have a long inscription from the Tiglath-pileser men- 
tioned here, who relates that in his reign he restored a temple, 
which had been built by Shamshi-Adad, ruler of Assyria, son of 
Islmii-Dagan, ruler of Assyria, 641 years before the time of Ashur- 
dan, King of Assyria, Ashur-dan had, he tells us, pulled the temple 
down and it had lain in ruins 60 years until he (Tiglath-pileser) 
rebuilt it. By adding these numbers we reach 1819 or 1820 b. c. 
as the accession of Shamshi-Adad. 

Again Sennacherib found at Babylon a seal which bore the 
following inscription: 

" Tukulti-Ninib, king of the world, son of Shalraaneser, King of Assyria, 
conqueror of the land of Chalda;a. Whoever changes the writing of my 
name, may Ashur and Adad destroy liis name. This seal was presented by 
the land of .Assyria to the land of Akkad " (Bab^donia). 

To this Sennacherib added the following inscription: 

" I, Sennacherib, after 600 years conquered Babylon, and from its treasures 
brought it out and took it." 

We learn from this that Tukulti-Ninib was rulmg in Assyria 
from about 1300 to 1290 b. c. 

Andrae has recently (1914) published an inscription of Tukulti- 
Ninib in which he states that he repaired a temple which had 
been bullit by his ancestor, Ilu-shumma, King of Assyria, 720 
years before. Ilu-shumma was, accordingly, ruling in Assyria 
about 2020 to 2010 b. c. 

(4) Among the tablets in the British Museum are two so-called 
"dynastic tablets" which contain lists of the kings of Babylon 
from the time that Babylon became the leading city of the country 
to its capture by the Persians. The kings are divided into eight 
dynasties, the length of the reign of each king was originally given, 
and at the end of each dynasty a statement was given of the 
number of kings in that dynasty and the total length of their reigns. 
These tablets are unfortunately much broken, so that they afford 
us little help after the year 1000 b. c. We learn from them, how- 
ever, that Marduknadinakhi, the king mentioned by Sennacherib 
as ruling about 1100 b. c, belonged to the fourth Babylonian dy- 
nasty, and, if we add together the years given for the previous 


dynasties, we are taken back nearly to the year 2400 b. c. for the 
accession of the first dynasty of Babylon. Evidence has, however, 
come to light in recent years which proves that the first and second 
of these dynasties overlapped, one ruling in the north while the 
other ruled in the south. A reliable chronology cannot, therefore, 
be obtained by adding these numbers together. In order to cor- 
rect them recourse must be had to other evidence. 

(5) Franz Xaver Kugler, who is both an astronomer and an 
Assyriologist, has recently shown that an astronomical tablet 
which was published as long ago as 1870, and which notes for a 
series of years when Venus was the evening and when the morning 
star, contains a date formula which fixes its compilation in the reign 
of Ammi-zadugga, the tenth of the eleven kings of the first dynasty 
of Babylon. From mathematical calculations of the position of 
the planet Venus, Kugler is accordingly able to fix the accession 
year of Ammi-zadugga as either 2040, 1976, or 1857 b. c. As the 
first of these dates is too early, and the^ wc m id is, in the judgment 
of most scholars, too late, it follows that his accession year was in 
1976. From the lengths of the reigns of the various kings of this 
dynasty as given in the dynastic tablets, it follows that the first 
dynasty of Babylon began its rule m 2206 b. c. 

(6) Under Adad-nirari III, King of Assyria (810-782 b. c), 
a so-called synchronistic history of Assyria and Babylonia was 
compiled. It covered about 600 years, beginning with a treaty 
of peace between Karaindash, King of Babylon, and Ashur-rim- 
nishishu, King of Assyria. It aids m filling gaps left by breaks in 
other lists. 

(7) A chronological tablet in the Babylonian collection of Yale 
University contains a list of the kings of Larsa. This city was 
conquered by Hammurapi, of the first dynasty of Babylon, in the 
31st year of his reign. The tablet, therefore, counts Hammurapi 
one of the kings of Larsa, ascribmg to him twelve years of rule. 
The tablet was ajiparently compiled in the twelfth year of Samsu- 
iluna, Hammurapi's successor, to whom twelve years are also 
ascribed. It gives the total length of the dynasty of Larsa as 289 
years. That dynasty, accordingl}-, began its rule m 2338 B. C. 

(8) In a chronological list of the kings of Ur and Nisin on a tab- 
let in the University Museum, Philadelphia,^ it is stated that the 

> First published by Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedilion oj the University oj Pennsylvania, Vol. 
XX, No. 47; cf. p. 46. 


kings of Ur ruled 117 years and the kings of Nisin 225 years and 6 
months. A tablet has now been discovered which shows that the 
dynasty of Nisin was not overthrown until 2117 or 2116 b. c. Its 
225 years, therefore, were all parallel to the time of the dynasty of 
Larsa. As the dynasty of Nisin rose upon the ruins of the king- 
dom of Ur, the dates of the kingdom of Ur are, therefore, fixed as 
2458-2341 b. c. 

(9) A chronological tablet published by Schcil in the Comptes 
rendus of the French Academy for 1911 gives a list of five early 
dynasties of Babylonia: a dynasty of Opis, one of Kish, one of 
Agade, and two of Erech. 

(10) A group of chronological tablets in the University Museum 
in Philadelphia,^ which assign several dynasties to each of several 
well-known Babylonian cities, ascribe to their kings incredibly 
long reigns. One of these is translated in Part II, Chapter IV. 

(11) Fragments of a work of Berossos, a Babylonian priest who 
lived after the time of Alexander the Great, contain a list 
of Babylonian kings. He based his work on such tablets as those 
in the University Museum. His statements abound accordingly 
in incredible numbers. 

From these tablets it appears that the dynasty of Ur was pre- 
ceded by the dynasty of Gutium, which ruled for 159 years; the 
dynasty of Gutium was preceded by a dynasty of Erech for 26 
years; that, by a dynasty of Agade for 197 years; that, by one king 
of Erech, Lugalzaggisi, who ruled 25 years; he was apparently 
preceded by a dynasty of Kish for 106 years; that, by a dynasty of 
Opis for 99 years. These figures take us back to 3070 b. c, though 
the arrangement for the time before Lugalzaggisi is in part con- 
jectural. Four dynasties of what are known to have been his- 
torical kings existed before this time, so that we are led to place the 
beginning of the historical period in Babylonia about 3200 b. c. or 

(12) Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, 555-538 b. c, states that he 
found, in repairing the temple at Sippar (Agade), the temple-plat- 
form of Naram-Sin, son of Sargon, which no one had seen for 
3,200 years. As he made this statement about 550 b. c, it was 
long supposed that this fixed the date of Naram-Sin as 3750 b. c, 
and that of his father, Sargon, at about 3800 b. c. These dates 

* See Poebel. flislorical anl Grammatical Texts Philadelphia, 1914, Nos. 2-5, and llislorical 
Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, pp. 73-140. 


will be found in many of the older books, but they are incredible. 
They would, if true, leave long gaps in the history that we have 
no information to fill. Since it has been clearly proved that the 
dynasties overlapped, it seems that Nabuna'id reached his date 
by adding together the totals of dynasties, some of which were 
contemporary. It now seems probable that he placed Naram-Sin 
about 1,100 years too early. 

The sources here enumerated afford us a tolerably accurate 
chronology back to about 2450 b. c. All dates earlier than this 
have to be estimated by combining statements of early dynastic 
tablets with archaeological and palajographic considerations. 

6. Outline of the History. — The history of Babylonia and As- 
syria falls into eight different periods. Our information is not yet 
sufficiently complete to enable us to write the history of any one 
of them, but we can discern in outline a most fascinating course of 

(1) The Prehistoric Period, or the period before the rise of writ- 
ten history, during which we can ascertain from various inferences 
the general course of events. This period must have begun about 
4500 or 5000 b. c. and lasted down to about 3200 b. c. The Semites 
from Arabia^ were the first to pour into the fertile valley of Mesopo- 
tamia. They came up from the south, establishing the city of 
Eridu on the shore of the Persian Gulf, then the cities of Ur, Erech, 
Lagash, Nippur, etc. They carried with them the culture of the 
palm-tree, and learned to raise grain in the alluvial soil of the rivers, 
but they had no system of writing. The early cities of Babylonia 
were the fortified ' residences of different tribes, which were fre- 
quently at war with one another. One city would subjugate its 
neighbors for a time and establish a small empire. As long as it 
continued to rule, a certain degree of homage was paid to its god 
by all the cities over which it ruled. In prehistoric times there 
were kingdoms of this sort ruled at one time by Eridu, at another 
by Erech, and at another by Nippur, for Ea, the god of Eridu, Anu, 
the god of Erech, and Enlil or Bel, god of Nippur, were ever after 
worshiped as the supreme gods of Babylonia. 

Sumerians. — At some time before the dawn of history a people 
whom we call Sumerians moved into Bab}'lonia from the East. 

' It k the prevailing view of scholars that Arabia was the cradle-land of the Semites. The 
reasons for this view as well as a resume of other views will be found in G. A. Barton's Sketch of 
Semitic Origins, Social and Religious, New York, 1902, Chapter I. 


These people spoke a languaj^je which possesses some features 
in common with Finnish anci Turkish. They were neither Aryans 
nor Semites. The Semites wore thick hair and long beards; the 
Sumerians shaved both their heads and faces. These Sumerians 
overran southern Babylonia as far north as Nippur and in this 
region became the ruling race. They grafted the worship of their 
own gods upon the worship of the deities of the cities which they 
conquered, but the Semitic elements of these local deities persisted 
even in Sumerian thought. It thus came about that the bald and 
beardless Sumerians picture their gods with hair and beards. 
After settling in Babylonia, the Sumerians developed a system of 
writuig. It was at first hieroglyphic, like the Egyptian system. 
Aften\'ard the Semites, who still retained the supremacy in the 
cities of Kish and Agade in the north, and who had probably been 
reinforced there by fresh migrations from Arabia, adapted this sys- 
tem of writing to their own language. As clay was the usual writ- 
ing material and it was difficult to make good pictures on it, the 
pictographic form of the writing was soon lost. The pictures de- 
generated mto those conventional sjTnbols which are today known 
as the "cuneiform" characters. 

(2) The Pre-Bahylonian Period of the history includes the period 
from about 3200 b. c. down to the rise of the city of Babylon, 
about 2100 B. c. This period, like the preceding, was a time of 
successive city kingdoms. One city would establish an empire 
for a while, then another, having become more powerful, would 
take the leadership. When first our written records enable us to 
trace the course of events, Lagash in the south and Kish in the 
north were the rival cities. Lagash was ruled by a king, Enkhegal. 
A little later Aleselim, King of Kish, conquered all of southern 
Babylonia, including I>agash. After INleselim had passed away, 
Ur-Nina founded a new dynasty at Lagash and gained his. inde- 
pendence. Ur-Nina's grandson, Eannatum, raised the power of 
Lagash to its greatest height, conquering all the cities of Baby- 
lonia, even Kish. The Elamitcs were always invading the fertile 
plains of Babylonia, so Eannatum ascended the eastern mountains 
and subjugated Elam. 

^^Stele of the Vultures.'^ — He celebrated his victories by the erec- 
tion of one of the most remarkable monuments which the ancient 
world produced, the so-called "stele of the vultures." From the 
pictures on the monument we learn that the soldiers of Lagash, 


about 2950 b. c, waged their battles in a solid phalanx protected 
by shields. The Greeks were formerly supposed to have invented 
this form of attack, but were anticipated by 2, 500 years; (see Fig. 19). 

Although this dynasty furnished several other rulers, the leader- 
ship of all Babylonia was lost after the death of Eannatum. It 
passed first to Opis and then again to Kish. Lagash continued to 
flourish, however, during 200 years, while these cities were the over- 
lords of its rulers. Its wars had made it rich, and all the arts 
flourished there. Our best specimens of terra-cotta and stone 
work come from this period of this city. Under Entemena, the 
successor of Eannatum, a silver vase of exquisite workmanship 
and ornamentation was made; (see Fig. 21). After a century or 
more of wealth and luxury, during which priests and officials be- 
came corrupt, a new king, Urkagina, seized the throne and en- 
deavored to reform the administration. Naturally, his reforms 
were unpopular with the priesthood and the army, and, though 
popular with the people, he unintentionally weakened the defensive 
power of his country. 

At this juncture a new ruler named Lugalzaggisi arose in the 
city of Umma, who ultimately overthrew Lagash and became 
king of all Babylonia. He made Erech his capital. This was about 
2800 B. c. Lugalzaggisi claims to have overrun the country from 
the Persian Gulf to the ISIediterranean. If so, and there is no good 
reason to doubt his claim, Babylonia and the Palestinian coast- 
lands were under him brought together for the first time. 

After Lugalzaggisi the city of Agade came to the fore. Its 
great King Sargon about 2775 b. c. founded a dynasty which 
ruled for nearly two hundred years. The kings of this line were 
Semitic and resided sometimes at Agade and sometimes at Kish. 
Sargon conquered Syria and a later chronicle says that he crossed 
the western sea. As a seal of this dynasty was found in 
Cyprus, it is possibly true. Naram-Sin, one of the most famous 
kings of this line, conquered the country of Magan, which some 
believe to be the peninsula of Sinai, but which others hold was 
situated in eastern Arabia. 

About the tune of this dynasty, or a little before, King Lugal- 
daudu flourished at Adab, the modern Bismya, where Dr. Banks 
found his statue. In this same general period a king named Anu- 
banini ruled in a city to the northward, called Lulubi. 

Perhaps it was under the later kings of this dynasty of Agade, or 


under a dynasty of Erech which held sway for a brief period after 
them, that Gudea flourished at Lagash. This ruler does not claim 
to be a king, but his city enjoyed great prosperity under him, and 
he rebuilt it in fine style. He seems to have been on peaceful terms 
with much of the world, and brought for his structures stone from 
Magan, cedar wood from Amanus on the Mediterranean coast, and 
copper from Lebanon. After this time the land was overrun by 
hordes from Gutium, a region to the northeast beyond the Tigris. 
They established a dynasty which lasted for 125 (or 159) years. 

In 2458 B. c. a dynasty arose in the city of Ur, situated far to the 
south. These kings were Sumerians and under them a great Sumer- 
ian revival occurred. By this time northern Babylonia was called 
Akkad, from the city of Agade, and southern Bab}-lonia was called 
Sumir, from a corruption of the name of one of the quarters of 
Lagash. These kmgs combined with the title "king of Ur" the 
title "king of Sumir and Akkad." Sumir is the Biblical "Shinar" 
(Gen. 10 :10; 11 : 2, etc.). 

Dungi, the second king of this dynasty of Ur, reigned 58 years 
and established a wide empire, which included Elam and the city 
of Susa. He established a system of government posts to aid the 
royal officers of army and state in the performance of their duties. 

Upon the fall of the dynasty of Ur, the dominion of Babylonia 
was divided between two cities, Nisin and Larsa, each of which 
furnished a dynasty which flourished for more than two and a quar- 
ter centuries. Naturally, these kings were continually struggling 
with each other for the supremacy, and sometimes one city was 
the more powerful, sometimes the other. The Elamites, who 
during the whole period had occasionally swooped down into the 
Mesopotamian Valley, overran Larsa and furnished the last two 
kings of its dynasty, — Arad-SLn and Rim-Sin. These kings have 
each been thought by different scholars to be the Arioch of Gen. 
14 : 1. (See Part II, Chapter JX.) 

About 2210 B. c. a dynasty of rulers was founded in the city 
of Babylon that was destined to bring a new era into the history 
of the comitry. After a struggle of more than a century Hammu- 
rapi, the sixth king of this line, broke the power of Larsa and made 
Babylon the leading city of the country. Nisin had previously 
fallen. With the rise of Babylon another period of the life of the 
country was ended. 

The above sketch calls attention to a few only of the more prom- 


inent features and cities of Babylonia. There were many others 
which participated in her life during the millennium of the pre- 
Babylonian period. The recovery of more inscriptions will no 
doubt make this statement more true even than we now dream. 
Each of these contributed its mite to the progress of civilization in 
this melting-pot of races in this far-oflf time. 

(3) The Early Babylonian Period began with the reign of Ham- 
murapi and continued till about 1050 b. c. It includes the rule 
of the first four dynasties of Babylon. The period began glo- 
riously under Hammurapi, who conquered all of Babylonia, and 
extended his sway also to the Mediterranean. He was as great as 
an administrator as he was as a conqueror; he codified the laws of 
Babylonia and inscribed them on a stone pillar, which was set up 
in the temple of Marduk in Babylon. These laws have been re- 
covered, and are one of the most valuable archseological discoveries 
of modern times. (See Part II, Chapter XIII.) 

Soon after the death of Hammurapi, a revolt occurred under one 
Ilumailu, who established in the region near the Persian Gulf a 
dynasty known as the "dynasty of the sea lands," which was 
afterward called the second dynasty of Babylon. Down to 1924 
B. c. the two dynasties divided the country between them. In 
that year Babylonia was invaded by the Hittites, who came from 
the northwest, and the first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown. 
The Hittites appear to have ruled the country for a short time, 
when they were driven out by the "dynasty of the sea lands," which, 
so far as we know, controlled the country for the next hundred and 
fifty years. 

Kassites. — About 1750 b. c, or shortly before. Babylonia was 
once more invaded by a race of barbarians from the east of the 
Tigris, called Kassites or Cossaeans. They captured Babylon and 
founded the third dynasty of Babylon, which ruled for 576 years. 
The kings of this dynasty gradually absorbed Babylonian culture. 
Soon after 1700 b. c. they expelled the kings of the sea lands from 
the south and ruled the whole countr\'. 

Assyria, which under the first dynasty had been a Babylonian 
colony, gained her independence before 1400 b. c, so that after 
that the independent histories of the two lands run on parallel 
lines. During the long period of Kassite rule, Babylon experienced 
many vicissitudes. Assyria was at times friendly and at times 
hostile. In the reign of Kurigalzu, Elam was successfully invaded 


and spoil formerly taken by the kin^s of Elam was brought back to 
Babylonia. Kadashman-turgu and Burnaburiash, kings of this 
dynasty, carried on friendly correspondence with Amenophis IH 
and Amenophis IV, kings of Egypt, 1400-1350 b. c. 

Pashe Dynasty. — About 1175 b. c. the Kassite dynasty was 
superseded by the Pashe dynasty, which ruled the country for 
more than a hundred and thirty years. The greatest king of this 
time was Nebuchadrezzar I, who reigned about 1150 b. c. He 
emulated with considerable success the career of his great prede- 
cessor, Hammurapi. After the fall of the fourth dynasty, the 
country was divided and fell a prey to the Elamites, who overran 
it about 1050. For the following 450 years Babylonia, though 
often independent, was of little political importance. 

(4) The Early Assyrian Period. — ^Assyria's empire grew out of 
the domination of the city of Ashur, as that of Rome grew out of 
the domination of the city of Rome. Ashur and Nineveh had been 
founded by colonists from Lagash about 3000 or 2800 b. c. This 
is shown by archseological remains found at Ashur, and by the name 
of Nineveh. We can first trace the names of Assyria's rulers 
shortly before the year 2000 b. c. They do not call themselves 
kings, and were, perhaps, then subject to Babylon. 

About 1430 B. c. we learn that Assyria had become an ijide- 
pendent kingdom. Her king at that time, Ashur-rim-nishishu, was 
a contemporary of Karaindash, King of Babylon. Ashur-uballit 
about 1370-1343 was a contemporary of Burnaburiash, King of 
Babylon, and shared in the correspondence with Egyptian kings 
contained in the El-Amarna letters. Shalmaneser I about 1300 
B. c. conquered the region to the west of Assyria extending across 
the Euphrates in the direction of the Mediterranean. Ashur- 
nasirpal, a later king (884-860 b. c), says that Shalmaneser "made" 
the city of Calah^ as a new capital for his country. His son, 
Tukulti-Ninib I, turned his arms to the southward and conquered 
Babylon, which he held for seven years. After him Assyria's 
power declined for a time, but was revived by Tiglath-pileser I, 
who carried Assyria's conquests again across the Euphrates to the 
Mediterranean Sea and northward to the region of Lake Van. 
After the reign of Tiglath-pileser I, Assyria's power rapidly declined 
again, and the first period of Assyria's history was closed. Our 
sources almost fail us for a hundred years or more. 

• In Gen. 10 : 11 it is by implication said that the city was founded by Nimrod. 


(5) The Second Assyrian Period. — Assyria slowly emerged from 
the obscurity into which she had fallen after the death of Tig- 
lathpileser I. The progress went forward through the reigns of 
eleven different kings. Finally, in the reign of Ashur-nasirpal 
II, 884-860 B. c, a period of foreign conquest was once more 
inaugurated. This monarch again carried the conquests of his 
country northward and also to the Mediterranean. (See Part II, 
p. 360.) Under him Assyria became the best fighting machine in 
the ancient world — a machine that was run with ruthless cruelty 
over all conquered peoples. This king set his successors the ex- 
ample of flaying and impaling numbers of conquered peoples, and 
of boasting of such deeds in his chronicles. Probably such deeds 
were not now committed for the first time, but so far as we know 
they had not been so gloated over. 

Ashur-nasirpal's successor, Shalmaneser III, 868-824 b. c, made, 
besides campaigns into Armenia and elsewhere, six campaigns 
against the lands of Syria and Palestine. On his first campaign 
in 854 he was met at Qarqar by a confederation of kings, among 
whom were Ahab of Israel and Ben-Hadad of Damascus. (See 
Part II, p. 360, ff.) On his fourth campaign in 842 b. c. Jehu, who 
had in that year usurped the throne of Israel, hastened to make his 
peace with Shalmaneser by giving him a heav}' tribute. Thus 
Assyria gained a right to claim Israel as a vassal state. (See Part 
II, p. 362, f.) 

The next two kings, Shamshi-Adad IV and Adad-nirari IV, 
controlled Assyria until 783 b. c, and maintained her power. The 
last-mentioned king made three expeditions into the West, and 
claims to have received tribute not only from Israel but from 
Philistia and Edom, but no details of his campaigns have survived. 

After 783 the power of Assyria declined again, and the decline 
lasted until 745, when the reigning dynasty was overthrown, and an 
able general, whose name was apparently Pul, gained the throne 
(cf. 2 Kings 15 : 19), and took the great name of Tiglath-pileser. 
He reigned as the fourth king of that name. Tiglath-pileser IV 
was great both as a warrior and as a statesman. He broke for the 
time being the power of the kingdom of Urartu in Armenia, con- 
quered parts of Media on the east, and also annexed Babylon to 
Assyria. Babylon during this later Assyrian period had usually 
been permitted to retain a king of her own, though the kingdom was 
of little political importance as compared with Assyria. Tiglath- 


pileser made his power dominant in Babylonia at the beginning of 
his reign, and during the last two years of his life actually reigned 
there as king. The Babylonian scribes did not recognize his 
high-sounding name of Tiglath-pileser, but still called him Pul. 

Li the first year of his reign Tiglath-pileser IV inaugurated a 
new policy with reference to conquered peoples. This was the 
policy of transporting to a distant part of his empire the wealthy 
and influential members of a conquered nation, and of putting 
similar exiles from other lands in their place. Individuals so trans- 
ported would be unable longer to foment rebellion against him. It 
was a brutal policy, but it was a measure designed to build up a 
permanent empire. 

Tiglath-pileser made four expeditions to the west, though the 
first two touched northern Phoenicia only. In 739, when he made 
his appearance in Palestine, Menahem, King of Israel, hastened to 
pay him tribute (2 Kings 15 : 19). Four years later, however, 
after Pekah had usurped the throne of Israel, that king formed an 
alliance with Rezin of Damascus for the purpose of throwing off 
the Assyrian yoke, and tried to force Ahaz of Judah to join in the 
enterprise. (See Isa. 7:1, f.) This, Ahaz, supported by the 
prophet Isaiah, refused to do. In 733-732 Tiglath-pileser came 
again into the West, overran the territory of the kingdom of Israel, 
deported the chief inhabitants of Galilee to distant parts of his 
dominions (2 Kings 15 : 29, 30), and replaced Pekah, who had been 
killed, by King Hoshea, who ruled over a greatly diminished terri- 
tory and upon whom a heavy Assyrian tribute was imposed. 
Tiglath-pileser then turned eastward and conquered Damascus, 
which his predecessors since the days of Shalmaneser III had been 
vainly trying to capture. While the Assyrian monarch was at 
Damascus, King Ahaz of Judah went thither and became his 
vassal. (See 2 Kings 16 : 10, f.) Thus Judah also passed under 
the Assyrian yoke. (See Part II, p. 366.) 

Tiglath-pileser IV was succeeded by Shalmaneser V, 727-722 B.C., 
and soon after the death of Tiglath-pileser, Hoshea of Israel was 
persuaded to join several petty rulers of Philistia and Egypt in 
rebelling against Assyria. In 725 an Assyrian army overran 
Hoshea's territory, and laid siege to Samaria. The military po- 
sition of Samaria and its strong walls made it almost impregnable, 
and the siege dragged on for three years (2 Kings 17 : 5). Before 
the city fell, another king had ascended the throne of Assyria. 


He was a usurper, a general, who took the great name of Sargon, 
and who ruled from 722 to 705 b. c. Samaria succumbed in 
Sargon's first year and 27,290 of its inhabitants were deported. 
The discontent of the west was not at once quieted. Other states 
remained in rebellion and an Assyrian army finally defeated them 
at Raphia, southwest of Gaza, in 719 b. c. Sargon then turned 
his arms in other directions, fighting at various times with the 
kingdom of Urartu in Armenia, overcoming Carchemish, a Hittite 
kingdom on the Euphrates in 717 (see Isa. 10 :9), and making 
an expedition into Arabia in 715. In 711 Ashdod revolted and 
Sargon's Tartan or chief officer came to put the rebellion down 
(Isa. 20 : 1). 

At the beginning of Sargon's reign his arms had been defeated in 
Babylonia, and Merodachbaladan, a Chaldcean (see 2 Kings 
20 : 12), seized the throne of Babylon and held it from 721 to 709. 
Then he was defeated and Sargon took over the control of Baby- 
lonia. Merodachbaladan, however, escaped to the marsh lands at 
the head of the Persian Gulf, and survived to make trouble later. 
In 705 Sargon died and was succeeded by his son, Sennacherib, 
who ruled from 705 to 681 b. c. At the beginning of his reign 
troubles broke out in Babylonia, which cannot here be followed in 
detail. They lasted for years, and none of Sennacherib's measures 
gave the country permanent peace. At last Sennacherib became 
so incensed that he destroyed Babylon. Her buildings were burned 
and battered down, her walls overthrown, and the Euphrates 
turned through canals into the land on which she had stood, to 
make it a marsh. One incident in the series of events which led 
up to this sad climax was the reappearance in 702 of Merodach- 
baladan, who seized the throne of Babylon and tried to stir up a 
rebellion against Assyria. He even sent letters to Hezekiah, King 
of Judah. (See 2 Kings 20 : 12.) At the beginning of Sennacherib's 
reign a number of the petty kings of Philistia had withheld their 
tribute. Into this revolt Hezekiah, King of Judah, had been drawn. 
Busied with other wars, Sennacherib was unable to quell this 
rebellion until the year 701. In that year his army met the forces 
of the confederated kingdoms at Elteke in the valley of Aijalon and 
overcame them. Sennacherib then proceeded to Lachish, where he 
received the submission of the neighboring kinglets. From 
Lachish he sent a messenger who summoned Hezekiah of Judah 
to submit (cf. Isa. 36, 37). Hezekiah obeyed the summons and 


paid a heavy trilnite. Space does not permit us to speak of the 
wars of Sennacherib against Elam and other countries. 

It would seem that after Tirhakah ascended the throne of Egypt 
in 688 B. c, he persuaded the kingdoms of Palestine to rebel. The 
Assyrian came west again and threatened to invade Egypt and to 
destroy Jerusalem. Isaiah then predicted that Jerusalem would be 
delivered (Isa. 31 : 5), a prediction which was fulfilled. Sennach- 
erib's army was attacked by bubonic plague and was compelled to 

Sennacherib was assassinated in 681 and was succeeded by his 
son, Esarhaddon, who ruled till 668. Esarhaddon rebuilt Babylon, 
which his father had destroyed, and two years before his death 
conquered all of Lower Egypt and made it an Assyrian province. 
During his reign a great horde of Scythians poured into Asia 
through the Caucasus region from southern Russia. The Assyrian 
army prevented Assyria from being overwhelmed by this horde. 
The stream of invaders was divided, one part flowing east to Media, 
the other part westward to Asia Minor. 

Esarhaddon's son and successor, Ashurbanipal, ruled from 668 
to 626. His reign was the Augustan age of Assyria. At the 
beginning he was called upon to put down a rebellion in Egypt, and 
as trouble tliere recurred several times, trouble which was fomented 
by emissaries from Thebes and Nubia, he finally in 661 pushed up 
the Nile and conquered Thebes and gave it over to plunder. (See 
Nahum 3 : 8.) Space does not permit us to follow Ashurbanipal's 
wars. About the middle of his reign his brother, Shamash-shum- 
ukin, who was ruHng Babylon, rebelled along with many other 
vassals, and although the rebels were finally put down, the seeds 
of the decay of Assyria's power were sown. Manasseh, King of 
Judah, as long as he lived was a faithful vassal of Esarhaddon and 
Ashurbanipal. (Cf. 2 Kings 19 : 37; 2 Chron. 33.) 

The great work of Ashurbanipal was the collection of his library 
at Nineveh. He sent to all the old temples of Babylonia and had 
copies made of their incantations, hymns, and epics. These, to- 
gether with chronicles, medical tablets, dictionaries, etc., he col- 
lected in his palace, where they were found by La}'ard and Rassam, 
and form the basis of our knowledge of the Assyrian and Babylonian 
language, literature, and history. With the death of Ashurbanipal, 

' For a discussion of the reasons for the view here stated, and a presentation of other views, 
see Part II, p. 374, ff. 


the last Assyrian period had really closed. Though the kingdom 
continued for twenty years more, they were but the \ears of a 
lingering death. 

(6) The Neo-Babylonian Period. — In 625, the year after Ashur- 
banipal's death, Nabopolassar, the viceroy of Babylon, who ap- 
pears to have been a Chaldxan,' gained his independence, and es- 
tablished the Neo-Babylonian, or Chaldaean empire. Nabopo- 
lassar himself reigned till 604 b. c. During his reign the power of 
the city of Babylon gradually extended over all southern Baby- 
lonia, and up the Euphrates to Carchemish. During these years 
Assyria was gradually diminishing in territory. As Assyria had 
declined, Media, which had long been in greater or less degree 
subject to Assyria, had become free, and Median kings had little 
by little gained control of the country toward Assyria. Nabo- 
polassar finally made an alliance with the IVIedian king, and to- 
gether they overthrew Nineveh in 606 b. c. 

In 604 Necho of Eg\-pt marched with an army to the Euphrates, 
and Nabopolassar sent his son, Nebuchadrezzar II, to meet him. 
Nebuchadrezzar defeated Necho at the battle of Carchemish, and 
hotly pursued him toward Eg^-pt. (See Jer. 46.) The pursuit was, 
however, interrupted by the death of Nabopolassar, and the recall 
of Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon to be crowned as king. The defeat 
of Necho had made Judah a Babylonian vassal-state. Nebuchad- 
rezzar ruled until 562 B.C., and raised Babylon to a height of power 
which rivaled that attained under the great Hammurapi. He also 
rebuilt the city in great magnificence. The palaces, temples, and 
walls of this period, unearthed by Koldeway, were most magnificent 
structures. Owing to rebellions, first of Jehoiakim and then of 
Zedekiah, kings of Judah, Nebuchadrezzar twice besieged Jeru- 
salem, once in 597, and again in 586 b. c, on both occasions cap- 
turing the city. In 586 he destroyed it. (2 Kings 24, 25.) Fol- 
lowing the Assyrian practice, which had prevailed since Tiglath- 
pileser IV, he transported considerable numbers of the more influ- 
ential people of the city each time he took it. These were settled 
in Babylonia. One colony of them was stationed near Nippur. 
Among those who were transported in 597 was a young priest, who 
aftenvard became the prophet Ezekiel. The colony w'ith which he 
came was settled by the Khubur canal near Nippur. (See Ezek. 

• The Chaldseans were a Semitic people who came into the marsh-lands of southern Babylonia 
from Arabia. We can first detect their presence in Babylonia about 1000 b. c. 


1:1.) The young kino-, Jehoiachin, who was also taken captive 
at that time, remained in confinement during the rest of Nebu- 
chadrezzar's reign. He was only released by Amil-Marduk, Nebu- 
chadrezzar's son, who succeeded his father and reigned two years. 
(See 2 Kings 25 : 27-30.) 

After Nebuchadrezzar the kingdom of Babylon rapidly declined 
through four reigns. Meantime, Cyrus, who in 553 had over- 
thrown the kingdom of Media and erected the kingdom of Persia on 
its ruins, had been gradually extending his realm to the ^gean Sea 
on the west, and to the borders of India on the east. In 538 b. c. 
Cyrus captured Babylon and overthrew Nabuna'id. 

(7) The Persian Period lasted from 538 to 331 b. c. During 
this time Babylonia was but a province of the Persian empire, 
though the Persian kings made it one of their capitals. Cyrus 
reversed the policy of transportation, which had been practised by 
the Assyrians and Babylonians for two hundred years, and per- 
mitted subject peoples to return to their lands and restore their 
institutions and worship. He sought to attach them to his govern- 
ment by gratitude instead of fear. It was owing to this policy 
that the Jewish state was once more established with Jerusalem as 
its capital, though still a Persian colony. Cambyses extended 
Persian power to Egypt in 525, and Darius I, 521-485 b. c, ex- 
tended it to India and into Europe. Under Darius the temple at 
Jerusalem was rebuilt and the Jews there tried unsuccessfully to 
regain their independence. This they attempted once more under 
Artaxcrxes III about 350 b. c, but his general, Bagoses, put down 
their rebellion with great severity. During the Persian period life 
in Babylonia went on as before. The old gods were worshiped, 
the old culture was continued, the same language was used, and 
many business documents written in it have come down to us. 
The earlier Persian kings employed it for their inscriptions, and in a 
short time the Persians made from it an alphabet of their own. 

(8) The Greek and Parthian Pfr/W.v. ^Alexander the Great 
overthrew Darius III, the last of the Persian kings, in 331 b. c, 
when Assyria and Babylonia passed under the sway of the Mace- 
donian. When Alexander returned from his conquest of hither 
India in 325 b. c, he planned to extend his empire westward to the 
Atlantic Ocean, and to make Babylon its capital. Plans for the 
enlargement and beautifying of the city, so as to make it a worthy 
capital for such an empire, were under way when Alexander suddenly 


died in June, 323 b. c. In the final division of the world among 
Alexander's successors, Babylonia fell to Seleucus, together with 
all the territory from the IMediterranean to the borders of India. 
As Seleucus desired a capital on the Mediterranean, so as to watch 
more successfully the movements of his rivals, he built Antioch on 
the Orontes and made it his residence. Babylon was, however, 
made the capital of the eastern half of the empire, and the king's 
son, as viceroy, made it his residence. 

Soon after 260 b. c. Bactria and Parthia, in the eastern part of the 
empire of the Seleucidae, gained their independence. In course of 
time Parthia absorbed Bactria and became an empire, which lasted 
till 230 A. D. About 150 b. c. the Parthians conquered Babylonia, 
which remained with little interruption under their sway till the 
establishment of the Sassanian kmgdom of the Persians in 220 a. d. 
Babylonia was under the control of this last dynasty until the 
coming of the Mohammedans in the year 637 a. d. The old culture 
of the Babylonians, their religion, language, and writing were main- 
tained well down toward the Christian era. Copies of old Sumerian 
hymns have been found in Babylonia which bear dates as late as 
81 B. c, and business documents in Semitic are numerous. "^ 

7. Discoveries Which Illumine the Bible. — Discoveries in 
Babylonia and Assyria which illumine the Biblical narratives are 
numerous. The sites of many cities, such as Ur of the Chaldees, 
Erech, Babylon, Ashur, Nineveh, and Calah, have been excavated. 
The number of documents which have come to light which in one 
way or another have a bearing on the Bible is too numerous to 
mention here. An effort has been made m Part II to translate 
examples of most of them. Indeed, the greater part of the material 
in Part II was recovered by excavations in these countries. 

To Babylonia and to Egypt mankind owes the working out of the 
initial problems of civilization, the processes of agriculture, the 
making of bricks, the working of stone, the manufacture and use 
of the ordinary implements of life, the development of elementary 
mathematics and astronomy, etc. These problems were by slow 
processes ijidependently worked out in each country through long 
ages. The higher spiritual concepts which have now become the 
heritage of man neither Babylonia nor Eg^pt was fitted to con- 
tribute. These came through the agency of other peoples. 

^ Those who desire fuller accounts of the history should read L. W. King's History of S timer and 
Akkad, London, 1910, and R. W. Rogers' History of Babylonia and Assyria, 2d ed., New York, 1915. 


A Forgotten Empire. Hittite Monuments: Sendjirli. Boghaz Koi. Other 
recent excavations. Hittite Decipherment: Sayce's early work. Peiser. Jensen. 
Conder. Sayce's later work. Thompson. DeHtzsch. Hittite History: First 
appearance. Hyksos possibly Hittites. The Mitanni. Kingdom of "Hittite City." 
Carchemish. Samal and Yadi. Hamath. 

1. A Forgotten Empire. — Among the peoples who are said to 
have been m Palestine in the Patriarchal age are the Hittites (Gen. 
23 : 10; 26 : 34, etc.). They are mentioned most often in the list 
of peoples whom the Israelites drove out of the country when they 
conquered it: "the Canaanite, the Hittite, the Amorite, the Hivite, 
and the Jebusite," and the man is still living who first suspected 
that anything more than this could be known of them. This man 
was Prof. Sayce, of Oxford. In the inscriptions of the Egvq^tian 
kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties there is frequent 
mention of a people called Khcta. In the inscriptions of Assyrian 
kings there is also frequent mention of a people called Kha-at-tu. 
Slowly, too, during the nineteenth century rock-carvings, often 
accompanied by inscriptions in a peculiar hieroglyph, were found 
scattered through northern Syria and Asia Minor. The figures of 
gods and men on these carvings usually wore caps of a peculiarly 
pointed type and shoes turned far up at the toe. In 1876 it dawned 
upon Prof. Sayce that these were all references to the Biblical 
Hittites. He proceeded to elaborate this view in two articles pub- 
lished in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceologv, 
Vols. V and VII. 

About the same time the Rev. William Wright independently 
started the same idea, and gave it expression in his book, The 
Empire of the Hittites, 1884, 2d ed., 1885. At this period it was 
impossible to discern more than that there had been a widely 
scattered Hittite civilization, which might have been an empire. 

2. Hittite Monuments.^ — This civilization, it was seen, had left 
its monuments at Plamath in Syria, at Carchemish on the Euphra- 
tes, at various points in ancient Cappadocia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia, 



as well as near Smyrna in Asia Minor and on the Lydian mountains 
to the west of Sardis. In 1891 Prof. W. Max MuUer, of Philadel- 
phia, reached the conclusion from a study of the Egyptian inscrip- 
tions that the Hittites had come mto Syria from the northwest, and 
that their main strength was in Asia Minor. Among the letters 
found at El-Amarna in Egypt in 1887-1888 were some from Dush- 
ratta, a king of Mitanni. A study of these made it clear that the 
Mitanni inhabited the region on both sides of the Euphrates north 
of Carchemish, and that they were of the same stock as the Hittites. 
Our sources of information indicate that the territory of the 
Mitanni lay east of the Euphrates, but scattered monuments of 
the Hittite tj^pe are found on the west of that river. 

(1) Sendjirli. — From 1888 to 1891 a German expedition exca- 
vated at Sendjirli, near the head-waters of the Kara Su in northern 
Syria, and brought to light most interesting remains of a civiliza- 
tion that was fundamentally Hittite. Inscriptions found here 
dated in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser IV and Esarhaddon were in 
Aramaic. By this time there had been an mflux of Aramaeans, but 
the art shows that Hittites held the place at an earlier time, and 
there is reason to believe that one of the kings mentioned here had, 
about 850 b. c, joined in a Hittite federation. 

(2) Boghaz Koi. — Among the monuments known to Prof. 
Sayce at the beginning of his brilliant studies of the Hittites, were 
some from Boghaz Koi, in Asia Minor. Different travelers had 
noted that here must have been a somewhat extensive city, adorned 
with several large buildings, all of which were ornamented with 
carvings of the peculiar Hittite tv'pe. In 1906 the late Prof. 
Winckler, of Berlin, excavating here in connection with the author- 
ities of the Turkish Museum at Constantinople, discovered an 
archive of clay tablets inscribed in Babylonian characters. A 
group of similar tablets from Cappadocia had been previously 
purchased by the British Museum. Winckler 's discovery was im- 
portant because he found some of the tablets inscribed in Hittite 
written in cuneiform characters. Of those written in the Baby- 
lonian language, one contained a copy of the great treaty between 
Hattusil, a Hittite king, and Ramses II of Egypt. There were also 
tablets containing Sumerian and Semitic equivalents of Hittite 
words. Owing to the long illness of Winckler which followed these 
discoveries, an illness that terminated in death, the results of this 
discovery are only now being given to the world. 


In 1907 Winckler and Puchstein, in conjunction with Makridy 
Bey of the Turkish Museunn, made a thorough examination of the 
remains of walls and buildings at Boghaz Koi. The results have 
since been published in a handsome volume entitled Boghaskoi, 
die Baiiwerkc, Leipzig, 1912; (see Figs. 23 and 25). 

(3) Otlier Recent Excavations. — An American expedition con- 
sisting of Drs. Olmstead, Charles, and Wrench, of Cornell Univer- 
sity, explored in Asia Minor in 1907-1908. The members of this 
expedition collated all the known monuments of the Hittites, but 
so far only their collation of the inscriptions has been published. 

The Institute of Archeology of the University of Liverpool has 
also sent one or more expeditions to explore the Hittite country. 
In 1910 they excavated to some extent at Sakje-Geuze, not far 
from Sendjirli, but their results are not yet published. 

Since 1911 the trustees of the British Museum have had an 
excavation in progress at the site of ancient Carchemish on the 
Euphrates. Here most important Hittite remains have been discov- 
ered, though again the details of the work have not been given to 
the public. The expedition has also made some minor excavations 
at several points in the neighborhood, and find that Hittite remains 
are numerous in that region. In addition to these places, Hittite 
remains have been observed at Yaila, Marash, Giaour-Kalesi, Kara- 
burna, Kizil Dagh, Fraktin, Ivriz, Kara-Bel, Mount Sji^ilus, 
Tashji, Asarjik, Bulghar-Maden, Gurun, and Kara Dagh. One 
who will look up these places on a map of modern Turkey will 
see that Hittite monuments are distributed from near the shores 
of the iEgean Sea to the Euphrates at Carchemish and to Hamath 
in Syria. 

3. Hittite Decipherment. 

(1) Payee's Early Work. — Prof. Sayce, whose insight first 
grasped the significance of the Hittite monuments, was also the 
first to attempt the solution of the riddle which the inscriptions 
present. In 1880 he thought he had found a key to the writing, 
such as the Rosetta Stone had been to Egyptian, in the so-called 
"Boss of Tarkondemos" ; (see Fig. 26). This "boss" consisted of a 
round silver plate, in form like half an orange, which must have 
covered the knob of a staff or dagger. This had been described by 
Dr. A. D. Mordtmann, in the Journal of the German Oriental So- 
ciety in 1872. The original was then in the possession of Alexander 
Jovanoff, a numismatist of Constantinople, who had obtained it at 


Smyrna. The "boss" bore in its center a figure of the peculiar 
Hittite form, flanked on both sides by writing in the Hittite char- 
acters, while around the whole was an inscription in the cuneiform 
writing of Assyria. From this Sayce tentatively determined the 
values of a number of Hittite signs. The results w^ere, however, 
attended with considerable uncertainty, since the Assyrian charac- 
ters were capable of being read in more than one way. Using 
the key thus obtained, Sayce enlarged his list of supposed sign-values 
and in 1884 and 1885 published as known the values of thirty- two 
Hittite signs. In the years that followed Ball and Menant took 
up the discussion of the Hittite signs, but with no decisive 

In 1889 Winckler and Abel published in one of the volumes of 
the Royal Museum at Berlin the first instalment of the text of 
the El-Amarna letters, in which there were two from Dushratta, 
King of-Mitanni, in the native language of that country, though 
written in Babylonian characters. In the following year, 1890, 
Profs. Jensen, Briinnow, and Sayce all published in the Zcitschriji 
fiir Assyriologie studies of this language, Sayce even venturing a 
translation of a part of the text. Each of these scholars had worked 
independently of the others, but none of them seems to have sus- 
pected that the language had anything to do with Hittite. 

(2) Peiscr. — In 1892 Dr. Peiser, then of Breslau University, 
published his book on the Hittite inscriptions, in which he essayed 
another method of decipherment. Layard had found four Hittite 
seals in the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. Peiser inferred 
that these must be seals of four Hittite kings mentioned in the 
inscriptions of that time, and proceeded to assign each seal to the 
name of a known Hittite king, and interpret the signs on the seal 
by the name of that king as spelled out in the cuneiform characters 
of the Assyrian inscriptions. Having obtained in this way tenta- 
tive values for several signs, he proceeded by inference to guess at 
other signs, and so tentatively read some inscriptions. 

(3) Jensen. — Prof. Jensen, of Marburg, wrote in that same year 
an unfavorable review of Peiser's work. When reading the proofs 
of his review he added a postscript to say that he believed he 
had himself discovered the key to Hittite. Two years later, 1894, 
he published in the Journal of the German Oriental Society his 
method of solving the problem. Jensen's starting-point was gained 
from inscriptions from Jerabis, the site of ancient Carchemish, 


Hamath, and rdhcr places. He inferred that a certain sign was 
the determinative for city, and that the names preceding this sign 
were names of places. Gaining in this way some values for signs, 
he read the names of some kings. He found that these names had 
nominatives ending in 5 and accusative cases ending in m; he ac- 
cordingly leaped to the conclusion that the Hittite language was a 
member of the Indo-European group of languages, as this is the 
only known group of tongues in which this }:)henomenon occurs. 
This inference later research has in part confirmed. Jensen, how- 
ever, went further and endeavored to show that the Hittites were 
the ancestors of the Armenians of later time. This theory led to 
the publication in 1898 of his book, Hittiter und Armenier. Of the 
correctness of this view he has not been able to convince other 
scholars. By this time Jensen and others had begun to see that 
the Mitannians and the Hittites were kindred peoples and wor- 
shiped the same gods. It is now recognized that Jensen correctly 
ascertained the value of some signs, though many of his guesses, 
like those of his predecessors, have proved incorrect. 

(4) Condcr. — In 1898 Lieut. -Col. C. R. Conder published The 
Hittites mid Their Language, a work in which he presented still 
another decipherment of the inscriptions. Conder's decipherment 
was based on a comparison of the Hittite characters with the 
Sumerian pictographs on the one hand and the syllabary which 
was used by Greeks m Cyprus, Caria, and Lydia on the other. 
He assumed that if a picture had in Sumerian a certain syllabic 
value, and if the Cypriotic syllabary presented a character some- 
what resembling it which had a similar value, the Hittite character 
which most closely resembled these must have the same value, since 
the Hittites lived between the two peoples who used the other 
syllabaries. This system of decipherment has attracted no ad- 
herents because it is based on a fallacious inference. It does not 
follow because a nation lives between two other nations, that its 
institutions are kindred to those of its neighbors. One could not 
explain writings of the Indian tribes of Arizona, for example, by 
comparing them with books printed in English in St. Louis and in 
Spanish in Los Angeles! In 1899 Messerschmidt, who was col- 
lecting in one body all the known Hittite inscriptions for publi- 
cation, published a study of the language of Mitanni,^ which ad- 
vanced our knowledge of the language of the letters of Dushratta. 

' In the Milleilungen der vorderasialisclten Gesellscliafl, 1899, Heft. 4. 


Messersdimidt's later publication of the Hittite inscriptions^ made 
it far easier for scholars to study the subject. 

(5) Sayce's Later Work. — Stimulated by Jensen's efforts, Prof. 
Sayce returned to the study of Hittite in 1903, and published in the 
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceology of that year (Vol, 
XXV) a new decipherment. He followed Jensen's method, accept- 
ing a number of Jensen's readings as proved, and with the original- 
ity and daring that characterize so much of his work, launched many 
new readings. Some of these have commended themselves to his 

In 1909 Ferdinand Bork returned to the problem of the language 
of Mitanni, and published a pretty complete decipherment of 
the ]\Iitannian tablets in the El-Amarna letters. In 1911 Dr. B. B. 
Charles, the philologist of the Cornell expedition to Asia Minor, 
published as Part II of Volume I of Travels and Studies in the Nearer 
East, which is to embody the results of the Cornell expedition, his 
collation of the Hittite inscriptions. This publication added some 
new texts to those previously known. In 1912 Prof. Clay, of Yale, 
rendered the subject of Hittiteology a distinct service by including 
in his volume of Personal Names from Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
theCassite Period a list of Hittite and Mitannian proper names, and 
a list of the nominal and verbal elements which enter into the com- 
position of such names. 

(6) Thompson. — The latest attempt on a large scale to unravel 
the mystery of the Hittite inscriptions is that of R. Campbell 
Thompson, "A New Decipherment of the Hittite Hieroglyphs," 
published in Archceologia, second series. Vol. XIV, Oxford, 1913. 
Mr. Thompson was a member of the British expedition which ex- 
cavated Carchemish, and gained the idea which gave him the 
starting-point for his decipherment from an inscription excavated 
by that expedition. This inscription contained many proper names, 
and, after passing it and looking at it every day for a long time, it 
occurred to Mr. Thompson that a certain elaborate sign which fre- 
quently occurred in it might be a part of the name of the Hittite 
King Sangar, who is frequently mentioned by Ashurnasirpal II and 
Shalmeneser HI of Assyria. In seeking proof for this Mr. Thomp- 
son was led into a study of the texts which resulted in a new inter- 
pretation of the Hittite signs. His work is logical at every point, 
he makes no inference without first examining all the occurrences 

1 In the MiUeilungen der vorderasialisclten Cesellscka/t, 1900, Hefte 4 and 5. 


in the known texts of the group of signs in question, and he tests 
his inferences wherever possible by the known results of a study of 
Mitannian and cuneiform Hittite. It is too soon to pronounce a 
final verdict, but it looks as though Thompson had materially 
advanced the decipherment of Hittite. 

(7) Delitzsch. — After the death of Prof. Wincklcr, the cuneiform 
tablets which he had discovered at Boghaz Koi were turned over to 
Ernst Weidner for publication. That publication is soon to appear, 
but Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch, under whose general direction 
Weidner is working, published in May, 1914, a study based on 
twenty-six fragments of lexicographical texts which are to appear 
in Weidner's work. These texts defined Hittite words in Sumcrian 
anfl in Assyrian. Although the texts are very fragmentary, Prof. 
Delitzsch has been able to gain in this way a vocabulary of about 
165 Hittite words, the meanings of most of which are known, and 
to ascertain some facts about the grammar of Hittite. 

We are, it would seem, just on the eve of a complete mastery of 
the secrets of the Hittite inscriptions. The more our knowledge 
of the Hittites grows, the less simple seems the problem of their 
racial afi&nities. Some features of their speech clearly resemble 
features of the Indo-European family of languages, but other 
features would seem to denote Tartar affinities. In a number of 
instances the influence of the Assyrian language can clearly be 
traced. The same confusion presents itself when we study the 
pictures of Hittites as they appear in Egyptian reliefs. Two dis- 
tinct t^'pes of face are there portrayed. One type has high check 
bones, oblique eyes, and wears a pigtail, like the peoples of Mon- 
golia and China; the other has a clean-cut head and face which 
resemble somewhat the early Greeks. These may well have been 
Aryans. That there was a strain in the Hittite composition that 
came from Turkestan or that came through that country is also 
indicated by the fact that the Hittites were the first of the peo- 
ples of western Asia to use the horse. Evidence of the use of 
the horse as a domestic animal by the people of Turkestan at an 
early date was brought to light by the excavations of Prof. Pum- 
pelly' in that land, so that the presence of horses among the Hittites 
naturally suggests some connection with that region. Among the 
Hittite allies Semitic Amorites are also pictured. These have re- 
ceding foreheads and projecting beards. 

• Sec Pumpclly, Explorations in Turkestan, Washington, 1908, I, p. 50, f. 


4. Hittite History. 

(1) First Appearance. — The earliest reference to the Hittites 
which we have in any written record occurs in a Babylonian chron- 
icle, which states that "against Shamsu-ditana the men of the 
country Khattu marched.'" Shamsu-ditana was the last king of 
the first dynasty of Babylon. His reign terminated in 1924 b. c. 
Khattu land, as will appear further on, was the name later given 
to the Hittite settlement in Cappadocia. One would naturally sup- 
pose that the name would have the same significance here, but of 
this we cannot be certain. The tablet on which this chronicle was 
written was inscribed in the Persian or late Babylonian period, but 
there is evidence that it was copied from an earlier original. If its 
statement is true, the Hittites had made their appearance in history 
and were prepared to mingle in that melee of the races which 
occurred when the first dynasty of Babylon was overthrown. 
Nothing is said in the chronicle as to the location of the land of 
Khattu, but there can be no doubt that the Hittites approached 
Babylonia from the northwest. Their seat must have been in the 
region where we later find the Hittites, or Mitanni. At what 
period the Hittites came into this region we can only conjecture. 
The excavations at Sakje-Geuze reveal a civilization there extending 
back to about 3000 b. c, which resembled that found at Susa in 
Elam belonging to the same period. This civilization may not 
have been Hittite in its beginnings. Mr. WooUey, a member of 
the British expedition which has excavated at Carchemish, in a 
study of the objects found in tombs at Carchemish and at other 
places near by, thinks it possible that the coming of the Hittites is 
marked by a transition period in the art — a period the termination 
of which he marks by the date of the fall of the first dynasty of 
Babylon. It may well be that Indo-Europeans followed by Mon- 
gols came about 2100 or 2000 into this region, or that the Mongols 
were there earlier and that the Indo-Europeans then came. In the 
resultant civilization it would seem, from the information that we 
have, that there was a mingling of the two races; (see Fig. 24). 

(2) Hyksos Possibly Hittites. — Since the Hittites were able to 
help overthrow the first dynasty of Babylon, some scholars have 
recognized the possibility that those invaders of Egypt who estab- 
lished the dynasties called Hyksos may have been Hittites, or may 
have been led by Hittites. There is much evidence that many 

* See L. W. King, Chronicles Concerning Early Babylonian Kings, London, 1907, Vol. II, p. 22. 


Semites entered Egy[)t at that time, but as Syria and Palestine 
were peopled with Semites earlier than this, such an invasion would 
naturally have had many Semites among its camp followers, if 
not in its armies, even if the leaders were Hittites. At present, 
however, this is but a possibility. Some slight evidence in favor of 
the possibility may be found in the name of the king of Jerusalem 
who was a vassal of Amenophis IV, and who wrote the letters from 
Jerusalem which are in the El-Amarna collection. (See Part II, 
p. 345, fT.) His name was Abdi-Hepa, and Hepa was a Hittite and 
Mitannian deity. Abdi-Hcpa had grown up a trusted subject of 
the Eg)q)tians. His ancestors must, therefore, have been in Pales- 
tine for some time. A settlement of Hittites there in the Hyksos 
days would account for this. The twenty-third chapter of Genesis 
represents the city of Hebron as in the possession of the Hittites 
when Abraham purchased the cave of Machpelah as a place of 
burial for his dead, and, though many scholars regard Genesis 23, 
which gives this account, as a late composition, its representation 
would receive some confirmation from archaeology, if the Hyksos 
were Hittites. 

There is a possibility that the Hittites were in southern Pales- 
tine earlier than this. Brugscy thought that he found in an 
inscription in the Louvre, written by an officer of Amenemhet I, 
King of Eg\T>t, 2000-1970 b. c, a statement that this officer had 
destroyed the palaces of the Hittites near the Egyptian frontier of 
Palestine. This reading is still defended by Prof. Sayce,^ though 
other Eg>'ptologists, such as W. Max Mliller^ and Breasted,^ claim 
that the word that was thought to be Hittites is not a proper name, 
but a common noun meaning nomads. The text of the passage is 
uncertain, and no important inference can in any case be made 
from it. 

During the period when we obtain glimpses of the history of the 
Hittites, they were never united in one empire. Different king- 
doms flourished here and there, such as that of the IMitanni in 
Mesopotamia, the Hittites at Boghaz Koi, the kingdoms of Car- 
chemish, of Hamath, and Tyana. These flourished at different 
times all the way from 1400 to 700 b. c, and there were doubtless 
other kingdoms also, for the Hittite sculptures near Smyrna and 

> Bislory of Egypt. II, 404. 405. 

^Expository Times, November. 1914, p. 91. 

' Asien uml Europa nach alldgypiischen Denkmiilern, 319, note 3 

* Ancient Records, Esypt, I, 227, 228. 


Manissia cannot have been made by any of these, unless possibly 
the great Hittite kmgdom at Boghaz Koi may once have extended 
its power to the JEgean. 

(3) The Mitanni. — The earliest of these kingdoms which we can 
trace is that of the Mitanni. When Thothmes III of Egypt ex- 
tended his conquests to the Euphrates in 1468 b. c, he came into 
contact with the Mitanni. The kmg of the country is not named, 
but it was claimed that her chiefs hid themselves m caves. ^ There 
is some reason for believing that their chief city was at Haran^ in 
Mesopotamia, the city where Abraham sojourned for a time (Gen. 
11 : 31; 12 : 4). If this be true, it gives a new meaning to Ezek. 
16 : 3: "The Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a Hittite." 
Thothmes evidently touched the kingdom of Mitanni on its western 
border. He did not penetrate its heart or overcome its king. 
Although he took tribute, he does not tell us the name of the king 
of the Mitanni whose armies he fought. 

Half a century later the king of the Mitanni was Artatama I. 
He was a contemporary of Thothmes IV of Egypt, who ruled 
1420-1411 B. c. Perhaps it was their mutual fear of the rising 
power of the Hittite kingdom at Boghaz Koi that led Artatama and 
Thothmes IV to form an alliance. At all events, such an alliance 
was made, and Thothmes married a daughter of Artatama, though 
Artatama's grandson says that the Egyptian king sent his request 
for her hand seven times before Artatama yielded to his solicita- 
tions. Artatama I was succeeded by Shutarna I, whose reign over- 
lapped a part of that of Amenophis III of Eg)pt, 1411-1375 b. C. 
Among the queens of Amenophis III was a daughter of Shutarna I. 
Before the reign of Amenophis III had ended Shutarna I had been 
succeeded by Dushratta, who continued the friendly relations with 
Eg>pt. Dushratta's reign also overlapped in part that of Ameno- 
phis IV of Eg^-pt, 1375-1357 b. c, and Dushratta wrote several 
letters to both of these Egyptian kings. It is from these letters 
that we gain most of our information about Mitanni. 

Meanwhile the great kingdom of the Hittites at Boghaz Koi had 
entered upon its era of expansion under Subbiluliuma, who pushed 
his conquests first eastward and then southward. Dushratta feared 
to meet the Hittite in battle and retired to the eastward, allowing 
much of his country to be overrun. This land Subbiluliuma gave 

» Breasted's Aruient Records, Egypl. II, § 773. 

^ Winckler in Mitletlungen der vorderasiatischen Cesellschafl, 1913, Heft 4, p. 81. 


to one of his allies, and Dushratta was murdered soon afterward by 
his son, Sutatarra, who usurped the crown. Soon after this the 
Assyrians invaded the lands of the Mitanni from the east, and the 
land, already distracted by its internal divisions, was thrown into a 
worse confusion. At this juncture Subbiluliuma crossed the 
Euphrates again and entered jMitannian territory. He was ac- 
companied by settlers who brought cattle, sheep, and horses to 
remain in the country. Advised by an oracle, he deposed Sutatarra 
and placed upon the throne Mattiuaza, a son of Dushratta, who 
had been heir-apparent and who had fled when his father was 
murdered. To JMattiuaza Subbiluliuma gave his daughter in 
marriage, and Mitanni became a vassal state of the Hittite realm. 
After this our sources tell us no more of its history. 

Near the Mitanni were the Harri, who were probably of the same 
race, for in the time of Subbiluliuma they were ruled first by 
Artatama II, a brother of Dushratta, and then by Sutarna II. 
This state also became a part of Subbiluliuma's kingdom. 

(4) Kingdom of ^^ Hittite City." — The wave of migration from 
the northeast which brought the Mitanni into upper Mesopotamia 
had swept on westward into Cappadocia, where the greatest Hittite 
state afterward developed. The monuments erected by the Hittites 
were nearly all of a religious character. In the earlier time they 
wrote few historical inscriptions. Such inscriptions as we have in 
Hittite hieroglyphs seem to come from the later periods and to 
record alliances. It is probable that in the development of the 
Hittite state in Cappadocia first one city and then another had the 
upper hand. The Hittite monuments at Eyuk are of a more primi- 
tive character than those at Boghaz Koi, and it is natural to suppose 
that a Hittite state flourished here before the rise of the one at 
Boghaz Koi. Be that as it may, the most powerful Hittite mon- 
archy of which we know arose at Boghaz Koi, which they called 
"Hittite City." This monarchy emerged about 1400 b. c. Its first 
king was Hattusil I, of whom we know no more than that he was 
the founder of the great dynasty which ruled from the "Hittite 
City" for two hundred years. 

The king who laid the foundations of the greatness of this dynasty 
was Subbiluliuma, the next king, whose conquests over the Mitanni 
and Harri we have already traced. He conquered also a number of 
neighboring states, and compelled them to sign with him treaties of 
alliance which made them his vassals. Chronicles of these events 


were discovered by Winckler among the clay tablets found at 
Boghaz Koi. Subbiluliuma also turned his armies southward and 
conquered Syria down to the confines of Palestine. These con- 
quests were in progress when some of the El-Amarna letters, writ- 
ten to Amenophis IV of Egypt and translated in Part II, p. 344, If., 
were written. Here he pursued the same policy that he had pur- 
sued in Mesopotamia, and compelled the conquered countries to 
enter into treaties with him, which subjugated them to his will. 
Among the kmgs so treated was the Amorite King Aziru, who at 
that time ruled Amorites living in the southern part of the valley 
between the Lebanon mountain ranges and in the region afterward 
occupied by the tribe of Asher. They also held some of the 
southern Phoenician cities. This represents the most southerly 
extension of Subbiluliuma's power. 

Whether Subbiluliuma also extended his conquests to the west 
of Asia Minor, we have no means of knowing. Some scholars sup- 
pose that he had done so before he began the conquest of Mitanni. 
Certain it is that Hittite rock sculptures of gigantic size exist in 
the mountains near Smyrna and Manissia, to the west of Sardis. 
These sculptures represent the great Hittite goddess. Near 
Smyrna there are also the remains of great buildings. We know of 
no Hittite monarch who would be so likely to have carried Hittite 
power to these parts as Subbiluliuma. If he did so, possibly in 
later time the Hittites here became independent. At all events, 
some centuries later they were known to Ionian Greeks in this 
region, for Homer's Odyssey, Book XI, line 521, records the tradition 
that some Hittites were killed with Eurypylos. 

When Subbiluliuma died he was succeeded by his son, Arandas, 
whose occupation of the throne was brief, and who seems to have 
been without effective power. After a short time he was replaced 
by his brother, Mursil, who appears to have enjoyed a long reign. 
Subbiluliuma, called by the Egyptians Seplel, was reigning when 
Amenophis IV of Egypt came to the throne in 1375 b. c, for he 
sent an embassy to congratulate him, and Mursil appears to have 
reigned until after the year 1320 b. c. The two reigns, therefore, 
covered more than half a century. The first years of Mursil's 
reign were apparently passed in peace, but soon after 1320 Shal- 
meneser I invaded the countries in the eastern part of the Hittite 
confederacy, conquering all the territory east of the Euphrates, and.a 
considerable territory to the west of that river. Meantime, Mursil 


had renewed the treaty with the Amorites of Syria, whose king 
at this time was Abbi-Teshub, or Abi-Adda. Ere long, however, 
trouble arose for him on his southern border. Seti I of Egypt came 
to the throne in 1313 b. c, and began a series of vigorous campaigns 
for the conquest of Palestine. In time he came face to face with 
the Hittite power in Syria. 

At this juncture Mursil died and was succeeded by his son, 
Mutallu, who soon met Seti I in battle and convinced that monarch 
that it was unwise to attempt to extend Egypt's empire in Asia to 
the Euphrates, as Thothmes III had done. Owing to internal 
troubles in Assyria the eastern border of the Hittite realm was left 
undisturbed for a considerable time, during which Mutallu could 
devote himself to other matters. In 1292 b. c. Ramses II succeeded 
Seti I as king of Eg>'pt and soon began vigorously to push Egyptian 
conquests into northern Syria. Mutallu recognized the impor- 
tance of the struggle and collected a large army from all his allies. 
These forces were drawn from all parts of Asia Minor; even the 
countries of the extreme west contributed their quota. Aleppo and 
states in that region also contributed their share. A great battle 
was fought at Kadesh on the Orontes in 1287 b. c, in which Mutallu, 
by surprising his foe, disorganized a part of the Eg}^tian forces 
and endangered the life of Ramses himself. By the opportune 
arrival of reinforcements the Eg^^atians escaped entire defeat, so 
that the result was a drawn battle. 

The battle had, however, cost the Hittites much. The slaughter 
of their forces had been enormous. Among the slain were many 
chieftains, including the king of Aleppo. The Amorites at once 
threw off their allegiance to the Hittites, and many of the other 
troops mutinied. Mutallu was assassinated. He was succeeded 
by Hattusil II, the Khetasar of the Egj'j^tian inscriptions. 

Assyria had become weak, so that Hattusil was no longer pressed 
upon his eastern border. After a little he reduced the Amorites 
once more to submission, and compelled them to take back their 
king, Put-akhi, whom they had driven out at the time of their 
rebellion against Mutallu. He gave Put-akhi a Hittite princess 
for a wife. Later, about 1271 b. c, Hattusil concluded an offensive 
and defensive alliance with Ramses II of Egypt. The treaty which 
guaranteed this alliance has come down to us, and is the first inter- 
national treaty the details of which are known to us. (See Chapter 
I, p. 30.) 


Hattusil II must have enjoyed a long reign, but we do not know 
the date of his death. He had two successors, Dudkhalia and 
Arnuanta, whose reigns are known to us, and who continued the 
sway of the dynasty down to about 1200 b. c. They were respec- 
tively the. son and grandson of Hattusil II. An edict of Dudkhalia 
concerning the vassal states has survived, in which the name of 
Eni-Teshub, King of Carchemish, appears. Carchemish would 
seem to have been the chief of the allied states. Of Arnuanta we 
have no details, though two fragments of royal edicts and a seal of 
his have come down to us. He was called "the great king, the son of 
Dudkhalia." After him our sources fail, and the story ends in 
darkness. We know, however, that the days of the power of this 
dynasty were over. Egyptian sources tell us that tribes from west- 
ern Asia Minor and from beyond the sea swept over Cilicia and 
northern Syria soon after the year 1200 b. c, and there was then 
no Hittite power there to restrain them. 

(5) Carchemish. — Of the other Hittite kingdoms far less is known. 
Carchemish, which, as we have just seen, played an important part 
in the federation of the great Hittite power, continued its existence 
for several centuries. In the time of Ashurnasirpal II and Shal- 
meneser III the kingdom of Carchemish entered into alliance with 
these kings and preserved its existence by becoming their vassal. 
Judging from the meager reports hitherto published of the British 
excavation at Carchemish, this was a flourishing period in the 
history of the city. A hundred years later, in the reign of Sargon, 
Pisiris, who was then king of Carchemish, defied the Assyrian, who 
brought the kingdom to an end in 717 b. c. (Cf. Isa. 10 : 9.) 

(6) Samal and Yadi. — When the Aram£eans swept westward 
about 1300 B. c. they apparently dislodged the Hittites from a 
number of their sites and occupied their country. Among the 
places so occupied was the site of Sendjirli mentioned above. All 
the carvings found among its architectural remains reveal the in- 
fluence of Hittite art, but the inscriptions found there are in 
Aramaic. These inscriptions show that there were in that region 
two petty kingdoms named, respectively, Samal and Yadi. The 
names of several kings of these monarchies who ruled between 850 
and 730 b. c. have been recovered. They are all Aramaean. 

(7) Hamath. — Farther to the south, at Hamath on the Orontes, a 
Hittite kingdom existed in the time of David. Its king was then 
called Toi or Tou, who made an alliance with David (2 Sam. 8 : 9, f ; 


1 Chron. 18 : 9, f.). This kingdom was probably the outgrowth 
of the earlier occupation of the Orontes valley, three hundred 
years before, by the Hittites of the great empire. It continued 
until the time of Ahab. Its king was then Irhulina, who along with 
Ahab, Ben-Hadad of Damascus, and several other kings made an 
alliance to resist the encroachments of Shalmaneser III of Assyria 
in 854 B. c. (See Part II, p. 360, ff.) Irhulina caused several in- 
scriptions to be made on stone, which survived at Hamath until 
our time. According to Mr. Thompson's interpretation of them 
they are all records of his various alliances. By the next century, 
however, the Aramaeans had captured Hamath, for in the reigns of 
Tiglath-pileser IV (745-727) and. of Sargon (722-705 b. c.) the 
names of its kings were Semitic. These names were, respectively, 
Enu-ilu and Yau-bidi, or Ilu-bidi. 

We gain glimpses also of a number of other Hittite states. 
There was, for example, the state of Kummukh, which lay to the 
west of the Euphrates, and another m western Cilicia, that had its 
center at Tyana, the modern Bor. These, states appear to have 
reached their zenith after the fall of the great Hittite dynasty which 
had its capital at Boghaz Koi. Doubtless as time goes on we shall 
learn of the existence of many other small Hittite kingdoms which 
flourished at one time or another. At some time, either when the 
Hyksos were making their way into Egypt or when Suljbiluliuma 
was pushing southward into Syria, the Hittites mentioned in the 
Old Testament must have made some small settlements in Pales- 
tine. Here the Hebrews came into contact with them. They 
were really an unimportant outlying fringe of the great Hittite 
people, but they had the good fortune to have their names preserved 
in the most immortal literature in the world, the Bible, and so their 
memory was ever kept alive, while that of their more illustrious 
kinsmen w^as utterly forgotten. It is only archaeological research 
that has restored something of the original perspective. 


The Land: Rainfall. Early Exploration: Place names. Earlv American 
ExPLOR-^TiONS: Robinson and Smith. Lynch. American exploration societies. 
Palestine Exploration Fund: Warren's e.xcavations at Jerusalem. The survey of 
Palestine. Exploration of Lachish. Bliss's excavation at Jerusalem.. Excavation 
at Azekah. At Tell es-Sa& (Gath?). Tell el-Judeideh. At Marash (Moresheth- 
Gath). Gazer. Beth-shemesh. Exploring the Wilderness of Zin. The German 
Palestine Society: Guthe's excavation at Jerusalem. Megiddo. Taanach. 
Capernaum. Jericho. The American School at Jerusalem. Samarl^v. Par- 
ker's Excavations at Jerusalem. Latest Excavations. 

1. The Land. — Palestine is a very different land from either 
Egypt or Mesopotamia. They are made by the irrigation of 
rivers. Palestine is fertilized by rain from heaven. In them 
the scenery is monotonous; they are river valleys each of which 
was once in part an arm of the sea, but now filled up by the gradual 
deposit of mud. Palestme was formed in one of the greatest geo- 
logical upheavals the earth ever experienced. This was nothing 
less than a great rift in the earth's crust extendmg from the Lebanon 
moim tains to the Indian Ocean. The strata on the west side of this 
rift slipped downward past those on its east side for a mile or more. 
Those on the west were bent at differ'ent points in this long course 
in different ways, but the result of the rift itself was to form the 
Jordan valley and the bed of the Dead Sea, the valley which runs 
from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Akaba, and that deep rift be- 
tween Asia and Africa which forms the Red Sea itself. 

In Palestine the strata on the west of this rift bent up into- two 
parallel ridges, to the west of which a narrow plain of var>dng 
width, ancient Philistia, rises from the sea. To the east of this 
rift the land remained at approximately its old level. The various 
ridges of the country are, on account of the birth-pangs of their 
origin, intersected with valleys innumerable, so that in no country 
of the world can such variety of scenery and climate be found within 
such narrow limits. 

Rainfall.— This land, with all its variety of form, is redeemed 
from the desert by the moisture which the west winds drive in 



from the Mediterranean Sea. These winds in the winter months 
bring clouds, which, when they come into contact with the colder 
air over the elevated hills, deposit their moisture in rain. The 
Jordan valley is so warm that little rain falls upon it, but it drains 
the water from the rainfall on both sides of it. Just so far back 
as the clouds reach before their moisture is exhausted, just so far 
the fertile land extends; beyond that is the Arabian Desert. When 
the rainfall during a winter is good, bountiful crops are raised the 
following season; when it is scant, the harvest fails and famine 
follows. In Egypt and Babylonia a man could water his garden 
by kicking a hole in a dyke; they were lands which were watered 
"with thy foot" (Deut. 11 : 10) ; Palestine was dependent on heaven 
for its life, and we cannot doubt that this fact was one of the 
instruments for the training of the Israelites for their great religious 
mission. In a land of such variety — a land in which for nine months 
in the year snow-capped Hermon may be seen from many an ele- 
vated point and from the whole stretch of the tropical Jordan valley, 
where oleanders are blooming and mustard seeds are growing into 
trees — it was possible to think of God in a way that was at least 
more difficult in Egypt or in Mesopotamia. 

Here in this marvelous land, which formed a bridge between 
the two oldest civilizations of the world, the men lived to whom 
God committed the task of writing most of the Bible. This was 
the earthly home of the Son of God. 

Even before the Hebrews came into it, many had crossed this 
bridge and some had paused long upon it. Living here they had 
left the remains of their homes, their cities, and their civilizations. 
Archaeology is now recovering these. After the time of Christ 
various races and civilizations continued to pass over the bridge. 
Their remains buried those left by earlier men. The story of the 
recovery of these earlier remains is, accordingly, not only of great 
interest, but often of great value to the reader of the Bible. 

2. Early Exploration. — The misfortunes which overtook Judaea 
in the years 70 and 132-135 a. d., in consecjuence of the Jewish 
rebellions against Rome, led to the paganizing of Jerusalem and the 
expulsion of the Jews from Judaea. At this period Christianity was 
a struggling and a persecuted religion, too busy working its way 
to take an active interest in the land of its birth. When Constan- 
tine early in the fourth century made Christianity the religion of 
the Roman Empire, all this was changed. Both Constantine and 


his mother, Helena, took the deepest interest in identifying the holy 
places in Jerusalem, and a stream of pilgrims began at once to visit 
the land. The earliest of these to leave us an account of his 
travels was a pilgrim from Bordeaux who visited Palestine in 333 
A. D. As he was anxious to see the principal places hallowed by the 
bodily presence of Christ and the heroes of Scripture, he visited 
places in different parts of the country. He was followed by many 
others. The stream has been almost continuous down to the 
present time. As the aim of these travelers was devotional and 
they possessed little scholarly training or critical faculty, their 
works are of secondary value to the modern student. They did, 
however, prevent that loss of knowledge of the country to which 
Babylonia was subjected for so many centuries. 

Place Names. — At the very beginning of this period Eusebius of 
Ca^sarea, a contemporary of Constantine, compiled a list of the 
place names of Palestine which are mentioned in the Bible. The 
names were arranged in alphabetical order, the events for which the 
places are celebrated were given, in many instances identifications 
with places existing in the fourth century were proposed, and the 
distances from other well-known places mentioned. In the next 
century this work was translated into Latin by Jerome, who lived 
many years at Bethlehem and traveled extensively in Palestine, 
and who died in 420 a. d. It is called the OnomasHcon. 

3. Early American Explorations. — As the reader approaches mod- 
ern times he finds the works of some of the pilgrims assuming a more 
scientific character. To some extent, too, these works were sup- 
plemented by those of travelers like Chateaubriand,^ Burckhardt,- 
and Lamartine.^ 

(1) Robinson and Smith. — The scientific study of the localities 
and antiquities of Palestine was, however, begun by an American, 
the late Prof. Edward Robinson, of Union Seminary, New York. 
Robinson was fully equipped with Biblical knowledge, and was 
thoroughly familiar with Josephus and other works bearing on his 
subject. He possessed the critical faculty in a high degree, and 
combined with it a keen constructive faculty. In 1838 and again 
in 1852 he traveled through Palestine with Eli Smith, a missionary. 
They were equipped with compass, telescope, thermometer, and 

' Itineraire de Paris a Jerusalem, Paris, 1811. 

2 Travels in Syria, 1821. 

' Souvenirs, impressions, el paysages, pendant un voyage en Orient, Paris, 1835. 


measuring tape. His kno^vledge of history enabled Robinson to 
look beneath many traditions. With keen penetration he discerned 
under the guise of many a modern Arabic name the form of a 
Biblical original, and accomplished more for the scientific study of 
Biblical Palestine than any of his predecessors. As he traveled 
he also noted and briefly described such remains of antiquity as 
could be seen above ground. The results of Robinson's first jour- 
ney were embodied in his Biblical Researches, New York, 184L 
In the second edition, London, 1856, the results of the second 
journey were embodied, and the number of volumes increased to 
three. The impetus given to the exploration of Palestine by the 
labors of Robinson was contiimed by Tobler, Guerin, Renan, and 
many others.^ 

(2) Lynch. — Meantime, another American, Lieut. W. F. Lynch, 
of the United States Nav^', rendered an important service by the 
exploration in 1848 of the Dead Sea. In April and May of that 
year about three weeks were spent in explormg that body of 
water. Lieut. Lynch was accompanied by Dr. Anderson, a geolo- 
gist. The party traversed the sea back and forth in two metal 
boats that had been launched on the Sea of Galilee and floated 
down the Jordan. The fact that the Jordan valley is lower than 
the level of the sea had never been recognized until 1837, and, 
until the visit of Lynch and Anderson, the depth of the depression 
was only a matter of conjecture. By this expedition it was scien- 
tifically determined that the surface of the Dead Sea is 1,300 feet 
lower than that of the Mediterranean." 

(3) American Exploration Societies. — The work of American 
exploration was later continued by the American Exploration 
Society, founded in 1870. Under its auspices, Rev. John A. Paine, 
of Tarrytown, New York, visited the Holy Land. One of the 
results of his visit was the identification of Pisgah.^ 

Later an American Palestine Exploration Society was organized. 
This Society employed Mr. Rudolph Meyer, an engineer, to make a 
map of Palestine, and from 1875 to 1877 also employed Rev. Selah 
Merrill, who afterward was for many years the U. S. Consul at 

' For a more complete account see F. J. Bliss, The Development of Palestine Exploration, New 
York. 1906. 

2 See Official Report of the United States Expedition to Explore the Dead Sea and the River Jordan, 
Baltimore, 1852. 

• See his "Identification of Pisgah" in the third SlalcmenI of the American Exploration Society, 


Jerusalem, as explorer. Dr. Merrill gathered much archaeological 
information, especially in the country east of the Jordan.^ 

4. Palestine Exploration Fund. — As a result of the interest 
engendered by the work of Robinson, Lynch, and others, the 
Palestine Exploration Fund was organized in London in 1865. By 
this act a permanent body was created to foster continuously the 
exploration of the Holy Land, and to rescue the work from the fitful 
activities of individual enterprise. Such enterprise could supple- 
ment the work of the Fund, but could no longer hope to compete 
with it. 

Within six months from the organization of the Palestine Explora- 
tion Fund its first expedition was sent out. This was led by Capt., 
now Gen. Sir Charles Warren, who had just completed a survey of 
Jerusalem as part of a plan for bringing water into the city. The 
chief object of this expedition, which was in the field from December, 
1865, to May, 1866, was to indicate spots for future excavation. 
It made a series of sketch maps of the country on the scale of one 
inch to the mile, studied some synagogues in Galilee noted by Rob- 
inson, but not fully described by him, and laid bare on Mount 
Gerizim the remains of a church built on a rough platform which 
may once have supported the Samaritan temple. 

(1) Warren^s Excavations at Jerusalem. — A second expedition 
imder Lieut. -Col., now Sir Charles Warren, made considerable 
excavations on the temple-hill at Jerusalem. He sank a remark- 
able series of shafts to the bottom of the walls enclosing the temple 
area, and proved that in places these walls rest on foundations from 
80 to 125 feet below the present surface. He laid bare solid 
masonry, which bore what are apparently Phoenician quarry-marks 
and which he believed to go back to the time of Solomon. On 
the west side of the temple enclosure he found 80 feet below the 
present surface the ruins of a bridge, which Robinson had conjec- 
tured crossed the Tyropoeon Valley from the temple enclosure at 
this point from an arch, the base of which is still visible outside of 
the temple wall.^ Among many other discoveries made by Warren 
were a part of the ancient city wall south of the temple area and an 
underground passage leading up from the ancient spring of Gihon, 

■ See his East of the Jordan, New York, 1883. 

' Warren's results were first published in The Recovery of Jerusalem, London, 1870, and more 
fully in Jerusalem, London, 1889, one of the Memoirs of the Palestine Exploration Fund. The 
arch mentioned is called "Robinson's Arch," because its significance was first perceived by 


which was probably the "gutter" (R. V., "watercourse") of 2 Sam. 
5 :8. 

(2) The Survey of Palestine. — After this the Palestine Explora- 
tion Fund undertook a survey of Palestine, the object of which was 
to make a complete and authoritative map of the country on the 
scale of one inch to a mile, and also a description of all archaeological 
remains of antiquity which were above ground. The work was 
undertaken in 1871 and the survey of western Palestine was com- 
pleted in 1878. Owing to an outbreak of cholera, the work was 
interrupted from 1874 to 1877. Among those who took part in it 
were Capt. C. R. Conder (now Lieut. -Col.), who was in charge of 
the work from 1872 to 1874, and Capt. Kitchener (now Lord 
Kitchener). The great map was published in 1880, and covers an 
area of 6,000 square miles, from the Mediterranean to the Jordan 
and from the Egyptian desert to a point near Tyre. The comple- 
tion of this map was a monumental accomplishment, and must form 
the basis for all similar work. The archceological remains noted on 
the map are described m three volumes of Memoirs, also published 
by the Exploration Fund. 

In 1881 Capt. Conder was sent out to make a similar survey of 
the country east of the Jordan. He endeavored to work under the 
old permit from the Turkish government, but to this the Turks 
objected. After working for ten weeks, during which he sur\^eyed 
about 500 square miles of territory, he was compelled to desist. 
The results of his work, however, fill a stout volume entitled 
The Survey of Eastern Palestine, London, 1889. The work under- 
taken by Conder has since been carried on by other agencies. Dr. 
Gottlieb Schumacher, an engineer residing at Haifa, who was em- 
ployed in surveying the railways to Mecca, has published authori- 
tative volumes on the region to the east of the Sea of Galilee.^ On 
a larger scale is the work of Briinnow and Domazewsky on the 
Roman province of Arabia,- a work which includes ancient Edom 
as far as Petra. The last-mentioned remarkable city has been 
described also in two excellent volumes by Gustaf H. Dalman, 
Director of the German Evangelical Institute in Jerusalem.^ 

In 1873-1874 the Palestine Exploration Fund entrusted an archae- 
ological mission of a general nature to the French scholar, Clermont- 

' Across tite Jordan, London, 1886; Jaulan, London, 1886, a.nAAbila. Pella, and Northern Aijtun, 
London. 1889. 

^ Die Prnvincia Arabia, Strassburg, 1904-1909 (3 volumes). 
' Petra, Leipzig, 1908, and Neu-Pcira Forschung, Leipzig, 1912. 


Ganneau, who several years before had been French Consul at 
Jerusalem. Clermont-Ganneau was embarrassed by the failure of 
the Turkish government to grant him a firman, but made numerous 
archaeological discoveries in the country between JalTa and Jeru- 
salem. These were published by the Fund in two large volumes,^ 
although they did not appear until 1896 and 1899, respectively. 

In the winter of 1883-1884, a complete geological survey was 
made of the valley of the Dead Sea and the region to the south 
(Wady el-Arabah) by Prof. Edward Hull, who afterward published 
a volume on the subject.'^ Hull was accompanied by Major 
Kitchener, who made a complete triangulation of the district lying 
between Mount Sinai and the Wady el-Arabah. 

(3) Exploration of Lachish. — In 1890 the Exploration Fund 
entered upon a new phase of work or, rather, resumed one that had 
been interrupted for twenty years, — that of excavation. The 
services of Prof. Petrie, the Eg}^tian explorer, were secured and 
the attempt to wrest from the soil of Palestine some of the buried 
secrets of the past was renewed. The site chosen was Tell el-Hesy, 
where stood in ancient times the city of Lachish (Josh. 10:3; 
2 Kings 14 : 19; 18 : 14, etc.). This mound rose about 120 feet 
above the bed of an intermittent stream. About 60 feet of this 
height consisted of accimiulated debris of the ancient city. The 
water in the course of centuries had so exposed some of the pot- 
sherds that Petrie was confident before he began digging that rich 
discoveries awaited him. He worked here only about six weeks, 
running trenches into diiTerent parts of the mound, but he found 
and classified such a variety of pottery that he felt confident that he 
had unearthed a city which had been occupied from a time anterior 
to the Hebrew conquest of Canaan down to about 350 b. c.^ 

In 1892 the work was continued under the direction of Dr. 
Frederick J. Bliss, who cut away a considerable section from the 
northeast corner of the mound, and found the stratified remains 
of eight different cities, one above the other."* In the third 
of these cities from the bottom a cuneiform tablet was found, 
which mentions one of the men who figure in the letters found at 
Tell el-Amarna in Eg^-pt. This tablet would indicate that this 
third city was flourishing during the period 1400-1350 b. c. 

1 Archaeological Researches in Palestine, London. 1896-1899. 

2 Geology of Palestine atui Arabia Petraa, London, I8861 
» See Petrie. Tell el-Hesy (Lachish), London. 1891. 

* See his Mound of Many Cities, London. 1894. 


The two cities below this must, accordingly, belong to an earlier 
period. Bliss supposed that the first city was built about 1700 b. c. 
Above the remains of the third city was a bed of ashes of some 
thickness, which shows, in Petrie's opinion, that after the destruc- 
tion of this city the mound was used for a period of perhaps fifty 
years as a place for burning alkali. Near the top of the debris of 
the fourth city a glazed seal was found similar to those made in 
Eg3T3t in the time of the twenty-second dynasty (945-745 b. c). 
This city, then, belonged to the early part of the kingdom of Judah. 
In the seventh and eighth cities pottery of polished red and black 
types was found. This class of pottery is of Greek origin, dating 
from 550-350 b. c. These occupations of the mound must, then, 
be of that period. The fifth and sixth cities would, accordingly, 
fall between 750 and 550 b. c. This excavation thus shows how 
the stratification of the mounds of Palestine reveals the march of 
the peoples across the country; (see Fig. 28). 

(4) Bliss's Excavation at Jerusalem. — From 1894 to 1897 Dr. 
Bliss was engaged in excavations at Jerusalem.^ Here he devoted 
his attention to an endeavor to recover the line of the ancient wall 
on the south side of the city. This he did, following it from 
"Maudsley's Scarp"- at the northwest corner of the westernmost of 
the two hills on which Jerusalem is situated across the slope to the 
eastward and then across the Tyropoeon Valley. This was the wall 
rebuilt by Nehemiah on lines then already old (Neh. 3-6). It was 
destroyed by Titus in the year 70 a. d., and afterward rebuilt by 
the Empress Eudoxia in the fifth century a. d. 

(5) Excavation at Azekah. — From 1898 to 1900 Dr. Bliss ex- 
cavated for the Fund at several sites in the Biblical Shephelah,^ 
the low hills which formed the border-land between ancient Judaea 
and Philistia. The work began at Tell Zakariya, the Biblical 
Azekah, situated above the lower part of the Vale of Elah. Azekah 
was fortified by King Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11 : 5-10). Here an 
important citadel or fortress was uncovered. While the masonry 
of the top part was similar to that of Hcrodian buildings at Jeru- 
salem, the pottery found about the foundations indicated that the 
beginnings of the structure go back to early Israelitish times. It 
may well be one of Jeroboam's fortresses. Underneath it were 

* See Bliss, Excavations at Jerusalem. London, 1898. 

* An artificially made precipice on which a fortress once stood. It is named from an English- 
man, Maudsley, who first perceived its true nature. 

' Bliss and Macalistcr, Excavations in Palestine ilurins the Years i8()8-igoo, London, 1902. 


remains from late pre-Israelitish times. It appears that the hill 
was occupied as the site of a city only shortly before the Hebrew 
conquest. The fortress was not, however, built at the time of this 
earliest occupation. 

(6) At Tell cs-SaJi (Gatli?). — Next the excavation was trans- 
ferred to Tell es-Safi, which was situated on the south side of the 
ancient Vale of Elah at the point where it sweeps into the Philistine 
plain, and which was thought to be the site of the Biblical Gath 
(Josh. 11 : 22; 1 Sam. 5 : 8; 17 : 4; 2 Kings 12 : 17). Here in 1144 
A. D. the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem established by the Crusaders 
built a fortress, which they called Blanche-Garde, as an outpost 
against Ashkelon. It was hoped that the excavation of Dr. Bliss 
would determine whether or not this was really the site of Gath, but 
owing to the occupation of the tell by a Mohammedan cemetery 
and a wely, or sacred building, this was not possible. The outline 
of the city walls was, however, traced, the foundations of Blanche- 
Garde examined, and here and there trenches were sunk to the 
rock. These trenches revealed in the various strata pottery 
and objects, first, of the the period of the Crusaders; secondly, 
of the Seleucid period (312-65 b. c); thirdly, of the Jewish period, 
700-350 B. c, and two pre-Israelite strata. The mound had, then, 
been occupied from about 1700 b. c. to the Seleucid times, and 
again in the period of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. 

The most interesting discovery at Tell es-Safi was that of an old 
pre-Israelitish high place, which contained three pillars such as are 
denounced in Deuteronomy. (See Deut. 7:5; 12 : 3, etc.) At 
the time of this discovery no similar discovery had been made. 
The foundations of this high place were near the bottom of the last 
pre-Israelite stratum, so that it was clearly constructed by the 
Amorites, or Canaanites, or whoever occupied this city before the 
Hebrews arrived. 

(7) Tell el-Judeideh. — The excavations next moved to Tell el- 
Judeideh, a mound some distance to the south of Tell Zakariya. 
Here they traced the outlines of the city wall, found the remains 
of a Roman villa, and sunk a number of shafts to the rock. From 
the pottery found in these shafts they inferred that the mound had 
been occupied in the earliest period, but deserted for a consider- 
able time before the Hebrew conquest. It was then reoccupied in 
the latter part of the Judaean monarchy, and was finally fortified 
in the Seleucid or Roman period. It seems to have been deserted 


soon after the Roman period. It is not known what was the ancient 
name of the city that stood there. 

(8) At Marash (MorcsJieth-Gatli). — The last mound excavated in 
this region was Tell Sandahanna, situated a mile to the south of 
Beit Jibrin. The mound takes its name from a church of St. Anne, 
the ruins of which may still be seen near by. It occupies the site 
of the city of Marissa of the Seleucid period, and of the older 
Jewish Marash. It is probably the site of Moresheth-Gath, the 
home of the prophet Micah. (See Micah 1 : 14.) Here con- 
siderable portions of the Seleucid stratum of the mound were 
excavated, and a smaller portion of the Jewish stratum. The 
Jewish stratum rested directly on the rock; the site seems, there- 
fore, not to have been inhabited in pre-Israelite times. 

(9) Gezer. — The next undertaking of the Palestine Exploration 
Fund was the excavation of Gezer. This work was entrusted to the 
direction of R. A. Stewart Macalister, who had been Dr. Bliss's 
assistant from 1898 to 1900 and who is now Professor of Celtic in 
the University of Dublin. Work was begun on Tell el-Jazar, 
about sLx miles southeast of the town of Ramleh, which Clermont 
Ganneau^ had, in June, 1902, identified as the site of Gezer. 
(Josh. 10 :33; Judges 1 :27; 2 Sam. 5 : 25.) It continued, with 
such interruptions as winter weather and an outbreak of cholera 
made necessary, until August, 1905. It was renewed in the spring 
of 1907 and carried on until early in 1909. During this time more 
than half of the mound was excavated. No other mound in Pales- 
tine has been so fully explored. Naturally, therefore, Gezer has 
furnished us with more archaeological information than any other 
excavation; (see Fig. 30). 

The results of this excavation convinced Mr. Macalister that the 
classification of the strata adopted by the excavators of Lachish 
and the mounds of the Shephelah was capable of improvement. 
He found that Gezer had been occupied at first by a non-Semitic 
people, remains of whose bones indicate that they were about 
5 feet 6 inches high, who lived in caves, and whose implements were 
wholly of stone. He estimated that these people probably occupied 
the site from about 3000 to 2500 B. c. About 2500 b. c. a Semitic 
race, probably Amorite, took possession of the city and occupied it 
to the end of the Hebrew monarchy. 

Four periods could be traced in the Semitic occupation, each 

' See his Archaological Researches in Palestine, II, p. 251, f. 


represented by differences in walls, implements, and objects used. 
The first Semitic period ended with the fall of the twelfth Egyptian 
dynasty, about 1800 b. c. In this stratum scarabs of the period of 
the Egyptian "middle kingdom" were found. The second Semitic 
stratum continued until about the end of the eighteenth Egyp- 
tian dynasty, about 1350 b. c. The third Semitic stratum lasted 
till the establislmient of the Hebrew monarchy, about 1000 b. c. ; 
the fourth was contemporaneous with the Hebrew kingdoms, 1000- 
586 B. c. The mound was again occupied in the Hellenistic or 
Maccaboean period.^ After the Maccabaean turmoils the inhabit- 
ants seem to have deserted the tell. Under the modern village 
of Abu Shusheh, on the southwest slope of the mound, a Roman 
mosaic has been found, but nothing from Roman times was dis- 
covered on the mound itself. There were likewise no remains from 
the period of the Crusaders. 

In the course of this excavation many important discoveries 
were made. Many of these will be mentioned in subsequent chap- 
ters. We need only mention here an old Semitic high place, which 
had its beginnings in the first Semitic stratum before 1800 b. c, 
and was used down to the end of the fourth Semitic or Hebrew 
stratum, about 600 b. c. It began with two "pillars," but others 
were added as time passed until there were ten in all.^ In the third 
Semitic stratum (/. e., the one preceding the Hebrew occupation) a 
building was found which Mr. Macalister thought might have been 
a temple. In the middle of its largest hall were some stones which 
looked as though they might have supported wooden pillars, which, 
in turn, probably supported the roof. Mr. Macalister thought this 
was a structure similar to that which Samson pulled down at Gaza^ 
(Judges 16 : 23-30). 

One of the most important discoveries was a rock-cut tunnel 
leading down through the heart of the rock to a spring in a cave 94 
feet below the surface of the rock and 120 feet below the level 
of the present surface of the ground.'* This was to enable the 
people of the city to obtain water in time of siege. It was used for 
some 500 years and was apparently closed up about 1300-1200 b. c. 
Its beginnings go back accordingly to the first Semitic period. A 

' This is the period called by Petrie and Bliss "Seleucid." 

' See Macalister, The Excavation of Cezer, London, 1912, II, 381-403. 

*Jbid., 406-408. 

« Ibid., I, 256-268. 


palace of the Maccabaean time, apparently built by Simon the 
Maccabee, 143-135 b. c, was also discovered.^ (Cf. 1 Mace. 14: 34.) 

Various walls were discovered, which at different times encircled 
the city. The most massive of these was apparently constructed 
during the eighteenth Egyptian dynasty, and continued to be the 
city wall down to the Babylonian Exile. At some time after its 
construction towers had been inserted in the wall. These towers 
were shown to be a later insertion by the fact that their stones 
touched the stones of the wall on each side, but were not inter- 
locked with them. Mr. Macalister thinks that these towers may 
have been inserted by Solomon when he fortified the city (1 Kings 
9 : 15-19). At some later time the weakness of such a tower had 
become apparent, and a bastion had been built around it.- The 
excavation at Gezer was fruitful in many directions. Other aspects 
of it will be taken up in future chapters in connection with other 

(10) Beth-shemcsh. — The next task undertaken by the Pales- 
tine Exploration Fund was the exploration of Ain Shems, the 
Biblical Beth-shemesh. (See Josh. 15 : 10; 2 Kings 14 : 8-14, etc.) 
Ain Shems, like Gezer, is situated in what was in Biblical times the 
Shephelah. It is near the station of Der Aban on the railway 
from Jaffa to Jerusalem. Excavations were carried on at this 
point in 1911 and 1912 under the direction of Dr. Duncan Mac- 
kenzie, who had had ten years' experience on the staff of Sir Arthur 
Evans, the explorer of Crete. At the bottom of the mound the 
remains of a very early settlement were discovered.''' Above this 
the ruins of a once prosperous city, which was for that time large, 
were found. It was surrounded by strong walls and one of its 
rugged gates was discovered on the south. In the upper strata of 
this city imitations of Cretan pottery were found. As it is prob- 
able that the Philistines came from Crete, or were intimately as- 
sociated with people who were under Cretan influence, this pottery 
is doubtless Philistine. The city which was encircled by this wall 
had passed through two periods of history. The original wall was 
built before the domination of Palestine by Egypt. As this domi- 
nation began about 1500 b. c, the earlier fortress of Beth-shemesh 
belongs to that period. The second period belongs in its earlier 

' See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912, II, 209-223. 
s/6jV., 236-266. 

• See the A nnual of the Palestine Exploration Fund, Vols. I and II, for the details here 
given, and for many others. 


strata to the age of the El-Amarna letters, in which the city is 
called Beth-Ninib. The upper period of it belongs, as has been 
noted, to the Philistine period. 

This city was destroyed by a siege which resulted in the burning 
of the city — a burning which left quite a bed of ashes. Dr. Mac- 
kenzie thought that this was the siege by which the Israelites gained 
possession of Beth-shemesh. The city was occupied by the 
Hebrews apparently until the invasion of Palestine by Sennacherib, 
King of Assyria, in 701 b. c. At all events, it was in the possession 
of Judah in the days of King Amaziah (2 Kings 14 : 8-14). Corre- 
sponding to this, Israelitish pottery was found in the stratum 
above the ashes. Dr. Mackenzie is of the opinion that during 
this Hebrew period the city was without a wall. Apparently after 
the time of Sennacherib the site was abandoned for several cen- 
turies, for next above the Israelitish stratum the remains of a 
monastery of the Byzantine period (325-636 a. d.) were found. 
This monastery apparently was not begun until just at the close 
of the Byzantine period, for it appears that it was not finished at 
the time of the Mohammedan conquest. 

(11) Exploring the Wilderness of Zin. — The most recent ser- 
vice of the Palestine Exploration Fund was the sending of two ex- 
plorers, C. Leonard Woolley and T. E. Lawrence, in the winter of 
1913-14, to explore the wilderness to the south of Palestine. The 
results of their work have been published in the Fund's Annual, 
Vol. Ill, under the title The Wilderness of Zin. The explorers 
identified a considerable part of the "Darb es-Shur," or the "way 
of Shur" (Gen. 16 : 7, etc.). It was the caravan road from Pales- 
tine to Eg}^t. They also adduce strong evidence against the iden- 
tification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea (Num. 32 : 8, etc.), 
and think that Kossima, which lies nearer to the Egyptian road and 
is surrounded by much more verdure, may have been Kadesh- 
Barnea. The identification of Ain Kades with Kadesh-Barnea was 
made by the late Dr. Henry Clay Trumbull, after a very brief visit 
to the spot, and it has been accepted by many others. 

Between 325 and 636 a. d. extensive settlements and cities of 
considerable size existed in this wilderness. This was one of the 
facts that led Ellsworth Huntington to believe that the rainfall in 
Palestine was much greater at that time. With this view Woolley 
and Lawrence take issue. They say that where the old wells have 
been kept open, the water still rises as high as ever it did. They 


hold that the cities mentioned were possible because of the great 
eneigy and skill of the people of that time in sinking wells. 

5. The German Palestine Society. — While the work of the 
Palestine Exploration T'und, which has been outlined in detail, was 
gomg on, other countries were aroused to similar activities. In 

1877 a similar Society, the Deutscher Paliistina-Verein, was organ- 
ized to foster the collection of mformation about the land of the 
Bible. Accurate scientific research in all branches of knowledge 
relating to Palestine was contemplated, and the co-operation of 
travelers and of the German colonies in Palestine was invited. In 

1878 this Society began the publication of a journaP which has 
become a repository of information about the Holy Land. 

(1) Guthe's Excavation at Jerusalem. — In 1880 Prof. Guthe ex- 
cavated at various points on Ophel at Jerusalem, and followed the 
line of the ancient wall along the east side of the city of David. - 

(2) Megiddo. — In 1903 this German Society undertook the ex- 
cavation of Tell el-Wutesellim, the site of the Biblical ]\Iegiddo=' 
(Josh. 12 : 21; 2 Kings 23 : 29, etc.). This work was entrusted to 
the direction of Dr. Gottlieb Schumacher, of Haifa. Work was 
begun on the 7th of February, 1903, and continued at mtervals 
until the 30th of November, 1905. In the lowest stratum of the 
mound Dr. Schumacher found traces of a settlement the houses of 
which were constructed of mud-bricks. Over the ruins of these a 
second series of houses had been built of stone. In the same 
stratum some tombs were found containing skeletons, some pottery 
of early forms, a bronze knife, and some scarabs set in gold. The 
walls of the city were in part built of brick. The settlements rep- 
resented by this stratum antedated 2000 b. c. 

In the next stratum a large structure, probably a palace, was 
found, which had been occupied through the periods represented 
by the stratimi in which its foundations were laid and the stratum 
next above it. The building was of stone and was large. In one 
part of it was a "pillar" apparently used for worship. Various 
types of pottery, knives of flint and bronze, many stone. household 
utensils, an Astarte figure, and some scarabs of the period of the 
twelfth Egyptian dynasty were found. This stratum, then, be- 
longed to the period 2000-1800 b. c. 

^ Zeilschrift des deulsclien Paldsiina-Verejm. 

' See Zeilschrift des deutsrheti Paliisliita-Vereins, V, pp. 7-204. 

' Sec Schumacher und Steuernagle, Tell el-Mutescllim, Leipzig, 1908. 


Next above this stratum was one in which types of painted pot- 
tery similar to that of the Philistines came to light. In the fifth 
stratum from the bottom a palace of the Hebrew period was dis- 
covered. In this palace a seal was found bearing a lion and the 
inscription "belonging to Shema, the servant of Jeroboam." It is 
impossible to tell whether the Jeroboam who was Shema's master 
was Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. In this same stratum a temple 
was found containing three "pillars"; (see Fig. 27). 

In another part of the mound in a skth stratum, which seemed 
to be late Hebrew, three "pillars" were found in an open space 
near the south gate, a stone religious emblem, and a decorated 
incense-burner. Elsewhere this sixth stratum yielded a black- 
smith's shop. In a seventh stratum, just under the soil, re- 
mains of the Greek period were found, among which was an 
Athenian coin. This was the last occupation of the tell, and was 
pre-Christian. At the beginning of the Roman period the town 
was moved from the high land of the mound down nearer the 
water supply. On the slope of the hill a native-rock altar was 
found which had been used in prehistoric times. 

(3) Taanach. — In 1899 Prof. Ernst Sellin, of Vienna, visited 
Palestine and became so deeply interested in its exploration that 
he induced several Austrian scientific bodies and individuals to 
contribute a fund for the purpose. The result was an excavation of 
Tell Taanek, the Biblical Taanach (Josh. 12 : 21; Judges 5 : 19), 
conducted by Sellin in 1902 and 1903. Sellin did not excavate 
the mound in a systematic way and his results are not very clearly 
presented in his book.^ He traced in several places four strata 
in the tell. An early stratum had its beginnings, he thought, 
as early as 2500 b. c. This stratum represented probably an 
occupation of more than a thousand years. In its later parts 
the remains of a large palace were found, and in a cave underneath 
it four cuneiform tablets, written in the script of the El-Amarna 
period. Originally there were more tablets in the archive, but it 
had been rifled in ancient times. Above this was a stratum in which 
pottery of the Cypriote and Philistine type was found. Next above 
this was a Hebrew stratum, which seems to have lasted, judging by 
objects found in it, down to the time of Psammetik I of Egypt, 
663-609 B. c. In this stratum the remains of a high place with its 
"pillars" were found, as well as a terra-cotta incense-altar of wonder- 

» Sellin, Tell Taanek, Wien, 1904. 


ful construction. Above this there were in places a few remams 
from the Seleucid period, including some pottery, and at the 
top of the mound some remains of an Arabic settlement. This 
last seems to have been established here about the time of the 
Crusaders. Sellin thinks Taanach was destroyed by the Scythian 
invasion, about 625 b. c, that in the Seleucid period the main 
settlement here was not on the mound, and that it was then unoc- 
cupied until the time of the Crusaders. 

(4) Capernaum. — The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, which was 
carrying on excavations in Eg}-pt, Babylonia, and Assyria, under- 
took the investigation of the remains of ancient synagogues in 
Galilee and the Jaulan. Among these they excavated the ruins of 
the synagogue at Tell Hum on the Sea of Galilee,^ the probable 
site of Capernaum. Here they found the remains of a once beau- 
tiful synagogue which was probably built in the fourth century a. d. 
Beneath it is the floor of a still older building. This last is probably 
the synagogue in which so many of the mcidents of the ministry 
of Christ in Capernaum took place, the one built by a Roman 
centurion. (See Luke 7 : 5 and Fig. 32.) 

(5) Jericho. — This same Society undertook, in the years 1907- 
1909, the excavation of Jericho; (see Fig. 29). The work was 
entrusted to the direction of Prof. Sellin, of Vienna. The 
digging occupied about three weeks in the spring of 1907, and 
about three months of the early part of each of the years 1908 and 
1909.- At the bottom of the mound traces of a prehistoric occupa- 
tion of the site were uncovered, but as these were under the founda- 
tions of a Canaanitish fortress, which were not demolished, nothing 
further was ascertained about them. Above this prehistoric city 
were the remains of an Amorite or Canaanite city. A jar handle 
found in the lower half of this Canaanite stratum was stamped with 
a scarab of the time of the twelfth Egyptian dynasty, which indi- 
cates that this occupation goes back to about 2000 b. c. The 
walls of this early city were traced on all sides of the tell except 
the east. On this side, where the Ain es-Sultan is (otherwise called 
Elisha's Fountain, from the incident of 2 Kings 2 : 19-22), the 
wall had entirely disappeared. This early city was small. The 
whole of it could have been put into the Colosseum at Rome. All 
early Palestinian cities were, however, small. In the city was a 

' See Milleilungen der deutschen Orienl-Gcsellschaft, No. 29, Berlin, 1905, p. 14, f. 
* See Sellin und Watzinger, Jericho, Leipzig, 1913. 


citadel with a double wall. Each wall represented a different pe- 
riod of history. Both were built of brick, as were the houses of the 
time. The outer wall was between four and five feet thick and 
appeared to be the older; the inner one was about ten feet thick. 
They were joined here and there by transverse walls; (see Fig. 37). 
The city had been burned apparently about 1300-1200 b. c, per- 
haps at the time of the Hebrew conquest. 

Above the ruins of this pre-Israelitish city were the remains of 
the Hebrew town. The earliest of these remains seems to date 
from the ninth centur\^ b. c; (see 1 Kings 16 :34), as it was 
rebuilt in the days of Ahab; (see Fig. 34). The Israelites, in 
Sellin's judgment, made the city considerably larger than it 
had been in the earlier time. A wall, which he believed to be 
the wall of the Hebrew period, was found on all sides except the 
east, considerably outside the older wall. Pere Vincent, of the 
French Ecole Bibliquc at Jerusalem, believes this wall to have been 
built in the Canaanite period also, but his reasons do not seem con- 
vincing. On the eastern edge of the Israelitish stratum the re- 
mains of a 'large stone building were found. Sellin thinks this 
may be the palace and fortress built by Hiel in the time of Ahab 
(1 Kings 16 : 34). This Israelitish city seems to have flourished 
only about two hundred years. It was probably destroyed in the 
time of Sennacherib, about 700 b. c. Sellin thought he found 
traces of another rebuilding which must soon have followed the 
destruction, but this Jericho was also destroyed by Nebuchadrezzar 
in 586 b. c. At some time after the Babylonian Exile the city was 
rebuilt and flourished until destroyed by Vespasian in 70 a. d. 
It was rebuilt after 325 a. d. and continued until destro^^d by the 
invasion of the Persian King Chosroes II, in 614 a. d. Some slight 
settlements have existed on the mound in Moslem times, but the 
Jericho of today is more than a mile distant. 

6. The American School at Jerusalem. — In the year 1900 the 
American School of Oriental Research in Palestine was opened at 
Jerusalem under the aegis of the Archaeological Institute of America. 
It is one of the purposes of this school, when its funds will permit, 
to carry on excavations as well as explorations. Hitherto it has not 
had money sufficient to enable it to undertake extensive excavations. 
In addition to the investigation of many matters not strictly archae- 
ological, the School has conducted a number of minor explorations. 
When the present writer was Director, 1902-1903, he cleared the 


so-called Tomb of the Judges and found the ruins of a caravansary 
of llie Crusading period near the Damascus Gate. Under L. B. 
Pa ton, 1903-1904, an excavation was made on the supposed line of 
the 'Third Wall" of Jerusalem. Under Nathaniel Schmidt, 1904- 
1905, the Dead Sea was explored and some discoveries made in the 
Valley of the Arnon and the Wady Suweil.' Under D. G. Lyon, 
1906-1907, some pre-Israelitish pottery was recovered from tombs 
of Samieh east of Et-Taiyibeh.^ Under W. J. Moulton, 1912-1913, 
some pamted tombs of the Seleucid time were explored at Beit 

7. Samaria. — Although the American School at Jerusalem has 
not yet been able to undertake extensive excavations, through the 
generosity of Mr. Jacob Schif?, of New York, Harvard University 
was able to excavate at Sebastiyeh, the site of ancient Samaria, 
during parts of three seasons — 1908, 1909, and 1910. During the 
first season the work was under the direction of Prof. D. G. Lyon; 
during 1909 and 1910, under the direction of Prof. G. A. Reisner, 
who has had large experience in such work in Egypt, and who, in 
addition to many archaeological triumphs there, has solved the riddle 
of the Sphinx. At Samaria^ a large palace was foimd built upon the 
native rock. This is believed to be the remains of the palace of 
Omri (1 Kings 16 : 24). Above this were the rums of a larger 
palace, the wall of which was faced with white marble. This is 
believed to have been the palace of Ahab, who is said to have built 
an "ivory house" (1 Kings 22 : 39). In a building on a level with 
this palace a considerable number of inscribed potsherds were 
found. They were receipts for wine and oil stored there. At 
the western edge of the hill the old city gate was uncovered. 
It had been rebuilt at different times. The foundations were 
clearly laid in the Israelitish period. On these now rests a 
superstructure of Herodian workmanship. Above the ruins of 
the Hebrew city were the remains of a city built by the Assyr- 
ians. (See 2 Kings 17 : 24-34.) This was inferred by the char- 
acter of the building materials employed, and by the fragment of 
a clay tablet found there. Still above this were remains of a city 
of the Seleucid time — the city destroyed by John Hyrcanus"* in 

> Sec Journ<3l of Biblical Literature, Vol. XXII, Boston, 1903, pp. 164-182; XXIV, 196-220; 
XXV, 82-95. 

' See Harvard Thcolnniral Review, Cambridse, Mass., I, 1908, p. 92. 

'Ibi,i., II, 102-1 l.V, III, 136-138, 248-263. 

* Joscphus, AtUiquilici of the Jews, xiii, 10, 2 and 3; Wars of the Jews, i, 2, 7. 


109 B, c. Still above this were remains of the temple built by 
Herod the Great, when he rebuilt Samaria and named it Sebaste, 
the Greek for Augusta, in honor of the Emperor Augustus. This 
temple had been repaired in the third century a. d. 

8. Parker's Excavations at Jerusalem. — In the years 1909, 1910, 
and 1911 an English expedition under Capt., the Hon. Montague 
Parker, a retired oflficer of the British army, made extensive explora- 
tions upon Ophel, the slope of the eastern hill south of the present 
city vralls at Jerusalem. Parker was not an archaeologist and the 
motive for the exploration is not yet disclosed. The party is said 
to have been abundantly supplied with money, and to have come to 
Palestine in a private yacht, which was anchored off Jaffa while 
they were at work. In 1911 the hostility of the Moslems became 
so excited by the rumor that they had attempted to excavate under 
the Mosque of Omar that the expedition came to an abrupt close, 
and the explorers escaped on their yacht. Through the descrip- 
tions of two residents of Jerusalem, Prof. Hughes Vincent^ and Dr. 
E. W. G. Masterman,^ we have some knowledge of the value of 
Parker's work. He cleared the silt out of the Siloam tunnel so as 
to reveal its real depth, which seems to have been between five and 
sbc feet. It had been so silted up that it appeared to be only about 
half that depth. He also explored more fully the caves about Ain 
Sitti Miriam (the Biblical Gihon, 1 Kings 1 : 33), which had been 
partially explored by Sir Charles Warren, so that the nature and 
probable use of these are now known much better. IMore will be 
said of this in a future chapter. 

9. Latest Excavations. — Within the last few years the Assump- 
tionist Fathers have been excavating on a tract of land purchased 
by them on the eastern slope of the western hill to the south of 
the present city wall. They believe that they have discovered 
the house of Caiaphas, to which Christ was led in the course of 
his trial (Matt. 26 : 57; John 18 : 24). Possibly they have found 
the house which, after the time of Constantine, was pointed out 
to Christian pilgrims as that of Caiaphas. However this may be, 
they have unearthed several streets of Roman and Jewish Jerusa- 
lem, and are keeping them uncovered. These streets, like the 
ruins of Pompeii, disclose pavements and house-foundations that 

^ Revue bihlique, 1912 fParisl. pp. 86-116. 

* Biblical World, Vol. XXXIX, Chicago, 1912, pp. 295-306. 


may go back to the time of Christ. Here, possibly, one may 
look upon pavements which his feet actually trod.^ 

In 1914 some excavations were made on Ophel at Jerusalem 
under the direction of Capt. Weil for a Jewish organization, and 
at the mound Balata, near Nablous, the Biblical Shechem, by the 
Germans. The work at Balata was under the direction of Prof. 
Sellin. Both are said to have made discoveries. At Balata it is 
said that the city gate of ancient Shechem was uncovered. Noth- 
ing has, however, been published concerning these, and the great 
war of 1914 brought' all such work to a stop. The preparation of 
foundations of a new Jewish hospital near the Dung Gate has laid 
bare the aqueducts which conveyed the water from "Solomon's 
Pools" into the city.^ 

In this account only the principal explorations have been men- 
tioned. In all parts of Palestine, and especially at Jerusalem, im- 
portant archaeological discoveries are frequently made when people 
are digging to lay the foundations of buildings, to construct a 
cistern, or for other purposes. Other important discoveries, as, 
for mstance, the rock-cut high place at Petra,^ and the painted 
tombs at Beit Jibrin,^ have been made by people traveling through 
the land. Many discoveries made in this way are recorded in the 
Quarterly Slatement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, the Zeit- 
schrift des deulschen Paldstiua-Vereins, and the Revue biblique. 
Lack of space forbids the attempt to chronicle these.^ 

1 See Germer-Durand in Revtte biblique, 1914, pp. 71-94, and Frontispiece. 

' See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, October, 1914, p. 167, f. 

'First noticed by Prof. George L. Robinson, of McCormick Seminary. Chicago, and after- 
ward by Prof. Samuel Ives Curtis, of the Chicago Theological Seminary; see Chapter XI, p. 173, f. 

* Discovered in 1902 by Dr. J. P. Peters and Dr. Thiersch; see their Painted Tombs of Marissa, 
London, 1905. 

' Reference should also be made to the expedition from Princeton University, referred to on 
p. 107, led by Prof. H. C. Butler, which went out in 1899-1900. in 1904-190,S, and in 1909, and 
examined the ruins in the Hauran (or region cast of the Sea of Galilee), in the Lebanon Mountains, 
and in that part of Syria to the east of Lebanon. The expedition gathered many inscriptions, 
most of which belong to the Christian period. The results of this exploration are published in 
The Publicalinns of an Arch(Eohgical Expedition to Syria in iSgg-igoo, New York, 1904, and 
Puhlications of the Princeton ArchcEolo^ical Expeditions la Syria in IQ04-IQ05 and igog, Leyden, 


The Early Stone Age. The Late Stone Age. The Amorites. The Cana.'\n- 
ITES. Egyptian Domination: Thothmes III. Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters. 
Set! I. Ramses IL Merneptah. Ramses III. The Fhilistines. The Hebrews. 
Philistine Civilization. The Hebrew Kingdoms. The Exile and After: The 
Samaritans. Alexander the Great and his successors. The Maccabees. The As- 
monsans. The Coming of Rome: The Herods. The destruction of Jerusalem in 
70 A. D. Later History. 

1. The Early Stone Age. — Palestine appears to have been in- 
habited at a very remote period. Scholars divide the races of pre- 
historic men, who used stone implements, into two classes — Palaeo- 
lithic and Neolithic. Palaeolithic men did not shape their stone 
implements. If they chanced to find a stone shaped like an axe, 
they used it as such; if they found a long, thin one with a sharp 
edge, they used it for a knife. Neolithic man had learned to shape 
his stone tools. He could make knives for himself out of flint and 
form other tools from stone. The earliest inhabitants of Palestine 
belonged to the palaeolithic period. Unshaped stone implements 
have been found in many parts of the country. They have been 
picked up in the maritime plain, in still larger numbers or. the ele- 
vated land south of Jerusalem, and again to the south of Amman, 
the Biblical Rabbah Ammon, on the east of the Jordan. The 
Assumptionist Fathers of Notre Dame de France at Jerusalem have 
a fine collection of flint implements in their Museum. 

These palaeolithic men lived in caves in which they left traces of 
their occupation. Several of these caves in Phoenicia have been 
explored by Pere Zumoffen, of the Catholic University of St. 
Joseph, Beirut.^ It has been estimated that these cave-dwellers 
may have been in Palestine as early as 10,000 b. c. 

2. The Late Stone Age. — Of neolithic men in Palestine much 
more is known. This knowledge comes in part from the numerous 
cromlechs, menhirs, dolmens, and "gilgals" which are scattered 

1 See R. A. S. Macalister, History of Civilization in Palesline, Cambridge University Press, 1912, 
pp. 10, 11. 



over eastern Palestine. A cromlech is a heap of stones roughly 
resembling a pyramid;' a menhir is a group of unhewn stones so set 
in the earth as to stand upright like columns j^ a dolmen consists of a 
large unhewn stone which rests on two others which separate it 
from the earth ;^ and a "gilgal" is a group of menhirs set in a circle.^ 
These monuments are the remains of men of the stone age who dwelt 
here before the dawn of history. They were probably erected 
by some of those peoples whom the Hebrews called Rephaim'' or 
"shades" — people who, having lived long before, were dead at the 
time of the Hebrew occupation. 

Similar monuments of the stone age have been found in Japan, 
India, Persia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, Bulgaria; also in Tripoli,^ 
Tunis, Algeria, Morocco, Malta, southern Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, 
the Belearic Isles, Spain, Portugal, France, the British Isles, Scan- 
dinavia, and the German shores of the Baltic. Some scholars hold 
that all these monuments were made by one race of men, who 
migrated from country to country. As the monuments are not 
found at very great distances from the sea, the migrations are sup- 
posed to have followed the sea coasts.^ Others scout the idea of a 
migration over such long distances at such an early epoch of the 
world's history, and believe that the fashion of making such monu- 
ments was adopted from people to people by imitation. Be this as 
it may, these monuments seem to have been in Eg}^t and Palestine 
before the Semites and Hamites developed into the Egyptians, 
Amorites, and Hebrews, for they were adopted by them as the 
"pillars" which are so often denounced in the Old Testament, and 
in Egypt were gradually shaped and prolonged into the obelisks. 

Of the men of this stone age the excavations have furnished us 
with some further information. At Gezer the native rock below 
all the cities was found to contain caves,^ some natural and some 
artificial, which had formed the dwellings of men of the stone age. 
They, like men today, were lazy. If one found a cave that would 
protect him from heat, cold, and rain, he would occupy it and save 

' See Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, rhiladclphia, 1904, p. 143. 

2 Sec Barton, in the Biblical World, Chicago, 1904, Vol. XXIV, p. 177. 

'Sec Condcr, .Survey of Eastern Palestine, I, pp. 125-277, and Mackenzie in the Annual of 
the Palestine E.\ploration Fund, I, pp. 5-11. 

< See Gen. 14 : 5; 15 : 20. 

' Sec H. S. Cowper, TIte mil of the Graces, a Record of Investigation among the Trilithons and 
Megalilhic Sites of Tripoli. London , 1 897 . and Brandenburg, Uber Felsarchiteklur im Mittelmccrgebiel 
in Mitteilungen der Vorderasialischen Gcscllschaft, 1914. 

• Sec the Annals of Archaeology atul Anthropology, Vol. V, Liverpool, 1913, pp. 112-128. 

' See Macalistcr, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 72-152. 



LongitiMlf East 


himself the trouble of making one. But there were not enough 
caves to go around, so some of the men of ancient Gezer cut caves 
for themselves out of the soft limestone rock. It must have been a 
difficult task with the stone implements at their disposal, but they 
accomplished it, sometimes cutting stairs by which to descend into 
them. One such cave seems to have been used by them as a temple. 
In it were found a quantity of pig bones, which were apparently the 
remains of their sacrifices. If they offered the pig in sacrifice, they 
were certainly not Semitic, for Semites abhorred swine. These 
early men sometimes adorned the sides of their dwellings by scratch- 
ing pictures on the walls. Several pictures of cattle were found. 
One cow seemed to have knobs on her horns to keep her from goring ! 
One drawing represented a stag tliat was being killed with a bow 
and aiTow.^ These early men burned their dead, and one of the 
caves in the easterji ead of the hill was used as their crematory. 
Steps in the rock led down to its entrance. The cave itself was 
31 feet long, 24 feet 6 inches wide, and the height varied from 2 to 
5 feet. Near one end a hole had been cut to the upper air to act as 
a flue. Below this the fires that burned their dead had been 
kindled; cinders and charred bones of these far-off men were found 
as grim tokens of their funeral rites. Shortly after these bones 
were found the anatomist. Prof. Alexander Macalister, of Cambridge 
University, father of the excavator, visited the camp at Gezer and 
made a study of the bones. He found that they represented a non- 
Semitic race. The peculiar modifications of the bones caused by 
the squatting so universally practised by Semites were absent. 
The men whose bones these were could not have been more than 

5 feet 6 inches in height, and many of the women must have been 
as short as 5 feet 3 inches. A pottery head found in one of the 
caves, v/hich may be a rude portrait of the type of face seen in 
Gezer in this period, has a sloping forehead, which afforded little 
brain-space, and a prominent lower jaw. These people used flint 
knives, crushed their grain in hollow stones with rounded stones, 
employed a variety of stone implements, and made pottery of a 
rude type, which will be described in a later chapter. 

The city of Gezer in this cave-dwelling period was surrounded 
by a unique wall or rampart.- This consisted of a stone wall about 

6 feet high and 2 feet thick, on the outer side of which was a ram- 

1 See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 145-152. 
■^Ibid., 236, ff. 


part of packed earth about 6 feet 6 inches at the base and sloping 
toward the top. This bank of earth was protected by a covering of 
small stones about 8 inches m depth. This rampart never could 
have been of much value in warfare, and was, perhaps, meant as a 
protection against incursions of wild animals. 

In the hillsides around Gezer there are many caves which were 
probably human habitations during this period, but as they have 
been open during many centuries, traces of their early occupation 
have long since been destroyed. At Beit Jibrin, six or eight hours 
to the south of Gezer, there are also many caves in the rock, num- 
bers of which are artificial. At various periods these have been 
employed as residences. It is altogether probable that the use of 
some of them goes back to the time of the cave-dwellers of Gezer. 

Mr. Macalister has suggested a connection between these cave- 
dwellers of Gezer and the Biblical Horites,^ since Horite means 
"cave-dweller." In the Bible the Horites are said to have dwelt to 
the east of the Jordan, and more especially in Edom (Gen. 14 : 6; 
36 : 20, 21, 29; Deut. 2 : 12, 22). It seems probable that the 
reason why the Bible places them all beyond Jordan is that the 
cave-dwellers had disappeared from western Palestine centuries 
before the Hebrews came, while to the east of the Jordan they 
lingered on until displaced by those who were more nearly con- 
temporary with the Hebrews." On the west of the Jordan mega- 
lithic monuments were probably once numerous, since traces of them 
still survive in Galilee and Judaea,^ but later divergent civilizations 
have removed most of them. In the time of Amos one of these 
"gilgals" was used by the Hebrews as a place of worship, of which 
the prophet did not approve.^ 

It seems probable that there was a settlement of these cave- 
dwellers at Jerusalem. The excavations of Capt. Parker brought 
to light an extensive system of caves around the Virgin's Fountain, 
Ain Sitti Miriam, as the Arabs call it, which is the Biblical Gihon.^ 
These caves are far below the present surface of the ground. It 
was found, too, that there would be no spring at this point at all, 
if some early men had not walled up the natural channel in the 
rock down which the water originally ran. These men, judging 
by the fragments of pottery and the depth of the debris, belonged 

1 R. A. S. Macalister, Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer, London, 1906, Chapter II. 

2 See P. E. Mader in Zeitschrifl des deutschen Paliistina-Vereins, Vol. XXXVII, 1914, pp. 20-44. 
' See Amos 4 : 4; S : 5. 

« See Dr. Masterman, in Biblical World. XXXIX, 301. f. 


to about the same period as the cave-dwellers of Gezer. They 
apparently settled at this point because of the water, and one of 
the caves may have been a sanctuary to their god. A new vista is 
thus added to the history of that city, which was later the scene 
of so much Biblical life. 

From various archaeological considerations Mr. Macalister 
estimated that the diminutive cave-dwelling men lived at Gezer 
for about 500 years, from 3000 to 2500 b. c, when they were dis- 
placed by a Semitic people. 

3. The Amorites. — We are accustomed to call this Semitic 
people Amorites, and it is probable that this is right. About 2800 
B. C, under a great king named Sargon,^ a city of Babylonia called 
Uru, or Amurru,- and Agade conquered all of Babylonia. The 
dynasty founded by Sargon was Semitic and ruled Babylonia for 
197 years. ^ Even before Sargon conquered Babylonia, Lugal- 
zaggisi, Kmg of Erech, had penetrated to the Mediterranean coast. 
Sargon and two of his successors, Naram-Sin and Shargali-sharri, 
carried their conquests to the Mediterranean lands. A seal of the 
last-mentioned king was found in C>T3rus. It is probable that the 
coming of the Amorites began m the north with the conquests of 
these kings. To the east of the Lebanon the Princeton expedition 
found stone structures similar to Babylonian Ziggurats, which they 
attribute to the Amorites, and hold to mdicate the prevalence of 
Babylonian influence in this region. It is probable that the 
Amorites slowly worked southward, occupying different cities as 
they went. Mr. Macalister's estim.ate that they reached Gezer 
about 2500 b. c. is not, therefore, unreasonable, though they may 
have arrived there a century earlier than that. This was the 
begmning of that long mtercourse with Babylonia which resulted 
in the employment of the Babylonian language and script for the 
purpose of expressing written thought in Palestine long after the 
Eg>'ptians had conquered the country. This intercourse was the 
more natural because the Semites who came to Palestine were of 
the same race as those who were dominant in Babylonia. 

Meantime, the Eg\T3tians had begun to take notice of Palestine. 
Uni, an officer of Pepi I of the sixth Egyptian dynasty, relates that 
he crossed the sea m ships to the back of the height of the ridge 

1 See the legend concerning him translated in Part II, p. 310, f. 

2 See Clay, Amurru, Philadelphia, 1909, pp. 102, 103. 

3 See Recueil de travaux relulifs a phil. el a arch. egpt. et assyr., XXXIV, 105-108. 


north of the "sand-dwellers" and punished the inhabitants.^ This 
refers to the coast of Palestine in the neighborhood of the Philistine 
cities or Gezer. The time was between 2600 and 2570 b. c. 
Egypt was at this time only anxious to make her own borders se- 
cure; she had no desire to occupy this Asiatic land. 

Again, between 2300 and 2200 b. c, a fresh migration of Semites, 
apparently also of the Amorite branch, invaded Babylonia and in 
time made the city of Babylon the head of a great empire. This 
race furnished the first dynasty of Babylon, which ruled from 
2210 to 1924 B. c. Its greatest king, Hammurapi,- who gave to 
Babylonia a code of laws in the vernacular language,^ conquered the 
"west land," which means the Mediterranean coast. It was prob- 
ably under his successor, Shamsu-iluna, but certainly under one of 
the kings of this period, that a man in Sippar, in leasing a wagon for 
a year, stipulated that it should not be driven to the Mediterranean 
coast, because, apparently, travel between that coast and northern 
Babylonia was so frequent.^ In this same period there lived in 
Babylonia an Abraham, the records of some of whose business 
documents have come down to us.^ We also find there men who 
bore the names Yagubilu (Jacobel) and Yashubilu (Josephel), 
and one who was called simply Yagub, or Jacob. Palestinian evi- 
dence from a later time leads us to believe that men bearing all 
these names migrated during this period to Palestine and gave their 
names to cities which they either built or occupied.'' 

Egyptians also came to Palestine during this period. The 
tale of Sinuhe^ relates the adventures of a man who fled to 
Palestine in the year 1970 b. c, and who reached the land of Kedem, 
or the East, which apparently lay to the east of the Jordan.^ It 
is referred to several times in the old Testament. (See Gen. 29 : 1; 
Judges 6 : 3, 33; 7 : 12; 8 : 10; Job 1 : 3, etc.) Sinuhe there en- 
tered the service of an Amorite chieftain, Ammienshi, married his 
eldest daughter, became ruler of a portion of his land, and lived 
there for many years. He finally returned to Egypt and wrote an 
account of his adventures. This region was also called by Sinuhe 

1 See Breasted^ Ancient Records, Egypt, Vol. I, Chicago, 1906, § 315. 

2 See Chapter II, p. 59. 

3 Translated in Part II, p. 313, f. 

* See Part II, p. 293. 
*Sce Part II, p. 290. fT. 

* See Part II, p. 2W, B. 

' See Breasted. Ancient Records, Egypt, T, p. 233, f. 

* See Barton, Commentary oji Job, New York, 1911, pp. 5-7, and Breasted, Ancient Records, 
Egypt, I, p. 238, note a. 


and other Egyptians Upper Retenu, a name which they also ap- 
plied to all the hipjher parts of Syria and Palestine. Retenu is 
philologically equivalent to Lotan (Gen. 36 : 20, 22, 29; 1 Chron. 
1 : 38, 39) and Lot (Gen. 11 : 27; 12 : 4, etc.). When Sinuhe ar- 
rived m Kedem he found other Egyptians already there. Ammi- 
enshi was well acquainted with Egyptians. There was apparently 
considerable trade with Egypt at this time. Men from Palestine 
often went there for this purpose. Such traders are pictured on an 
Egyptian tomb of this period. Trade with Egypt is also shown to 
have existed by the discovery of Egx-ptian scarabs of the time of the 
Middle Kingdom in the excavation of Gezer, Jericho, Taanach, and 
Megiddo. As Egypt was nearer and commerce with it easier, its art 
affected the art of Palestine during this period more than did the 
art of Babylon, although the people were akin to the Babylonians. 
In the reign of Sesostris III, 1887-1849 b. c, the Egyptian king 
sent an expedition into Palestine, and captured a place, called in 
Egyptian Sekmem, which is thought by some to be a misspelling of 
Shechem.^ This expedition probably stimulated Eg}'ptian influ- 
ence in the coimtry, though the Eg^-ptians established no per- 
manent control over the land at this time. 

When the Amorites occupied Palestinian cities they at once erec- 
ted fortifications. The inmost of the three walls of Gezer is their 
work. It was a w^all about 13 feet in thickness, in which were 
towers 41 feet long and 24 feet thick and about 90 feet apart. It 
contained at least two gates.- At Megiddo the city was surrounded 
by a wall, parts of which were made of brick, ^ while at Jericho the 
older of the walls of the central citadel dates from this time.^ 

4. The Canaanites. — Between 1800 and 1750 b. c. a migration 
occurred which greatly disturbed all western Asia. There moved 
into Babylonia from the cast a people called Kassites. They con- 
quered Babylonia and established a dynasty which reigned for 576 
years. ^ Coincident with this movement into Babylonia there was 
a migration across the whole of Asia to the westward, which 
caused an invasion of Egypt and the establishment of the Hyksos 
dynasties there. ^ As pointed out previously,'' it is possible that 

1 See Breasted, AncienC Records, Egypt, § 6S0, and Barton in Journal of Biblical Literature, 
Vol. XXVIII, p. 29. 

- Macalister. Excavation of Gezer, I, 238-243 and 253. 
' Tell el-M utesellim.'Ta.lcXn, vii-xi. 
■« See Chapter IV, p. 96. 

5 See Chapter II, p. 59, f. 

6 See Chapter I, p. 28. ^ See Chapter III, p. 75, f. 


this movement, in so far as the leadership of the mvasion of Egypt 
was concerned, was Hittite. In any event, however, many Semites 
wore involved in it, as the Semitic names in the Egyptian Delta at 
this time prove. It is customary to assume that it was in connec- 
tion with this migration that the Canaanites came into Palestine. 
This cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, be clearly 
proved, but such evidence as we have points in this direction. 
There began at this time a new period of culture at Gezer, which is 
quite distmguishable from that which had preceded. This indi- 
cates the coming of new influences. Moreover, there was appar- 
ently an augmentation of the population of Palestine at this time. 
New cities were founded at Tell el-Hesy and Tell es-Safi,^ and else- 
where. We thus feel sure that there was an increase of population 
and, when next our written sources reveal to us the location of the 
nations, the Canaanites were dwelling in Phoenicia. The Eg}ptian 
scribes of a later time called the entire western part of Syria and 
Palestine ''The Canaan."- Probably, therefore, the Canaanites 
settled along the sea coast. We, therefore, infer that the}^ came 
into this region at this time. With the coming of an increased 
population, the Amorites appear to have been in part subjugated 
and absorbed, and in part forced into narrower limits. A powerful 
group of them maintained their integrity in the region afterward 
occupied by the tribe of Asher and in the valley between the 
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains, where they afterward 
formed a kingdom. Another group of them survived to the east of 
the Jordan, where they maintained a kingdom until overthrown by 
the Hebrews. (See Nvrni. 21 and Deut. 1-3.) 

After the coming of the Canaanites our information concerning 
the history of Palestine fails us for nearly three hundred years. 
All that we know of the history of the country is what can be in- 
ferred from the accumulated debris of the "second Semitic" strata 
of the different mounds that have been excavated. During these 
centuries Egypt was invaded by the Hyksos, whose course was run, 
and under the great eighteenth dynasty the Hyksos were expelled, 
chased into Asia, and the conquest of Asia undertaken. 

5. Egyptian Domination. — Ahmose I, 1580-1557 b. c, besieged 
Sharuhen (Josh. 19 : 6) in southern Palestine for sLx years and 
captured it, while both Amenophis I and Thothmes I between 1557 

» See Chapter IV, pp. 89, 91. 

* See Breasted, Atuient Records, Egypt, III, § 616. 


and 1501 b. c. made raids through Palestine and Syria to the 
Euphrates. Of their deeds in Palestine no records have survived. 
(1) Thothmes III. — It is not until the reign of Thothmes III 
that detailed information begins. Between 1478 and 1447 b. c. 
this king made no less than seventeen expeditions into Palestine, 
Phoenicia, and Syria. At the beginning of his reign this country 
was dotted with petty kingdoms; before its close he had so thor- 
oughly amalgamated it with Egypt that it remained an integral 
part of the Egyptian dominion for 100 years. Before his death 
Thothmes inscrilDcd on the walls of the temple of Amon at Thebes 
a list of the places in Asia which he had conquered. Many of 
these were in Palestine and in Syria, and we learn in this way what 
towns were already places of importance a century or two before the 
Hebrew conquest. Among places that are mentioned in the Old 
Testament he names^ Kedesh (Josh. 19 : 37), Megiddo, Lebonah 
(Judges 21 : 19), Addar (Josh. 15 :3), two different cities named 
Abel; see Judges 7 : 22 (which mentions one situated in the Jordan 
valley), and 2 Sam. 20 : 14 (which refers to one near Dan), Damas- 
cus, Hammath- (Josh. 19 : 2>S)., situated on the Sea of Galilee (where 
there are still hot springs), Beeroth (Josh. 9 : 17), Sharon, Tob 
(Judges 11:3, 5), Kanah (Josh. 19:28), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1:4; 
Josh. 9 : 20), Makkedah (Josh. 15 : 41), Laish (Judges 18 : 7, 18), 
Hazor (Josh. 11:1; Judges 4:2), Chinneroth (Josh. 11:2), 
Shunem (Josh. 19 : 18; 1 Sam. 28 : 41; 2 Kings 4:8), Achshaph 
(Josh. 11 : 1), Taanach, Ibleam (Josh. 17 : 11; Judges 1 : 27), Ijon 
(1 Kings 15 : 20), Accho, Anaharath (Josh. 19 : 19), Ophra (Judges 
6:11), Joppa, Gath, Lod (Neh. 7 : 37) or Lydda (Acts 9 : 32), Ono 
(1 Chron. 8 : 12), Aphik (1 Sam. 4 : 1), Migdol, Ephes-dammim 
(1 Sam. 17 : 1), Rakkath (Josh. 19 : 35), Gerar (Gen. 20 : 1, etc.), 
Rabbith (Josh. 19:20), Namaah (Josh. 15:41), Rehob (Josh. 
19 :28), Edrei (Deut. 1 :4; Josh. 12 :4), Daiban (Neh. 11 : 25), 
Bethshean (Josh. 17:11), Beth-anoth (Josh. 15:59), Helkath 
(Josh. 19 : 25), Geba (Josh. 18 : 24), Zererah (Judges 7 : 22), and 
Zephath (Judges 1 : 17). In additiorf to these towns which are 
mentioned in the Bible, the list of Thothmes III contains many 
other names which we cannot yet identify. Among these are the 
names of two cities, Josephel and Jacobel, which are discussed in 

' Translated from W. Max MuUer's publication in the Milleilunsen der vorderasialischen Gesell- 
schaft, 1907, Heft 7. 

'Hammath means "hot." 


Part II, p. 3()0. These names, as already noted, are the same as 
the names of two Babylonian Amorites of the time of the first 
dynasty. It seems probable that two important Amorites had 
migrated to Palestine and had either founded new cities, or had 
been men of such consequence that their names were attached to 
cities previously in existence. A parallel to this is found in the 
name of Abu Gosh. He was a sheik of the nineteenth century, but 
his name displaced the name of the village previously called Karyet 
el-lneb, between Jaffa and Jerusalem, and it is now called Abu Gosh. 
Conjectures differ as to the part of Palestine in which the cities 
Jacobel and Josephel were situated. We have in reality no certain 
clue as to this. 

It is probable also that something similar had occurred in the 
case of Abraham. It has been pointed out previously that Abra- 
ham is known to have been a Babylonian name at the time of the 
first Babylonian dynasty. The Biblical records tell of the coming 
of Abraham from iSIesopotamia (Gen. 11 : 31-12 : 5), and the in- 
scriptions of Sheshonk, the Biblical Shishak, tell us some centuries 
later of the existence of a place, apparently in southern Judah, 
called "The Field of Abram." See Part II, p. 360. 

(2) Palestine in the El-Amarna Letters. — During the 100 years 
of Egyptian supremacy in Palestine which Thothmes III inaugu- 
rated, the fortifications of certain strategic cities were greatly 
strengthened. At Gezer, for example, an entirely new wall was 
built. This was the "outer" wall of Mr. Macalister's classification, 
a substantial structure fourteen feet wide, which completely en- 
circled the city. This massive wall remamed the city's defence 
down to the Babylonian Exile. 

From the El-Amarna letters we- gain another glimpse of Pales- 
tine about a hundred years after the death of Thothmes III. The 
Biblical cities which are mentioned in these letters are Accho 
(Judges 1 : 31), Ashkelon, Arvad (Ezek. 27 :.8), Aroer (Num. 32 : 
34), Ashtaroth (Deut. 1 : 4, etc.), Gebal (Ezek. 27 : 9), Gezer 
(Josh. 10 : 3)2), 1 Kings 9 : 15, etc.), Gath, Gaza, Jerusalem, Joppa, 
Keilah (1 Sam. 23 : 1), Lachish (Josh. 10': 3, etc.), Megiddo, Sidon, 
Tyre, Shechem, Sharon, Taanach, and Zorah (Judges 13 : 2). 
One city, called in these letters Beth-Ninib, is, in all probability, 
Bethshemesh (Josh. 15 : 10, etc.). Many other towns are men- 
tioned in the letters, but as they are not mentioned in the Bible 
they are not enumerated here. These letters- were written just as 


the Egyptian dominion in Asia was breaking up, owing to the fact 
that King Amenophis IV was much more deeply interested in 
religious reform than in politics.^ The disintegration of the empire 
produced great disorder. The power which Egypt had exerted in 
the past made the Asiatics still fear to come out openly against her, 
but the correspondence shows that several petty states were plotting 
against one another, frequently encroaching upon one another, and 
yet all the time professing to be loyal to Egypt. The largest num- 
ber of these states were in the north in Phccnicia. The principal 
states were the city kingdoms of Gebal, Beirut, Tyre, Jerusalem, 
and the Amorites.- Jerusalem at this time ruled a considerable 
territory,^ but its history will be discussed connectedly in a future 
chapter.'' The kings of the Amorites during this period were 
Ebed-Ashera and Aziru. While these small kingdoms of Pales- 
tine and Phoenicia were contending with one another, and the king 
of Egypt was giving no attention to them, the land was in^'aded 
from the north by the Hittites under the great King Subbiluliuma,'' 
who gradually conquered the Amorites and the Orontes Valley. 
It was at the same time invaded from the east by the Habiri, who 
were probably the Hebrews.^ 

With this movement of peoples there came into the west a third 
wave of Semitic migration, the Aramaean. W'e hear nothing 
of the Aramaic-speaking peoples in earlier time, but about 1300 b. c. 
they are mentioned by both Shalmaneser I, of Assyria, and Ramses 
II, of Egypt, as though they were in Syria and Palestine. In later 
time they formed the basis of the population from the east of the 
Euphrates to the Mediterranean coast and southward to Damascus. 
In Deut. 26 : 5 Israelites are told to say "A wandering Aramaean 
was my father" (R. V., margin). The reference seems to be to 
Jacob, though possibly Abraham is intended. In either case, it 
shows that the Hebre,ws recognized that there was an Aramaean 
strain in their ancestry. Perhaps the Habiri were Aramaeans, or 
were allied with Aramaeans. 

At all events, in the struggles that ensued, little by little all 
allegiance to Eg^-pt was thrown off by the Palestinians. Letters 

' See Chapter I, p. 29. 

* See pp. 79, 80, and 345. 

' See the letters of its king translated in Part II, p. 345, f. 

* Chapter XIII. 

6 See Chapter III, p. 78, f. 

* See Part II, p. 349, f. 


to Egypt ceased to be written, our sources fail us, and for more 
than forty years we can only conjecture what was happening in 

(3) Sett I. — With the accession of Seti I of the nineteenth Eg\'p- 
tian dynasty, who ruled from 1313 to 1292 b. c, some knowledge of 
events in Palestine begins once more to come to us. Seti in his 
first year entered Asia, captured an unnamed walled town on the 
border of the desert, pushed northward and took the towns in the 
Plain of Jezreel, crossed the Jordan and conquered cities in the 
Hauran, where he set up a pillar, discovered there a few years since 
by Prmcipal George Adam Smith; he then turned west and con- 
quered a city on the slopes of the Lebanon mountains.^ This 
campaign regained for EgN-pt all of Palestine and southern Phoenicia. 
In his third year Seti was again in Asia. On this campaign he 
overthrew the kingdom of the Amorites in northern Galilee. They 
occupied the city of Kedesh m Naphtali (Josh. 19 : 37). This city 
Seti besieged and took. 

(4) Ramses II. — ^Thus at the beginning of the reign of Ramses 
II, who ruled from 1292-1225 b. c, all Palestme was subject to 
Egypt. The practical defeat of Ramses by the Hittites at Kadesh 
on the Orontes in his fifth year, however, caused all Palestine to 
revolt, and Ramses was compelled to undertake the reconquest of 
the land. This he accomplished between his fifth and eighth 
years, beginning with the Philistine cities and overrunning the 
whole country to the Hauran, where he set up a pillar, as his 
father had previously done.- So far as we know, Palestine re- 
mained quietly under the rule of Ramses during the remainder of 
his long reign. 

Ramses II, like Thothmes III, left on record a long list of cities 
conquered by him in Asia. Of these the following are Palestinian 
towns mentioned in the Bible :^ Hammath (Josh. 19 :35), Beth- 
shean (Josh. 17 : 11), Beth-anath (Josh. 19:38), and Hadasha 
(Josh. 15 : 37). Pella, a town in the Jordan valley not mentioned 
in the Bible, also occurs in his list, and there is also a possible 
mention of Jacobel in a corrupted form. 

(5) Menieptah. — After the accession of Merneptah, the succes- 
sor of Ramses II, a rebellion broke out. This was about 1223 b. c. 

> See Breasted's History of Egypt, New York, 1909, p. 414. 

' See Breasted's Ancient Records. Egypt, III, §§ 81 and 140. 

•Translated from W. Max MuUer's Egyptological Researches, Washington, 1906, pi. 59, ff. 


Merneptah put down the rebellion, but in the struggle caused by it, 
he was compelled to reduce Gezer by siege. It was on this cam- 
paign that he came into contact with Israel and defeated her.' 
Some think the Israelites whom he mentioned were those who 
more than a century and a quarter before had been battling 
against Jerusalem; others, that they were those who had just 
escaped from Egx^^t. 

The reign of ISIerneptah was followed by some years of unstable 
government in Egypt, but this does not appear to have been a suffi- 
ciently long period for great changes to occur in Palestine. Order 
was restored in Egv'pt by Setnakht about 1200 b. c, and his son and 
successor, Ramses III, 1198-1167 b. c, reasserted his sovereignty 
over Palestine and Phoenicia. 

(6) Ramses III. — Ramses III found himself confronted with a 
peculiar situation. The Eg\^tian Delta and the coasts of Palestine 
were invaded by hordes of people from over the sea. As early as 
the reign of Ramses II the Egyptians had employed men from the 
island of Sardinia as mercenaries ; there must then have been inter- 
course with distant islands across the sea. 

6. The Philistines. — Now, however, hordes of Sicilians, Danaoi, 
Peleset (Philistines) , Thekel, and many other tribes came from over 
the sea. These tribes came in part from islands, such as Sicily 
and Crete, and in part from the coasts of Asia Minor. Ramses III 
was compelled to fight with them, both in the Delta and in Phoenicia. 
On the walls of his temple at Medinet Habu he has left us pictures 
of the Philistines. A remarkable inscribed disc was found a few 
years since at Phaestos in Crete. It is prmted with a sort of mov- 
able t}T3e, and each character is a pictograph or hicroglv-ph. Prof. 
Macalister has shown that it is, in all probability, a contract tablet.^ 
When the tablet was first published Eduard Meyer pointed out' 
that a frequently recurring sign, which is apparently the deter- 
minative for "man" or "person," has the same sort of upstanding 
hair as the Philistines pictured by Ramses III on the walls of Medi- 
net Habu. This tablet, accordingly, was written by Philistines or 
their near kindred. In this view there is general agreement among 
scholars. Amos declared that the Lord brought the Philistines 

•See Part II, p. 311. 

2 See Sir Arthur Evans, Scripla Minoa, Oxford, 1909, pp. 280, 282, and R. A. S. Macalister in 
the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XXX, § C, p. 342; also his Pkilislines, Their His- 
tory and Civilizalicn, London, 1913. pp. 84, 85. 

5 See Silzungsberirhle of the Berlin Academy, 1909, p. 1022, f. 


from Caphtor (Amos 9:7). If this disc was written Ln Crete, it 
would follow that Caphtor was Crete. It is thought possible by 
some that the disc was written in Asia Minor, whence it was carried 
to Crete; in that case Caphtor would be a name for Asia Mmor.^ 
At all events, this mscription makes it clear that the Philistines 
came from over the sea, and that their point of departure was 
either Crete or Asia Minor. Ramses III reveals to us through his 
inscriptions the Philistines in the act of migrating into Palestine. 
With them were the. Thekel, who afterward were absorbed by the 
Philistines; (see Figs. 36 and 38). 

In his struggle with these tribes Ramses 'III was compelled to 
carry the war into Asia, where he overcame and defeated them. 
In commemoration of this event he has left a list of places which 
he conquered in Asia. Most of them, so far as they can be identi- 
fied, were further north than Palestine, but the following are 
names of places mentioned in the Bible:' Seir (Gen. 14 : 6, etc.), 
Caineh (Amos 6 : 2), or Calno (Isa. 10 : 9), Tyre, Carchemish, Beth- 
Dagon (Josh. 15 :41), Kir-Bezek, probably the same as Bezek 
(Judges 1 : 5), Hadashah (Josh. 15 : 37), Ardon (1 Chron. 2 : 18), 
Beer (cf. Num. 21 : 16), Senir (Deut. 3 :9), Zobebah (1 Chron. 
4:8), Gether (Gen. 10 : 23), and Ar (Num. 21 : 15; Isa. 15 : 1, etc.). 

After Ramses III the Egyptian empire became too wxak to inter- 
fere, in Palestinian affairs. In the chronology followed by many 
scholars today it was about this time that the Hebrews completed 
their conquest of the country and the age of the Judges began. 

7. The Hebrews. — On their way into Palestine the Hebrews, as 
already noted, im^aded and conquered a kingdom of the Amorites 
which lay to the east of the Jordan and had its capital at Heshbon. 
(See Num. 21 : 21 and Deut. 1 : 4, etc.). This kingdom was a sur- 
vival of the ancient Amorite occupation of the land. The Amorites 
composing it had not been absorbed or displaced by more recent 
pre-Hebr'ew invaders. 

It is stated in Judges 1 : 27-36 that there were a number of cities 
from which the Israelites did not, at the time of their conquest, 
drive out the inhabitants. The principal excavations in Palestine 
have had to do with cities which were not conquered by Hebrews 
at this time — Taanach, Mcgiddo, and Gezer. Wc are told in Josh. 

' Caphtor is the same as Kefliu of the ERyptian inscriptions, but it is uncertain whether Keftiu 
refers to Crete or Asia Minor. 

2 Translated from W. Max MiiUer's Egypiological Researches, 1, pi. 64, f. 


10 : 33 that when Horam, King of Gezer, came to the aid of the 
king of Lachish, Joshua "smote him and his people till he left none 
remaining." As nothing is said of the capture of Gezer, this must 
refer only to the force which went to the aid of Lachish. This 
view is confirmed by the fact that in the time of David, Gezer was 
in the hands of the Philistines. (See 1 Chron. 20 : 4.) Gezer did 
not come into the hands of the Hebrews until the time of Solomon, 
when Solomon's Egyptian father-in-law conquered it and gave it 
to him. Mr. Macalister found evidence that at about this time 
there was a considerable increase of the population of Gezer, which 
seems to confirm the statement of Judges 1 : 29 that Canaanites 
and Israelites dwelt together there. This evidence consisted in the 
crowding together of houses, so that, as many new ones were built, 
they became smaller. New houses also encroached upon the 
land of the "high place. "^ There was evidently an increase of the 
population such as an influx of Hebrews would account for. Evi- 
dence of Hebrew conquest seems also to have come to light in the 
capture and burning of Jericho^ and Bethshemesh,^ which the exca- 
vations have revealed. 

8. Philistine Civilization. — The next source of information 
which archaeology furnishes us concerning Palestine is the report of 
Wenamon, translated in Part II, p. 352, ff. Wenamon visited Dor 
and Gebal about 1100 b. c. He found a king of the Thekel estab- 
lished in Dor, so that the Philistines were probably by this time 
established in the whole maritime plain. 

With the coming of the Philistines into Palestine, new influences 
were introduced into the country. These are most apparent in the 
pottery that has come down to us. (See Chapter VIII.) The 
Philistines, whether they came from Crete or from the coasts of the 
-^gean Sea, had been influenced by those higher forms of art which 
were in later times developed into the superb Greek forms. Just 
at the time when history tells us the Philistines came into Palestine, 
we begin to find in its mounds the remains of a more ornate pottery. 

9. The Hebrew Kingdoms. — As the Philistines filled the maritime 
plain, and began to push into the hill country, the Israelites formed 
a kingdom by which to oppose them. The kingdom of Saul ac- 
complished little, but that of David, which began about 1000 b. c, 
overcame the Philistines and all other peoples adjacent to the 

See Macalister, Tlic Excavation of Gezer, I, p. 21. 
2 See p. 99. » See p. 95. 


Hebrews and established an Israelitish empire.^ This was possible 
because just at that time both Egypt and Assyria were weak. 
Before the end of the reign of Solomon this empire began to disin- 
tegrate (1 Kings 11 : 14-25), and at his death, about 937 b. c, it 
faded entirely away and the kingdom was divided into the kingdoms 
of Israel and Judah. The history of these kingdoms is given in out- 
line in the Bible and is probably familiar to every reader of this book. 

These kingdoms, frequently at war with each other, were first 
invaded by Sheshonk (Shishak) of Egypt (1 Kings 14 : 25), who 
made them his vassals (see Part II, p. 359, f.), and in later centuries 
were made subject to Assyria. Israel suffered this fate first in 
842 B. c, and Judah in 732 On account of her rebellions, the 
kingdom of Israel was overthrown by Assyria in the year 722 b. c. 
After Assyria became weak, Judah was made subject to Egypt in 
608 b. c, but passed under the sway of Babylon in the year 604. 
Because she repeatedly rebelled against Babylon, the prominent 
Judagans were carried captive partly in 597 b. c. and partly in 586, 
and in the year last mentioned Jerusalem was overthrown and its 
temple destroyed. 

Excavations have brought to light much evidence as to the 
houses, high places, and the mode of life of this time,^ as well as evi- 
dence of how Shishak fought against Rehoboam, Shalmaneser III 
against Ahab and Jehu, Tiglath-pileser IV against Menahem and Pe- 
kah, Shalmaneser V and Sargon against Hoshea, and Sennacherib 
against Judah. It has also told us much about Nebuchadrezzar.^ 

10. The Exile and After. — The Babylonian Exile was brought 
by Cyrus to a possible end in 538 b. c. This is also illuminated by 
that which exploration has brought to light. ^ The temple was 
rebuilt through the efforts of Haggai and Zechariah during the years 
520-517 B. c. In 444 b. c. Nehemiah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem, 
as related in Neh. 1-7. Thus under the Persian empire Judah was 
re-established. It consisted of a little country around Jerusalem; 
it was poor and weak, but was aided by money sent from Babylonia 
by Jews who were still resident there. 

(1) The Samaritans. — In the neighborhood of Samaria was a 
people who were descended in part from Hebrews whom Sargon did 
not carry away and in part from the Gentiles whom he brought in. 
These people worshiped Jehovah. (See 2 Kings 17 : 24-34.) 

* See the books of I and II Samuel. ' See Part II, Chapter XVII. 

« See Chapters VI, IX, and XI. * Sec Part II, p. 385, f. 


When the little Jewish state had been re-established at Jerusalem, 
they wished to participate in Jewish worship and to be recognized 
as good Jews. Since they were not of pure Hebrew descent, the 
Jews would not permit this, so they at last desisted, built a temple 
to Jehovah on JNIount Gerizim (see John 4 : 20), and became a 
large and flourishing sect.^ They based their worship on the Penta- 
teuch, and were so much like the Jews that there was constant 
friction between them. This friction is reflected in Luke 9 : 51-54, 
John 4 : 9, and in many passages of the Tahnud. It was this sect 
that occupied Samaria in the time of Christ and made it in his day 
a distinct division of the country. 

(2) Alexander the Great and His Successors. — In 332 B. C. Pales- 
tine passed from Persian rule to that of Alexander the Great. 
After his death in 323 it came imder the rule of his general, Ptolemy 
Lagi, who ultimately became king of Egypt. Later, 220-198 b. c, 
there was a struggle for the possession of Palestine between the 
descendants of Ptolemy and the house of Seleucus, another general 
of Alexander, who had established a kingdom with its capital at 
Antioch. During these wars the Jews suffered greatly. Finally 
the Seleucid king won, and Palestine passed definitely under the 
control of Syria. With the coming of Alexander new cultural 
influences had entered Palestine from the Hellenic world, and 
down to 168 b. c. such influences were eagerly welcomed by a 
portion of the Jews. 

(3) The Maccabees. — In that year, however, Antiochus IV un- 
dertook to forcibly Hellenize the Jews and to blot out their religion. 
This the more faithful Jews resented, and a great revolt ensued. 
This revolt had as its first successful general Judas, son of Matta- 
thias, who, because of his victories, was surnamed makkab, or the 
Hammer; it is, therefore, knowTi as the Maccabaean revolt. With 
var\'ing fortimes the struggle dragged on for 25 years.^ It finally 
succeeded because of civil wars in Syria. On account of these 
each faction favored the Jews, and Syria became continually 
weaker. In 143 b. c. the Jews once more achieved their inde- 
pendence under Simon, brother of Judas, whom they ordained 
should be Prince and High Priest forever.^ 

' See J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans, Ike Earliest Jewish Sect, Their History, Theology, and 
Literature, Philadelphia, 1907. 

' For the narrative of the struggle, see the book of I Maccabees, and S. Mathews, History of 
the New Testament Times in Palestine, New York, 1908. 

» See I Mace. 14 : 41. 


(4) The AsmoiKEans. — The attaining of independence was ac- 
companied by a great wave of racial and religious enthusiasm. Not 
since the days of Ahaz, in 733 b. c, had Judah been free of foreign 
domination. At the beginning of the reign of Simon, it was 
still but a small territory around Jerusalem. Hebron and all to 
the south of it was in the hands of the Edomites, who three cen- 
turies before had been driven out of Edom by the Nabatha^ans 
Simon began to enlarge their territory. He won Gezer and Joppa. 
John Hyrcanus, his son and successor, 135-105 b. c, conqueied the 
Edomites, and compelled them to become Jews; he also conquered 
and destroyed Samaria in 109 b c. He began the conquest of 
Galilee. His son, Aristobulus I 105-104 b. c, assumed the title of 
king. A regal dynasty was thus founded, which is known as the 
Asmonaean or Hasmona^an dynasty, i. c, the "Simonites" or de- 
scendants of Simon. 

Alexander Jannseus, 104-79 b c, completed the conquest of 
Galilee and the region to the east of the Jordan, and extended the 
bounds of the kingdom of the Asmonaeans to practically the same 
limits as those of the kingdom of David. The Galileans were also 
Judaized, as the Edomites had been. This period of Jewish 
prosperity continued to 69 b. c. Through it all, in spite of the 
religious zeal of the Jews, Hellenic influences made themselves 
felt in many aspects of the country's life. 

11. The Coming of Rome.— On the death of Queen Alexandra 
in 69 B. c, her sons. John Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II, both 
aspired to the supreme power, and till 63 b. c. civil war ensued. 
In 65 b. c. the Romans had terminated the independence of Syria 
and made it a Roman province In 63 b c. both the Jewish broth- 
ers appealed to Pompey, who had come to Damascus. Aristobulus, 
however, acted treacherously, and Pompey marched upon Jerusalem 
and took it by siege. Jewish independence was thus forever lost, 
and Palestine passed under the yoke of Rome. Down to 37 b. c. 
the country experienced many vicissitudes, as the struggles of the 
Roman triumvirs were reflected in it. These vicissitudes cul- 
minated in the year 40 b. c, when Orodes I, King of Parthia, cap- 
tured Jerusalem and placed Antigonous, a son of Aristobulus II, on 
the throne. Antigonous was king and a vassal of Parthia for three 

(1) The Ilcrods. — In 37 b. c. Herod the Great, whose father 
had served under the Romans, by the aid of a Roman army fur- 


nished him by Mark Antony, drove Antigonous out and began his 
notable reign. Herod was a man of great energy, an Edomite by 
descent, whose ancestors had become Jews by compulsion. While 
professedly a Jew, he was deeply enamored of the Grasco-Roman 
culture. He wrung taxes from the people in order to beautify 
Palestine with cities and temples built on Hellenic models. He 
rebuilt, among other undertakings, the Jewish temple at Jerusalem 
and the city of Samaria. This last he named Sebaste, the Greek for 
Augusta, naming it in honor of the Emperor Augustus. He built 
a heathen temple there, surrounded the city with a colonnaded 
street, many of the columns of which are still standing, and other- 
wise adorned it. He built for himself a palace at Jericho, and an- 
other on the top of a hill to the southeast of Bethlehem, today called 
Gebel Fureidis; (see Figs. 31 and 39). 

Upon his death, in 4 b. c, his kingdom was divided, Archelaus 
receiving Judah and Samaria; Antipas, Galilee and Peraea, and 
Philip, Iturea and Trachonitis. None of his sons was permitted 
by the Romans to be called king, but all bore the title of "tetrarch." 
The rule of Archelaus proved so unbearable that m 6 a. d. Augustus 
banished him to Gaul and placed Juda?a and Samaria under Procu- 
rators, who were responsible to the Proconsuls of the province of 
Syria. Pontius Pilate was the fifth of these Procurators. After 
the death of Herod Antipas in 39 a. d., the Emperor Caligula made 
Herod Agrippa I, a grandson of Herod the Great, king of the 
dominions over which that monarch had ruled. Agrippa assumed 
control in 41 and ruled till his death in 44 a. d. His death is de- 
scribed in Acts 12 .23. After his death the whole country was 
governed by Procurators. 

(2) The Destruction of Jerusalem in yoA.D. — Roman rule was 
always distasteful to the Jews, and as the years passed they became 
more and more restive. These smouldering fires broke into the 
flame of open rebellion in the year 66 A. d., and after four years of 
terrible warfare Jerusalem was captured and destroyed in 70 a. d. 
The temple, also razed to the ground, has never been rebuilt. The 
country about Jerusalem was peopled by some of the poorer of the 
peasantry, and the tenth Roman legion remained m the city for a 
long time to keep order in that region. 

12. Later History. — In 132 A. D., in the reign of Hadrian, a man 
called Bar Chocaba, or the "Son of the Star," came forward, claim- 
ing to be the IMessiah, and headed a Jewish revolt. So fiercely did 


the Jews fight that the insurrection was not quelled by Rome until 
135 A. D. When it was finally put down, Hadrian determined to 
blot the name of Jerusalem from the map. He rebuilt Jerusalem, 
making it a Roman colony, named it ^lia Capitolina, and built a 
temple to Jupiter on the spot where the temple of Jehovah had 
formerly stood. No Jew was permitted to come near the city. 
Jerusalem as built by Hadrian continued until the time of Con- 
stantine, and the form thus imposed upon it lasted much longer. 

When Constantine made Christianity the religion of the empire, 
both he and his mother began to take an interest in the Holy City 
and the Holy Land. Other Christians followed them. The Church 
of the Holy Sepulcher was built, and the temple of Jupiter built 
by Hadrian was turned into a Christian church. Pilgrimages to the 
Holy Land began, and monasteries, churches, and bishoprics in time 
sprang up over all the country. Thus for three hundred years the 
influences which were felt in Palestine emanated from Byzantium or 
Constantinople. In 615 A. d. the land was overrun by Chosroes II 
of Persia, who captured Jerusalem and destroyed many of its 
churches. The Persians held it until 628, when the Byzantine 
kings regained it. The control of Jerusalem by the Christians was, 
however, of short duration, for in 636 Palestine was captured by the 
Mohammedans, and with the exception of 89 years has ever since 
been under Mohammedan control.^ During these long centuries 
the country was ruled by the Caliphs of Medina, Damascus, and 
Bagdad; by the Buvide Sultans, the Fatimite Caliphs of Egypt, and 
the Seljuk Turks. The cruelties inflicted by these last rulers upon 
Christians led to the Crusades, the first of which established the 
Latin kingdom of Jerusalem,^ which continued from 1099 to 1188 
A. D. This kingdom, organized on the feudal basis then existmg in 
western Europe, extended over all of Palestine and Syria, including 
Antioch, and for nearly half the time, Edessa beyond the Euphrates. 
Its existence marks an epoch in the archaeology of the country. 

Since the fall of this Latin kingdom, Palestine has remained 
under Moslem control. First the Eyyubide Sultans of Egypt, then 
the Mamelukes of that same land held sway. In 1517 the Ottoman 
Turks captured it, and have since inflicted their misrule upon it. 
What fortunes the great war now raging may bring to this land of 
sacred associations, we await with intense interest. 

• For details sec Guy Lc Strange. Palestine Under the Moslems, London, 1890. 
'For details sec C. R. Condcr, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London, 1897. 


Their Sites. The Walls. The Stone Work. Houses. Palaces: At Taanach. 
At Samaria. At Jericho. At Megiddo. Foundation Sacrifices. City Gates. 
Water Supply: Springs. Underground tunnels. Reservoirs. 

1. Their Sites. — The cities of Palestine were usually built on 
hills. These elevations, surmounted as they were by walls, 
created a natural means of defence from attack; (see Fig. 33). 
Even more important than an elevated situation was a water 
supply, hence all Palestinian cities of importance are near springs. 
The necessity of being near a spring led, in some cases, to the erec- 
tion of a city on a level plain. This was the case with Jericho; the 
only mound at its site is that created by the city itself. 

The hills on which the cities were erected varied in height. 
That at Megiddo rose to a height of but 45 to 90 feet above the sur- 
rounding land, but even this elevation was a great protection from 
the simple methods of attack known to ancient warfare. The hill 
Ophel, the site of Jebusite Jerusalem, rises today from 60 to 150 
feet above the valley of the Kidron, and in ancient times that valley 
was from 20 to 50 feet deeper than it is now. The same hill was 
separated from the land on the west by a valley the bed of which 
in ancient times was from 50 to 100 feet below the top of the hill. 
The hill on which Samaria was situated rose some 300 feet above the 
surrounding valley on all sides except the east, and when fortified 
presented such an impregnable front that it took even an Assyrian 
army three years to capture it. (2 Kings 17 : 5.) In the Seleucid 
and Roman periods, when some cities expanded in size, the hill- 
tops were sometimes abandoned and they spread out over the plain. 
This was the case with Gerasa and Philadelphia (Rabbah Ammon).^ 
But "a city set on a hill" (Matt. 5 : 14) was a common feature of the 
Palestinian landscape. 

2. The Walls. — ^The walls by which the cities were surrounded 
varied according to the advancement of the different periods, and 

» See Chapter XIV. 



according to the importance of the place. As has already been 
pointed out in Chapter V, the first wall at Gezer was but 6 feet high 
and 2 feet thick, and had a sloping bank of earth packed against it 
on the outside. This bank was 6 feet 6 inches thick at the base and 
was covered with a facing of stone. In the Amorite period a wall 
13 feet thick was erected at Gezer, in which towers were constructed 
about every 90 feet. These towers were 24 X 41 feet. Their height 
is, of course, unknown. This wall was probably built about 2500 
B. c. and formed the defense of the city for a thousand years. By 
that time the tops of the houses probably protruded above the wall, 
and the population had increased so that more space was needed. 
This wall was, accordingly, replaced by another built outside of it. 
Much of the material of which the old wall was constructed went 
into the new wall, which was approximately 14 feet thick and con- 
tained occasional towers. At some time a part of this wall had 
been destroyed, and then rebuilt. Probably at the time of this 
rebuilding, additional towers had been inserted at different points. 
The stones of these towers touched those of the wall without being 
articulated with them. It has been conjectured^ that these towers 
were a part of the repairs made by King Solomon after the town had 
been captured by his Egyptian father-in-law and presented to 
Solomon. (See 1 Kings 9 : 16, 17.) Still later an attempt was 
made to strengthen the weakness caused by the unclosed seam be- 
tween the towers and the wall by constructing around the towers 
rude bastions. (See Figs. 40, 46.) Mr. Macalister conjectures that 
this was done by the Syrian General Bacchides when he hastily 
fortified Gezer and occupied it in 160 b. c.^ (1 Mace. 9 : 52.) 

At Lachish, Petrie found massive city walls, though he did not 
describe them in detail.^ At Taanach, Sellin found a strong city 
wall, but did not attempt to trace it about the tell.'' Schumacher 
devoted considerable attention to the city walls of Megiddo, a part 
of which were built of bricks.^ At Tell es-Safi (Gath?) the outlines 
of the city walls were traced, as they were at Tell el-Judeideh.'^ At 
Samaria a part of the Roman wall of the time of Herod was found; 
lower down in the mound remains of a Babylonian wall (see 2 Kings 

> See p. 94. 

2 On these walls, see Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 236-256. 

» Petrie, Tell el-flesy, p. 17 and Plates 2 and 3. 

* See his Tell Taanek, p. 13. 

' See p. 96 and Fig. 41. 

•Seep. 91. 


17 : 24), beneath which the excavators recognized the Hebrew wall.^ 
City walls were found, too, at Bethshemesh,- but of especial interest 
to the student of the Bible are the walls of Jericho. Here, as at 
Megiddo, the walls were constructed in part of brick. They had an 
average thickness of 13 feet. The Canaanitish wall was traced 
around three sides of the mound. It was strengthened by occa- 
sional towers.^ On the east, next to the spring, they had entirely 
disappeared. This must not be pressed into a confirmation of 
Josh. 6 : 20, that the walls fell down flat, for the later Israelitish 
wall has disappeared on that side of the mound also. Later, when 
in the days of Ahab the Israelites rebuilt the city (1 Kings 16 : 34), 
they did not place the wall on the old line, but enclosed a consider- 
ably larger space. This wall was constructed partly of bricks, but 
mostly of stone. ^ The walls of Jerusalem will be treated in Chap- 
ter XIII. At the northwest corner of the Canaanitish wall was a 
tower enclosed by two brick walls; the outer wall was a little more 
than 4 feet thick; the inner, about lo feet. 

3. The Stone "Work. — The kind of stones used in city walls 
varied with the circumstances and the degree of civilization. The 
walls of the stone age were naturally made of small undressed stones. 
The Amorites began the use of cut stone. Their blocks are often 
fairly smooth and regular. The Amorite wall of Gezer was made of 
more regular stones than the wall of the Egyptian period.^ In 
the Israelitish and Jewish periods a stone with an embossed edge 
was often used. It is found in the wall of Nehemiah, excavated 
by Bliss, — a wall made of stones that some pre-exilic king had 
used before, — and appears also in the structures of Herod the Great. 
In the structures of Constantine and later Byzantine builders, this 
type of stone is replaced by a stone with a perfectly smooth surface 
— much more smooth than anything found in the early walls. Thi 
type of stone work continued through the crusading period; (see 
Figs. 253, 254.) While these ty^pes can be traced, their use was 
not altogether regular.^ 

The areas of Palestinian cities in the early time were very small. 
All of Canaan ite Jericho could be put in the Colosseum at Rome! 

^Harvard Theological Review. Ill, 137. 

'Palestine Exploration Fund's Annual. II, 17, f. 

» Sellin and Watzinger's Jericho, p. 29, f. and Tafel I. 

< Ibid., 54, ff. 

' See Macalister, Excavation of Cezer, I, 244. 

' See Dickie, in Quarterly Statement of Palestine Explors.tion Fund, 1897, 61-67. 


Megiddo, one of the largest of these early cities, was built on a 
mound that contained only about eleven acres, and Jebusite Jeru- 
salem was built on a ridge that in ancient times contained not less 
than nine or more than thirteen acres. 

4. Houses. — Within these small areas the houses were crowded 
together, as in the modern native villages of Palestine, separated 
only by narrow, crooked lanes. One may see in Hebron or in 
some parts of Jerusalem similar conditions to this day. There was 
no drainage; refuse was thrown into the streets. The cities were 
ill-smelling places. The wonder is that the mortality was not 
greater. The houses in the central, elevated portion of Palestine 
were usually of stone, though at Gezer, Jericho, and places in the 
lower-lying portions of the country they were sometimes of brick. 
The walls of the stone houses were constructed of rough stones 
of a great variety of sizes, from small pebbles to large boulders. 
Mortar and cement were never used. The stones were set in mud. 
They were not dressed except with a hammer in the roughest way. 
The joints between them were wide and irregular. Into the crev- 
ices serpents and scorpions might crawl. It was of such a house 
that Amos says, "a man . . . leaned his hand on the wall and a 
serpent bit him" (5 : 19). The bricks were rarely burned; they 
were simply sun-dried, and had no more cohesion than the earth in 
which they were eml^edded. The houses generally had no floor ex- 
cept the earth, which was smoothed olT and packed hard. Some- 
times this was varied by mixing lime with the mud and letting it 
harden, and sometimes floors of cobblestones or stone chippings 
mixed with lime were found. In the Roman period mosaic floors, 
made by embedding small smoothly cut squares of stone in the 
earth, were introduced. By employing stones of different colors 
the mosaics were often worked into beautiful patterns; (see Figs. 
35, 42, 43, 44, 47, and 48). Sometimes pictures of birds and ani- 
mals were formed in the floors. 

The doorways were usually simply an opening made by the 
vertical sides left in the masonry. In the later time they were some- 
times lined with standing stones. The doors themselves have long 
since disappeared, but there is evidence that, like many houses still 
to be seen in Palestine, they were made fast to a post, the lower end 
of which was set in a hollow or perforated stone. When the door 
swung the whole post turned in this stone. Some of these stones 
were found. In a few houses at Gezer enclosures of stones on end 


were sometimes found in the middle or the corners of dwelling 
houses. Perhaps these were hearths.^ Some houses built after 
the time of Alexander the Great had a kind of piazza running along 
the side. The remains of the pillars which supported the roofs of 
these were discovered. Beginning with the Hellenistic period, 
some of the better houses had baths. (On doors, see Figs. 49, 50.) 
5. Palaces. — In the excavation of different sites the outlines of 
several larger buildings or palaces were uncovered. A few of these 
are of interest to the student of the Bible. 

(1) At Taanach. — In the northeast of the mound at Taanach" 
the remains of a building about 75 X 77 feet were found. It was 
in existence in the fourteenth century before Christ. This building 
contained several rooms, as the plan will make clear; (see Fig. 45). 
The remains of the wall still showed one layer of hewn stones, some 
of which were very large. In a vault underneath the building 
four cuneiform tablets were found. They had been placed there for 
safety in time of siege, and these four tablets had been overlooked 
when the rest of the archive was rifled. These tablets proved to be 
letters written at the same time as those found at El-Amarna.^ 
The building was the palace of a Canaanite king. 

(2) At Samaria. — Of especial interest to the student of the Bible 
are the palaces of the Hebrew period. At Samaria Reisner dis- 
covered massive walls, which were probably the remains of the 
palaces of Omri and Ahab. That of Omri was built of large 
stones and rested on the native rock. As Omri was the founder 
of the city (1 Kings 16 : 24), there can be little doubt that this 
was his palace. An enlargement of this consisted of walls the con- 
struction of which was finer. They were faced with white marble. 
In this palace an alabaster vase was found, inscribed with the name 
of Osorkon II, King of Eg\T3t, who was a contemporary of King 
Ahab. This is, therefore, believed to be the palace of Ahab — 
perhaps the "house of ivory" which Ahab built (1 Kings 22 : 39). 
As the volume on the excavation at Samaria is not yet published, 
it is impossible to give detailed plans of these buildings. The 
accompanying picture (Fig. 52) shows some of their walls. 

(3) At Jericho. — Another building of this period, which the 
excavators believed might have been built by Hiel, the rebuilder of 

' These remarks about the house are based on the excavation at Gezer. The excavators of 
other sites have not given as much attention to the construction of houses as Mr. Macalister did. 
'Sellin, Tell Taanek. p. 21. 
' One of these is translated in Part II, p. 350. 


Jericho, in the days of Ahab (1 Kings 16 : 34), was uncovered by 
Sellin. It is the most pretentious building of the Hebrew time at 
Jericho and may well have been the residence of the governor of 
the place. It consisted of a number of large rooms, and was 
throughout constructed of fairly large but irregular stones; (see 
Fig. 51). 

(4) At Megiddo. — Another residence of an Israelitish governor 
was found at Megiddo. This was a large, irregular building, con- 
structed around a courtyard. Some of the work was of dressed 
stones of considerable size, in every way superior to the stone-work 
of the earlier buildings of that city. In this palace a seal of a man 
named Shema was found, which bore the inscription, "Belonging to 
Shema, the servant of Jeroboam." We do not know whether this 
man served under Jeroboam I or Jeroboam II. The fine character 
of the stone-work leads one to think the reign of Jeroboam II the 
more probable date; (see Figs. 53 and 27). 

One more palace should be noticed, that of Simon the Maccabee 
(143-135 B. c), at Gezer. This palace is clearly of the Hellenistic 
type, and w^as identified as the dwelling-place that Simon built 
for himself (1 Mace. 13 :48), by the discovery of an ancient 
curse against Simon's palace scrawled in Greek on a block of stone. 
This building was constructed of rather finely cut stone, was of 
irregular shape (see Figs. 54, 55), had an imposing gate which 
admitted into a courtyard, and was supplied with a good system 
of drainage. 

6. Foundation Sacrifices. — When a house was built it was cus- 
tomary to consecrate it by a sacrifice. In early times in Palestine 
this was often a human sacrifice. In Gezer the skeleton of a 
woman was found built into the walls of a house. Numerous skele- 
tons of children were also found under the corners of houses. Such 
sacrificial offerings were more often made under the corners of 
buildings, since the corners were considered sacred. In Babylonia 
and Egypt the sacrifice was accompanied with the burial under the 
corner-stone of inscriptions and other deposits, though in Egypt, 
as in Palestine, the deposit was not always under the corners.^ 
Similar sacrifices were found at Taanach^ and Megiddo.^ These 
sacrifices illustrate, some think, 1 Kings 16 : 34, where Hie! 

* See the writer's article, " Corners," in Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV 
119, ff. 

2 Sellin, Tell Taanck. p. f)l. 

' Schumacher, Tell el-Mulaellim, pp. 45, 54. 


laid the foundation of Jericho with the loss of his first-born, and 
set up its gates with the loss of his youngest son; (see Fig. 56). 

7. City Gates. — The city gate was in Palestine an important 
part of the town. Gateways were constructed in different ways 
at different times. At Gezer the northern gate consisted of a pro- 
truding tower, into which one entered at the side, then turned a 
right angle to gain entrance to the city; (see Fig. 58). Gates of this 
type are still common in the East. The passageway in this gate 
at Gezer was 40 feet wide.^ The southern gate of Gezer consisted 
simply of a straight passageway, 42 feet long and 9 feet wide, be- 
tween two brick towers; (see Fig. 61). Often, as in the case of the 
gate found at Bethshemesh (Fig. 59), there were rooms on each 
side of the passageway through the tower. One with still more 
space within its tower was uncovered at Megiddo; (Fig. 57). 

The city gates usually remained at the same pomts in the wall 
through the successive reconstructions of the city. Thus at Sa- 
maria the remains of round Herodian towers which flanked the 
gateway were found resting on larger scjuare bases of the Seleucid 
period, beneath which the outline of the earlier Israelitish towers 
was still visible; (see Figs. 65, 66). 

The form of these gates illuminates many Biblical passages. Lot 
sat in the gate of Sodom (Gen. 19 : 1). Joab took Abner aside in 
the gate to speak to him (2 Sam. 3 : 27). The gate was the place 
of conference for the elders of a city (Gen. 34 : 20). To be praised 
in the "gates," where the city's affairs were settled (Prov. 31 : 31), 
was to have desired fame. 

8. Water Supply: 

(1) Springs. — The water supply of Palestinian cities came in 
part from the never-failing springs near which they were built. 
This supply was, however, seldom sufficient, so that from the early 
days cisterns were built to catch the water of the rainy season and 
conserve it for use during the summer months. These cisterns were 
often excavated in the solid rock, but sometimes were simple pits in 
the earth, over the bottom of which a coating of lime or cement had 
been spread. 

(2) Underground Tunnels. — In time of war, when a city might 
be shut up for years, cities were often compelled to yield for want 
of water. This was especially the case if the spring lay outside the 
city walls. In several Palestinian cities means were taken to 

• See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 240. 


secure access to a spring without exposing oneself to the enemy out- 
side the wall. One of the greatest of these undertakings was dis- 
covered at Gezer. This was a tunnel cut in the solid rock, which 
was entered by a long flight of rock-cut steps. At the entrance the 
rock formed an imposing archway 23 feet high and 13 feet 10 inches 
broad. These dimensions were maintained throughout about 
two-thirds of the length of the tunnel. The whole passage was 
about 130 feet long. The last third of it had to be cut through a 
much harder rock, where the work was much more difficult, and its 
workmanship was here not so good as above. The tunnel also be- 
came appreciably smaller. The passage terminated in a large cave, 
iu the bottom of which was a spring, and was evidently constructed 
to enable the inhabitants to reach a water supply in time of siege. 
The floor of the cave is 94 feet 6 inches below the level of the rock 
surface under the ancient city. The whole tunnel is a remarkable 
piece of engineering for an early people; (see Figs. 60 and 62). 

The earth with which the mouth of the tunnel was closed con- 
tained objects which belonged to the time 1450-1250 b. c. The 
steps in the passageway had been before this deeply worn by many 
feet — so deeply worn that Mr. Macalister estimated that they 
must have been in use for 500 years. For these reasons he sup- 
poses that this water-passage was excavated about 2000 b. c. or 
soon after that date. It had ceased to be used before the Israelites 
concjuered the place. 

A similar underground tunnel leading to a spring has been found 
at El-Gib, Gibeon, (Fig. 63), and one made in Jebusite times 
also existed at Jerusalem. It is mentioned in 2 Sam. 5 : 8, and will 
be described in connection with Jerusalem (p. 188). At Rabbah 
Ammon an underground passage connected the old city situated on 
the hill with a large cistern which was roofed over so as to be con- 
cealed. To this cistern in time of siege the inhabitants could go 
through the passage and obtain water. It was this cistern^ which 
Joab had captured (2 Sam. 12 : 27) when he sent to David to come 
and take the city. Antiochus III of Syria in the same way com- 
pelled the city to surrender in the year 218 b. c.,^ and Herod the 
Great did the same thing before 30 b. c.^ 

(3) Reservoirs. — Among the sources of water supply for the cities 

1 In 2 Sam. 12 : 27 we should read "pool of waters" instead of "city of waters"; see Barton in 
Journal of Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152. 

2 See Polybius, V, 71. 

• Josephus, Jewish Wars, I, xix, 5, ff. 


of Palestine the so-called Pools of Solomon to the south of Bethle- 
hem are unique. They consist of three reservoirs, partly rock-cut 
and in part constructed of walls of masonry, in the Wady Artas, 
about a mile and a half to the southwest of Bethlehem. The high- 
est of these pools is 127 yards long and 76 yards wide, and 25 feet 
deep at its lower end. The central pool is 141 yards long, from 53 
to 83 yards wide, and 38 feet deep. The lowest and finest of the 
three is 194 yards long, 49 to 69 yards wide, and 48 feet at its deep- 
est part. In these reservoirs water from neighboring springs was 
collected and stored. Two aqueducts at different times conveyed 
it to Jerusalem as it was needed. These aqueducts are now known 
respectively as the Low Level Aqueduct and the High Level Aque- 
duct. The High Lj Cvel Aqued uct^appears to be the older. In 
recent years the Low Level Aqueduct has been repaired, so that 
these "pools" still contribute to the water supply of Jerusalem, 

There is no evidence that Solomon built these. His name has 
been attached to them solely on account of Eccl. 2 : 6: "I made me 
pools of water." The whole structure of these and their aqueducts 
seems rather to be Greek or Roman work; (see Fig. 64). 

E\'idence for the dates is not conclusive,^ but there is some prob- 
ability that the pools were constructed by John Hyrcanus I, 135- 
105 B. c, who made the High Level Aqueduct, and that the Low 
Level Aqueduct was constructed by Herod the Great. This is 
much longer than the High Level Aqueduct, as it makes a detour 
toward Gebel Fureidis, where Herod constructed a palace, to 
which he conveyed water. This Low Level Aqueduct is probably 
the one afterward repaired by Pontius Pilate.^ 

' For the conflicting evidence and theories, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 124-131. 
• Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, iii, 2. 


Ro.\Ds: Early paths. Roman roads. Agriculture: Granaries. Hoes and plows. 

Sickles. Threshing. Winnowing. Grinding. Mortars. Fruits. Vineyards and 

wine-vats. Olive-presses. The agricultural calendar. Domestic animals. Bees. 
Birds. Hens. 

1. Roads. — From the time cities were established in Palestine 
there was more or less communication between them. Probably 
in a small way commerce was carried on among some of them, 
but no effort was made to construct roads, in the modern sense of 
the term, until the Roman period. 

(1) Early Paths. — Before that time all traveling was done on 
foot or on the backs of donkeys and camels, and for such travel 
a simple foot-path, made by continuous use, was all that was con- 
sidered necessary. The roads constructed by the Romans have 
long since fallen into a state of utter disrepair, so that, with the 
exception of two or three roads that have been built in recent 
years, the simple, rough foot-paths that have existed from time 
immemorial still suffice for Palestinian travel. These paths are 
often exceedingly rough. They were never surveyed and never 
repaired. They were simply devoted to public use by immemorial 
custom. If a landowner wished to raise grain in a field through 
which one of these paths ran, he plowed up to the very edge of the 
narrow path and put in his seed. There were neither fences nor 
ditches to separate the road from the field. Fields traversed by 
such roads are still very common in Palestine. It was along such a 
road that Jesus and the disciples were traveling when they plucked 
the ears of wheat on the Sabbath (Matt. 12 : 1; Mark 2 : 23; Luke 
6 : 1). It was such a road to which Jesus alluded in the Parable of 
the Sower: "Some seed fell by the wayside" (Matt. 13 : 4; Mark 
4:4; Luke 8:5). A rough path is shown in Fig. 67. 

(2) Roman Roads. — After Palestine passed under the sway of 
Rome in 63 b. c. a system of roads was built to connect the most 
important places. We have no definite information about these 



from a source earlier than the Onomasticon of Eusebius/ which was 
compiled before 340 a. d., but in all probability those on the west 
of the Jordan were constructed before the time of Christ. There 
were three main roads in this part of Palestine. ^ One ran down the 
sea-coast. Starting at Sidon, it passed southward through Tyre, 
Sarepta (Zarephath, 1 Kings 17 : 10; Luke 4 : 26), Ptolemais 
(Accho), Dor, Caesarea, Joppa, Lydda, Azotus (Ashdod), and 
Askelon to Gaza. A branch road ran eastward from Tyre over the 
hills of Galilee through Kedesh in NaphtaU (Josh. 12 : 22; 20 : 7; 
Judges 4:6), to Caesarea Philippi (Matt. 16 : 13; Mark 8 : 27), 
which was near the ancient Dan (Judges 18 : 29). 

From Caesarea, on the sea-coast south of Dor, another branch 
road ran southeastward through the valley of Aijalon up to the site 
of Gibeah of Saul (1 Sam. 10 : 26; 11 : 4, etc.), where it joined the 
road along the central ridge of the country; (see Fig. 68). 

Starting from Damascus another road ran southward to Hyppos, 
one of the cities of the Decapolis, which lay southeast of the 
Sea of Galilee,^ crossed the Jordan on a bridge below the Sea of 
Galilee (shown in Fig. 289), passed through Scythopolis, the 
Beth-shean of the Old Testament (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. 31 : 10), 
through Sychar (John 4:5), then southward along the central ridge 
of the country, through Bethel and Ramah to Jerusalem. South 
of Jerusalem it was continued to Bethlehem and Hebron. Four 
miles north of Jerusalem it was joined by the road from Caesarea, 
so that travelers from the coast and from the north entered Jeru- 
salem over the same road. One can in many places still trace the 
lines of Roman paving-stones which mark their courses. Thus 
the juncture of the two roads just mentioned is still visible, and one 
may stand on the hillside and feel sure that he is looking at the very 
way over which Paul was taken to Ctesarea by the Roman soldiers 
the night after his arrest in Jerusalem (Acts 23 : 23, 24). 

From Scythopolis (Beth-shean) another road ran southward 
through the Jordan valley to Jericho. This was probably contin- 
ued to Jerusalem. From Sebaste (Samaria) another road ran 
northwestward through Dothan (Gen. 37 : 17; 2 Kings 6 : 13), to 
Taanach, Megiddo, and the coast. 

After Trajan overthrew the kingdom of the Nabathaeans, in 106 

» See p. 85. 

' See Thomsen in Zeitschrijl des deulschen Paldstina-Vereins, XXVI, 170, 2. 

' See Chapter XIV. 


A. D., he built a road on the east of the Jordan, southward from 
Damascus to the Red Sea. The Roman government kept these 
roads in good order. They marked the distances by milestones, 
some of which have survived to modern times; (Figs. 69, 71). 

2, Agriculture was the chief occupation of the inhabitants of 
Palestine. The cities were throughout its history simply the 
walled residences of farmers. Such trade as developed at different 
periods was always subordinate to agricultural pursuits. We can- 
not expect exploration to furnish us with a complete view of ancient 
Palestinian agriculture, but such glimpses as it does afford us are 
most illuminating. 

(1) Granaries. — In the excavation of Gezer^ it was found that 
granaries formed an important class of buildings. Some of these 
were connected with private houses and evidently belonged to 
individuals, but some of them were so large and so much grain 
was found in them that it was rightly held that they must have 
been public granaries. Some of these buildings had been de- 
stroyed by fire, and the charred grain, retaining its original shape, 
was easily recognized. Most of the granaries were circular struc- 
tures, such as are seen today dotting the fields of the maritime plain 
of Palestme. They varied greatly in size. One was but 2 feet 8 
inches in diameter; another was 4 feet 9 inches across and 6 feet 9 
inches deep. One granary from the second Semitic stratum (1700- 
1350 B. c.) was connected with a house, and contained several 
kinds of grain, each stored in a separate chamber; (Figs. 70, 72). 

From such receptacles wheat, barley, oats, and beans were re- 
covered, as well as three varieties of vetch, one of which was prob- 
ably the "lentils" of Gen. 25 : 34; 2 Sam. 17 : 28; 23 : 11; and Ezek. 
4 : 9. Barley is often mentioned in the Bible; the wheat is usually 
there called "corn." Piles of straw and chaff, such as the modern 
Palestinians call tibn, were also found. 

(2) Hoes and Plows. — Naturally, the implements with which 
the grain was cultivated have nearly all perished. In the first 
place the ground had to be broken and prepared to receive the 
seed. Remains of two different kinds of hoes were found at 
Gezer, though the preparation of a sufficiently large area of ground 
to bear grain to support cities cannot have been made with such 
instruments; (see Fig. 73). From an early time the plow, which 
is frequently mentioned in the Bible (see, for example, 1 Kings 19 : 

' See Macalister, Excavation of Cexr, I. 199, f; II. 22, ff. 


19), was in use in Palestine. A number of plowshares were found 
at Megiddo in the ruins of a blacksmith's shop, and a diamond- 
shaped iron ring, from Gezcr, may have been used to attach oxen 
to a plow, and the points of several ox-goads were found. The ox- 
goad consisted, as it does today, of a long stick into the end of 
which a sharp iron point was fixed. It is alluded to in Acts 26 : 14. 
As this goad was used in driving the oxen in plowing, it indicates 
that plows were used. These plows were probably similar to» those 
used at the time in Egypt; (see Figs. 76, 77). 

(3) Sickles. — When the grain was ripe it was reaped with a 
sickle (Deut. 16 : 9; Jer. 50 : 16; Joel 3 : 13). In the earlier 
periods these were of flint; later they were made of bronze, and 
iron. Sickles of metal are, however, rarely found. They were 
expensive, while flint was abundant and cheap. Flint sickle- 
teeth were numerous, therefore, in all periods. The earliest sickles 
were flints set in an animal's jaw-bone, or in a curved piece of 
wood similar to the Egyptian sickle shown in Figs. 74, 75. 

(4) Threshing. — After the grain was cut it was taken to the 
threshing-floor to be threshed. These floors were often a. compara- 
tively level portion of rock which formed a part of a high place 
or sanctuary. Such was the threshing-floor of Araunah, the Jebu- 
site, in 2 Sam. 24 : 18. It took several days to complete a threshing, 
and as no one would think of stealing from a sacred place, the whole 
community was protected by doing the threshing in its precincts. 
Sometimes the cattle were driven about over the grain, as in 
ancient Egypt (see Fig. 79), and as is done, in modern Palestine 
still; (see Fig. 78). This is the kind of threshing contemplated 
in Deut. 25 : 4. At other times a kind of sledge drawn by cattle 
was driven about over the grain. Oman (Araunah) was threshing 
with such an instrument (1 Chron. 21 :23; 2 Sam. 24 : 22), and 
allusion is made to one in Isa. 41 : 15; (see Fig. 80). 

(5) Winnowing. — The grain was winnowed or cleansed of chaff 
by being thrown up, as in Fig. 79. As it fell the wind blew the 
chaff away. It is this process that John the Baptist used as an 
illustration of the purging work of Christ (Matt. 3 : 12; Luke 
3 :17). 

(6) Grinding. — When the grain was cut, threshed, and winnowed, 
there were no mills to which it could be taken for grinding. This 
process had to be done in each home, and the labor of doing it 
fell to the women of the household. (See Exod. 11 : 5; Matt. 


24 : 41 .) Grain was reduced to flour either by rubbing or by pound- 
ing. The process of rubbing- or grinding was accomplished either 
by a flat saddle-shaped stone over which another was rubbed (see 
Figs. 81, 84), or by crushing between two stones, the top one of 
which was revolved somewhat as a modern millstone (Fig. 82). 
It required two women, as Jesus said, to grind at such a mill — 
one to feed it, while the. other manipulated the rubbing stone. 
Such stones were made of hard igneous rock procured from the 
region east of the Sea of Galilee, and are called "querns." In the 
different periods of the history of Palestine they varied in size and 
shape, becoming round in the Seleucid period (323-63 b. c). The 
upper stone was apparently rotated by twisting the wrist. It 
could be thus turned half-way round and then back again. No 
round millstones, with the topmost of the pair perforated, as 
in the modern millstone, were found before the Arabic period, 
637 A. D. Pictures of modern Syrian women turning this- per- 
forated t>'pe of millstone do not, therefore, really illustrate, as 
is often assumed, the women of the Bible as. they ground at the 

Probably the millstone which crushed the head, of Abimelech 
at Thebez (Judges 9 : 53) was the upper stone of a "saddle quern." 
The importance of these millstones is recognized in Deut. 24 : 6, 
which prohibits the taking of a mill or the upper millstone of a 
poor man as- security, on the ground that that was the same as 
taking a. man's life as security. The lower millstone was always 
made of the harder stone. Because of this and of. the grinding 
and pounding to which it was subjected it became a symbol of 
firmness (Job 41 : 24). 

(7) Mortars. — Apparently the grain was also frequently crushed 
by pounding it with a pestle in a mortar. So many of these made 
of stone were found at Gezer that it is thought that these may 
have been used more often than the millstones; (see Fig. 83). 

(8) Fruits. — In the course of the excavation of Gezer dried figs, 
grapes, pomegranates, and olives were found. All of these are 
mentioned in the Bible, as, for example, in Cant. 2 : 13; Rev. 6 : 13; 
Gen. 40 : 11; Num. 13 : 23; Micah 6 : 15. In one trench what 
appeared to be a pile of charred pistachio nuts was found. Acorns, 
terebinth, and apricot seeds were also discovered.^ Of these fruits, 
those which left the most archaeological evidence of their existence 

' See Macalistcr, Excavation of Gezer, II, 22, £. 


are just those that are most frequently mentioned in the Bible, — 
the grape and the olive. 

(9) Vineyards and Wine-vats. — The grape is often alluded to 
in the Bible, and directions are given as to how one may conduct 
himself in a vineyard (Deut. 23 : 24) and as to how thoroughly 
one might glean his vines (Lev. 25 : 5). The most complete de- 
scription of a vineyard is in Isa. 5 : 1-8. The one feature of that 
description that would survive for an archaeologist to discover is 
the wine-vat. These vats were often cut in the solid rock, and 
many of them have been found, both in excavating and in trav- 
eling over the country. The vats for pressing grapes and other 
fruits may be distinguished from olive-presses because they lack 
all arrangements for mechanical pressing. The grapes were trodden 
with the feet, and as the juice was pressed out it ran down into a 
deeper portion of the vat. Some of these vats are surrounded by 
"cup-marks" or hollow places cut in the stone in order to hold 
pointed-bottomed jars upright. Sometimes the cup-marks are con- 
nected with the main vat by tiny channels, through which any of 
the grape-juice that might drain from the outside of the jar, after 
the jar had been dipped in the vat, might run back; (see Fig. 87). 

(10) Olive-presses. — Similarly, olive-presses are very numerous 
in Palestine. Presses were found in the stratum of the cave- 
djvellers of Gezer. The olive industry is, accordingly, very old. 
01i\'e-presses comprised, in addition to the vat, an upright stone 
with a large hole in it. In this hole a beam was inserted. This 
beam rested on the olives which were to be pressed, extending 
far beyond the receptacle containing the olives, and weights 
were hung on the end farthest from the stone; (see Fig. 88). 
Palestine in ancient times, as now, was covered with olive orchards, 
many of which had oil-presses. Such an orchard was called a 
"garden." The Garden of Gethsemane, the scene of one of the most 
sacred incidents of the life of Christ (Matt. 26 : 36; Mark 14 : 32), 
was an olive orchard and took its name from the oil-press. Geth- 
semane means "oil-press." Wine-vats and oil-presses were of 
various types, but into their forms there is not space to enter 
here^; (see Figs. 85, 86). 

The prominent place held by wine and oil among the agricul- 

' The reader who cares to pursue the subject is referred to Macalister's Excavation of Gezer. II, 
48, rf., and Sellin's Tell Taanek, 61, f.. and Bliss and Macalister's Excavations in Palestine, 1898- 
1900, pp. 193, 196, f., 208, 227, and 248. 


tural products of the country is indicated by the receipts for the 
storage of various quantities of these articles which were found at 

(11) The Agricultural Calendar. — In the books of the old Testa- 
ment the names applied to the months are, for the most part, 
names derived from Babylonia, but it appears that at Gezer they 
had a series of names for the months based on their agricultural 
year. In the stratum which contained remains from the time of 
the Hebrew monarchy, 1000-550 b. c, an inscription was found 
which, though the end was broken away, contained the following 
names for the months: 

1. Month of ingathering. (See Exod. 23: 16; 34:22.) 

2. Month of sowing. 

3. Month of the late [sowing ?]. 

4. Month of the flax-harvest. 

5. Month of the barley-harv^est. (See Ruth 2: 23; 2 Sam. 21:9.) 

6. Month of the harvest of all [other grains ?]. 

7. Month of pruning [vines]. 

8. Month of summer-fruit [figs]. 

This calendar, beginning in October, still conforms to the agri- 
cultural pursuits of the year. It also gives us archaeological evi- 
dence of the culture of fla.x by the ancient Israelites. (See Josh, 
2:6; Prov. 31 : 13; Hosea 2 :'5, 9.) 

(12) Domestic Animals. — The domestic animals of ancient Pal- 
estine may be traced in part by their bones found in various excava- 
tions, and in part by the pictures of them drawn in caves and tombs. 
The domestic animals most often mentioned in the Bible are asses, 
cattle, sheep, goats, and camels. Bones, pictures, or models of these 
were found in all the strata of Gezer.^ There seem to have been a 
variety of cows; the breeds varied in the different periods. No horse 
bones were found until the third Semitic period (1350-1000 b. c). 
It was, perhaps, during that period that the horse was introduced 
by the Hittites, who appear to have brought it from Turkestan, 
where its bones have been found in much earlier strata.'^ The 
ass was, however, the common beast of burden in Palestine, and 
bones of horses are rare until the Greek period. A number of 
figures of horses' heads with their bridles were found, as well as a 
horse's bit, and the picture of a horse and his rider. The pig was a 

> See Macalister, Excavation oj Gezer, II, 1-lS. 

* See Pumpelly, Excavations in Turkestan, Washington, 1908, p. 384, f. 


domesticated animal of the primitive cave-dwellers of Gezer, who 
appear to have offered swine in sacrifice, but pig-bones are rarely 
found in the Semitic strata. As swine were unclean to all Semites, 
this is not strange. The dog appears to have been half-domesti- 
cated, as the Bible implies, as his bones were employed for making 
prickers and similar tools, but no pictures or models of dogs are 
known to the writer. Probably they were of the half-wild pariah 
type. Certainly they were not held in high esteem. (See 1 Sam. 
17 : 43; 2 Sam. 16 : 9.) For illustrations, see Figs. 89-92. 

(13) Bees. — A number of inverted jars, each pierced with a num- 
ber of circular holes, were found. It seems probable that these 
were rude beehives. Before the Israelites settled in Palestine 
they knew it as "a land flowing with milk and honey" (Exod. 3 : 8, 
17; Num. 14 : 8; 16 : 13, 14; Deut. 6:3), and their view was, we 
are told, shared by others (2 Kings 18 : 32). It is not surprising, 
therefore, to find evidences of bee culture; (see Fig. 95). 

(14) Birds. — As to birds, it is doubtful whether they had any 
domesticated ones before the Babylonian Exile. A rude picture of 
an ostrich painted on a potsherd was found at Gezer, as well as 
some painted fragments of ostrich-egg shell. The ostrich is men- 
tioned in the Old Testament (Job 39 : 13; Lam. 4 : 3), but as a wild 
bird. The Palestinians knew it as a bird that might be hunted. 
They sometimes gathered the eggs of wild birds to eat (Deut. 22 : 6; 
Isa. 10 : 14). These were, perhaps, sometimes ostrich-eggs. The 
modern Arabs make a kind of omelette of ostrich-eggs. The ostrich 
was certainly not a domestic bird. 

At Gezer, too, a clay bird was found, or, rather, a small jar made 
in the form of a bird. The object was so realistic that holes were 
left in the clay wings for the insertion of feathers; (Fig. 93). The 
bird bears some resemblance to a duck, figures of which were found 
at Megiddo,^ but the duck may have been wild. One clay head of a 
goose or swan was also found, but had the bird been domesticated 
there would probably have been more traces of it. 

(15) Hens. — The one domestic bird that can be traced in Pales- 
tine is the hen, and hens were not introduced until after the Exile. 
Hens seem to have been first domesticated in India. They are 
not mentioned in the Rig Veda, but the Aryans seem to have come 
into contact with them when they settled in the valley of the Ganges 
about 1000 B. c. The Yajur and Atharva Vedas mention the cock. 

' See Schumacher, Mulesellim, p. 89. 


The hen is a domesticated Bankiva fowl, which also 'exists in a 
wild state in India. From India the hen was domesticated east- 
ward to China, and westward to Persia. There is a possible pic- 
ture of a cock on a sculpture of Sennacherib, which would indicate 
that the bird was known in Assyria at the beginning of the seventh 
century before Christ. Another is pictured on some Babylonian 
gems from the time of Nabuna'id, about 550 b. c. Pictures of 
cocks, three of them somewhat doubtful, are found on Babylonian 
seals of the Persian period.^ The domesticated hen, traveling by 
way of the Black Sea, reached Asia Minor as early as the eighth 
century b. c.^ 

There is, however, no evidence of the presence of the hen in 
Palestine before the Greek period. Neither hen nor cock is men- 
tioned in the Old Testament. In a tomb discovered by Peters and 
Thiersch in 1902, near Tell Sandahanna, the Marissa of the Seleucid 
period and the Moresheth-gath of Micah 1 : 14, a number of cocks 
are pictured; (Fig. 94). The tomb, constructed about 200 b. c, con- 
tains a number of Greek inscriptions.^ In agreement with this 
evidence is also the fact that at Taanach there was found in a late 
pre-Arabic stratum the skeleton of a hen with an egg.^ Before 
New Testament times, then, the hen had become a domestic fow4 
in Palestine. Every one would accordingly understand the lament 
of Christ, "How often would I have gathered thy children together, 
even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye.w'ould 
not!" (Matt. 23 : 37). The cock was so universally kept at this 
time that one of the divisions of the night was called the "cock- 
crowing" (Mark 13 : 35). It was the mark of the progress of the 
night afforded by the habits of the cock that was used by Jesus in 
predicting Peter's denial (Matt. 26 : 34; Mark 14 : 30; Luke 22 : 
34; John 13 : 38), and it was the recalling of this prediction by the 
crowing of the cock that brought Peter to repentant tears (Matt. 
26 : 74; Mark 14 : 68, 72; Luke 22 : 60; John 18 : 27). 

' Ward, Seal Cylinders of Western Asia, p. 422, and Nos. 554, 556, 1 126, and 1254. 
2 See Dr. John P. Peters' article "The Cock" in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 
Vol. XXXIII, pp. 363-396. 

• See Peters and Thiersch, The Painted Tombs of Marissa, London, 1905. 

* See Sellin, Tell Taanek, 61, f. 


Importance of Pottery. Pre-Semitic Pottery. First Semitic Pottery to 1800 
B. c. Pottery of Second Semitic Period. TmRD Semitic Period. Israeutish 
OR Fourth Semitic Period. Hellenistic Period. 

1. Importance of Pottery.— In all parts of the world the making 
of clay jars and receptacles is one of the earliest arts to be discovered, 
and Palestine was no exception to the rule. In Palestine such jars 
were particularly useful, as the water for each family had to be 
carried from the nearest spring to the house. It was natural that, 
in a country which had so long a history as Palestine, and over 
which the influences of so many diverse civilizations swept, there 
should be a considerable variety in the types of pottery in differ- 
ent periods. Indeed, it is now recognized that the differences in 
these types are so marked that in the absence of other criteria it 
is possible approximately to date a stratum of the remains of any 
ancient city by the type of pottery found in it. Since this is so, a 
brief outline of the different types is not out of place here, although 
these differences have little or no bearing upon the interpretation 
of the Bible. Only a brief statement is here attempted. Those 
who wish to study the subject more fully are referred to more ex- 
tended works.^ The classifications of pottery made by the leading 
experts differ, as they have been written at different times and as 
the excavations have continually enlarged the material. The classi- 
fication presented in the following pages is mainly that of Macalister, 
based on the work at Gezer and on previous excavations. 

2. Pre-Semitic Pottery. — There is first, then, the pottery of the 
pre-Semitic cave-dwellers. This pottery is made out of clay that 
was in no way cleansed or refined. It was made by hand, the larger 
jars having been built up little by little. The vessel, after receiv- 
ing such ornament as the potter desired, was usually fired, though 
sometimes simply sun-dried. In firing the heat was often dis- 

' Especial mention may be made of the following: Petrie, Tell el-Hesy; Bliss and Macalister, 
Excavations in Palestine, i8g8-igoo. Part II; Vincent, Canaan d'apres I'exploration recent, Paris, 
1907, Chapter V, and Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, II, 128-231. 



tributed very irregularly, so that the surface was not all of the 
same color. The jars were of moderate size, flat on the bottom, 
globular, conical, or cylindrical in shape. They had concave necks 
and handles. The handles were of two kinds — "ledge" handles and 
"loop" handles. A "ledge" handle consists of a piece of clay pinched 
Into a flat projectmg ledge and then baked hard. A "loop" handle 
is one fastened to the jar at both ends, similar to the handle of a 
pitcher. Bowls or saucers were also sometimes made with "ledge" 
handles; (see Fig. 97). 

The most common ornamentation of the pottery of this period 
was made by combing the clay with wooden combs notched with 
teeth of greater or less fineness. Sometimes the marks left by the 
comb were perpendicular, sometimes horizontal, and sometimes 
diagonal. One other type of ornament was exhibited in the pottery 
of the cave-dwellers. That was either an incised representation 
of a rope or cord, or a moulded imitation of one of these. This 
ornamentation was probably suggested by the ropes or cords which 
were bound about the vessel before it was fired, to prevent its fall- 
ing apart. At first the only coloring was a line of brick-red around 
the rims of jugs and saucers. The most advanced stage is reached 
in Fig. 96, where a network of red lines cross each other diagonally. 
The tmt of the red varies a good deal, but this may be due to the 
unequal firing already mentioned. 

A few specimens of burnished pottery were found in the caves. 
This burnishing consisted in rubbing the surface of the vessel with 
strokes of a smooth bone or stone. In some cases the vessel was 
dipped in a whitish wash after it was fired. This adhered to it 
everywhere except on the bottom. 

3. First Semitic Pottery to 1800 B. C— The pottery of the first 
Semitic period, which terminated about 1800 b. c, is of a finer type. 
The larger pieces were made on a wheel, as were many of the smaller 
ones. The wheel was rotated with the left hand, while the potter 
moulded the vessel w^ith the right. The result was a much more 
shapely type of work than in the previous period. In the pre- 
Semitic period limestone clays were employed; in this period, sand- 
stone clays. Many of the objects, like those of the preceding pe- 
riod, were of a drab color, though the tints of some of them ranged 
from a rich brownish red to orange. The patches of color in these 
vessels were probably due to unequal heat in firing. 

In size and shape the vessels presented a great variety. There 


were large jars with flat bottoms, inverted conical bodies, and more 
or less abruptly rounded shoulders; (see Fig. 100). The mouth 
was wide and circular and surrounded by a flat, widely expanding 
rim. These jars averaged about two feet in height. There were 
many pitchers made in this period. They were large and small and 
of a great variety of shapes. Such pitchers present similar char- 
acteristics, whether found at Gezer or Megiddo; (see Figs. 98, 99). 
Ledge and loop handles were common on the pitchers of this period, 
but "pillar" and "button"^ handles were also sometimes found; (see 
Figs. 105, 106). The ornamentation of pottery showed some ad- 
vance over the preceding period. In addition to the rope motifs, 
decoration formed by combinations of lines was also found. One 
particularly fine type of pottery belonging to this period was found 
at Gezer. It was never found in the caves or in the higher strata. 
Vessels of this ware were usually found in groups, indicating that 
they were the possessions of the rich. The clay was well cleaned, 
the shapes distinctive (see Fig. 104), and the ware was always cov- 
ered with a cream-like coating. Saucers and bowls were common 
in this period. The comb was still used in ornamenting pottery, 
though sometimes it produced only a series of dots. All surfaces 
were usually burnished, though naturally this was much more 
thoroughly done in the expensive than in the cheaper wares. 

4. Pottery of Second Semitic Period. — During the second Se- 
mitic period, 1800-1400 b. c, trade was carried on with countries 
beyond the sea, esjiecially with Cyprus. There was probably also 
some trade with Egypt and Crete, but the influence of Cyprus was 
most potent in the pottery. In this period, probably owing to 
foreign influence, the potters' wheel worked by foot was introduced. 
This left both hands of the workman free and resulted in a great 
improvement of the ware. There was in this period a great variety 
in the material used. The cheaper vessels were made of a rough 
clay, full of grits of black colored sand or flints, which burned 
black in the middle of the clay and a reddish or yellowish drab on 
the surface. At least seven other finer types of ware were found 
at Gezer. ^ One of these was a ware made of a brilliant saffron- 
yellow clay, which was enriched with painted decoration in bold 
black lines. This was probably of foreign origin. In this period 
the jar with pointed bottom, long conical body, well rounded 

'A "button" handle is a "ledge" handle made into a round knob. 
' See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 158. 


shoulders, short concave neck, continuous circular mouth, with 
an expanded rim, though much narrower than in the preceding 
period, is the most common type. Jugs with pointed bottoms also 
became common, though there was a great variety in the shapes of 
jugs. Ledge handles had almost entirely disappeared in this period. 
Jars generally had two loop handles, and sometimes four, though 
occasionally they had none at all. "Button" handles are com- 
paratively uncommon; the loop handle is the style most generally 
used. "Ear" handles, both vertical and transverse, are also com- 
mon; (see Figs. 101-103, and 105). 

The most striking feature of the pottery of this period is the 
increase in the variety of ornamentation and the introduction of 
the pictures of animals and birds as ornamental motifs. This was 
due, no doubt, to foreign influence. The best specimens of this 
type of ornamentation so far published are from Gezer, though 
it is found elsewhere. 

All kinds of vessels were made of clay during this period: jars, 
jugs, pitchers, bowls, saucers, drinking-cups, etc., etc. Many of 
the potters signed their work with a peculiar mark. This mark 
was sometimes an impression of the potter's finger, sometimes 
linear devices of various kinds scratched on the handle, and some- 
times the impression of an inscribed Egyptian scarab, usually of 
the period of the Middle Kingdom or the Hyksos time. Jar handles 
marked with scarabs were also found at Jericho; (Figs. 118, 119). 

5. Third Semitic Period. — The third Semitic period, 1400 to 
1000 B. c, while its wares sometimes differed in form from those 
of the preceding period, is mainly marked off from the second 
period by a general degeneration in style. No great differences are 
noticeable in the kinds of clay employed. The jars have, as a rule, 
a less pointed bottom than in the preceding period; (Fig. 110). The 
combed decoration is rare, and the burnishing of the jars is both 
less frequent and less skilful than in the preceding period. There 
is an increase in the tendency to use painted ornamentation, which 
frequently consists of zigzag lines. Rough, conventionalized repre- 
sentations of palm trees are also common. In the last part of the 
period Cretan influences are traceable. This was probably due to 
the coming of the Philistines.^ Potters' marks continue, but scarabs 
are less often used in making them than in the preceding period. 
The various kinds of vessels made seem to have been as great 

» See Chapter V, p. 115, f., and Figs. 108, 109. 


as in the preceding period. A clay funnel or bottle-filler was also 
found in this period; (see Fig. 114). 

6. Israelitish or Fourth Semitic Period. — In the fourth Semitic, 
or the Israelitish period, 1000-600 b. c, the method of manufac- 
ture remained the same as before, and but little difference can be 
discerned in the clays employed. There seems, however, to have 
been a steady decline in excellence. The large jar with pointed 
bottom is still found, but there is a tendency to broaden the bot- 
tom, while retaining the convex form. Thus toward the close of 
the period a type of jar, conical in form, but with the apex of the 
cone at the top instead of at the bottom, is found. The types of 
pottery of this time may be seen by examining the forms found 
in the Hebrew stratum at Jericho (Figs. 107, 112, 113), and 
from a temple at Megiddo of the same period. (Fig. 111.) The 
forms and kinds of vessels found in this period are numerous. 
Painted ornamentation consists, as a rule, merely of rings around 
the vessel, though sometimes zigzags made very carelessly are also 
foimd. Bird ornamentation, so frequent in the third period, en- 
tirely disappears in this. The potters still employed marks. These 
are of the same general character as in the earlier period, though 
the scarab stamp entirely disappeared from Gezer and the use of 
other seals became common. These were most often a simple 
device of stars, or names written in the old Hebrew script. At 
Jericho the scarab stamp was still employed; (see Figs. 115, 117). 

Some jar handles inscribed with Hebrew letters were found 
at Gezer in a sttraum that was pre-exilic. A series of them was 
also found at the tells excavated by Bliss and Macalister in 
the Shephelah in the years 1898-1900 — Es-Safi, Judeideh, and 
Zakariyeh. These handles, in addition to the impression of a 
seal, contained the words, "to the king," in Hebrew letters, and 
the names of the cities, Hebron, Socho, Ziph, and Mamsheth. 
The first three of these are well-known Judaean towns; the last 
is unidentified. Sir Charles Warren found some similar stamps 
near the temple area at Jerusalem. There has been much dis- 
cussion as to the date of the handles bearing these stamps. 
Since nothing of the kind was found at Megiddo and Taanach, it 
has been inferred that this kind of jar handle came into existence 
after the overthrow of the kingdom of Israel in the year 722 b. c. 
It may be that the "king" referred to is the king of Judah, and that 
these stamps come from the last days of the kingdom of Judah. 


Scholarly opinion is, however, divided, some authorities contending 
that they come from the time after the Exile. The date is not 
entirely certain; (see Fig. 116).^ 

7. Hellenistic Period. — In the time after the Exile there is not 
much change in the character of the pottery until after the con- 
quest of Alexander the Great. The influx of influences from the 
Grteco-Macedonian world affected the whole life of the land, and 
was reflected also in its pottery. As in the second and third 
Semitic periods, there were importations of pottery from abroad, 
though at this time the importations were from regions affected by 
Greek art. The Palestinian potters of this period had, therefore, 
the best models. The use of the potters' wheel was all but uni^'ersal, 
and the wares were burned hard. A pile of these potsherds, when 
struck with a stick, emits a distinct musical "clink," which is not 
the case with potsherds from the earlier periods. The clay employed 
was the finest and most homogeneous of any used in Palestinian 
pottery, and there is a general tendency, especially in the cities 
near the coast, to follow classical models; (see Figs. 122, 125). 

Jars have rounded or bluntly pointed bases, vertical sides, flat- 
tened or oblique shoulders, and round mouths. There are two 
loop handles just under the shoulders. Another form, probably 
suggested by Rhodian amphorae, has a long, tapering base; (see 
Fig. 120). 

It is impossible in the space that can be devoted to this topic to 
enumerate all the kinds of vessels that were made in this period or 
the variety of their forms. Only a few characteristic features can be 
noted. The cooking pots of this time have a very distinctive form. 
They have a globular base, globular body, short, wide neck, and a 
rounded continuous mouth; (see Fig. 122*'). The body of the vessel 
is often ribbed with horizontal flutings. Small jugs and vases were 
very common; some of them had very characteristic forms. Jugs 
of this period found at Jericho had a funnel at the side through 
which liquid could be poured into them. 

As in the preceding period, jar handles were frequently stamped 
with the mark of the potter. These were now often Greek letters, 
though those so stamped were apparently imported from foreign 
countries. At Jericho ten jar handles were found stamped with the 

• For discussions of the subject, see Bliss and Macalister, Exeavalions in Palestine, 1898-iQOO, 
106-123; Macalister in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1905, 243 and 
328; also Excavation of Cezer, II, 209, fl., and Vincent, Canaan d'apres I'exploration ricenl, pp. 357- 


name "Jah" and three stamped with the name "Jahu."^ Both Jah 
(see Psa. 68 : 4) and Jahu are abbreviations of the name Jehovah, 
and probably are so to be understood here. They often formed 
part of a personal name — thus Elijah, "My God is Jah." 

From the second Semitic period onward, filters were made by 
piercing the bottom of a jug with holes. These became more com- 
mon in the third Semitic period, but this sort of device reached its 
full development in the Hellenistic period, which we are now con- 
sidering. Various forms of strainers were found, as shown in Fig. 
123, and one very elaborate filter; (see Fig. 121). 

With the coming of the Romans in 63 b. c, new influences were 
introduced into the civilization of Palestine. In time these influ- 
ences modified the pottery, but it is doubtful whether they had 
an appreciable effect until after the New Testament times. Pots 
from the Roman period found at Gezer (see Fig. 124) differ from 
those of the Hellenistic period chiefly in having bottoms that are 
more nearly flat. By the time of the Emperor Constantine a change 
can be noted, so that pottery of the Byzantine period (325-637 
A. D.) has characteristics of its own. That period, however, lies 
beyond the range of Biblical history. 

In the study of pottery one of the most interesting topics is the 
evolution of the lamp. The earliest lamps were simply wicks 
stuck into a saucer of oil and ignited. Of course, the wick would 
easily fall down into the oil and the light would be extinguished. 
The earliest device to prevent this was to make the saucer of irregu- 
lar shape, with a slight notch in one side in which the wick could lie. 
(See the right-hand lamp in Fig. 127.) As time went on this rest- 
ing-place for the wick developed more and more into a spout. (See 
Fig. 126 and the left-hand lamp in Fig. 127.) 

This form of lamp was known as early as the first Semitic period, 
and persisted with slight development down through the Israelitish 
time; (see Fig. 128). Its development was not, however, uni- 
form in all parts of the country. Israelitish lamps found at Jericho 
appear to be simply saucers with two or more indentations in the 
rim; (see Fig. 132). Perhaps in these more than one wick was 
used. In the Hellenistic period two improvements in the making 
of lamps occurred. The first consisted in a still further devel- 
opment of the spout until its sides almost met and formed nearly 
a closed vessel. The second improvement was, perhaps, due to 

I See Sellin, Jericho, p. 156. 


outside influences. It consisted in making the saucer small and 
covered. In the middle of the cover was a small round hole into 
which the oil was poured; at one side a spout protruded and the 
wick came out through this; (see Fig. 131). The top of such 
lamps was ornamented with various designs. 

In the Byzantine and Arabic periods the same general style of 
lamp was used, but the shape and ornamentation of each period were 
different, so that they can easily be distinguished; (see Fig. 129). 
After the country became Christian the ornamentation on the 
lamps was often made with Greek letters. These were made in 
ornamental forms and usually expressed some Christian sentiment. 
One of the most popular legends for these Christian lamps was: 
"The light of Christ shines for all"; (see Fig. 130). 

It was lamps such as these, probably of the Hellenistic ty'pe, to 
which Christ alluded in the parable of the wise and foolish virgins 
(Matt. 25 : 1-12). Such a lamp would not contain oil enough to 
burn all night, so that to carry it to a prolonged wedding-feast 
without a supply of oil was a powerful example of improvidence. 


Utensils: Ovens. Baking-trays. Bowls, etc. Feeding-bottles. Glassware. 
Spoons. Forks or Flesh-hooks. Needles. Spinning "Whorls." Lamp-stands. 
Keys. Knives. Saws. Chisels. Awls. Axes. Adzes. Whetstones. Files. Ham- 
mers. Nails. Baskets. Arrows. Spears. Swords. Fish-hooks. StyH. Seals. 
The "Pipe." Harps. The Dulcimer. Lyres. Children's toys. Personal Orna- 
ments: Combs. Perfume-boxes. Spatulae for eye-paint, etc. Fibulae. Beads. 
Necklaces. Bracelets. Anklets. Rings. 

1. Utensils. — The term "utensil" is of wide application. The 
utensils of agriculture and the hand-mills for grinding grain have 
been described in Chapter VII. Among the devices used in con- 
nection with Palestinian houses one of the most important was the 

(1) Ovens. — The ovens of ancient Palestine were of the same 
kind as those used by the peasantry of that country today. Each 
consists of a cylinder of baked earth about 2 feet in diameter and 
I5 inches thick. It is closed by a cover of the same material, in 
which a stone or lump of clay has been embedded as a handle. 
There is rarely any bottom except the bare earth. The loaves, 
which were flat discs, were usually placed inside, either on the 
ground covered with clean pebbles or on a baking-tray. Sometimes 
the loaves were plastered over the outside of the oven. In this 
case the fire was built inside and might consist of grass (Matt. 6 : 30; 
Luke 12 : 28). The fire was usually heaped about the outside of 
the oven, and often consisted of dried manure. It is this use of 
manure as fuel that is alluded to in Ezek. 4 : 12-15 — a passage that 
has sometimes been greatly misunderstood. Such ovens were fre- 
quently found in all the strata. In Fig. 133 two varieties of ovens 
are shown. The one at the left hand is made of plain tile; the other 
is covered over with potsherds, to make it retain the heat longer. 
Sometimes in large houses groups of several ovens were found 

Ovens are frequently referred to in the Bible, sometimes as sym- 
bols of things that are hot. (See Lev. 11 : 35; 26 : 26; Psa. 21 : 9; 



Hosea 7:4, 6, 7.) Once a much-used oven is a symbol of black- 
ness (Lam. 5 : 10). 

(2) Baking-trays, consisting of discs of baked clay about 10 
inches in diameter, were also found. These were usually turned up 
at the edges, and frequently perforated in order better to admit the 
heat to the under side of the loaf. One specimen was found burnt 
through with constant use. These trays were most numerous at 
Gezer in the second and third Semitic periods. They were found 
at Jericho in the Jewish stratum; (see Fig. 134). 

(3) Bowls, etc. — In Chapter VIII, imder the head of Pottery, 
the jars, pitchers, clay bowls, saucers, and cups which were used 
about Palestinian homes have already been described. Bowls 
and saucers of stone were also employed from the earliest times. 
They were far less fragile, though more expensive. Probably 
the dishes used by the common people were in all periods made of 
clay. After the introduction of metal, however, the wealthy often 
had dishes of bronze (see Fig. 135), and sometimes of silver. A 
Philistine grave at Gezer yielded some silver dishes of beautiful 
workmanship; (see Figs. 137, 141). 

(4) Feeding-hollies. — A number of curiously shaped jars with 
spouts were found at Gezer; (see Fig. 139). Mr. Macalister was 
at a loss to explain their use unless they were feeding-bottles. The 
only other suggestion that he makes is that they were lamps, but 
they are so different from the lamps of the time, that that possi- 
bility seems to be excluded. Sellin thought similar objects found 
by him were vessels for pouring oil. This may have been their 

(5) Glassware. — Vessels of glass are very rare in Palestine until 
Roman times. In the remains of the third Semitic period at Gezer 
fragments of ornamented glass vessels, which had been imported 
from Egypt, were found. The ornamentation consisted of zig- 
zag lines. Clear glass first appears in the Israelitish period, but 
it was rare and inartistic. After the coming of the Romans it be- 
came more common. For examples of its use, see the ointment 
vessels in Fig. 138. 

(6) Spoons. — ^The spoons of the poor were in all periods appar- 
ently adapted from shells, as shown in Fig. 136, but the more 
wealthy, especially when under the influence of more artistic for- 
eigners, had ladles of metal that seem very modern; (see Fig. 
141). These objects are from a Philistine tomb. 


(7) Forks or Flesh-hooks. — Forks were in existence, as shown in 
Fig. 140, but were used not to eat with, but to handle meat when it 
was cooking. The one with three prongs in Fig. 143 reminds one of 
the *'flesh-hook of three teeth" that the servant of Hophni and 
Phinehas, sons of Eli, thrust into the caldron of seething sacrificial 
flesh, in order to obtain the priest's portion (1 Sam. 2 : 13, 14). 

(8) Needles, both of bone and bronze, ^were found. They 
were employed from the earliest times in such sewing as was 
necessary. The way the eyes were made may be seen in Fig. 
142. These give vivid reality to the saying of Christ "It is 
easier for a camel to go through a needle's eye than for a rich man 
to enter into the kingdom of God" (Matt. 19 : 24; Mark 10 : 25; 
Luke 18 :25). 

(9) Spinning "Whorls." — Spinning in ancient Palestine, as now, 
was done in the simplest possible manner. A tapering spindle was 
made of wood. To this was attached a "whorl" — either a stone or 
a lump of baked clay — in order to give the spindle momentum when 
whirled. The wool was held in the hand, a bit of it twisted into a 
thread with the fingers and attached to the spindle. Then more 
of the wool was pulled out and held in the hand while the spindle 
and whorl were given a twist with the other hand and allowed to 
twist the wool into thread. The process was repeated again and 
again. The writer has seen women in the East spinning while on a 
journey. Many of the spindle whorls, made both of stone and of 
clay, have been found by excavators; (see Figs. 144, 145). 

(10) Lamp-sta)ids. — In one of the palaces at Megiddo a number of 
bronze tripods of various sorts were found; (see Fig. 148). The 
tallest of these were 13j and 14 inches in height. They were in- 
tended to support either bowls or lamps. They are the kind of 
"stand" mentioned in Matt. 5 : 15 (R. V. — the King James Version 
called it a "candlestick"), on which men, when they lighted a 
lamp, placed it so that it might "give light to all that are in 
the house." Probably the poor had some less expensive form of 

(11) Keys in Palestine were often large, clumsy affairs. They 
were probably most often made of wood, and were much bet- 
ter fitted to be carried on the shoulder, as a wood-chopper often 
carries his axe, than to be carried in a pocket. This is why 
Isaiah (22 : 22) speaks of laying the key of the house of David on 
the shoulder of Eleakim. Of course, all wooden keys of the Biblical 


time have decayed. Iron keys from the Hellenistic time were 
found at Gezer, two of which are shown in Figs. 146, 147. 

(12) Knives. — One of the first implements made by man as 
he emerges from savagery is the knife. The earliest knives of 
Palestine were of flint, which is in that country very abundant. 
Flint knives are made by taking a cone of flint that will easily flake, 
and skilfully striking the top of it such a blow that a ribbon having 
a sharp edge is split off. At Gezer one of these cones, left by an 
ancient flint knife-maker, was found; (see Fig. 154). After the 
introduction of bronze in the first Semitic period, 2500-1800 b. c, 
knives were often made of that; (see Fig. 151). When, about ICXX) 
B. c, iron came in, it, too, was employed for knife-making; (see Fig. 
150). Flint knives were always cheaper than those of metal and 
were probably alwa}'s employed by the common people. Knives 
are referred to in the Bible as the implements for slaying sacrifices 
(Gen. 22 : 6, 10), and in various other connections. (See, for 
example, Ezek. 5 : 1, 2.) Flint knives were preferred for the rite of 
circumcision (Exod. 4 : 25 and Josh. 5 : 2, 3); (see Fig. 149), 

(13) Saws. — Ribbon-flint knives easily pass into saws when the 
edge is irregular. A number of these came to light in the course 
of the excavation of Gezer. Saws are referred to in 2 Sam. 12 : 31 
and in 1 Kings 7 : 9. Saws made of thin, flexible strips of metal 
existed. These were set in wooden frames. Very meager frag- 
ments of these have been found. 

(14) Chisels were fairly common at Gezer in all strata after 
the introduction of bronze. They were made usually of bronze, 
even after the introduction of iron, although iron chisels were 
found. As the chisel is one of the most necessary tools of a car- 
penter, our Lord must often have used one in the days before his 
ministry; (see Fig. 152). 

(15) Awls. — The awl is also a very useful tool. In ancient Gezer 
they were often set in bone handles. Modern Palestinian carpen- 
ters employ a heated awl to make a hole in timber without splitting 
it. As ancient carpenters probably had the same custom, the 
awl was also one of the implements often used by Christ; (Fig. 157). 

(16) Axes were found from the second Semitic stratum onward. 
Those from the earlier time were made, of course, of bronze; the 
later ones of iron. In a few the butt of the axe-head was perforated 
to receive a thong to lash it to the helve. How necessary this was is 
shown by such passages as Deut. 19 : 5 and 2 Kings 6:5. A 


bronze double-edged axe was also found in the second Semitic 
stratum; (see Fig. 160). 

(17) Adzes. — A few specimens of the adze were also found; 
(see Fig. 161). One of these was of bone. 

(18) Whetstones. — Tools, of course, needed sharpening, and 
various specimens of whetstones were found; (see Fig. 158). It 
is difficult to distinguish these from "rubbing-stones," which were 
used when bathing to rub hardened skin from the body. The same 
stone may at times have served both purposes. 

(19) Files. — A bronze file was made by perforating a tube of 
bronze with holes and leaving the rough edges made in the per- 
foration protruding; (see Fig. 153). These were probably used, 
however, for crumbing bread, and not for sharpenmg tools. 

(20) Hammers. — Many stone hammers from every period of 
Palestinian history have been found. The stone hammer seems to 
have persisted even after the introduction of metal. Bronze ham- 
mers are rare. Probably the hammer with which Jael killed Sisera 
(Judges 4 : 21; 5 : 26) was of stone; also the one referred to m Jer. 
23 :29; (see Fig. 155). 

(21) Nails have been found in profusion, made both of bronze 
and of iron; (see Fig. 159). As soon as iron was introduced into 
the country it was generally employed in making nails. Christ, 
as a carpenter, must have employed a hammer, and often have 
driven nails. 

(22) Baskets are used in Palestine, as in other countries, for all 
sorts of purposes. They are frequently referred to in the Bible. 
(See Deut. 26 : 2, 4; 28 : 5, 17; Judges 6 : 19; Amos 8 : 1, 2.) The 
basket of the modern Palestmian peasant is usually made by sewing 
together a coil of rope made of straw or reeds. After the mat thus 
formed has become large enough for the bottom of the basket, it is 
given an upward turn to form the sides. In excavating the water- 
passage at Gczer interesting evidence came to light of the existence 
of such baskets in ancient times. One of them had been left on 
some soft earth in the tunnel, and, although the basket itself had 
long ago decayed, the form of it was still visible on the hardened 
clod on which it had rested; (see Fig. 163). 

(23) Arrows. — Of implements of warfare some portions have 
survived. One of these was the arrow, which is mentioned more 
than fifty times in the Bible, and is employed in many metaphors. 
Arrows were made of a light perishable shaft to which an arrow- 


head of flint or bronze was attached. This head terminated in a 
point, which inflicted the wound. Arrow-heads were found in the 
Palestinian strata later than the cave-dwellers; (Figs. 164, 165, 166). 

(24) Spears. — The spear consisted of a long shaft with a metal 
head, that could be thrown at an enemy. It is often called a 
javelin. Such weapons are alluded to in the Bible almost as often 
as arrows. The excavations have yielded a good variety of bronze 
spear-heads; (see Fig. 167). 

(25) Swords. — The swords of ancient Palestine were used for 
thrusting rather than for cutting. (See 1 Sam. 31 : 5; 2 Sam. 2 : 
16.) The blades are, therefore, short and pointed; (see Fig. 166). 
Sometimes the edges are actually thickened. A fine scimitar, 
found in a tomb in which other objects revealed Mycenean in- 
fluence, is a great exception to the ordinary form of sword found in 
Palestine; (see Fig. 162). 

(26) Fish-hooks. — Spears and arrows could, of course, be used m 
hunting as well as in war, but a fish-hook found at Gezer (see Fig. 
156) is of especial interest to the student of the Bible, since some of 
the most prominent apostles, Peter, Andrew, James, and John, were 
fishermen. The fishing on the Sea of Galilee seems to have been 
done usually with nets. Nevertheless, perhaps even there a hook 
was sometimes, employed. 

(27) Styli. — ^The implements of the scribe which have survived 
are all. specimens of a. stylus for writing on clay or wax; (see Fig. 
178). The usual length of these styli was 3| to 4| inches. In the 
Hellenistic stratum at Gezer, however, one was found as short as 
2\ inches; also one as- long as 12 inches. It was a stylus of the 
average kind found at Gezer that Isaiah was directed to use as re- 
corded in Isa. 8:1. 

(28) Seals. — Closely connected with the work of the scribe are 
the seals which are found wherever a mound is thoroughly exca- 
vated. These were sometimes Egyptian scarabs, but more often, 
especially in the later periods, various figures and devices carved on 
a stone; (see Fig. 175). They might or might not contain the 
name of the owner. The famous seal of Shema, mentioned on 
p. 97, contained his name, but often they appear simply to have 
been a kind, of mark of their owners. They might be impressed on 
clay or wax, and, as we have seen (p. 144), potters used them to 
identify their work. If the writing was on a clay tablet the 
seals were rolled over its edge (see Job 38 : 14), or over any un- 


written portion of its surface. This took the place of the signa- 
ture of the writer. On the use of seals in Bible times, see 1 Kings 
21 :8. 

(29) The "Pipe." — The people of Palestine have always been 
fond of music, though in modern times their music is of a rude and 
primitive sort. Probably in ancient times it did not rise to any- 
thing like modern standards. At least one musical instrument has 
been brought to light by the excavations. It is a part of a stone 
whistle or "pipe" found in the third Semitic stratum — the period 
just before the coming of Israel. It is conical in shape, and about 
4 inches long, 1| inches wide at one end, and about ^ inch wide 
at the mouthpiece. It was perforated at the side by two 
holes; (see Fig. 168). Probably a mouthpiece of reed was fitted 
into it. It was- possible to make several notes on it. This is 
probably a rude example of the "pipe," said to have been invented 
by Jubal (Gen. 4 : 21), and often mentioned in the Bible. (See 
1 Sam. 10 :5; 1 Kings 1 :40; Isa. 5 : 12; 1 Cor. 14 : 7.) The 
Hebrew word for pipe means "a pierced" or "perforated thing," 
and this stone whistle answers the description well. 

(30) Harps. — Other musical instruments were not made of 
material that could survive; nevertheless from the Babylonian, 
Assyrian, and Eg}^tian sculptures we have some idea of their form. 
Of these, the harp is mentioned more than forty times in the Bible. 
For the forms of ancient harps, see Figs. 169—172. 

(31) The Dulcimer. — This musical instrument is mentioned in 
Dan. 3 : 5, 15. An Assyrian dulcimer is shown in Fig. 174. 

(32) Lyres. — A kind of lyre is pictured on certain Jewish coins; 
(see Fig. 173). 

(33) Children'' s Toys. — ^A touch of nature that links the ancient 
world with ours is found in the toys of children. Both from 
Babylonia and Palestine clay rattles have been recovered. A series 
found at Gezer is shown in Fig. 179. In addition to these rattles 
many grotesque animal figures came to light through the various 
excavations; these figures were probably made for children to play 
with. One or two had a hole drilled through a leg, apparently for 
the insertion of a string by which a child could drag it. The 
workmen who removed the earth sometimes begged for permission 
to take them home for their own children to play with'; (see 
Fig. 177). 

' For a fuller discussion of children's toys, see Rice, Orientalisms in Bible Lands, pp. 49-58. 


2. Personal Ornaments. 

(1) Combs. — Of toilet articles the most universal is the comb. 
These were made of bone or ivory. They were both straight and 
curved, ornamented and unornamcnted. A fragment of one from 
Gezer is shown in Y'lg. 176. 

(2) Perfiime-boxes. — The ancients were fond of perfume. "Per- 
fumed with myrrh and frankincense, with all powders of the 
merchant" is a Hebrew poet's description of an elegantly dressed 
man. (See Cant. 3 : 6.) Perfume-boxes, in which the various 
kinds of perfume were kept, frequently are found in excava- 
ting; (see, for example, Fig. 180). Women's perfume-boxes are 
denounced in Isa. 3 : 20. 

(3) SpatuIcB for Eye-paint, etc. — Little spatuL'e, or tools for 
lifting small quantities of cosmetics, were also found; (see Fig. 183). 
These were probably most often used to apply kohl to the eyelids — 
a practice that was thought to enhance the beauty of women (see 
Ezek. 23 : 40) and which is still followed in the East. 

(4) Fibulce. — Another article of the toilet which is found in 
abundance in all ancient excavations was the fibula — a rude kind of 
safety-pin. The garments were held together by these. They 
consisted of a kind of perforated bow through which a pin could 
be thrust. In the earlier periods the bow and the pin were not 
fastened together. 

The dress of the ancient Palestinians was much like that of 
the modern peasants of the country. It was not, however, made 
of materials that would last when buried in a mound. All that has 
survived of it are some articles of personal adornment. 

(5) Beads were highly valued from the earliest times and are 
found in all strata. In the earlier periods they were made of 
various colored stones; it is only in the later strata that some 
glass beads are found. 

(6) Necklaces. — Beads, cylinders, and irregularly shaped penaants 
were strung so as to form necklaces. One found at Jericho is 
shown in Fig. 18L They are called "chains" in Isa. 3 : 19; Prov. 
1 : 9, and "strings of jewels" in Cant. 1 : 10. 

(7) Bracelets and armlets have been found in abundance from 
nearly all periods. They were made of bronze, iron, ivory, glass, 
silver, and gold. For some of their forms, see Fig. 182. They are 
frequentlv mentioned in the Bible. (See, for e.xample. Gen. 24 : 
30; E.xod 35 : 22; 2 Sam. 1 : 10; Ezek. 16 : 11.) 


(8) Anklets of bronze and silver have also been found in vari- 
ous places. They are like bracelets, only larger. In a country 
where the ankles were usually left bare, it was as natural to wear 
ornaments on them as on the arms. These, too, are denounced 
along with the other ornaments of women in Isa. 3 : 18. 

(9) Rings, too, of various kinds have been found in profusion. 
Most of the finger rings were simple circles of metal; usually they 
were of bronze; sometimes of iron. Silver and gold rings were 
comparatively few in number and of small size. Several signet 
rings were found at Gezer. Finger rings are not often mentioned 
in the Bible. (See, however, Num. 31 : 50.) They evidently 
were highly regarded by well-to-do people, for in the Parable of the 
Prodigal Son Jesus tells us that the father "put a ring on his hand" 
(Luke 15 : 22). Signet rings were the possessions of the great and 
of kings. (See Gen. 41 : 42 and Esther 3 : 10, 12, and Fig. 184.) 


Measures. Weights. Inscribed Weights. Money: Who invented coinage? 
Darics. Maccab;can coins. Asmona;an coins. Ilerodian coins. Roman coins. The 
Widow's Mite. The Piece of Silver. Coinage of the Revolt of 66-70 a. d. 

1. Measures.^The Hebrew units of dry measure were: 1. The 
Homer (or Cor), which contained 10 Ephahs (Ezek. 45 : 11, 14). 
2. The Ephah, which contained 3 Seahs (Isa. 40 : 12) or 10 Omers 
(Exod. 16 : 36) or 18 Cabs (2 Kings 6 : 25, and Josephus, Antiquities, 
IX, iv,4). 

Corresponding to these were the units of liquid measure: 1. The 
Homer (or Cor), which contained 10 Baths (Ezek. 45 : 11, 14). 2. 
The Bath, which, according to Josephus and Jerome, contained 6 
Hins (see Exod. 29 : 40). 3. The Hin, which contained 3 Cabs,«or, 
according to the Talmud, 12 Logs. 

These two systems have the Homer as their major unit. The 
Homer had the same capacity in each system. The Ephah of dry 
measure equalled the Bath of liquid measure, and the Cab was the 
same in each. If, then, the capacity of one unit in either measure 
could be determined, we should know the capacity of all the others. 

It has been the custom of archaeologists to strike a kind of aver- 
age of the confused statements of Josephus and Epiphanius^ and 
correct these by estimates based on Babylonian measures. 

Calculations based on this method will be found in recent works 
on Hebrew archaeology and dictionaries of the Bible. It has been 
impossible, however, to reach certainty. Three systems will be 
found in the books referred to: one based on the supposition that 
the Log = TU of a pint; one based on the supposition that the Log = 
iVir of a pint; the third on the supposition that the Log = 1 pint. 
The estimates of the Homer vary accordingly from 80 gallons to 
81.25 gallons, and 89.28 gallons.' 

' An early Christian writer, bom in 31S, died in 403 A. D., who was bishop of Salamis in Cyprus. 

2 From this equivalence the reader can easily compute the value which the intermediate 
measures would have according to this theory. The multiples of the Log which formed the 
Cab, etc., are given above. 



Under these circumstances some discoveries of the Augustinians 
of the Assumption, in the grounds of their monastery in Jerusalem, 
appear to be of importance.^ They found at various times in 
excavating for building purposes four vessels, which seem to have 
been a series of measures. Taking the larger one as the unit, the 
capacity of the one next smaller is three-quarters of the capacity 
of the first; the third was just half the first; the fourth, a quarter 
of it. These vessels all appear to have been in a building which 
had a Hebrew inscription over its door. Although the inscription 
was broken, the word "Corban"^ was still legible. Pere Germer- 
Durand assumes, accordingly, that the building was used as a place 
where temple tithes were paid, and that this series of vessels were 
standard measures employed in collecting tithes. The quantities 
of material contained by these vessels are as follows: 

Largest, 21.25 litres or 19.6 quarts. 
Second, 15.937 litres or 14.7 quarts. 
Third, 10.625 litres or 9.8 quarts. 
Fourth. 5.312 litres or 4.9 quarts. 

Pere Germer-Durand thinks from a study of Josephus and Epi- 
phanius that the largest of his vessels represents the Ephah of dry 
measure or the Bath of liquid measure. If this assumption is 
right, it gives a series of measures which are each about tV smaller 
than the smallest of the series referred to above. 

On this basis Hebrew dry measures become: 

Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 6 bushels and ^ peck. 

Ephah = 19.6 quarts or 2 pecks, 3.6 quarts. 

Seah = 6.533+ quarts. 

Omer = 1.96 quarts. 

Cab = 1.888+ quarts. 

Liquid measure becomes: 

Homer or Cor = 196 quarts or 49 gallons. 

Bath = 19.6 quarts or 4.9 gallons. 

Seah = 6.533+ quarts. 

Hin = 3.266+ quarts. 

Cab = 1.888+ quarts. 

Log = .272 quarts or approximately | pint. 

'See Pere Germer-Durand, "Mesures de capacite des Hebreux au temps de I'evangile" in 
Conferences de Saint- Atienne, Paris, 1910, pp. 89-105. and Fig. 185. 
'The Jewish name for an offering to God. (See Mark 7:11.) 


It is not certain that the vessels found by the Augustinians rep- 
resent the measures that Gcrmer-Durand supposes, but it is as 
likely that they do as that the confused statements of Josephus and 
Epiphanius afford an accurate basis for calculations. 

It is probable that in actual business there was in ancient times 
a great deal of variation allowed from the ordinary standard of 
measures. We know of no rigid regulation of the matter by a 
central authority. 

2. Weights. — The two weights most often mentioned in the Bible 
are the talent and the shekel. The Bible nowhere tells us of how 
many shekels a talent was composed. In Babylonia the talent 
consisted of 60 manas/ and each mana of 60 shekels, so that the 
talent consisted of 3600 shekels. The Phoenicians divided the mana 
into 50 shekels, and it is thought by scholars that the Hebrews did 
the same, though we have no positive evidence on the point. 
Manas are not mentioned in the Bible, unless in Dan. 5 : 25.^ 

In the course of the excavations by Bliss in the Shephelah a num- 
ber of weights were found, some of which were inscribed. Macalis- 
ter also found a large number of weights at Gezer, a few of which 
bore inscriptions. Some others have been found by natives and 
purchased by travelers. The writer had the pleasure of discovering 
two weights in this way. 

3. Inscribed Weights. — These inscribed weights are of the 
greatest mterest to the students of the Bible. Five weights are 
known that are inscribed in old Hebrew characters with the word 
neseph, "half"; see Fig. 186. These are undoubtedly half-shekels. 
Two of the three are broken, and one is perforated. The other 
two weigh, respectively, 157.56 grains and 153.6 grains. The 
average of these is 155.5 grains, which would make the shekel 311 

Another weight, said to have come from Samaria, was described 
some years ago by Dr. Chaplin. It bears the inscription roba 
neseph, "the quarter of a half," and weighs 39.2 grains. Another 
weight from Samaria is in the possession of Mr. Herbert Clark, 
of Jerusalem. It is made in the form of a turtle and bears the 
inscription homesh, "a fifth," and weighs 38.58 grains. Probably 
it was intended as the fifth part of a shekel. 

' "Mana" is both the Babylonian and the Hebrew term. In English it has usually been 
coiTupted to "Mina." 

* Some scholars understand MENE to be such a reference. 


Another series of inscribed weights, of which three examples are 
known, bears the inscription beqa. The word comes from a root 
that means "cleave" or "split." This word occurs twice in the 
Old Testament, in Gen. 24 : 22 and Exod. 38 : 26. In the passage 
last mentioned it is defined as half a shekel; (see Fig. 188). 

A third variety of weight bears the . inscription payim. The 
first of these to be discovered was found by the writer in the hands 
of a dealer in Jerusalem. On one side it bore the word payim 
and on the other lezekarya/m yaer, "belonging to Zechariah son 
of Jaer." This weight is cubic in form (see Fig. 187) and weighs 
117.431 grains.' Macalister found another of similar shape, which 
bore only the inscription />ay/w. It weighed 114.81 grains. The 
word payim is very puzzling. It has been interpreted by Cler- 
mont-Ganneau as meaning "two-thirds," and as designating two- 
thirds of a shekel. Possibly this is right. This weight is men- 
tioned in 1 Sam. 13 : 20, 21, and its discovery has explained a 
Hebrew phrase which has puzzled all translators. We now know 
that these verses should be rendered: "But all the Israelites went 
down to the Philistines, to sharpen every man his plowshare, and 
his axe, and his adze, and his hoe, and the price was a pirn (or 
payim) for the plowshares, and for the axes, and for the three-tined 
forks, and for the adzes, and for the setting of the goads." The 
name of the weight here expresses the price, just as shekel, the name 
of another weight, does elsewhere.^ One bronze weight found at 
Gezer bore words meaning "belonging to the king," but it is not 
clear to what king it referred. 

A glance at the weights here described makes it evident that the 
standards of the ancient Hebrews were not exact. If these are rep- 
resentative weights, the shekel must have varied from 200 to more 
than 300 grains Troy. This is what one acquainted with the Pales- 
tine of today would e.xpect. The peasants still use field-stone as 
weights, selecting one that is approximately of the weight they 
desire. Even among the merchants of modern Jerusalem, where 

* The weight is now in the library of Haverford College, near Philadelphia. 

2 The words rendered "the price was a pirn" are translated in the Authorized Version, "they 
had a file," margin, "a file with mouths"; in the Revised Version, "they had a file," margin, 
or "when the edges . . . were blunt." The Revisers add, "The Hebrew text is obscure." 
The Hebrew word rendered "file" and "blunt" comes from a root that means "to prescribe" 
or "appoint." It could easily mean the "established price," but can mean neither "file" nor 
"blunt." Pirn means "mouths" and is employed figuratively for "edges," but neither of those 
meanings fits the passage. The discovery of these weights has cleared up the whole obscurity. 
The writer's attention was called to the bearing of these weights upon this passage by Prof. 
Max L. Margolis. 


one would expect more exact standards than among the peasantry, 
odd scraps of old iron are used for weights.' 

A large number of uninscribed weights of the same general size 
and shape of those described^ were found at Gezer. Whether 
larger weights or multiples of a shekel were discovered is uncertain. 
A number of stones might have been used for weights, but they were 
not inscribed and may have been used for other purposes. A large 
bronze weight found at Tell Sandahanna is just sixty times the 
weight of a 311-grain shekel, and may be a mana.^ 

Where weights and measures differed so, the words of Amos 
(8:5), "making the ephah small and the shekel great," gain an 
added significance, and we understand why the wise man denounced 
"false balances" (Prov. 11 :1; 20:23). Indeed, of the weights 
found at Gezer so many were under the average standard, and so 
many above it, that the inference lay close at hand that many men 
had one set of weights by which to purchase and another set by 
which to sell.^ 

4. Money. — Down to the seventh century before Christ money 
was not coined. Whenever it was employed as a medium of 
exchange, it was weighed. In western Asia and Egypt our sources 
show that in the period from 1500 to 1300 b. c. gold and silver were 
prepared for commercial use by being formed into rings.^ These 
rings were of no standard weight; they were weighed in the mass by 
scales. Probably the rings were small, so that the weight could, at 
the will of the merchant, be increased by very slight amounts. The 
ring- form was probably selected because this shape would present 
no corners that would rapidly wear away. This type of commer- 
cial ring can be traced in the inscriptions of Ashurnasiri-)al 11 of 
Assyria,'^ 884-860 b. c. It was used, then, in Egypt, Syria, Phoe- 
nicia, by the Hittites, the Aramaeans, and the Assyrians. 

(1) Who Invented Coinage? — The oldest coins yet found were 
made by the Lydians, and on this accoufit it is usually said that the 
Lydians were the first to coin money. The date of these coins is 
uncertain. They bear the name of no king, but are usually assigned 
to the seventh century b. c. Mr. Head, of the British Museum, 

' See Macalistcr, Excavation of Gezer, II, 279. 
' See Macalister, ibid., pp. 278-29.?. 

* See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, iSqS-iqoo, p. 61. 

* See Macalistcr, Excavation of Gezer, II. 291. 

' See Breasted, /I ;Kie«/ Records, Egypt, II. §§ 436, 489, 490, 518, and Eistory of Egypt, 2d ed., 
pp. 277, 307. 

» See Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I, 105 (cl. Ill, 62). 


dated them tentatively at 700 b. c. They probably were made 
under the Lydian dynasty founded by Gyges in 697 b. c, the last 
king of which, the famous CrcEsus, was overthrown by Cyrus the 
Great, in 546 b. c. It is improbable that these coins were invented 
earlier than the reign of Gyges, and they may not have been put 
into circulation until he had been some years on the throne. It is 
recognized that the weight of these coins conforms to a Babylonian 

There seems to be evidence that coined money was employed by 
the Assyrians in the reign of Esarhaddon. None of the coins have 
been found, but a series of loans and payments, dated in the years 
676-671 B. c, designate the amounts of money in "shekels of silver- 
heads of Ishtar."^ As has been noted by Menant and Johns, this 
can hardly mean anything else than silver made into coins of the 
value of a shekel and stamped with the head of Ishtar. As Gyges 
was a contemporary of Esarhaddon, it seems probable that Lydia 
borrowed the idea of coinage from the Mesopotamian Valley. 

Be this as it may, the comage of money was a great step for- 
ward. To have the value of a piece of metal determined before- 
hand and guaranteed by an official stamp greatly facilitated the 
transaction of business. It eliminated the delays incident to 
weighing the metal, and the disputes that were sure to ensue as to 
the correctness of the weights which were put into the balances. 

(2) Darks. — The invention of coined money first affected Pales- 
tine during the Persian period. Darius I of Persia, 521-486 b. c, 
organized the coinage of that realm. The gold coins issued by him 
were of the weight of a Babylonian shekel. They weighed from 
125 to 130 grains Troy. One in the British Museum weighs 129 
grains. They bore on the face a picture of Darius with a bow to the 
left; (see Fig. 189). Because of this picture they were called 
"darics," just as the French 20-franc piece is called a "napoleon." 
The daric is mentioned in several Biblical books that were written 
after the beginning of the Persian period. (See 1 Chron. 29 : 7; 
Ezra 2:69; 8:27; Neh. 7:70-72.) It is wrongly translated 
"dram" in the Authorized Version. 

After the Persian period the coinage of all the nations to whom 
the Jews became subject circulated in turn in Palestine. Foreign 
coins also foimd their way into the country. jSIany of these ulti- 

1 See C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, I, Nos. 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, SO, and 
108; cf. also in, 8. 


malcly were lost and buried in the soil, so that many, many coins 
have been brought to light by archaeological research. We have 
space here to mention only those that are of the greatest interest to 
students of the Bible. 

Palestine passed under the sway of Alexander the Great in 332 
B. c, and after his death in 323 it was attached to the territory of 
Ptolemy Lagi of Egypt and his successors. In 199 b. c. Antiochus 
III wrested it from the Ptolemies and the Jews passed under the 
sway of the Syrians. During this time the coins of these rulers cir- 
culated in the country and are still frequently dug up there, although 
they are not mentioned in the Bible. Samples of these coins are 
shown in Figs. 190, 195. Not until the Jews had gained their inde- 
pendence under Simon the JMaccabee, in the year 143 b. c, did they 
issue any coinage of their own. Indeed, it now seems clear that no 
coins were issued by Simon until after the year 139-138 b. c, when 
the Syrian king by an especial grant accorded him that liberty. 
The coins then issued appear to have been made of bronze only.^ 
A silver coinage formerly attributed to Simon the Maccabee is 
now regarded as belonging to the time of the Jewish revolt of 66-70 

A. D. 

(3) M accohcEan Coins. — The coins of Simon consist of bronze half- 
shekels and quarter-shekels all dated in the year four. Antiochus 
VII of Syria apparently prevented the issue of others during the 
reign of Simon. His coins bear on their face the picture of a cit- 
ron between two bundles of twigs. Around the border runs the 
inscription in old Hebrew characters, "year four; one-half." On 
the other side is a palm-tree with two bunches of fruit between 
two baskets filled with fruits, and around the border runs the in- 
scription, "bclongmg to the redemption of Zion;" (see Fig. 192). 
The weights of these coins vary from 232.6 to 237 grains. The 
lighter ones are considerably worn. 

The quarter-shekels have on one side two bundles of twigs, around 
which run the words, "year four; one-fourth." On the other side is 
pictured a citron with the stalk ui:)ward, around which runs the 
inscription, "belonging to the redemption of Zion." The weights 
of the known coins of this denomination vary from 113.7 to 192.3 
grains. The form of the letters on these coins shows that they are 
older than other Jewish coins. 

(4) Asnioncean Coins. — There are many coins from the reign of 

' See Hill, Catalogue oj the Greek Coins 0/ Palestine, London, 1914, p. xciii, ff. 


John Hyrcanus, the son and successor of Simon, but they are all of 
copper; (see Fig. 193). They bear on their face the inscription: 
"Johanan, the high priest and the congregation of the Jews"; on 
the reverse is a poppy head between two cornucopias. Similar 
coins were issued by the other Asmonaean princes. 

(5) Herodian Coins. — As Herod the Great was a vassal of Rome, 
he was permitted to issue copper coins only. These exist in consid- 
erable variety. Figure 198 shows one, the face of which is stamped 
with the image of a vessel with a bell-shaped cover, above which 
are two palm-branches; on the reverse the words meaning "of 
King Herod" run around the edge, while a tripod occupies the 
center. At the left of the tripod is an abbreviation for "year 3"; 
at the right is a monogram. Several other patterns are known. 

Coins of Archaelaus, Antipas, Herod Philip (Matt. 14 : 3; Mark 
6 : 17; Luke 3 : 19), and of Herod Agrippa I are known. One is 
shown in Fig. 200. 

(6) Roman Coins. — The most common silver Roman coin was 
the denarius, rendered in the Authorized Version "penny" and in 
the Revised Version "shilling." Its weight varied at different 
times. In the time of Christ it weighed about 61.3 grains Troy, 
and was worth 16f cents of American money. As the ministry 
of Christ occurred in the reign of Tiberius, the tribute money shown 
to Christ (Matt. 22 : 19; Mark 12 : 15-17) was probably a denarius 
of Tiberius, such as is shown in Fig. 196. 'The denarius was so 
named because it originally was equivalent to ten asses or small 
copper coins, but the as was afterward reduced to re of the de- 
narius. The as is mentioned in Matt. 10 : 29; Luke 12 : 6, where 
A. V. renders it "farthing" and R. V. "penny." It was worth 
about a cent. The Roman coin quadrans, or the fourth part of an 
as, worth about i of a cent, is mentioned in Matt. 5 : 26; Mark 
12 :42. It is translated "farthing"; (see Fig. 199). 

(7) The Widow's Mite. — Another coin, translated "mite," is in 
Greek lepton, "the small one" or the "bit." It was two of these 
that the widow cast into the treasury, Mark 12 : 42,^ where it is 
said that two of them equaled a quadrans. The "mite" was, then, 
of the value of | of a cent. It was doubtless the smallest coin in 
circulation, but it has not yet been identified with certainty with 
any coin that archaeology has discovered. 

(8) The Piece of Silver. — In Luke 15 : 8 the Greek drachma is 

«Cf. Luke 21 : 2. 


mentioned. It is translated "piece of silver." The drachma corre- 
sponded roughly in value to the denarius. Drachmas had been 
issued by many different cities and many different kings, and were 
still in circulation in Palestine in the time of Christ. One still sees 
in that country today coins of the first Napoleon, and of many other 
sovereigns who have been long dead, passing from hand to hand as 
media of value; (see Fig. 194). 

(9) Coinage of the Revolt of 66-yo A. D. — Two silver coins, a 
shekel and a half-shekel (see Fig. 201), were formerly attributed to 
Simon the Maccabee. The shekels weigh 212.3 to 217.9 grains and 
bear on their face above a cup or chalice the legend "shekel of Israel" 
and a numeral. The numeral stands for the first year. Examples 
are known which carry the enumeration up to the year "five." On 
the reverse a triple lily is pictured, and in similar Hebrew characters 
the words "Jerusalem, the holy" are inscribed. The half-shekel is 
smaller and has the same markings except that the legend on its 
face is simply "half-shekel." On the coins issued after the first 
year a Hebrew sh precedes the number of the year. The sh is an 
abbreviation of the Hebrew word shana, year. For various reasons 
the consensus of expert opinion now is that these coins were issued 
during the Jewish war of 66-70 a. d., which, according to Jewish 
reckoning, extended into the fifth year. 

Coins of the Roman Emperors, Augustus and Claudius, are 
shown in Figs. 195, 197. 



A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-dwellers. A Rock-altar at Megiddo. 
A Rock-altar at Jerusalem. High Place at Tell Es-Safi. High Place at 
Gezer: Choice of site. Child-sacrifice. Corrupt worship. At Taanach: Pillars. 
An altar of incense. High Places at Petra. A Supposed Philistine Temple. At 
Megiddo: A Hebrew temple. A palace chapel. Another chapel. The Temple 
to Augustus at Saslaria. 

1. A Sanctuary of the Pre-Semitic Cave-dwellers. — The oldest 

sanctuary which we can trace in Palestine appears to have been one 
of the caves at Gezer. This cave was 32 feet long, 20 feet broad, 
and 7 feet 11 inches at its maximum height. There were two en- 
trances: one on the east, a tall, narrow doorway, was approached by 
a passage sloping downward; the other, on the west, was a low, nar- 
row passage, just wide enough to admit a person. At the northern 
end there was a projection in the form of an apse, the floor of which 
was about 2 feet higher than that of the rest of the cave. In the 
roof of this apse there was an opening, about 1 foot wide at the bot- 
tom, leading to the upper air. The rock of the roof here was 3 feet 
5 1 inches thick. This opening was 2 feet 8 inches in diameter at 
the top, and a channel 4 feet 6 inches long cut in the surface of the 
rock was connected with it. On the surface of the rock above the 
cave and about this channel there were a number of "cup-marks" 
similar to those found near ancient sacred places. Some of these 
were, perhaps, intended for places to set jars, but some of them were 
connected with the channel which emptied into the opening in the 
roof of the cave-; (see Fig. 202). 

The suggestion which the excavator, Prof. Macalister, makes is 
that this was a sanctuary of the cave-dwellers, that they killed 
their victims on the surface of the rock above, and let the blood 
run through the channel and the opening into the cave underneath, 
where their deity was supposed to dwell. They lived in caves them- 
selves, and it was natural for them to think their deity did the same. 

'The temples of Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod are treated in Chapter XIII, on Jerusalem. 
' See Macalister, The Excavation oj Gezer, I, 102; II, 378. ff. 



This suggestion received some confirmation from the fact that on 
the floor of the apse under this opening there were found, upon 
removing a layer of earth, a number of pig bones. The presence 
of these might be accounted for on the supposition that they were 
offered in sacrifice by the cave-dwellers to their deity. Swine were 
unclean to all Semites, and, no doubt, the later Semitic inhabitants 
would have thrown the bones away, if they had ever cleaned out 
the cave sufficiently to discover them. 

2. A Rock-altar at Megiddo. — Another rock-altar of high an- 
tiquity was discovered on the slope of the mound of Tell el-Mutesel- 
lim, the ancient Megiddo.^ It was situated on the slope of the tell, 
about half-way down. Its surface was covered with "cup-marks," 
like those on the altar at Gezer, and an opening about 2| feet wide 
at the top and l| feet wide at the bottom made it possible for blood 
to trickle down through 3 feet of rock into a cave below. This 
cave contained several rooms, the largest of which was about 
18 feet 6 inches long, 7 feet 8 inches wide, and 8 feet 6 inches high. 
In the most northerly of the rooms were found various, implements 
of black flint, potsherds, coals of a wood-fire, the bones of sheep and 
goats, olive-stones, and ashes. In the midst of the central room 
there lay a heap of human bones, the skulls of which were badly 
destroyed. These human bones show that after the cave had been 
used as a sanctuary it was employed as a sepulcher. The same 
thing happened at Gezer and elsewhere; (see Fig. 205). 

3. A Rock-altar at Jerusalem. — We are told in Gen. 22 : 2 
that Abraham went to the land of Moriah to offer up Isaac, and in 
2 Chron. 3 : l,ff. that Solomon built the temple on Mount Moriah 
on the threshing floor which David acquired from Oman (Arau- 
nah) the Jebusite. Just to the cast of the site of Solomon's 
temple in the open court where the altar of burnt-offering stood, 
there was a rock surface similar to the two rock-altars described 
above. It is still visible in Jerusalem and is now enclosed in the 
Mosque of Omar. The Mohammedans regard it as a sacred rock. 
One can still trace on it the channels which conducted the blood to 
an opening which in turn conducted it to a cave underneath. This 
cave is still regarded by the Mohammedans as sacred. There is 
little doubt that the sacrificial victims offered in the temples of 
Solomon and Herod were slain on this stone, and that that part 
of the blood not used in sprinkling drained into the cave underneath. 

• See Schumacher, Tell d-Mulesellim, 156, fl. 


This rock-altar is on the hill to which we are told Abraham came 
for the sacrifice of Isaac ^; (see Fig. 208). 

4. High Place of Tell es-Safi.— In the Old Testament the "high 
place" is frequently mentioned as a place of worship. (See 1 Sam. 
9 : 12, f.; 1 Kings 3 : 2; 2 Kings 23 : 5, 8, etc.) It follows from 2 
Kings 23 : 14 that these high places contained "pillars" and "ashe- 
rim." The pillars were made of stone, and the asherim of wood. 

Recent exploration has brought to light a number of these high 
places, and the revelations made by these discoveries greatly il- 
luminate the Old Testament narrative. The first of these was dis- 
covered by Bliss and Macalister at Tell es-Safi. ^ The high place 
was enclosed by walls, but, as the upper courses of these had been 
destroyed, the original height of the walls could not be determined. 
Within the largest enclosure stood three monoliths or "pillars." 
These rested on bases of stone. The pillars themselves were, re- 
spectively, 5 feet 10 inches, 6 feet 5 inches, and 7 feet 1 inch high. 
One of them was pointed, and one of them almost flat on the top. 
No tool-mark was discernible on any of them. All showed signs 
of having been rubbed. The fat and the blood of sacrifices were 
smeared over such stones, and the rubbing was probably produced 
by this. The walls enclosing these pillars formed an approximate 
square 30 feet from east to west and 32 feet from north to south. 
On the north a fairly large room was walled in, as shown in Fig. 212, 
and on the south three smaller rooms. In the wall to the north of 
the three pillars was a semicircular apse. Facing this apse was a 
low semicircle of stones 3 feet 7 inches in diameter, which is situated 
much nearer the "pillars." The purpose of this semicircle is un- 
known. In the east wall of the court of the high place there was a 
"skewed" opening, or an opening which ran diagonally through the 
wall. The purpose of this is obscure. It has been suggested by 
Prof. Macalister that it was made to permit the rising sun to shine 
on a certain spot of the interior on a certain day of the year, but of 
this there is no proof. 

5. High Place of Gezer. — The foundations of this high place 
w^ere in the second stratum below that which contained Israelitish 
pottery. It was one of the high places of the Canaanites, therefore, 
or of one of the tribes that were in Palestine before the coming of 

' In Gen. 22 : 9 Abraham, we are told, built the altar. He did not, therefore, intend to use the 
rock-altar. The analogy of this altar with the other two is not quite complete. It appears to 
have no cup-marks on its surface. 

2 See Bliss and Macalister, Excavations in Palestine, lSOS-1900, p. 31, tl. 


Israel. This is the most interesting of the high places which 
have been discovered in Palestine.^ It contained ten monoliths 
or upright "pillars," the tallest of which was 10 feet 9 inches in 
height, and the shortest 5 feet 5 inches. These pillars ran in a 
curved line the general direction of which was from north to 
south. This was in striking contrast to the high place of Tell 
es-Safi, where the line of pillars ran from east to west. The center 
of the curved line of the pillars of Gezer was toward the east. All 
of these pillars except one were of the kind of stone abundant 
about Gezer. They had been found near by. None of them bore 
the mark of a tool. They had not been shaped by working. One 
of them (the one that was the sacred stone, as the smooth spots on 
it showed) was a different kind of stone — the kind found at Jeru- 
salem and elsewhere, but not near Gezer. There were on it traces 
of an indentation, as though a rope for dragging it might have 
been fitted around it; (Fig. 206). As Mesha, King of Moab, tells 
us twice in his inscription that he dragged altar-hearths of other 
deities away from their original locations into the presence of his 
god Chemosh,^ it seems likely that this stone was dragged to Gezer 
from some other sanctuary — possibly from Jerusalem. Perhaps it 
was its capture that first suggested to the inhabitants of Gezer the 
establishment of this high place. The other stones of the series 
were erected to keep this one company and to do it honor. These 
were probably not all set up at once. They were added from time 
to time by different rulers of Gezer, and we have no means of know- 
ing when the latest of the pillars was erected; (see Fig. 204), 

(1) Choice of Site. — Judging from the scarabs found about the 
foundations of the high place, its beginnings date from 2000 b. c. or 
earlier, and it continued in use down to the Babylonian Exile. 
Curiously enough, this high place is not situated on the highest part 
of the hill. The land is higher both to the east and to the west of it. 
It is situated in a sort, of saddle to the east of the middle of the 
mound. Why was this spot chosen for it? Two considerations, 
perhaps, led to the choice of the site. A great ramifying cave on a 
higher part of the hill had already been appropriated by Semites as a 
sepulcher, and was, therefore, unclean. The cave which the earlier 
inhabitants had used as a crematorium was for the same reason un- 
acceptable. Why the high place was not built near the cave that 

> See Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, I, 51, 105-107; II, 381-404. 
» See Part II, p. 364. 


the cave-dwellers had used as a temple, we cannot now conjecture. 
Perhaps in some way the memory that that had been a sacred 
spot had faded from men's minds. Macalister thinks that the 
choice of the site was determined by the presence at this point of the 
two caves shown in Fig. 203. These caves had been dwellings of 
cave-men in the pre-Semitic time! They were now connected by a 
narrow, crooked passage, so that they could be utilized for the giving 
of oracles. Macalister conjectures that a priest or priestess would go 
into one, while the devotee who wished to inquire of the god was sent 
into the other, and that the inquirer would hear his oracle through 
this passage. This theory is plausible, though incapable of full proof. 

Just back of one of the pillars a square stone was found with a 
deep hole cut in its upper side; (see Fig. 209). Several theories 
as to the use of this have been put forward; the most probable 
one is that it was a laver. 

The area of the high place seems to have been approximately 
150 feet from north to south and 120 feet from east to west. Some 
few walls were found of the same date as the high place, but it was 
impossible to tell their purpose. There seem to have been no 
buildings that could be regarded as a part of the sanctuary. It 
seems to have been entirely open to the air. Two circular struc- 
tures, one at the north and the other to the south of the sacred 
stones, were found. The one at the south was badly ruined; that 
to the north was in a good state of preservation. This structure had 
a pavement of stones on a level with the bottom of the sacred pillars. 
It was entirely surrounded by a wall 2 feet thick at the bottom and 
1 foot 6 inches thick at the top and 6 feet high. There was no 
doorway. The wall leaned outward. The diameter of the struc- 
ture was 13 feet 8 inches at the bottom and 16 feet 6 inches at the 
top; (see Fig. 207). On the pavement in this enclosure were the 
fragments of many clay bowls, of a type found in Cyprus, but 
common at Gezer from 1400-800 b. c, and among these fragments 
a brazen serpent, evidently the model of a cobra. This discovery 
suggests the possibility that the structure may have been a pen in 
which sacred serpents were kept. The practice of venerating ser- 
pents as sacred is found in many parts of the world.^ This brazen 
serpent reminds one of Nehushtan, the brazen serpent worshiped by 
the Judaeans until it was destroyed by King Hezekiah. (See 2 
Kings 18 : 4, and Fig. 219a.) 

> See C. H. Toy, Introduction to the Uistory of Religions, Boston, 1913, §§ 250, 257. 


(2) Child-sacrifice. — The whole area of the high place was found 
to be a cemetery of new-born infants. These were in all probability 
first-born children who had been sacrificed to the deity of the high 
place. Two of them displayed marks of fire, but most of them had 
been simply enclosed in large jars. The body was usually put in 
head first. Two or three smaller vessels were put in with them. 
These generally included a bowl and a jug. They were usually in- 
side the jar between the body and the jar's mouth ; sometimes they 
were outside near the mouth of the jar. That these were sacrifices 
is shown by the fact that they were children. It was not, therefore, 
a general place of burial. Indeed, had these children not been 
sacrificial, they could not have been buried in the sanctuary, as 
dead bodies were unclean. 

The Semites generally believed that the first-born were sacred to 
deity and must be sacrificed to it. This sort of human sacrifice 
persisted for a long time among the Phoenicians. It was said that 
God called Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, and that he then permitted 
him to offer a ram instead (Gen. 22). The law provided for the 
redemption of Hebrew first-born by the sacrifice of a lamb (Exod. 
34 : 20), but in the time of King Manasseh the old custom was 
revived and men "made their children pass through the fire." 
(See 2 Kings 21 : 6; 23 : 10; Jer. 7 : 31; 32 : 35.) The gruesome 
discoveries of this high place have made very real these horrible 
practices and the inhuman fate from which Isaac and other Hebrew 
children were delivered. 

With the exception of a little unhewn stone about 18 inches 
square, found in one of the caves connected with the high place, and 
which might possibly have served as an altar, no altar was found. 
Possibly none was needed in the rites practised there, but it is more 
likely that the altar was simply a mound of earth such as is pre- 
scribed in Exod. 20 : 24 — a mound which could not be distinguished, 
in excavating, from the common earth. 

(3) Corrupt Worship. — Of the nature of some of the services that 
went on in this high place in the name of Ashtoreth eloquent testi- 
mony was borne by unnumbered Ashtoreth-plaques that had been 
presented as votive ofi'erings by the worshipers. These varied in 
form and in artistic merit, but were all designed to foster in the 
worshiper that type of debasing service described in Isa. 57 : 3, fi"., 
as Fig. 214 shows. Symbols of this nature were abundant during 
all the period while the high place was in use. No one who was 


not, like the writer, at Gezer during the excavation, can realize how 
demoralizing the whole atmosphere of such worship must have 
been. Archaeology has here revealed to us in a most vivid way the 
tremendous power of those corrupting religious influences which the 
Hebrew prophets so vigorously denounced. These practices were 
deeply rooted in the customs of the Canaanites; they were sanctified 
by a supposed divine sanction of immemorial antic[uity, and they 
made an all-powerful appeal to the animal instincts in human 
nature. We can realize now as never before the social and religious 
task which confronted the prophets. That Israel was by prophetic 
teaching purged of this cult is due to the power of God! 

6. At Taanach. 

(1) Pillars. — Sellin^ discovered two monoliths which he believed 
to be the pillars of a high place. These stones had, however, 
been hewn, which does not accord with the general Semitic re- 
quirement that no tool should be lifted up upon such stones; 
(see Fig. 211). However, the indentation in one of the sacred 
stones of Gezer, apparently made to keep a rope from slipping, 
shows that exceptions to the rule against cutting a sacred stone 
were allowed. The two pillars at Taanach were situated over a 
cave and figures of Ashtoreth were found in connection with them, 
so that they probably constituted another high place. The stratum 
in which this was found proves that it belongs to the same period 
as the high place at Gezer. In connection with this high place an 
interesting libation bowl was found which is shown m Fig. 213. 

(2) An Altar oj Incense. — In another part of the mound at 
Taanach Sellin discovered a remarkable incense altar of terra-cotta, 
3 feet in height, and 18 inches in diameter at the base, adorned 
with protruding animal heads, which remind one of shortened 
gargoyles. On one side of it was the figure of a palm-tree, with 
two ibexes descending a mountain. Part of an Ashtoreth figure 
and fragments of another altar were found near. Sellin thought 
that the building that contained these was a private house, and, 
if so, we have in these objects some of the implements of private 
worship employed by Israelites; (see Fig. 210). 

7. High Places at Petra. — One of the most interesting high places 
is cut out of the solid rock at Petra. Petra may possibly be the 
Sela of 2 Kings 14 : 7, since Sela means "crag" or "rock" in 
Hebrew, and Petra has the same meaning in Greek. The iden- 

1 Tell Taanek. p. 68, ff. 


tity of Petra with Sola is not, however, certain. Petra lies in 
the southeastern part of ancient Edom, and was, before the end of 
the fourth century b. c, occupied by the Nabatha.'ans, a Semitic 
tribe. These Nabathceans established a kingdom which continued 
until 106 A. D. One of its kings, Haretat IV, is called Aretas in 
2 Cor. 11 :32.' When the Roman Emperor Trajan overthrew this 
kingdom he organized its territory into the Province of Arabia, and 
the beautiful buildings, the remains of which make Petra such an 
interesting ruin today, date mostly from the Roman period of its 
history. During the Nabathsean period of Petra they constructed 
three high places, which are high places indeed, since they are 
perched on ledges of rock above the ancient town. The largest of 
these high places is still in an excellent state of preservation. It 
is a little to the north of the citadel on a ledge which rises about 
700 feet above the town. The ledge is 520 feet long by 90 feet 
wide; it runs nearly north and south with a slight inclination to the 
east.^ The principal features of this ancient place of worship are an 
altar on the west side of the ledge, a platform immediately south of 
this, a large sunken area directly in front of the altar, and a little to 
the south of this area a vat or laver. 

This high place is approached by a flight of steps cut in the solid 
rock; (see Fig. 215). The main area, which corresponds to the 
enclosure of the high place at Tell es-Safi, is 47 feet 4 inches long, 
24 feet 4 inches wide, and 15 to 18 inches deep, though this depth is 
not uniform. In some parts it falls to 10 inches. About midway 
of the length of this area and 5 feet from its west side, there is a 
rock platform 5 feet in length, 2 feet 7| inches wide, and 4 inches 
high. It has been suggested that this platform was intended for 
the offerer of a victim to stand upon, in order that he might be 
distinguished from other worshipers who were crowding the area. 
Another possible view is that the sacred "pillars" stood upon this 
platform. No pillars were found in connection with it. Probably 
such pillars were not cut out of the solid rock, but were, like the 
sacred stone of Gezer, brought from elsewhere. The arrangement 
of other high places would indicate that they stood on or near this 
platform. As this high place was not buried, but exposed on the 

' See Part II, p. 442. 

2 For descriptions of this high place, see the article by its discoverer, George L. Robinson, in the 
Biblical World, XV'II, 6-16; by S. I. Curtis in the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration 
Fund, October, 1900, pp. 350-.?55; Savignac in Rh'ue biMique. 1903, 280-284; Libby and Hoskins, 
The Jordan Valley and Peira, New York, 1905, II, 172, ff.; Briinnow and Domaszevvski, Provincia 
Arabia, Vol. I, Strassburg, 1904, 239-245; Dalman, Petra. Leipzig, 1908, 56-58. 


mountain top, such pillars have in the course of the ages disappeared. 
The altar is separated from the adjoining rock by a passageway 
which was cut on its north, south, and west sides. It is of the 
same height as the adjoining rock. On the east the ledge has been 
cut down to the level of the foot of the altar. The altar is 9 feet 1 
inch in length from north to south and 6 feet 2 inches wide. It is 
3 feet high at its highest point. On the top of the altar is a hollow 
pan, perhaps to receive the fire. This is 3 feet 8 inches long, 1 foot 
2 inches wide, and 32 inches deep. Ascent to the altar was made 
by a flight of steps leading up to its top on the east side. The top 
step is wider than the others and forms a platform on which the 
officiating priest might stand; (see Fig. 217). 

Just south of the altar and separated from it by the passageway 
was the place where the victims were slain. This has been called 
the round altar; (see Fig. 218). This consists of a platform 16 
feet 6 inches long from east to west, 11 feet 9 inches wide. It is 
approached by a flight of steps. Near its center are two circular 
and concentric pans, the larger 3 feet 8 inches in diameter with a 
depth of 3 inches, the smaller 1 foot 5 inches in diameter with a 
depth of 2 inches. From this inner basin a conduit 3 feet 2 inches 
long, 2 inches wide, and 3 inches deep conducted the blood to the 
edge of the platform. This platform was undoubtedly intended for 
the place of slaughter. The Samaritans, when they assemble on 
IMount Gerizim for the celebration of the Passover, still dig a round 
hole in the turf, over which to slay the victim. This hole is about 
18 inches in diameter and 10 inches deep. From it a conduit is dug, 
through which the blood flows off to be absorbed by the earth.^ 

The supposed laver at Petra is to the south of the area of the 
high place. It is 9 feet 9 inches in length and 8 feet 6 inches in 
width. It is now partially filled with earth, and has above the 
earth an average depth of 3 feet. 

The remains of three other supposed high places have been found 
at Petra, but lack of space forbids their description here.- The 
pillars supposed to have been connected with one of them are 
shown in Fig. 219. 

8. A Supposed Philistine Temple. — Turning now to Palestinian 
temples: Macalister discovered the remains of a building at Gezer 

' See the writer's A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands. Philadelphia, 1904. pp. 193, 194. 
2 Those interested in them will find them described in Briinnow and Domaszewski's Provincia 
Arabia, I, 246, ff., and in Dalman's Pelra, 142, 225, 272, etc. 


which he thmks may ha\'c been a temple.' This ])uilding belonged 
to the third Semitic stratum ; in other words, to the period just be- 
fore the coming of the Israelites. A general plan of its walls is 
shown in Fig. 220. In a court in one part of the structure were 
five pillars which may have had the same religious signitkance 
as the pillars of the high place. The two circular structures 
// remind one of the circular structures of the high place of 
Gezer. These were filled with the fragments of the bones of sheep 
and goats. As these bore no marks of cooking, they could not have 
been mere domestic ash-pits, and it is plausible to think of them as 
receptacles for the bodies of slaughtered victims. In a forecourt of 
the structure a line of bases, apparently intended for the support 
of columns, was found. Macalister conjectured that these sup- 
ported a roof over a part of the portico, and it reminded him of the 
story of Samson in the temple of Dagon. (See Judges 16 : 23-30.) 
It is quite possible that the feast of Dagon described in Judges 16 
may have been held in a structure similar to this, that the lords of 
the Philistines may have been gathered in such a porch, and that 
Samson may have pulled such pillars as rested upon these bases from 
under the roof that sheltered them, and caused their destruction 
and his own death. It is all possible, but conjectural. 

9, At Megiddo. 

(1) A Hebrew Temple. — In the course of the excavation at 
Megiddo a temple was found concerning the sacred nature of 
which there can be no such doubts as in the case of the build- 
ing just mentioned'-; (Fig. 222). This temple was in the Israel- 
it ish stratum, and so is of especial interest to the students of 
the Bible. It was situated in the highest part of the city. The 
whole space was not excavated, but the portion uncovered was 
131 feet long and 115 wide. It was of the same period as the 
palace in which the seal of Shema the servant of Jeroboam was 
found, and contained more drafted stones than the walls of that 
palace. In one of the rooms of the temple stood two stones that 
were certainly "pillars" such as are denounced in Deuteronomy. 
One of these was 7 feet 8 inches high ; the other, 7 feet high. The 
room in which these pillars stood was 30 feet long and 10 feet 7 
inches wide. In building the wall of this temple a stone was used 
that had once formed the voluted capital of a column; (Fig. 224). 
Probably this stone was taken from an earlier Philistine building. 

' See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 405, ff. ' Schumacher, Tell el-Mulesellim, 110-124. 



In the grounds of the temple, which were once regarded as holy, 
several jars containing the skeletons of children were unearthed. 
These had apparently been offered in sacrifice and buried like those 
found in the high place of Gezer. 

While the walls of this temple were built of larger and more care- 
fully cut stones than most of the other walls in the city, no effort 
seems to have been made to give the temple a definite architectural 
plan. Large towers were found near it, but, as the temple was at 
the east end of the city, these formed part of fortifications. The 
fortifications and other buildings crowded upon the temple, so 
that, had an effort been made to make it architecturally imposing, 
the effect would have been lost. 

(2) A Palace Chapel. — The people of Megiddo seem to have been 
particularly fond of the type of worship represented by this temple, 
for in a room to the east of the palace of the Hebrew governor was a 
room containing three "pillars," in which the remains of a number of 
terra-cotta goddesses were found.^ This was apparently the pri- 
vate chapel of the palace. This room was almost 40 feet long and 32 
feet 10 inches wide; (Fig. 223). Its beginnings antedate the Israel- 
itish period, since they come from the stratum before the conquest. 

(3) Another Chapel. — What seems to have been still another 
place of worship equipped with the necessary "pillars" was found in 
the Hebrew stratum between the governor's palace and the southern 
gate of the city.^ It would appear from the connecting walls that 
this sacred place may also have been intended for the special use of 
the occupants of the palace. This room was not quite 30 feet long 
and a little less than 20 feet wide. It contained six stones which Dr. 
Schumacher took to be "pillars." Like those at Petra and Taanach, 
they had evidently been shaped with tools. They did not stand 
in a row or in any regular relation to one another. This might 
throw some doubt upon the religious significance of the stones. 
Could they not have been columns used in supjporting the roof 
of the building? Since a small stone object that had religious 
significance in the high places was found in this room, together 
with a most remarkable incense burner, it is probable that these 
were religious "pillars" and that the room was a little chapel. 
The object was of limestone and about 7 inches long. It was lying 
at the foot of one of the "pillars." The incense burner was made of 
a greyish soft limestone. It was a little over 9 inches in height. 

•Schumacher, Tell el-Mulesellim, 105-110. ^Ibid., 125-130. 


The diameter of the bowl was 6f inches. The stone was cut so that 
the bowl rested on a pedestal, which was divided by rings into two 
portions, each of which was cut so as to represent a circle of over- 
hanging leaves; (see Fig. 225). The whole was decorated with 
reddish-brown and cobalt-blue paints. The decoration of the rim 
of the bowl is a geometrical design, that on the bowl itself repre- 
sents a sort of conventionalized lily blossom, while the leaves sug- 
gest those of the palm. 

These discoveries make it plain that the Canaanite temples of 
Palestine, which the Hebrews took over, were simply high places in 
miniature, enclosed in walls and probably roofed over, though the 
roofs have disappeared. The feeling that led to the change from the 
open air high place was the same as that underlying the saying of 
David: "I dwell in a house of cedar, but the ark of God dwelleth 
within curtains" (2 Sam. 7:2). 

10. The Temple to Augustus at Samaria. — The excavations at 
Samaria^ have brought to light the foundation of the temple erected 
by Herod the Great in honor of Augustus.^ This was a temple 
of a very different type. It was patterned on Gr£eco-Roman models 
and everything was done to make it architecturally impressive. 
Unfortunately, the results of the Harvard expedition have not yet 
been given to the public in detail, but from the imposing stairway, 
discovered during the first season of the excavation, together with 
the partial plan of the building as then uncovered, and the outlines 
of its walls as a later season's work disclosed them, one can form 
some idea of the imposing appearance of this structure. A massive 
stairway led up to a large platform surrounded by large pillars. 
This formed the portico. Back of this stretched the walls of the 
temple. The general form of the building seems to have been 
similar to that of the large temple at Jerash, which will be described 
in Chapter XIV.^ At the foot of the stairway leading up to the 
temple was found a large altar, and near this a fallen statue of 
Augustus. For outlines of the temple, see Figs. 216 and 221. 

These ancient places of worship which archaeology has brought to 
light are eloquent witnesses of the pathetic way the men of Pales- 
tine "felt after God, if haply they might find him" (Acts 17 : 27), 
and the pathos is not lessened by the fact that they thus continued 
to grope, even after the clearer light was shining about them. 

' See Harvard Theolomal Review, II, 102-113; III. 248-263. 

* See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, viii, 5, and Wars of the Jews, I, xxi, 2. 

' See especially Fig. 269. 



Burning THE Dead. Cave Burials. Cistern Burial. Burl\l under Menhirs. 
earth-gr.a.ves. rock-hewn sll\ft tombs. doorway tombs. tombs with a 

1. Burning the Dead. — As noted in a previous chapter ,i the cave- 
dwellers of Gezer burned their dead. The Semitic inhabitants of 
Palestine did not follow this custom, but buried theirs. At Gezer 
the caves that had formed the dwellings of the first inhabitants were 
put by the Semites to various uses. Sometimes they, too, lived in 
them; sometimes they made cisterns of them; and sometimes they 
utilized them as places of burial for their dead. 

2. Cave Burials. — A cave that became a tomb after the Semitic 
occupation was the one that had been the crematorium of the 
pre-Semitic inhabitants. ^ All over the floor of the cave above the 
burned bones was another stratum of bones that had never been 
burned. These were scattered over the floor of the cave, and, al- 
though they had been much disturbed by rats, it appeared that they 
belonged to that early type of burial in which the body is placed on 
its side with the knees drawn up toward the chin. These bodies 
had apparently been deposited in all parts of the cave. Ranged 
around the sides of the cave was a series of enclosures marked off 
from the floor by lines of stones. In these, portions of various 
skeletons were found. These enclosures seem to have been reserva- 
tions made for persons of distinction. For a time, therefore, the 
cave seems to have been used as a general place of burial. In some 
of the other caves of Gezer evidence was found that they had been 
used as tombs.^ Beautiful pottery and alabaster vessels were 
found with the bones. Wine and possibly food for the dead had 
been placed in these. Underneath the pottery in one cave a con- 
siderable number of scarabs were found, some of them mounted in 

1 See Chapter V, p. 105. 

2 See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 286. 
» Ibid., p. 122. i. 



gold. This must have been, accordingly, the burial place of persons 
of comparative wealth. Similar cave burials were found by Mac- 
kenzie at Beth-shemesh.^ 

Such cave burials as these at once recall Abraham's purchase of 
the cave of Machpelah as recorded in Gen. 23. The kind of 
burial presupposed in that chapter is just that found at Gezer. 
The mouth of the cave could be closed up and opened at will for 
later burials. (See Gen. 50 : 13.) 

The custom of placing food or drink or both in the sepulcher was 
all but universal in Palestine. It is silent testimony to a faith in a 
kind of after-life. That that life as they conceived it was of a 
shadowy and an unsatisfactory nature is shewn by the references 
to it in Isa. 14 : 9-11 and Ezek. 32 : 22-32.^ Nevertheless, these 
evidences that the mourners who stood by every ancient tomb 
provided food for their loved ones to eat in the after-life is elo- 
quent testimony to the fact that even in that age the loving 
heart found it impossible to believe that the life of its dear ones 
had been altogether terminated. 

3. Cistern Burial. — Another burial at Gezer that must have been 
connected with some unusual circumstance led to the deposit of 
fifteen bodies in a cistern,^ and a number of spear heads were found 
with them. The skeletons were all males except .one, which 
was that of a girl about sbcteen years old, whose spine had been 
severed and only the upper part of the skeleton deposited in the 
cistern; (see Fig. 229). The cistern is too deep to favor the sup- 
position that the bodies had been deposited at successive times. 
Macalister hazards the conjecture that the men died of plague 
and that the girl was offered as a sacrifice to propitiate the 
deity. A plague, however, would have attacked women as well 
as men. Perhaps the men were slain in defending Gezer from 
the attack of an enemy that had succeeded in severing the body 
of the girl. The real cause of the tragedy is, however, unknown 
to us. 

4. Burial under Menhirs. — A very old form of burial, still prac- 
tised by the half-nomadic tribes east of the Jordan, is to place the 
dead in the earth within one of the prehistoric gilgals or menhirs. 
How old this form of burial is, it is impossible to tell. It is assumed 

' Palestine Exploration Fund's Annual. II, 42, ff. 
' For a Babylonian parallel, see Part II, p. 423, flF. 
» See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, II, 429, f. 


by some writers that it was practised by the neolithic people who 
erected these monuments, and who are believed by such writers to 
have been ancestor worshipers. If, however, these neolithic men 
were akin to the neolithic cave-dwellers of Gezer, they burned their 
dead. Another explanation is, accordingly, more probable. All 
through the history of Palestine the sanctity of certain spots has 
persisted. A place once considered as holy, if not so regarded by 
the next wave of conquerors, nevertheless often has enough sanctity 
clinging to it to make it taboo. No thief will disturb objects left 
within its precincts, lest the spirit of the place bring disaster upon 
him. It seems probable that the wandering tribes on the border of 
the Arabian Desert have utilized the sacred places of these pre- 
historic men for the burial of their dead, in order that the fear of 
violating the taboo pertaining to these places may secure the bodies 
from disturbance. Whatever the reason may be, they still bury 
their dead in such precincts and place their tribal wasms or marks on 
such stones.^ 

5. Earth-graves. — The simplest form of burial was to place the 
body in the ground without accessory of any kind. In the course 
of the excavation of Gezer a few burials of this sort came to light. ^ 
The skeleton was in these cases stretched out; sometimes it was ly- 
ing on its back; sometimes on its side. As these bodies were buried 
without accessories, so contrary to the custom of the Palestinians 
who placed food or drink by the dead, the excavator thought that 
they were probably the graves of murdered persons, who had been 
hastily concealed in the earth. 

Another form of burial, when the interment occurred within a 
city, is illustrated by the five "Philistine" graves found at Gezer.^ 
These graves were excavations in the earth, lined with cement, and, 
after the interment, covered with four or five massive stones 
and earth; (Fig. 226). In these graves the usual deposits of food 
and drink had been made in beautiful bronze and silver vessels, 
which show kinship to the art of Cyprus; (see Fig. 137). They 
are probably, therefore, Philistine. 

6. Rock-hewn Shaft Tombs. — A form of tomb of which many 
examples are to be found in all parts of Palestine is the rock-hewn 
tomb. The limestone of the country is easily cut, and lends itself 

« See Bihlical World, Vol. XXIV, p. 177. 

^ See Macalister, Excavation of Gezer, I, 288, f. 

» Ibid., 289, ff. 


readily to the construction of this kind of burial-place. Such 
tombs are of two kinds — ''shaft" tombs and "doorway" tombs. 

The structure of a shaft tomb is as follows:^ The tomb chamber 
or chambers are cut in the rock and are approached by a perpen- 
dicular rock-hewn shaft, which is usually rectangular. This shaft 
is closed at the bottom with slabs and then the shaft is filled with 
earth. Such tombs are usually constructed in ledges covered over 
with soil, so that, when the hole leading to the rock-cut shaft is 
filled, the tomb is effectually concealed. Such tombs are very 
numerous all the way from pre-Israelitish times to the Greek period. 
For a plan of one, see Fig. 228. 

7. Doorway Tombs. — The "doorway" tombs are sometimes cut 
in a ledge that is altogether under ground. In that case a flight of 
steps is excavated leading down to the door; (Fig. 232). Often 
the tomb is cut in a ledge on the slope of a hill, so that the 
doorway is approached from the level of the ground; (see Fig. 227). 
Doors were, no doubt, fitted into the doorways. The places cut in 
the rock for the latches or bars of such doors are sometimes still 
visible. These tombs consisted sometimes of one room, sometimes 
of several. Sometimes the bodies were laid on the floor of the 
tomb; sometimes elevated benches or shelves were cut in the rock 
on which bodies might be placed. Quite as often shafts or niches 
were cut into the rock, into which a body or a sarcophagus could be 
shoved endwise. Such a shaft is called technically a kok, in the 
plural, kokim. For examples of them, see Figs. 233, 237. The date 
at which this kind of tomb was introduced has not been satisfac- 
torily determined. 

Sometimes numerous small tombs, each one resembling some- 
what a kok, were cut in a hillside. Archaeologists call such a group 
of tombs a "columbarium"; (see Fig. 230). 

In the Hellenistic and Roman periods efforts were made to give 
adornment to such tombs. The so-called "Tombs of the Judges" - 
near Jerusalem, of which the writer was the first to make a scientific 
examination, is a good e.xample of this kind of tomb^; (see Fig. 231). 
This tomb consisted of three rooms in its upper level and three in 
its lower level; (see Fig. 235). The ledges and kokim in it made 
provision for seventy bodies, and a rough chamber opening out of 

' See Bliss and Macalister. Excavalinns in Palestine. iSo^-iQon. p. 9, ff. 

' So called because of a tradition that the members of the Sanhedrin were buried there. The 
tradition probably arose because the ki'^kim and shelves make provision for seventy bodies. 
» See Journal of Biblical Literature, XXII, 1903, p. 164, ff. 



room D was evidently used for the deposit of the bones of those 
who had been long dead, when a niche or kok was needed for the 
reception of another body. Sometimes the pillars of a porch were 
carved out of the solid rock. A number of such tombs are to be 
found near Jerusalem. There is one in the Kidron Valley near 
Gethsemane, cut wholly out of the rock and finished to a spire 
at the top. This is the so-called ''Absalom's pillar." 

In the time of Christ the tombs of Israel's heroes were adorned 
and venerated. Jesus alludes to this in Luke 11 : 47, 48. Elisha 
must have been buried in a doorway tomb, into which by opening 
the door the body of a man could be easily thrown. (See 2 Kings 
13 : 20, 21.) It was, no doubt, the memory of such narratives as 
this that led to the reverence paid to the tombs of the prophets in 
the time of Christ. 

Another tomb at Jerusalem, called the "Tombs of the Kings," has 
a large open court cut down into the rock, from the different sides 
of which entrances lead to the other tomb chambers. This tomb 
was built for Queen Helena of Adiabene, the ancient Assyria, who, 
in the days of Herod the Great, was converted to Judaism and re- 
moved to Jerusalem. She died and was buried there.^ 

Sometimes in the Seleucid period the interior of the tombs was 
also made very ornate. Such were the tombs, discovered in 1902,^ 
of some wealthy Greek-speaking citizens of Marissa. A plan of 
one of them is shown in Fig. 234, and examples of its inner 
ornamentation in Fig. 236. These tombs were also adorned with 
pictures of vases, trees, animals, etc.; (see Fig. 239). The figures, 
as well as the interior generally, were decorated with red, yellow, 
and brown paints. One of them was that of ApoUophanes, chief 
of the Sidonians at Marissa. Over the different niches in the 
tombs the names of the persons buried were inscribed in Greek 

Rock-cut tombs, whether large or small, were regarded as im- 
portant possessions, and the people who might be buried in them 
were frequently carefully specified by their builders. An example 
of this may be found in Part II of the present work, p. 442. 

8. Tombs with a Rolling-stone. — One other type of tomb must 
be noticed even in this hasty sketch. To close a "doorway" 
tomb securely must always have been a matter of difficulty in Pales- 

• See Josephus, A nliquilies of the Jews. XX, ii, 1 ; iv, 3. 

- See Peters and Thiersch, Painted Tombs at Marissa, London, 1905. 


tine. It was not easy with the kind of locks they had to keep in- 
truders out of tombs. This led to the cutting of a large groove by 
the side of the doorway into which a rolling-stone was fitted. When 
it was desired to open the tomb, the stone could be rolled back. 
The stones were too heavy to be easily disturbed. It was in a new 
tomb of this type that the body of Jesus was laid, and it was such a 
stone that the women found rolled away on the resurrection morn- 
ing. (See Matt. 28 : 2; Mark 16 : 3, 4; Luke 24 : 2; John 20 : 1, 
and Fig. 238.) 



Situation. Gihon. Cave-dwellers. The El-Amarna Period. Jebusite Jeru- 
salem. The City of David: Millo. David's reign. Solomon's Jerusalem: Site 
of Solomon's buildings. Solomon's temple. Solomon's palace. From Solomon to 
Hezekiah. Hezekiah. From Hezeklah to the Exile. The Destruction of 
586 B. c. The Second Temple. Neheml\h and the Walls. Late Persian and 
E.\RLY Greek Periods. In the Time of the Maccabees. Asmqn.ean Jerusalem. 
Herod the Great: Herod's palace. Herod's theater. Herod's temple. The Pool 
of Bethesda. Getusem.\ne. Calvary. Agrippa I and the Third Wall. 

1. Situation. — Since 1867 excavations have been made at Jeru- 
salem from time to time. The most important of these were 
mentioned in Chapter IV. An attempt will be made here to set 
before the reader the growth and development of Jerusalem from 
period to period, as that growth is now understood by foremost 
scholars. Our knowledge of the situation and form of the city in 
the different periods is based partly on formal excavations, partly 
on remains that have been accidentally found, and partly on a study 
of the references to Jerusalem in the Bible and other ancient writ- 
ings. These references are interpreted in the light of the topog- 
raphy and of the archaeological remains. 

Jerusalem is situated on the central ridge of Palestine, where 
the ridge broadens out to a small plateau. The plateau at this 
point is approximately 2,500 feet above the level of the Mediter- 
ranean Sea. In a narrower sense the site of the city is two rocky 
promontories which run south from the plateau with the valley 
El-Wad (in Roman times the Tyropoeon) between them. On the 
north these promontories merge into the plateau, but on the east, 
south, and west the valleys of Hinnom and the Kidron sharply 
separate them from the surrounding land. The steep sides of these 
valleys made fortification easy in ancient times. The highest 
point of the western hill is about 400 feet higher than the bottom, of 
the Kidron valley, which in ancient times was 20 to 40 feet deeper 

1 All who can do so should read George Adam Smith's Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to 
A.D. 70. New York, 1908, and Hughes Vincent's Jerusalem, Paris, 1912. Or, if this is not possible, 
L. B. Paton's Jerusalem in Bible Times, Chicago, 1905. 



than now; (see Fig. 240). Indeed, the position was almost im- 
prej];nable. Only on the north was the city vulnerable. 

West of the city hills gently rise to a slight elevation and shut 
out the view. The easternmost of the two promontories is lower 
than the western, which in its turn slopes to the east. Just south 
of the Mount of Olives, to the east of Jerusalem, there is a rift in the 
hills through which the distant mountains of Moab can be seen. 
From elevated buildings in the city the Dead Sea is also visible. 
The slope of the hills of Jerusalem and her broader outlook to the 
eastward are significant of the influences that moulded her earlier 
history. During the centuries that Israel was an independent 
nation the Philistine plain was nearly always in the hands of a 
hostile people. Jerusalem was thus cut off from influences that 
might otherwise have reached her from across the Mediterranean, 
and was shut up to influences that reached her through kindred 
tribes and nations to the east. Thus in intellectual kinship, as well 
as in physical outlook, the gaze of Jerusalem was directed toward 
the Orient. 

All Palestinian cities of importance were situated near per- 
petual springs. There are at Jerusalem but two unfailing sources 
of water — the Ain Sitti Miriam (the ancient Gihon) and the Bir 
Eyyub (Biblical En-rogel). These are both in the Kidron valley, 
the former ju'^t under the brow of the eastern hill some 400 yards 
from the southern point of the hill, the latter at the point where the 
valley of Hinnom and the Kidron unite. Of these two sources of 
supply, the Gihon is pre-eminently fitted to attract an early settle- 
ment. It is almost under the hiU, whereas the other is out in the 
midst of the open valley. Gihon, too, is at the base of a hill that 
can be defended easily on three sides, whereas a town built on a 
hillside above En-rogel, as the modern Silwan is, could be easily 
attacked from above. These conditions determined the situation 
of the earliest settlement, which was near Gihon. 

2. Gihon. — The Parker expedition of 1909-1911 revealed by its 
excavations the fact that the source of the spring of Gihon is a 
great crack in the rock in the bottom of the valley far below the 
present apparent source.^ This crack is about 16 feet long, is of 
great depth, and runs east and west. The western end of it just 
enters the mouth of the cave where the apparent source is today, 
but the eastern end passes out into the bed of the valley. All the 

' See Dr. Masterman in the Biblical World, Vol. XXXIX, p. 295, f. 


water would discharge into the valley but for a wall at the eastern 
end of the rift, built in very ancient times, which confines the water 
and compels it to flow into the cave. This wall was constructed by 
some of the earliest inhabitants of the place. The spring thus 
produced is intermittent. Its flow is not ceaseless. The water 
breaks from the hole in the rainy season, three to five times a 
day; in the summer but twice a day; and after the failure of the 
spring rains, less than once a day. This fact indicates that the 
waters collect in some underground cavern from which they are 
drained by a siphon-like tunnel. The "troubling" of the Pool of 
Bethesda (John 5 : 4) is thought by some scholars to have been due 
to the action of such a siphon-like spring. 

3. Cave-dwellers. — About this spring the Parker expedition 
found large caves and rooms excavated in the rock, and indications 
that these had once been inhabited. A great deal of pre-Israelite 
pottery was also found around the spring. These indications seem 
to show that the site was inhabited for at least a thousand years 
before David, and perhaps for two thousand, and that its first in- 
habitants were cave-dwellers. One naturally thinks in this con- 
nection of the cave-dwellers of Gezer. It is possible that the first 
Jerusalemites belonged to the same period and were of the same race. 
One thinks, too, of the sacred cave and the stone altar on the next 
peak of the eastern ridge to the north, where the temple aften\'ard 
stood, and wonders whether it may not have been the sanctuary of 
this early cave-dwelling race. A definite answer cannot be given 
to this question. One can only recognize that it may possibly be 

4. The El-Amama Period. — The next knowledge we have of 
Jerusalem comes from the letters of Ebed-Hepa, which were written 
to Amenophis IV of Egypt between 1375 and 1357 b. c. At that 
time it was already a walled city, for Ebed-Hepa speaks of "throw- 
ing it open."i 

The fortified city of Ebed-Hepa was, no doubt, identical with the 
later Jebusite city. It was situated on the eastern hill just above 
the spring of Gihon. Probably in the period just before this time 
it had, like Gezer, been surrounded by a massive wall. In connec- 
tion with this fortification the rock near Gihon had been scarped 
(cut to a perpendicular surface) in order to increase the difficulty of 

» See Part 11, Chapter XV, Letter V, and the writer's note in the Biblical World, XXII, p. 
11, n. 5. 


scaling the wall.^ As the wall of Gezer lasted for a thousand years, 
so this Egyptian wall continued to the reign of David. 

It is privately reported that Weil in his excavation in 1913-14 
found on the eastern hill remains of a wall with a sloping glacis 
similar to that belonging to the earliest period of Megiddo. This 
would not only confirm our inference that Jerusalem was a walled 
city in the time of Ebed-Hepa, but indicate that its wall had been 
built at a much earlier time. It was also in the fourteenth century 
B. c. the capital of a considerable kingdom which Ebed-Hepa ruled 
as a vassal of the king of Egypt. This kingdom extended as far 
west as Beth-shemesh and Keilah (1 Sam. 23 : 1), including, per- 
haps, Gezer. Aijalon seems to have been included in it on the 
north, and Carmel in Judah (1 Sam. 25 : 2) on the south. 

When the letters of Ebed-Hepa were written, his kingdom was 
being attacked and apparently overcome by the Habiri, a people 
who may have been the first wave of the Hebrew conquest.^ The 
letters of Ebed-Hepa cease without telling us whether or not the 
Habiri captured his city. If they did and they were really Hebrews, 
they did not hold it long, for, when the Biblical records lift the veil 
that hides so much of the past, Jerusalem was in the hands of the 
Jebusites. (See Josh. 15 :63; Judges 1 : 21.) 

5. Jebusite Jerusalem. — The Jebusites held it all through the 
period of the Judges (Judges 19 : 10, 11). Israel did not capture it 
until the reign of David. (See 2 Sam. 5 : 6-8.) At some earlier 
period of the history of Jerusalem an underground rock-cut passage 
similar to the one at Gezer^ had been made, so as to permit the in- 
habitants in case of siege to descend to the spring for water without 
going outside the walls; (see Fig. 241). The natural slope of the 
hill had been reinforced at this point by the escarpment of the 
rock, and the Jebusites felt so secure that they taunted the He- 
brews from the top of the walls. Joab, however, discovered the way 
to this underground passage through the cave back of the spring, 
Gihon, and, leading a band of men up through it, appeared suddenly 
within the city, taking the Jebusites by surprise, and captured it. 

6. The City of David. — David then took up his residence at 
Jerusalem, thus making it the capital of the kingdom of Israel. 
Thus the city of the Jebusites, situated on the eastern hill, which 
was called Zion, became the "city of David." 

I Soe Biblical World. XXXIX, 306. 

» Sec Part II, Chapter XV. ' See Chapter VI, 5 8. 


A few modern writers still insist that the "city of David" was on 
the western hill, which since 333 a. d. has been called Zion. This, 
as most scholars have seen, is an impossible view. Solomon built 
a palace for Pharaoh's daughter near his own on the temple hill, 
and, when she moved into it, she went up out of the city of David 
(1 Kings 9 : 24). As the western hill is higher than the eastern, 
she must have gone from a point on the eastern hill lower than the 
temple. When the temple was completed, Solomon brought the 
ark tcp from the city of David to the holy of holies in the new 
temple (2 Chron. 5:2). Scripture thus confirms the inferences 
from the pottery and the water supply, that the "city of David" 
was on the eastern hill, and that that hill was Zion. It was a small 
town, since the space it could occupy was not more than thirteen 
acres, and may have been less. 

(1) Millo. — After occupying his new capital David "built round 
about from Alillo and inward" (2 Sam. 5:9). What was Millo? 
This is a great puzzle, and there are many varying opinions about 
it. The word literally means a "filling," and is employed in Assy- 
rian for the building up of a terrace on which a building may be 
erected. It may have been a "filling" on the line of the valley that 
separated the hill of the citadel of David from Moriah or the temple 
hill. It would seem to have been on the edge of the city, since 
David built from there "inward." Some have supposed it to be a 
fortress, and the Septuagint translated it by "akra," which means 
"citadel." Some have thought of it as a fort, others as a solid 
tower. If on the line of the valley mentioned, it may have been at 
the northeast corner, or at the northwest corner of the town. Some 
have supposed that it was at the southern end of the eastern hill in 
order to protect a pool there. Just below the southern end of the 
eastern hill in the valley of the Kidron lay the "King's Gardens," 
and just across the valley, the village of Siloah. In 2 Kings 12 : 20 
it is said that Joash was killed in Millo, leading down to Silla. We 
know of no Silla. Is it a corruption of the Hebrew word for "shade" 
or is it a corruption of Siloah? In the former case the reference 
might be to the King's Gardens, in the latter to the village of 
Siloah. Either of these suppositions would favor a site for 
Millo at the south end of the hill, but the words "leading down 
to Silla" may have had quite a different origin and meaning.' 

1 Some scholars think the words are a distorted repetition of "in Millo," which was accidentally 
repeated by a scribe. 


We must, therefore, confess that the location of Millo cannot at 
present be determined. 

(2) David's Reign. — As David's reign advanced and his success 
in war compelled neighboring nations to pay tribute, probably the 
population of Jerusalem increased. Such an increase would natur- 
ally lead to the erection of houses outside the walls, as it has in 
recent times. It is altogether probable that a settlement on the 
western hill was thus begun in the reign of David. There is no 
hint, however, that he took any steps to enclose such a settlement 
within a wall. The phrase "the way of the gate" in 2 Sam. 15 : 2 
implies that there was still but one gate in the walls. This is in 
striking contrast to the number of gates in later times. The only 
record that we have of further action on David's part that affected 
the future growth of Jerusalem refers to the way in which he took 
over the rock on Mount Moriah and the sacred cave under it and 
made a sanctuary to Jehovah. (See 2 Sam. 24.) This action, 
at a later time, determined the site of the temple. 

7. Solomon's Jerusalem. — David left Jerusalem a military for- 
tress; Solomon transformed it into a city with imposing buildings. 
This creation of a more imposing city was in accord with the general 
character of Solomon's reign. He established a large harem, made 
marriage alliances with many neighboring kings, maintained such 
an establishment that it was necessary to make a regular levy on a 
different portion of the country each month for supplies, and en- 
deavored to make his capital as splendid as the capital of a rich 
commercial Phoenician monarch. Such a policy necessitated, 
probably, the enlargement of Jerusalem. David, who began life 
as a shepherd-boy, was content to live the simple life to the end; 
Solomon, born to the purple, desired to surround himself with a 
pomp befitting his rank. The Biblical wTiters were more interested 
in the construction of the temple and of Solomon's palace than in 
any other phase of his work, but they have left us some hints of his 
activities in other directions. 

They tell us that he "built Millo and the wall of Jerusalem" 
(1 Kings 9 : 15), that he "built the wail of Jerusalem round about" 
(1 Kings 3:1), and that he "built Millo and repaired the breach 
in the city of David, his father" (1 Kings 11 : 27). Evidently 
Millo had fallen into disrepair since David rebuilt it, and the walls 
of the city of David on the eastern hill were also in need of repairs. 
These repairs he made, but did he go further? It is intrinsically 


probable that he did. The king who fortified Hazor in Naphtali, 
Megiddo, Gezer, Beth-horon, Baalath, and Tamar would hardly 
leave a large suburb of his capital on the western hill unfortified. 
The statement that he "built the wall of Jerusalem round about," 
while it does not clearly state that he did more than fortify the 
"city of David" on Zion, seems to imply that he did. This view is 
strengthened by Bliss's discovery on the western hill of some walls 
that connected once with a great fortress at the southwest corner 
of the western hill, which he believed to be the work of Solomon. 

The site of this fortress is now occupied by "Bishop Gobat's 
School," an English foundation for the education of native boys. 
When the school was rebuilt in 1874 Mr. Henry Maudsley 
examined the surface of the rock, which is escarped, or cut per- 
pendicularly, for about 100 feet to the southeast of the school 
and 43 feet north of it. The scarp is about 40 feet high at 
the highest point; (Fig. 242). The school is built on a large pro- 
jection of the scarp 45 feet square and 20 feet high. The sur- 
face of the rock under the school bears unmistakable signs that 
there was once an ancient tower there. To the eastward of this 
Bliss discovered the foundations of an ancient tower. Beyond this 
to the east there was a deep rock-cut ditch. The tower on its 
northeast corner fitted into another rock-scarp which ran north- 
ward into land on which they could not excavate.^ The deep 
rock-cut ditch or moat at the east of the scarp suggests that at the 
period of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099-1188 a. d., this 
fortress formed the fortification of the southwest corner of the city, 
from which the wall ran off sharply in a direction a little east of 
north. This view is confirmed by the discovery which Bliss made 
of a wall, apparently built by the Crusaders, that ran in a north- 
easterly direction by an irregular course along the high part of the 
western hill toward the temple area. As this wall rested on re- 
mains of the Roman time it cannot well have belonged to a time 
earlier than the crusading period. May not, then, Maudsley's 
scarp itself have been cut by the Crusaders who were most energetic 
and masterly builders? This seems hardly probable, for Josephus, 
in describing the course of the wail on the west side of the western 
hill, says that beginning at Herod's palace (the modern Turkish 
fortress) the wall ran southward through a place called "Bethso."^ 

' Bliss and Dickie, Excavations at Jerusalem. 1894-1897, passim, and p. 319, ff. 
' For " Bethso," see Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2. 


Bethso is a corruption of Beth-zur, which means rock-fortress — an 
apt description of the tower on Maudsley's scarp. As Josephus 
makes no mention of the construction of a fortress at this point by 
Herod, it was probably built, at an earlier period. The writer holds 
with Bliss that it is probable that the original fortress on the site of 
Bishop Gobat's School was constructed by Solomon and that he 
enclosed the top of the western hill with a wall. Whether that 
wall simply enclosed the top of the hill and followed something of 
the same course as the wall of the Crusaders mentioned above (so 
Bliss thinks), or whether it ran down the eastern slope of the western 
hill to the southern point of the "City of David," it is impossible 
now to determine. 

The view that Solomon extended the city to the western hill 
cannot be proved, since there is no definite reference in the Bible 
to the western hill in the time of Solomon, and there is no inscrip- 
tion on the masonry found definitely to connect it with him. In 
consideration of all the conditions it seems probable that Solomon 
enclosed a part of the western hill. If so, the, wall built by Solomon 
on the north side of the western hill was probably on the line of what 
Josephus called the "first wall." This wall, was rebuilt from time 
to time. The debris of a part of it seems still to be in place at the 
east end of "David Street" in modern Jerusalem. A short street, 
high above the surrounding levels, now runs on the top of this 

(1) Site of Solomon'' s Buildings'. — Concerning the building of 
Solomon's palace and the temple there can be no doubt, for the 
Bible contains accounts of the construction of these. Their 
general location is also well known. They were across the little 
valley which separated the part of Zion called Ophel (where the city 
of David was situated) from the part sometimes called Moriah.- 
This hill-top included the threshing-floor of Araunah, the Jebusite 
(2 Sam. 24), and Solomon now enclosed this with a wall. Sir 
Charles Warren believed that he found portions of this wall at the 
southeast angle of the ancient temple area, 80 feet below the present 
surface of the ground. During his excavations in the years 1867- 
1870 he sunk at this point a shaft to the native rock, from the bottom 
of which a tunnel was carried inward to the base of the wall. He 

> See J. E. Hanauer, Walks about Jerusalem, London, 1910, 88, 89. 

' The writer is well aware that the name Moriah for this part of the hill rests on slender evidence, 
but he employs it nevertheless as a convenient term, since it is well understood by readers of the 


found twenty-one courses of drafted stones below the surface at this 
point, and the stones in the lower courses bore quarry marks which 
resemble old Hebrew or Phoenician characters.^ The lower courses 
of stones were from 3 feet 6 inches to 4 feet 3| inches in height. 
Some of the characters were cut in the stones; some painted on 
them. It is most probable that these were remains of the work of 
Solomon; (see Figs. 244, 245, and 246). 

The enclosure of this hill-top with a wall set it apart from the 
rest of Jerusalem. It was a kind of separate fortress. At the 
time it emphasized the majesty of Solomon — his apartness from his 
people. This separate enclosure of the temple hill was perpetuated 
through the whole history of Jerusalem and is maintained today. 
In all periods the temple hill has been a fortress that could be de- 
fended apart from the city. 

(2) Solomon^s Temple. — Of the form and situation of the build- 
ings of Solomon on the hill that was enclosed by this new wall, 
there is a wide diversity of opinion. This diversity arises in part 
from the fact that some scholars take at their face value statements 
of Josephus, the Talmud, and other late sources concerning Solo- 
mon's temple, while others attril^ute less weight to the statements 
of those sources which were written long after this temple was 
destroyed, and base their views rather on the earlier documents. 
The last is the only sound method of study, and is the course fol- 
lowed here. We shall take as evidence of the plan and situation of 
the buildings the Biblical writers who had seen them. 

We are at the start confronted, however, with a difficulty, since 
no Biblical writer has given us an exact statement as to what part 
of the hill Solomon's temple occupied. Most modern scholars hold, 
nevertheless, that it was built at the highest point of the hill just 
west of the sacred cave, which has already been mentioned,^ and 
the old rock-altar above it. This view is confirmed by Josephus^ 
and is undoubtedly correct, although three or four modern scholars 
have doubted it. The temple would naturally be built near the 
spot where the angel is said to have appeared to David (2 Sam. 24 : 
16), and as angels are frequently represented in the Old Testament 
as appearing upon rocks (see Judges 6 : 11, f.; 13 : 19)^ it is alto- 
gether probable that the appearance to David was on the rock-altar 

'Warren and Conder, Jerusalem, pp. 148-158. 

2 See Chapter XI, p. 168. 

' Wars of the Jeivs, V, v. 1. 

* So Stade, Geschkhte des Volkes Israels, Berlin, 1889, 1, 314, and G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 60. 


at the top of the hill. On this rock the animals for sacrifice were 
slain, as the conduits for blood still visible on its top indicate. 
Near it, then, or on it the altar of burnt-offerings stood. We learn 
from Ezekiel, who had served as a priest in the temple of Solomon, 
that the temple faced the east, that it stood to the west of the altar, 
and that there was room between the temple and the altar for 
twenty-five men. (See Ezek. 8 : 16.) The temple was a rectangu- 
lar building with its greatest length running east and west. Its 
measurements were 124 feet for the length, 50 for the breadth, and 
55 for the height. It was constructed of stones and cedar beams. 
The outer temple, afterward called the holy place, was 70 feet 
long, 34| feet wide, and 52 feet high. Back of it was the holy of 
holies, where the ark was placed. It was a cube 34| feet each way. 
Apparently there was a chamber above it.^ This room was adorned 
with carvings of cherubim, palms, and open, flowers (1 Kings 6 : 29, 
32, 35). It had no window. According to 2 Chron. 3 : 14, it was 
separated from the holy place by a veil. The holy place contained 
the table of show-bread and ten golden lamp-stands (1 Kings 7 : 
49). 2 The lattice work high up in the walls of this room (1 Kings 

' In giving the dimensions of the various temples, the writer has followed the calculations of 
George Adam Smith in his Jerusalem. W. Shaw Caldecott has published four volumes, one on the 
Tabernacle, one on Solomon's Temple, one on the Secoitd Temple, and one on Herod's Temple, in 
which he claims to have discovered a key that harmonizes all the Biblical statements as to the 
measurements of these structures. His supposed key is his belief that. the Babylonians had three 
different cubits which they used side by side, that these cubits were known to Moses, and that their 
use was perpetuated in the temple. Should these pages be read by one who has accepted that 
claim as true, it is but fair that he be informed that Caldecott's whole system is based upon a mis- 
interpretation of a Babylonian tablet that was published in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
Western Asia, Vol. IV, p. 37. (See Tabernacle, pp. 107-139, and Solomon's Temple, pp. 215, 
216.) This tablet contains a table of time and of distances. The unit of time in Babylonia was a 
kaskal-gid. An astronomical tablet published thirty years ago in the book most widely used by 
beginners in Assyrian says that at the equinox "sLx kaskal-gid was the day. si.\ kaskal-gid the night." 
The kaskal-gid was, then, a period of two hours' duration. Just as in many countries the word for 
"hour" is used for distance, and a place is said to be so many "hours" away, so in Babylonia and 
Assyria kaskal-gid was used as a measure of distance. The tablet referred to gives a table of the 
ways of writing fractions of kaskal-gid and its other divisions in the simplest of the two Babylonian 
numerical systems. The Assyriologist learns from this tablet that 1 kaskal-gid (the distance of 
two hours) equalled 30 ush, that 1 ush equalled 60 gar, that 1 gar equalled 12 u or cubits, and that 
1 u equalled 60 shu or "fingers." Caldecott. however, mistook the sign gid for a numeral five, the 
sign kaskal for a word meaning "ell," and the word u meaning "cubit" for a sign signifying "plus"l 
He accordingly makes gar a "palm"; sAw.a "three-palm ell"; ush, it "four-palm ell," and kaskal-gid, 
a "five-palm ell"! His whole system is without foundation. 

Tables similar to the one published by Rawlinson were compiled in the scribal school at Nippur. 
One was published without translation by Hilprecht in 1906 in the Babylonian Expedition of the 
University of Pennsylvania, Vol. XX, and interpreted by the present writer in 1909 in The Tlaverford 
Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets, Part II, pp. 13-18. The writer has examined other similar 
tablets in the University Museum, Philadelphia. 

' See Chapter IX, p. 151. According to 1 Kings 7 : 48, there was a "golden altar" here also, 
but as this is not mentioned in chapter 6 many scholars think that it is a post-exilic gloss, in- 
troducing a feature from the second temple. 


6 : 4) can have admitted only an uncertain light. The building 
was richly adorned with cedar and gold. It consisted of three 
stories, and the walls were of varying thickness, since ledges were 
built in them to receive the beams of the different stories. Each 
story contained a series of chambers for storage or the use of the 
priests. Those of the first story were five cubits wide, those of the 
second six, and those of the third seven; (see Figs. 247-249). 

In front of the temple was a porch of unknown height, and before 
this were two bronze pillars with ornamented tops, named Jachin 
and Boaz. A little to the southeast of the temple in the open air 
was a brazen laver supported by twelve brazen oxen (1 Kings 

7 : 23-26, 39). Before the temple Solomon also placed a brazen 
altar (2 Chron. 1 : 5, 6; 2 Kings 16 : 14). Another article of temple 
furniture is described as a "base." It was apparently a portable 
holder for a laver. It was made of bronze, pro\ided with wheels, 
and ornamented with figures of lions, cherubim, and pahn-trees 
1 Kings 7 : 27-37); (see Figs. 251, 252). 

It is clear that the temple was not, like a modern church, intended 
for the accommodation of the people. It was simply Jehovah's 
dwelling. Hither the priests might come to bring the offerings 
of the people, and to propitiate him. Solomon surrounded the 
temple with a court enclosed by a wall of three courses of hewn 
stones and cedar beams (1 Kings 6 :36). This court became in 
later time the auditorium of the nation. Outside of this was 
a larger court with walls of similar construction (1 Kings 7 : 12); 
(see Fig. 243). 

(3) Solomon's Palace. — Just to the south of the temple court, 
separated from it only by a wall, was a middle court in which was 
Solomon's own palace and the palace of Pharaoh's daughter (1 
Kings 7:8). These palaces were a little lower down the hill than 
the temple, and Solomon had a private "ascent" by which he could 
go up into the temple (1 Kings 10 : 5). The royal palaces were so 
near that a shout in the court around the altar could be heard in the 
palace (2 Kings 11 : 12, 13). These palaces were built of hewn stone 
and cedar. South of this court was still another, separated from it 
by a wall. In this most southerly and lowest of the courts stood the 
hall of state, in which was the throne room, where Solomon sat in 
judgment. This hall was paneled with cedar from floor to roof. 
The throne was of ivory, was approached by six steps, and flanked 
on each side by lions (1 Kings 10 : 18-20). South of this and 


probably intended as its vestibule was the "porch of pillars," 86 by 
52 feet (1 Kings 7 : 6). Still south of this stood the "house of the 
forest of Lebanon" (1 Kings 7 : 2), so called because its four rows of 
cedar pillars were poetically suggestive of a Lebanon forest. This 
was the largest of all the buildings, being 172 feet long, 86 feet wide, 
and 52 feet high. There seem to have been two stories, the upper- 
most of which was supported by 45 pillars in three rows. Josephus 
says that the upper room of this hall was designed to "contain a 
great body of men, who would come together to have their causes 
determined."^ He may have been influenced, however, in making 
the statement by the customs of his own time. 

As one went northward, then, up the hill from the "city of 
David," he passed through a gateway into the large court. In this 
court he came first to the "house of the forest of Lebanon." Be- 
yond this he would enter through the "porch of pillars" into the 
splendid hall of judgment with its imposing throne. If he were a 
favored servant or an honored guest of the king, he might be ad- 
mitted to the inner court, in which case he would behold the im- 
posing palaces of Solomon and his principal queen. A passageway 
to the eastward of this more private court led the person not so 
favored to the sacred court about the temple. 

In the construction of these buildings Solomon employed Phoe- 
nician architects and workmen. His buildings were, therefore, 
more imposing than those ordinarily erected in Palestine. The 
Phoenicians were the intermediaries of the ancient world, and 
were the recipients of influences from Babylonia, Egypt, the 
Hittites, Cyprus, and the Mycenean world. Through them some- 
thing of the world's architectural culture touched the buildings of 

8. From Solomon to Hezekiah. — Between the time of Solomon 
and Hezekiah, the Bible furnishes us with but little information 
about Jerusalem. One topographical fact is given us in the 
narrative of the war between Amaziah of Judah and Jehoash of 
Israel, before 782 b. c. After Jehoash had been victorious in the 
battle at Beth-shemesh, he came up to Jerusalem and "brake down 
the wall of Jerusalem from the gate of Ephraim unto the corner 
gate, four hundred cubits" (2 Kings 14 : 13); (see Fig. 304). 
This wall was afterward repaired by Uzziah, who strengthened it 
with towers. 

' Antiquities of the Jews, VIII, v, 2. 


Indeed, it seems probable that Uzziah's work was more extensive 
and that, in order to render the city more impregnable, he added a 
second wall on the north. Certainly a wall existed here before the 
Exile, for when Nehemiah rebuilt the walls, this wall joined the 
temple area at its northwest corner, and we know of no king after 
Uzziah who would be likely to construct such a defence unless it was 
Hezekiah. As the city easily withstood the attack of Pekah and 
Rezin in 735 (Isa. 7:1, IT.), it seems probable that Uzziah was the 

This wall by whomsoever it was built was in all probability on 
the line of the so-called "second wall" of Josephus. As to just what 
its course was we cannot now tell, further than that it started from 
near the Corner Gate, near where the modern Turkish fortress now 
stands, and terminated at the temple area. Some have supposed 
that after leaving the Corner Gate it ran as far northward as the 
line on which the northern wall of the modern city runs, then east- 
ward from there to a point near the present Damascus Gate, and 
then turned southward to the temple area. This seems improbable, 
however, since in the time of Zechariah the tower of Hananel, which 
stood near the northwest corner of the present area of the Mosque of 
Omar, was the most northerly point of the city. It is thus pos- 
sible that this second wall may have run south of the site of the 
Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Its whole course accordingly lies 
underneath the present city. None of this has been excavated ex- 
cept a short part of the course near the ancient Corner Gate. In 
1885, when digging was in progress for the foundations of the Grand 
New Hotel, just inside the Jaffa Gate and north of the Turkish 
fortress, a course of large Jewish stones was laid bare which the late 
Dr. Merrill and others believed to be a part of this second wall. 
The nature of the digging did not, however, disclose its course 
for any great distance; the part revealed ran nearly north and 

Unless Solomon built the wall which ran from Maudsley's scarp 
at the northwest corner of the western hill eastward down the slope 
of that hill to the southern point of the eastern hill, it must have 
been built by some king of this period. No hint is given us as to 
who built this wall. It may have been done in the reign of Jehosha- 
phat, which was a period of prosperity and expansion (2 Kings 
3 : 4-12), or in the reign of Uzziah, which was also a very prosperous 
time. The need of stronger defenses created by the advance of 


the Assyrians into western Asia in the ninth and eighth centuries 
B. C. makes it probable that Uzziah was the builder. At all events 
it was accomplished by the time of Hezekiah. 

In the reign of Ahaz there was a conduit (Isa. 7 : 3) leading from 
the "upper pool," or Gihon, to a lower pool, which probably lay 
somewhere near the mouth of the Tyropoeon valley. This conduit 
has been discovered. It was designed partly to conduct water 
from Gihon out into the valley of the Kidron for the irrigation of the 
king's gardens, and partly to fill the lower pool so that cattle could 
come and drink. Isaiah refers to the waters of this conduit as 
"the waters of Shiloah that go softly" (Isa. 8:6). Of course, this 
conduit was in Isaiah's time an old one. It is impossible to 
tell when it was first constructed. It may have been made as 
early as the time of Solomon or David, or even in Jebusite 

In the reign of Ahaz a change was made in the nature of the altar 
of burnt-offerings in tlie temple. When Ahaz went to Damascus to 
do homage to Tiglath-pileser IV of Assyria, he saw an altar that 
pleased him, and sent a pattern of it home to the high priest, Urijah, 
with directions to have one made like it for the temple. This 
Urijah did. This altar was apparently constructed of stone. 
It displaced the brazen altar of Solomon, which was hence- 
forth kept for the king's private use (2 Kings 16 : 10-16). It 
is thought by some that the measurements of this stone altar 
are reproduced in Ezekiel 43 : 13-17. The brazen altar had 
always been out of accord with the Hebrew law. (See Exod. 
20 : 24-26.) 

9. Hezekiah. — Apart from his reform (2 Kings 18 : 1-6) and the 
invasions of Sennacherib (2 Kings 18 : 9, ff.), the event of especial 
interest mentioned in connection with Hezekiah is that "he made the 
pool and the conduit and brought the water into the city" (2 Kings 
20 : 20). Scholars arc agreed that this refers to the rock-cut aque- 
duct in which the Siloam inscription was found. ^ This was for the 
time of its construction a notable engineering achievement, though 
recent exploration of the tunnel shows that the workers frequently 
went astray and cut in directions that they did not intend. Indeed, 
it is probable that the great bends in the tunnel were made on ac- 
count of such mistakes and not as Clcrmont-Ganneau formerly 
thought in order to avoid the tombs of the kings. Up to the pres- 

' See translation, Part II, p. 377. 


ent, search for these tombs has been vain. They must have been 
somewhere on the eastern hill, but there is no reason to believe that 
they were at the great depth at which this tunnel was cut through 
the rock. 

If the supposition made above as to the walls of Uzziah is cor- 
rect, it was Hezekiah who built the first wall across the mouth of 
the Tyropoeon valley so as to enclose within the city his new pool. 
This wall was found by Bliss. It formed the dam of the pool. It 
was strongly buttressed and had been rebuilt from time to time. 
Bliss detected five periods in its history.^ 

10. From Hezekiah to the Exile. — After Hezekiah, the general 
features of Jerusalem remained the same down to the time of the 
Babylonian Exile in 586 b. c. We hear of a Fish Gate, probably 
where it was at a later time, at the north of the city in the wall built 
by Uzziah. Zephaniah mentions in connection with it "the second 
quarter" of the city (Zeph. 1 : 10), which was probably the part of 
the town between the north wall of Uzziah and the older north wall 
of Solomon on the western hill. The prophetess Huldah lived there 
in the time of Josiah (2 Kings 22 : 14). Zephaniah also mentions 
a part of the city called Maktesh or the Mortar (Zeph. 1 : 11). 
This was a part of Jerusalem occupied by Phoenician traders and 
craftsmen. It was probably in tlie hollow between the two hills, 
i. e., in the Tyropoeon valley. 

In the reign of Manasseh we hear of the sacrifice of children. 
For this purpose a pit was excavated on the floor of the valley of 
Hinnom, to the south of the city, and arrangements were made to 
burn the victims. This was called Topheth (Jer. 7 : 31). Later it 
was defiled (2 Kings 23 : 10), and to perpetuate the defilement re- 
fuse from the city seems to have been burned there. The valley of 
Hinnom is in Hebrew gai hinnom. Later generations conceived 
that the heavenly Jerusalem had also its valley of Hinnom for the 
consumption of its refuse, hence gai hinnom is used in the New 
Testament in the form Gehenna as a name of hell. (See Matt. 
5 : 29; 10 : 28.) 

11. The Destruction of 586 B. C. — Toward the end of the siege of 
Jerusalem by Nebuchadrezzar in the year 586 it is said that the men 
of war fled by the way of the gate between the two walls which was 
by the king's garden (2 Kings 25 : 4). This was evidently a gate 
by the Pool of Siloam, where the two walls of the eastern hill and 

' See Bliss, Excavations at Jerusalem, pp. 96-109. 


the wall which came down the western hill and crossed the mouth 
of the Tyropa'on valley all came together.^ 

In August of the year 586 b. c. Jerusalem was destroyed by 
Nebuchadrezzar. The temple, the royal palace, and the residences 
of the principal men were burned and the walls of the city were 
broken down (2 Kings 25 : 9, 10). All that was combustible was 
burned, including the city gates (Neh. 1:3). All portable things 
of value were carried away. Jerusalem now entered on a period of 
desolation. The city was probably not entirely deserted. Some of 
the poor who still managed to extract a subsistence from the desolate 
hills still found shelter in her ruins. All the well-to-do inhabitants 
were transported to Babylonia. 

It is often assumed that the site of the temple was unused during 
the Exile and that no offerings were made there, but Jer. 41 : 4, 5 
shows that this was not the case. Probably an altar was repaired 
very soon, and the poor people still went through their most indis- 
pensable religious ceremonies amid the desolation, for men came 
from Samaria two months after the destruction of the city to cele- 
brate there the Feast of Tabernacles. 

This destruction of the city and the deportation of its population 
made a very deep impression on the Jews. How their affections 
clung to the desolate and defaced city is touchingly depicted in the 
book of Lamentations and in the 137th Psalm. Indeed, the de- 
struction of the real Jerusalem was the beginning of that ideal 
Jerusalem which has been so influential in the religious history of 
the world. - 

12. The Second Temple. — Beyond the erection of an altar, al- 
ready mentioned, the first steps toward the rebuilding of the temple 
were taken, so many scholars think, in the second year of King 
Darius of Persia, i. e., in 520 b. c. Eighteen years earlier Cyrus had 
made it possible for this to be done,^ but for various reasons it had 
not been undertaken.'* The man whose preaching moved the people 
to begin the rebuilding was Haggai, and the circumstances under 
which he did it are recounted in his book. Haggai's persuasion 
was later seconded by the efforts of Zechariah. Through four 

• See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, I, 226. For another view, see Paton, Journal of Biblical Litera- 
ture. XXV, 1-13. 

' See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, Chapters X and XI. 
' See Chapter II, p. 66; also Part II. p. .18.S. f. 

* Ezra 5 : 16 states that Shcshhazzar laid the foundations of the house in the rcifin of Cyrus, but 
as Haggai and Zechariah give no hint of this, many scholars think there must be some error in the 


years the house slowly rose, and was finally completed in March of 
the sixth year of Darius (516 b. c), five months less than 70 years 
after it was destroyed. 

There is no doubt that the second temple was built on the 
lines of the first, which were probably still traceable in the debris. 
It was also constructed of stone which still lay about the top of the 
hill — stone that had been used in the work of Solomon. It was not 
because it was smaller than the first temple that old men who had 
seen that wept as they looked on the new one (Ezra 3 : 12), but 
because it was less ornate. It was probably without ornament. 
Josephus {Contra Apian, i, 22) says that the temple court was en- 
closed by a w^all a plethra in length and 100 Greek cubits in breadth, 
i. e., 485| by 1451 feet. It was not, then, very large. It is un- 
certain whether there was at this time more than one court; 1 
Mace. 4 : 48 speaks of "courts," but Josephus tells^ how the people 
pelted Alexander Jannaeus with citrons while he was officiating at 
the altar during the Feast of Tabernacles, so that it is probable 
that the courts were not separated by a wall, but by a difiference 
of elevation. The inner court was probably higher than the other, 
as it is around the Mosque of Omar today. 

Within this court was an altar of unhewn stones. The temple 
itself consisted as before of the holy place and the holy of holies. 
Before the holy place was a porch, and around the building there 
were many small chambers as formerly. The holy of holies was 
separated from the holy place by a veil (1 Mace. 1 : 22), but now it 
contained no ark of the covenant, as that had been lost in 586 b. c. 
The holy of holies in the second temple was empty except for the 
"stone of foundation" on which the high priest placed his censer on 
the day of atonement.- In the holy place the table of show-bread 
stood in front of the veil. Instead of the ten golden lamp-stands of 
Solomon's temple there now stood there the lamp with seven 
branches (see Zech. 4). A golden altar of incense replaced it 
(1 Mace. 1 : 21) in the time of the Maccabees, though it may not 
have been placed there before the time of Ezra. 

Such was the temple as reconstructed after the Exile. In one 
important respect its perspective was changed. The royal palace 
and the administrative buildings, which before the Exile had shared 
the crest of the northern spur of Zion with the temple, were not 

' Antiquities of the Jews, XIII, xiii, S. 
' See the Mishnah, Middoth 3 : 6. 


rebuilt. The temple stood there alone. Little by little the part of 
the hill to the south of the temple was cleared of the debris and the 
ground became a temple court. This was significant of the religious 
condition of the post-exilic time. Kings had vanished; the worship 
of Jehovah held the supreme place in the thought of the people. 

13. Nehemiah and the Walls. — For seventy-two years after the 
temple was rebuilt, the walls of the city still lay in ruins. That they 
were at last restored was due to the patriotism and energy of a noble 
young Jew, Nehemiah, who had been a cup-bearer to Artaxerxes 
I of Persia. The story of how he obtained the royal permission to 
return to Jerusalem as governor, with authority to rebuild the walls, 
how upon his arrival he traced by their ruins the lines of the old 
walls, with what energy and amid what difficulties he pushed their 
rebuilding to completion in the course of three months in the year 
444 B. c, is told in detail in Nehemiah 1-7 and need not be repeated 

At the northwest corner of the western hill there was placed in 
the wall at this time a gate called the Valley Gate (Neh. 3 : 13). 
This was the gate discovered by Bliss^ a little to the east of the old 
fortress on Maudsley's scarp. When the wall was completed, a 
ceremony of dedication was held. At this festival two processions 
started from this Valley Gate; one of these went around the south 
side of the city, the other around the north side (Neh. 12 : 31^0). 
They met at the temple. The procession that went around the 
south side of the city passed by the Dung Gate, which was situated 
in the southern wall well down the hill, then by the Fountain Gate, 
near the Pool of Siloam, then up the "ascent of the wall" by the 
stairs of the "City of David," and passed the Water Gate somewhere 
above the spring of Gihon. Still above this, probably just to the 
east of the temple area, was the Horse Gate (Neh. 3 : 28) . The other 
company, starting from the Valley Gate at the southwest corner of 
the city, passed northward by the "Tower of the Furnaces" unto 
the broad wall, above the Gate of Ephraim, by the Old Gate, and 
by the Fish Gate, past the Tower of Hananel and the Tower of 
Hammeah, unto the Sheep Gate. This description, together with 
the line of the previous wall, enables us approximately to deter- 
mine the outline of post-exilic Jerusalem; (see Fig. 305). The one 
point of doubt has to do with the line of the second wall on the north 
of the city, laid out probably by Uzziah. As that line is directly 

^Excavations at Jerusalem, 16, ff. 


under the present city it has never been possible to follow it by ex- 
cavations. We can only conjecture what its course may have been. 
The towers of Hananel and Hammeah were clearly north of the 
temple area. They probably fortified the wall along the edge of a 
shallow valley which separated Moriah from the hill north of it. 
This hill was later called Bezetha. 

14. Late Persian and Early Greek Periods. — After the time of 
Ezra and Nehemiah, we have no clear topographical references to 
Jerusalem until the second century b. c. It seems probable that 
Jerusalem and Judah rebelled against one of the later Persian kings 
and that the city suffered.^ We hear that Ptolemy I of Egypt also 
captured Jerusalem,- but whether these experiences led to any 
modification in the form of the city, we do not know. The Wisdom 
of Jesus, the Son of Sirach, often called Ecclesiasticus, which was 
written about 180 b. c, indicates that Jerusalem was a carefully 
organized city. Many professions and much commerce were rep- 
resented in it, as well as many human sins and foibles.^ The author 
declares"* that a high priest, Simon, the son of Onias (probably 
Simon II, 218-198 b. c), repaired the temple and fortified the 
city. What the nature of either work was, we do not know. So 
far as can be ascertained, he confined himself to the strengthening 
of old defenses, and did not change the topography. 

In the early part of the reign of Antiochus IV, while many Jews 
were kindly inclined to Greek culture and to Greek ways, an out- 
door gymnasium was established in Jerusalem.^ This was m a 
hollow just above the Tyropoeon valley to the west of the south end 
of the temple enclosure.^ Josephus calls it the Xystus, a Greek 
name that reveals its character. Some reminder that it was once a 
gymnasium perhaps lingers in Maidan, the modern Arabic name for 
the locality, which means hippodrome, or place of combat. 

15. In the Time of the Maccabees. — In the Maccabaean period 
the city was divided into three parts — the city proper, the temple, 
and the Akra or citadel. As to the situation of the Akra, there is 
a wide difference of opinion. Into the different theories it is 
impossible to go.'' The writer agrees with George Adam Smith, 

' See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XI, vii, 1; cf. also G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 358-361. 

2 See Josephus. Antiquities of the Jews, XII, i. 

' See Ecclesiasticus iii-v, vii, ix, xxiii, xxv, ff., and xxviii. 

< See Eccles. 50 : 1-4. 

' Cf. Joseohus, Antiquities of the Jews. XII, v, 1. 

^ See Selah Merrill, Ancient Jerusalem, New York, 1908, pp. 83-88. 

' See G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 447-452. 


that in all probability the Akra was the "City of David" of the 
earlier time, as 1 Maccabees states (1 : 33; 7 : 32, 33; 14:36). 
We first hear of this Akra in 198 b. c, when an Egyptian garrison 
held out in it against Antiochus III.^ It was so shut off from the 
rest of Jerusalem that, though, after the onslaught of Antiochus IV 
on the Jews in 168 B.C., Judas Maccabaeus recovered the city and 
temple as early as 165 b. c, the Syrians kept possession of the 
Akra for twenty-three years more, until they were finally dislodged 
by Simon the Alaccabee in 1-12 b. c.- 

16. Asmonaean Jerusalem. — During the Asmonaean dynasty 
which grew out of the Maccabaean struggle,^ three new features 
were added to Jerusalem. One was a castle to the northward of 
the temple area built by John Hyrcanus I, 135-105 b. c.^ This 
was known to Greek-speaking- Jews as Baris, which is a corruption 
of the Hebrew Birah, a fortress. Its walls are massive and high. 
It commanded the approach to the temple area from the north, and 
greatly strengthened the effectiveness of the temple fortification. 

One of the Asmonceans, probably John Hyrcanus I, built a palace 
in Jerusalem.^ This palace apparently stood on the site now occu- 
pied by the Synagogue of the German Jews in Jerusalem.^ It was 
connected with the temple area by a bridge,^ of which a remnant of 
the easternmost span, now called "Robinson's Arch,"^ is still visi- 
ble on the western wall of the temple enclosure. This bridge was 
destroyed by Pompey when he captured Jerusalem in 63 b. c.,^ and 
its remains were found by Warren in the bottom of the Tyropoeon 
valley, 80 feet below the present surface of the ground.^" As the 
Asmonaeans were high priests as well as kings, this bridge gave them 
easy access to the temple from their palace. The palace itself, 
situated on a part of the western hill that overtopped the temple 
hill, was so placed that the royal priest could sit in his palace and 
watch what was transpiring in the temple courts and in the valley 

' Josephus. Aniiquilies of lite Jews, XII, v, 1. 
' Josephus, A ntiquities oj the Jews, XIII, vi, 7. 
•SeeChapterV, p. 119. 

• Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 4; XVIII, iv, 3. 

' Josephus. A nliquiles of the Jews, XX, viii, 1 1 ; Wars of the Jews, II, xvi, 3. 

• Merrill, A ncient Jerusalem, p. 88. 

' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XIV, iv, 2, and Fig. 255. 

' Because its identity as a part of this bridge was first perceived by Prof. Edward Robinson, of 
Union Seminary, New York. 

• Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, vii, 2. 

•" Warren and Conder, Jerusalem, 178, f. 


The third accomplishment of the Asmonaeans was probably the 
construction of Solomon's Pools and the High Level Aqueduct by 
which the water was brought into Jerusalem.^ This work appears 
also to have been accomplished by John Hyrcanus I, for Timarchus, 
the biographer of Antiochus VII, who was a contemporary of 
Hyrcanus I, says of Jerusalem that. "the whole city runs down with 
waters, so that even the gardens are irrigated by the water which 
flows off from it."^ Such a description would be quite unfitting, if 
all the water had been supplied by Gihon, En-rogel, and the cisterns 
about Jerusalem. It implies that a perpetual stream of water, 
such as came through one of the aqueducts, flowed into the city. 

One other structure is attributed to an Asmonajan. Alexander 
Jannaeus was very unpopular with the Pharisees, and once, as 
already noted, he was pelted by the people with citrons. He 
thereupon erected a wooden barrier around the temple and the 
altar, thus excluding the laity from a close approach to the temple,^ 
and creating a court for the priests alone. 

Jerusalem suffered from four sieges in the troublous days when 
the Asmonaean power was waning and that of Rome was being es- 
tablished. The first was by Haretat, King of the Nabathasans, in 
65 B. c, but was lifted without result.* The second was that of 
Pompey in 63 b. c. It resulted in the capture of the city and 
in considerable damage. The bridge across the Tyropceon to the 
royal palace was broken down.^ The third was that of the Par- 
thians in 40 b. c, when they captured the city and placed Anti- 
gonous, son of Aristobulus II, on the throne.^ The fourth was that 
by which Herod the Great became master of Jerusalem in 37 b. c. 
At this time a part of the two northern walls were broken down.^ 
The topography of the city was in no way changed until after the 
conquest by Herod, who changed the face of Jerusalem in many 

17. Herod the Great. — The first work of Herod was to rebuild 
and strengthen the fortress to the north of the temple. This he 
did at the beginning of his reign while Mark Antony was still in 
power in the East. He accordingly renamed the castle Antonia.* 

>See Chapter VI, p. 131. 

'Quoted by Alexander Polyhistor and Eusebius; see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, 462. 

' Josephus. Antiquities oj the Jews, XIII, xiii, 5. 

*Ibid.. XIV. ii. 1. 

' Ibid., XIV, iv, 2. 6 Ibid., XIV, xiii, 3, 4, 5. 

' Ibid., XIV, XV, 2; xvi. s Ibid., XV, viii, 5. 


Herod also rebuilt and strengthened the walls which he had bat- 
tered down in taking Jerusalem, adding towers to make them more 
impregnable. At the southwest corner of the city he erected three 
new towers, — Hippacus, Phasael, and Mariamne.^ These all prob- 
ably stood in or near the space now covered by the Turkish fortress 
at the Jafifa Gate. Hippacus was apparently the northwest tower 
of the present citadel, Phasael the easternmost of the towers in the 
same structure, which still bears the name "Tower of David"; 
Mariamne lay to the east of these. Hippacus was 80 cubits high, 
Phasael 90, and Mariamne 50. On the north of these, perhaps near 
the point where the northwest corner of the present city wall is, 
stood Psephinus, an octagonal tower 70 cubits high. 

(1) Herod'' s Palace. — In connection with the towers Hippacus 
and Phasael and on the site of the present Turkish citadel, Herod 
built a new and splendid royal palace. ^ Its walls on the west and 
north were the same as the old city walls; on the east and south, 
walls of the same massiveness were erected. It contained two halls, 
each the size of the sanctuary, with couches within for a hundred 
guests. There were many other richly furnished chambers. The 
towers and the palace were faced with marble. Stretching to the 
southward, of the palace were colonnades which bordered on open 
courts, in which shrubberies, fountains, and long walks abounded. 
These fountains were fed by the High Level Aqueduct. 

This palace commanded the highest point of the southwestern 
hill. Its construction finally transferred the controlling power to 
the western hill, or as Josephus calls it, the "Upper City." Ever 
after this the western hill was the seat of political power. When 
Procurators ruled Judsea this palace became the praetorium.^ It 
was to this castle that our Saviour was brought to be tried by 
Pontius Pilate. It was to its entrance, probably on the east, that 
Pilate brought Jesus and offered to release him, when the people 
cried: "Away with this man . . . crucify him" (Luke 23 : 18, 21). 
This palace, built by one of the ablest and most unscrupulous of men, 
is thus associated with one of the most sacred and tragic moments 
of history. From that day to this it has remained the seat of 
political authority in Jerusalem. Its presence on the western hill 
has gradually drawn the name Zion from the original city of David 

' Josephus, Wars of the Jews, V, iv. 3. 

»/6»(f., V, iv, 4. (Sec Fig. 256.) 

« Josephus, A ntiguities of the Jews, XVII, ix, 3; Wars of the Jews, II, ii, 2; xiv. 8. 


to the western hill, and so distorted the Old Testament traditions 
that even several modern scholars^ still refuse to give credence to the 
clear voice of the Old Testament as to the site of the original Zion. 
The palace, battered down and rebuilt again and again, still retains 
in its walls many of the massive stones of Herod. This palace was 
completed about 23 b. c. 

(2) Herod's Theater. — About 25 b. c. Herod founded an athletic 
gathering to be celebrated every five years in honor of Augustus.^ 
Josephus, in speaking of this fact, says that Herod built a theater in 
Jerusalem, and also a very great amphitheater in the plain. If he 
actually built a theater in the city, all traces of it have disappeared. 
To the south of the city on a hill considerably beyond the Valley of 
Hinnom, the remains of a great theater were discovered some years 
ago by the late Dr. Schick.^ This theater faced the north, its 
diameter was more than 130 feet, and spectators seated in it could 
see Jerusalem in the distance. It is thought by some scholars that 
this is the theater to which Josephus alludes, as Herod would hardly 
have ventured to outrage Jewish feeling by placing such a structure 
in the sacred city. If the discovery of Dr. Schick represents 
Herod's theater, it is quite unknown where the "amphitheater in 
the plain," to which Josephus makes reference, was situated. 

(3) Herod's Temple. — When the palace of Herod was com- 
pleted, the splendid structures of Antonia and the palace quite 
overshadowed the old dingy temple. The temple had frequently 
been repaired by the high priests, and perhaps during the Macca- 
baean time had been somewhat embellished, but it nevertheless 
remained essentially as it had been rebuilt after the Exile. Herod 
had built Sebaste on the site of ancient Samaria in 27 b. c, and 
began about 22 b. c. to build Caesarea. In these and other cities 
he had erected splendid temples to heathen deities; naturally he 
desired to make the temple of his capital city worthy to stand 
beside them. He had difficulty in persuading the Jews to let him 
touch the sacred house, but yielding in many things to their scruples, 
work was finally begun in the year 20-19 b. c. Some of the priests 
became carpenters and stone-cutters, so that no profane hands need 
touch the sacred shrine.* The old temple was taken down and the 

1 Colonel Conder, the late Dr. Merrill, Georg Gatt, Dr. Ruckert, and Dr. Momniert. 

2 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, viii, 1. 

' See Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1887, p. 161, ff. Dr. Schick calls 
it an amphitheater, but it is simply a theater of the Greek type. 
* Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XV, xi, 2. 


new one erected in the space of eighteen months. But much re- 
mained to be done and the work dragged along until after Herod's 
death. In the time of Christ "forty and six years was this temple 
in building" (John 2 : 20), and it was not then completed. It was 
finished only in 64 a. d., six years before it was finally destroyed.^ 
The temple itself occupied the site of its predecessor, and was of 
the same plan and dimensions. These Herod did not dare to 
change. They were consecrated by nearly a thousand years of 
sacred associations. If he could not enlarge it, however, he could 
make it higher, and he made its elevation a hundred cubits or 172 
feet. He also enlarged the porch, making it 120 feet broad. The 
whole was built of huge blocks of white stone, with plates of gold 
upon the front. ^ The holy of holies consisted, as before, of a dark, 
empty room, 35 feet in each dimension. It was separated from the 
holy place by curtains, an outer and an inner, which were a foot 
apart. The holy place was still 40 by 20 cubits, but was now 
made 40 instead of 30 cubits high.^ Its furniture was the same as 
in the second temple: the table of show -bread, the altar of incense, 
and the lamp with seven branches; (Fig. 250). The entrance to 
the holy place, 15 cubits wide and 70 cubits high, was not closed 
by doors. Josephus declares that it was left open to set forth 
the "unobstructed openness of heaven."'* 

On the top of the temple, spikes with sharp points were arranged 
to prevent birds from lighting upon it and defiling it. Twelve 
broad steps led down from the temple to the court of the priests.^ 
These steps occupied nearly all the 22 cubits of space between the 
porch and the altar. Not far from the steps at the south stood the 
great laver, which had replaced the brazen sea of Solomon's temple. 
The altar of unhewn stones rose upon the sacred rock — sacred since 
the days of the Jebusites (and possibly since the stone age), to 
which it was fitted by masonry. The base of the altar was 32 cubits 
square and 1 high. On this rose a structure 30 cubits square and 5 
cubits high. On this was a ledge 1 cubit broad, to which the horns 
of the altar were attached. Not far above was another ledge, also a 
cubit broad, on which the officiating priests might stand. Above 
this was the altar hearth itself, which was 24 cubits square. South 

' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, XX, ix, 7. 
2/6«/., XV, xi, 3. 

' Above it was a chamber 30 cubits high. 
• Josephus, Wars of the Jews. V, v, 6. 

' See Josephus, Wars of the Jews. V, v, and the Mishna tract AfiJ^lolh for the authority for this 
description. For a fuller description, see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II, Chapter XVIII. 


of the altar was a structure of masonry on which priests could stand ; 
north of it, the place for the slaughter of the victims. Here the 
victims to be slain were tied to rings in the pavement. There were 
tables of marble on which they could be washed and Hayed. Beams 
supported by pillars also contained hooks on which they could be 
hung for quartering. Herod, as noted above,^ probably con- 
structed the Low Level Aqueduct. By means of this he brought a 
larger supply of water into the temple area, so that there was an 
abundance of water with which to flush the holy place, and wash 
away the blood and refuse with which the place must often have 
reeked, especially on festal days. 

A low wall a cubit in height marked off the court of the priests 
from the court of Israel. Accounts differ as to whether this wall 
was on the east only or whether it ran around the whole temple. 
The court of Israel lay to the east of the court of the priests. Again 
our sources of information differ as to its exact size. Here the 
"congregation of Israel" could assemble to witness the sacred sacri- 
fices. To the east of the court of Israel lay the court of the women. 
These were separated by a wall, but, owing to the downward slope 
of the hill, the court of the women was fifteen steps lower than that 
of Israel. Indeed, the level of the court of Israel was only main- 
tained by a series of arches which supported a pavement. Perhaps 
the idea of a court for the women had been a gradual development of 
the post-exilic time, in which they had been permitted to watch the 
sacrifices from a definitely defined position in the rear of the men. 
At all events, this court became a prominent feature in the temple 
of Herod, and from elevated seats on its eastern side women could 
still watch the sacred ceremonies of the temple. With the excep- 
tion of this gallery, the court of the women was open to men. It 
was 135 cubits square and so was relatively large. Apparently the 
temple treasury was situated in this court, together with the money 
boxes, for women had access to these. Here probably Christ was 
sitting when he saw the poor widow cast into the treasury her two 
mites (Mark 12 :41, f.; Luke 21 : 1, f). Around these courts ran 
a wall 43 feet high. This wall was pierced by nine gates, four on 
the north, four on the south, and one on the east. A gate also 
separated the court of the women from the court of Israel. Either 
the gate that opened out of the court of the women to the eastward, 
or the one between the court of the women and the court of Israel (it 

•See Chapter VI, p. 131. 


is uncertain which one) had been given by one Nicanor and was of 
fine Corinthian bronze. It was sometimes called "the gate beauti- 
ful" and sometimes " Nicanor's gate." It was by this gate, and so 
near the treasury where people were devoting their money to relig- 
ion, that Peter and John found the lame man begging (Acts 3 : 2, f.). 

Outside all these courts lay the court of the Gentiles. This was 
separated from the courts described above by a Sore^^ or ritual wall, 
which no Gentile might pass. Herod placed inscriptions in Greek 
at the various gates in this ritual wall, which warned Gentiles on 
pain of death not to enter. The court of the Gentiles surrounded 
the other courts on the north, east, and south; it was, however, most 
extensive on the east and south; (Fig. 257). To obtain agreater area 
for this court on the south, Herod extended the level of the hill by 
erecting great arches which supported a pavement. This structure 
still remains; it is now called "Solomon's stables"; (Fig. 258). 
In the Crusading period horses were stabled there. Around the 
court thus enlarged ran a beautiful colonnade. The pillars for this 
and for Herod's palace were quarried from the rock around Jeru- 
salem. One pillar which had a defect and was accordingly never 
moved from the quarry was found a few years since in front of the 
Russian cathedral north of the city. 

Although the temple has passed away and other sacred buildings 
have since the second century been erected in succession near its 
site, the expanse of the court of the Gentiles remains, and as the 
devout Christian visits it he seems almost to hear the footfalls of 
Christ and of Paul ! 

18. The Pool of Bethesda. — Another spot connected with the 
life of Christ lay not far from the temple on the north; it was the 
Pool of Bethesda. It was situated near the Sheep Gate, which was 
just northeast of the temple. Since the thirteenth century the 
Birket Israin} which lies between the temple area and the modern St. 
Stephen's Gate has been identified by some with Bethesda. Since 
1889 it has been thought by many that two pools discovered in that 
year, now far under ground, in the land of the Church of St. Anne, 
just north of St. Stephen's Gate, constituted the Pool of Bethesda; 
(see Fig. 259). It is really impossible to decide between the two 
possibilities on the evidence we have. Both are in the region 
where we should look for the Pool of Bethesda. 

19. Gethsemane. — Two other spots near Jerusalem are of the 

'That is, the " Pool of Israel." 


deepest interest to the Christian student — the Garden of Geth- 
semane and Golgotha. The fact is certain that the Garden of 
Gethsemane lay on the western slope of the Mount of Olives. (See 
Luke 22 : 39; John 18 : 1; Mark 14 : 26, 32.) Since the sixteenth 
century the Roman Catholics have shown a little garden, which 
lies just above the Kidron, as the Garden of Gethsemane. 
More recently the Russian Church has walled in the space next 
above it as the real garden. There is no certainty that the 
garden was on either site. To the Jews of the first century a 
garden was not a place for flower-beds, but an olive orchard, and 
such an orchard may have extended widely over the hillside. We 
cannot now identify the spot made sacred by the Master's agony, 
but we know as we look at this hillside that it was somewhere on it. 

20. Calvary. — The site of Calvary or Golgotha is not so easily 
discerned. Since the year 326 a. d., when Helena, the mother of 
the Emperor Constantine, visited Jerusalem, there has been a con- 
tinuous tradition m favor of the site on which the Church of the 
Holy Sepulcher stands. We know from Hebrews 13 : 12 that the 
crucifixion took place outside the city walls. Unfortunately, we 
cannot tell whether the second wall of this period ran north or 
south of the spot on which the Church of the Holy Sepulcher 
stands, for the whole region lies under the modern city, where exca- 
vation has been impossible. If the second wall turned eastward 
before it had gone as far north as this spot, it may well be that the 
crucifixion occurred where the church now stands. Pilate con- 
demned Jesus at the palace of Herod near the gate Gennath at 
the northwest corner of the city of that day. Doubtless the mob 
swept along with Jesus through the gate Gennath to the spot called 
Golgotha. If the Church of the Holy Sepulcher was on that spot, 
the walk was not a long one; (see Fig. 260). 

In 1849 Otto Thenius suggested that the hill north of the modern 
Damascus Gate above "Jeremiah's Grotto" was the real Golgotha; 
(Figs. 261, 262). This was also suggested by Fisher Howe in 
1871, and advocated by Gen. C. E. Gordon in 1881. Near it 
is a garden in which is a rock-hewn tomb; (Figs. 263, 264). 
Since the days of Gordon a kind of Protestant tradition and cult 
has grown up about this spot that in certain quarters evokes 
some of the devotion called forth among Catholics and Oriental 
Christians by the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. It must be said 
that the tomb in the garden is, like many similar tombs in the 


neighborhood, probably not earher than tlie third or fourth century 
A. D., and there is really no more reason for regarding this spot as 
Golgotha than any other hill-top near the city. The exact spot 
where our Lord suffered is not certainly known. 

Ecclesiastical tradition has fixed upon many other spots in Jeru- 
salem as the places where certain events in the life of Christ oc- 
curred, but none of these has a sufftcient degree of probability in 
its favor to merit a mention in an archaeological work. 

21. Agrippa I and the Third Wall. — In the reign of Herod Agrippa 
I (41-44 A. D.), Jerusalem was again enlarged. Agrippa built a 
third wall on the north. Its course is described by Josephus/ 
but as most of the landmarks mentioned by him are unknown, 
opinions differ as to its course. It is certain that it started at the 
tower Hippacus and went northward to the tower Psephinus, that 
it enclosed the hill Bezetha, and that it ran along the edge of the 
Kidron valley to join the old wall. Some scholars suppose that it 
ran about on the line of the present northern Turkish wall of the 
city; others, as Robinson and Merrill, thought it ran much further 
north so that its northeastern corner was near the "Tombs of the 
Kings." While there is not decisive evidence in the matter, the 
first view, that the third wall ran near the line of the modern wall, 
seems the more probable. This wall was begun by Agrippa, who 
did not dare to finish it lest Claudius should suspect him of an in- 
tention to rebel. It was, however, completed by the Jews before 
the last tragic struggle of the years 66-70, and formed one of the 
features of Jerusalem when Paul made his later visits to the city. 

We have not space to follow the fortunes of Jerusalem further. 
The history of the "Virgin Daughter of Zion" since 70 A. D., when 
the walls were l)roken down and the temple destroyed never to be 
rebuilt, has been no less checkered and tragic than in the centuries 
that preceded,' but the hearts of all Christians as well as of Jews and 
Mohammedans turn to her with sympathy and affection, because of 
their debt to the holy men who at various times, from David to 
Paul, lived in her and walked her streets, and because of her tragic 
associations with the life and death of One who was more than man. 

> Wars of the Jews, V, iv, 2. 

' The city, restored under the hvulhen name of /Klia Capitolina by the Emperor Hadrian in 135 
A. D., made Christian by Constantine in .?25, sacked by the Persian Chosroes in 611, taken by the 
Arabs in 636, captured after many vici.ssitudes in 1072 by the Scljuk 'I'urks, made by the First 
Crusade the seat of the Latin kinsdom of Jerusalem from 1099 to 1 187, when Saladin took it, was 
once more after many other vicissitudes captured by the Ottoman Turks in 1517. 


Origin. D.^mascus. Scythopolis. Cities East of the Sea of Galilee. Gadar.\. 
Pella and Dion. Gerasa. Phil.\delphia. Jesus in the Decapolis. 

1. Origin. — Three times in the Gospels the Decapolis is men- 
tioned: jNIatt. 4 : 25; Mark 5 : 20 and 7 : 31. Decapolis is a Greek 
name and means "the ten city" (region). The ancient writers who 
mention it agree that it originally consisted of ten cities in which 
Greek population was dominant and which were federated together, 
Pliny^ gives the ten cities as Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, 
Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, Gerasa, and Kanatha. 
Ptolemy, the astronomer and geographer, in the second century 
A. D. enumerated eighteen cities as belonging to it. In the time of 
Christ it probably consisted of but ten. The Decapolis apparently 
was created by the Roman General Pompey, when he conquered 
this region for Rome in 65-63 b. c. These cities with Greek popula- 
tions appear to have appealed to him and he granted them certain 
privileges, including a degree of autonomy. They were, however, 
subject to the Legate of Syria. Hippos, Scythopolis, and Pella 
were released by him at this time from the lewish yoke.^ Josephus, 
at the end of the first century a. d., does not reckon Damascus in 
the Decapolis, but before the time of Paul, Damascus had been cap- 
tured by the Nabathaans or Arabians, and may not, when retaken 
by Rome, have been again accorded the privileges of the cities of 
the Decapolis. 

2. Damascus, which is mentioned in the annals of Thothmes III 
before 1447 b. c, and in the accounts of Abraham (Gen. 14 : 15; 
15 : 2), has been continuously in existence as a city ever since, and 
is one of the most flourishing cities of Syria at the present time. 
It was occupied in the thirteenth or fourteenth century b. c. by 
Aramaeans who held it all through the Old Testament period. 
Kings of Damascus frequently fought with Israel. From the time 
of Alexander the Great it came under Hellenic influences. After 

1 Historia Naluralis, V, xviii, 74. 2 Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, vii, 7. 



his death it was first possessed by the Ptolemies of Egypt, but was 
taken by the Selcucid kings of Antioch before 261 b. c. It is situ- 
ated in one of the most fertile oases of the world — an oasis that 
Arabian poets delighted to compare to Paradise. Probably Alex- 
ander's successors, who, as we shall see, built many Hellenic cities, 
beautified this oasis with one of them, but as the site has been occu- 
pied continuously, no buildings from this time remain. One fea- 
ture at Damascus that still recalls Biblical times is the street called 
Straight, which runs westward from the eastern gate into the heart 
of the city. It was in a house on the ancient forerunner of this 
street that Paul first lodged at the time of his conversion (Acts 
9 :11); (see Fig. 265). 

One other part of Damascus recalls a Biblical narrative. This 
is the river Barada which still runs through the heart of the city. 
It is the river called Abana in 2 Kings 5:12, and was said by Naa- 
man to be "better than all the waters of Israel"; (see Fig. 266). 

3. Scythopolis was the only one of the cities of the Decapolis 
west of the Jordan. It was on the site of the Beth-shean of the Old 
Testament (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. 31 : 10, 12; 2 Sam. 21 : 12; 1 Kings 
4 : 12). Beth-shean was already a city at the time Palestine was 
conquered by Thothmes III^ and there has apparently been a town 
near this spot ever since. It seems to have been called Scythopolis 
by the successors of Alexander the Great, probably because a group 
of Scythians had taken the city and settled there. When it came 
into the possession of Scythians we can only conjecture, but it was 
probably at the time of the great Scythian invasion of Palestine, 
about 625-615 b. c. This invasion called forth the dark prophecies 
of the book of Zephaniah. Scythopolis appears from certain coins^ 
to have become a Hellenic city in the time of Alexander the Great. 
In the time of Ptolemy Euergetes I, 247-222 b. c, it was subject to 
Egypt, ^ but it passed to the dominions of the Seleucidae of Antioch 
in 198 B. c. Upon the break-up of the Syrian empire in 65-63 b. c, 
Pompey made it one of the cities of the Decapolis. 

The remains of the Hellenic city have now entirely disappeared 
with the exception of the great stone amphitheater. This may still 
be seen^ in the valley on the south side of the mound which covers 

•See Chapter v. p. 111. 

' See Schiirer, GesckickU des Jildischen Volkes im Zeilaller Jesu Christi, Leipzig, 1907, II, 172, 
and note 321. 

' See Josephus, A nliquities of the Jews, XII, iv, 5. 

* See Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1904, p. 176. 


the ruins of the ancient Beth-shean, where it is overgrown with 
briers. The name Scythopolis has long since disappeared, and the 
old Hebrew name for the place still survives in the name of the 
modern town Beisan. This modern town is situated on the south 
side of the valley mentioned above, a little distance from the mound 
which covers the ancient city. Scythopolis was situated at the 
point where the plain of Jezreel or Esdraelon joins the Jordan valley. 
In the time of Christ the Jews from Nazareth and its vicinity, when 
going to the three annual festivals at Jerusalem, came down the 
plain and then followed the Jordan valley down to Jericho (see 
Luke 19 : 1), in order to avoid going through Samaria. From the 
time that Jesus was twelve years old he must, therefore, have often 
passed by Scythopolis on his way to Jerusalem. As it was a 
Gentile town, however, neither he nor his companions would enter 
it on such occasions, as they would thereby be rendered unclean. 

4. Cities East of the Sea of Galilee. — To the east of the Sea of 
Galilee lay three of the cities of the Decapolis. Hippos was com- 
paratively near the sea, where Susiye now lies. The Jews of the 
Talmudic period called the place Susitha.^ Hippos is the Greek 
for horse. Susitha is a Hebrew translation of this and Susiye is an 
Arabic corruption of the Hebrew. All traces of the ancient Hippos 
except the name have disappeared. 

Where Raphana was situated has not yet been definitely deter- 
mined. It is probably the same as Raphon mentioned in 1 Mace. 
5 : 37, which was near to Ashteroth-karnaim^ (Gen. 14 : 5). 
Ashteroth-karnaim was situated either at Tell Ashtara or at Tell 
Ashary, both of which are between twenty and twenty-five miles 
east of the Sea of Galilee. Raphana, then, probably lay about 
twenty miles due east from Hippos. 

Still eastward of this lay the city of Kanatha, though scholars 
are divided in opinion as to whether its site is to be identified with 
El-Kerak or with Kanawat. If its site was at El-Kerak it was about 
forty miles east of the Sea of Galilee; if at Kanawat it was about 
fifty-five miles distant from the sea. As there are at Kanawat 
abundant ruins of a beautiful Hellenic city,'' Kanatha was probably 
situated here rather than at El-Kerak. This was the Kenath of 
Num. 32 : 42. 

' See Neubauer, Geographic du Talmud, Paris, 1868, 238-240. 

' Josephus, A nliquities of Ihe Jews. XII, viii, 4. 

' Briinnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, III, 107-144, and Fig. 267. 


5. Gadara. — A little to the south of the southern end of the Sea 
of Galilee on the east of the Jordan and south of the Yarmuk lay 
the city of Gadara, another member of the Decapolis. Its site is 
now marked by the ruins of Umm Keis or Mukes. Here ruins of 
the Hellenic city are still to be seen, including a great theater cut 
out of the black basaltic rock. Gadara was a strong fortress as 
early as the time of Antiochus the Great in 218 b. c.,^ and was 
afterward besieged by Alexander Jannseus,'- 104-79 b. c. 

6. Pella and Dion. — On the east of the Jordan, a little further 
south than Scythopolis or Beth-shean, but in the deep depression 
of the river valley, Pella, another city of the Decapolis, was situ- 
ated. The site now bears the name Fahl. The city is mentioned in 
the list of Thothmes III, 1503-1447 b. c, as Pahul. Pella is a 
Greek form of this name. The Greek city of Pella is said by 
Stephen of Byzantium^ to have been founded by Alexander the 
Great. In the Talmud it is called Pahal,^ and the modern name 
Fahl is an Arabian form of this. Extensive ruins of the Hellenic 
city are still visible at Fahl.^ 

Dion is also said to have been founded by Alexander the Great 
and was apparently not far from Pella. It is thought by Merrill^ 
and G. A. Smith to have been situated on the site of the modern 
Eidun, about twenty miles east of Pella, though this is doubted by 
others.'' If Dion was at this point few, if any, antiquities remain 
to bear witness to the fact. 

7. Gerasa, the modern Gerash, lay on one of the tributaries of 
the Jabbok about fifty miles southeast of Pella. We do not know 
what the name of the place was in Old Testament times. It is 
first mentioned in the time of Alexander Janna^us (104-79 b. c.).* 
It was then called Gerasa and was probably already at that time a 
Hellenic city. By whom it was built, we do not know, but it was 
probably one of the early Ptolemies of Egypt. From 100 b. C. 
till the Mohammedan conquest in 637 a. d., it flourished as a beau- 
tiful city, and later it was a city of some importance. It probably 
was overtaken by some calamity and the site of the Hellenic city 

' See Polybius, V, 71. 

' Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews. XIII. xiii, 3. 

' Schiircr, Geschichtc des Jiidischcn Vnlkes im Zeitaller Jcsu Chrisli, 4th ed., II, 1907, p. 175. 
* Neubauer. Gennraphie du Talmud, 274. 

' See Merrill, East of the Jordan, New York, 1883, 184, fl. and 442, f.; also Schumacher, Across 
the Jordan. London, 1886, p. 272, f. 

« Merrill, ibid., 298, and G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, map. 
' So Hriinnow and Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, III, 264. 
' Josephus, Wars oj the Jews, I, iv, 8. 


abandoned soon after the year 637, as there are no Arabic remains 
above the Grseco-Roman material. In the year 1121 Baldwin II, 
of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, made a campaign against 
Gerasa, where the ruler of Damascus had caused a castle to be 
built. In the next century the Arabian geographer, Yakut, de- 
scribes it as deserted. It appears to have been ruined by an earth- 

Apparently the Hellenic city at Gerasa lasted longer than any of 
the other cities of the Decapolis unless it be Kanatha. One can, 
accordingly, gain from the ruins of Gerasa an excellent idea of the 
general appearance of one of these cities.^ The writer has never 
seen more beautiful ruins than those at Jerash except the ruins at 
Athens. As one approached the site from the south he faced a 
beautiful arched gateway. After passing this gateway one looked 
northward down a long colonnaded street, which at a little distance 
from the gate broadened out into a circular forum. At distances 
approximately equal from one another this main street was crossed 
by other colonnaded streets. A number of these columns are stand- 
ing in different parts of the town. The remains of two imposing 
temples, of two theaters, of a large Christian basilica, and of various 
other buildings, impress one with the former glory of the city. A 
number of the buildings at Gerasa were built in the second century 
A. D. in the reign of the Antonines; (see Figs. 268, 269). 

8. Philadelphia, the most southerly of the cities of the Decapolis, 
was on the site of Rabbah Ammon (Deut. 3:11; Josh. 13 : 25; 2 
Sam. 11:1, etc.). This was situated on the upper Jabbok about 
twenty miles east of the Jordan valley, where Amman now lies. 
The Hellenic city here was built by Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt, 
who reigned from 283-247 b. c. It was named Philadelphia from 
him. In 218 b. c. the city was taken by Antiochus III, who 
captured the cistern to which in time of siege the Philadelphians 
went for water by an underground passage,^ after which thirst 
compelled them to surrender. Joab centuries before had captured 
the city for David by the same method,^ and in 30 b. c. Herod the 
Great again took it in the same way.^ The remains of the Hellenic 

• See Merrill, East of the Jordan, 281-284; Schumacher in Zeitschrift des deulschen Palastina- 
Feremj, XXV, 1912, 111-177; B run now and Domaszewski, Provincia Arahia,ll,2H-\i9; Barton, 
A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands. 158, {. 

2 See Polybius, V, 71. 

» See 2 Sam. 12 : 27 and Barton in the Journal oj Biblical Literature, XXVII, 147-152. 

* See Josephus, Wars oJ the Jews, I, .xLx, 5. 


temple, of the theater, and of other buildings, including a Christian 
basilica, are still to be seen at Amman.^ In the fourth century 
A. D. Philadelphia was one of the prominent cities of the Roman 
province of Arabia; (see Figs. 270, 271). 

These cities of the Decapolis appear to have been built on a 
similar plan. Each had a colonnaded street through the center of 
the town, each had at least one temple and one theater, and some of 
them more. All were architecturally beautiful. They all pos- 
sessed a similar government also, and each appears to have con- 
trolled the villages in its district. 

9. Jesus in the Decapolis. — The prevailing influences in the 
Decapolis were pagan, and yet there were Jews living in it, for mul- 
titudes of them from the Decapolis followed Jesus (Matt. 4 : 25). 
On at least two occasions our Lord himself went into the territory 
of the Decapolis. We read in Mark 5 : 1 that Jesus and his disci- 
ples "came to the other side of the sea to the country of the Gera- 
senes." The Authorized Version reads "to the country of the 
Gadarenes." The country to which Jesus came at this time cannot 
have been that of the Decapolitan city Gerasa, for, as we have seen, 
that lay far to the south. It was in a direct line nearly fifty miles 
from the Sea of Galilee. Neither can it have been to the region of 
Gadara that he came, for Gadara lay at least five miles to the 
south across the deep valley of the Yarmuk. There was, however, 
on the east shore of the Sea of Galilee a town called Gergesa, the 
modern Kursi. This place was near the city of Hippos, and possibly 
one of the towns subordinate to Hippos. As Jesus and the disciples 
walked back from the sea they met the demoniac, whom Jesus 
healed. It was in connection with this healing that the herd of 
swine was destroyed — an incident that could happen in no part of 
Palestine except Decapolis or Philistia, for swine were unclean to 
Jews and they never kept them. The demoniac, when cured, went 
and preached Jesus in the Decapolis (Mark 5 : 20). 

Again, toward the end of the ministry of Jesus, after he had with- 
drawn for a time to Phoenicia, he returned by crossing the high 
lands of northern Galilee and coming down east of the Jordan 
"through the midst of the borders of Decapolis" (Mark 7 : 31). 

' See Merrill, East of the Jordan, 399, ff.; Schumacher, Across lite Jordan. 308; Briinnow and 
Domaszewski, Provincia Arabia, II, 216-220, and Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, 
155. I. 


Athens. Corinth. The Churches of Asia: Ephesus. Pergamum. Thyatira. 
Sardis. Philadelphia. Smyrna. Laodicea. 

The greater part of Biblical history was enacted in Palestine and 
the great valleys of Mesopotamia and the Nile. The Apostle 
Paul, however, broke the Jewish bonds of primitive Christianity and 
carried the Gospel to the coasts of the .^gean Sea. In cities of this 
region he spent years of his active missionary life; to churches of 
this region most of his epistles were sent, and to churches of this 
part of the world the seven messages to the churches were addressed. 
We cannot, therefore, conclude this sketch of what archaeology has 
done to throw light upon the Bible without saying a few words 
concerning exploration and excavations in certain parts of Greece 
and Asia Minor. It will be impossible for lack of space to go thor- 
oughly into the history of this region, but as these lands were not, 
like Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, and Palestine,' closely connected 
with Biblical history for a long period, detailed history of them 
before the Apostolic age will not be missed by the student of the 

The results of scattered discoveries at Thessalonica and else- 
where will be presented in Part II, Chapter XXVII. At this point 
attention will be directed to a few important cities. 

1. Athens, the chief city of Attica, one of the least productive 
parts of Greece, is the far-famed mistress of the. world's culture and 
art. Emerging from obscurity in the seventh century before 
Christ, gaining a position of leadership in the Persian wars after 
500 B. c, Athens established a considerable empire. In this period 
fell the age of Pericles, 460-429 b. c, when the artistic and literary 
genius of Athens reached a height never equaled in human history. 
Socrates was born here in 469 and lived till 399 b. c. Here Plato, 
who was born about 428, became a pupil of Socrates and afterward 
taught. Hither came Aristotle, after the year 367, to sit at Plato's 
feet. Here from the age of Pericles the acropolis was crowned with 



those architectural creations that are at once the admiration and 
the despair of the world; (see Fig. 277). It stirs the imagination 
to think of Paul in such a city. 

In the time of Paul, Athens was a Roman city, though still one 
of the great artistic and philosophical centers of the world. At a 
little distance from the acropolis on its northern side, a forum of 
the Roman period was laid bare in 1891; (see Fig. 272). Possibly 
this is the market-place in which Paul, during his stay there, rea- 
soned every day with them that met him (Acts 17 : 17), though of 
this we cannot be certain, for, while this was a market-place in the 
Roman period, the older market of the Athenian people lay to the 
westward of it. 

To the west of the acropolis lies the old Areopagus, or Mars' 
Hill (Fig. 273), from which it was long supposed that Paul 
made the address recorded in Acts 17 : 22-31. Ramsay,^ following 
Curtius, has made it probable that the address was delivered to the 
city-fathers of Athens, not because they were putting Paul to a 
judicial trial, but because they wished to see whether he was to be 
allowed to teach Christianity, which the}^ took for a new philosophy, 
in the univeristy of Athens — for Athens itself was a kind of univer- 
sity. It seems probable that the meetings of the city-fathers, who 
were collectively called the Areopagus (Acts 17 : 22), were held not 
on the top of the rock, but in the market-place. The Athenian altar 
"to an unknown god" is treated in Part II, Chapter XXVII, § 2. 

2. Corinth. — From Athens, Paul went to Corinth, where he spent 
a year and a half (Acts 18 : 1, 11). Corinth was one of the old 
cities of Greece. In Homeric and earlier times it appears to have 
been subject to Argos. Situated on the isthmus between northern 
Greece and the Peloponnesus, the sea-trade of Corinth made it an 
important city. It rose to prominence in the seventh century 
before Christ. At some early time foreigners from the east, prob- 
ably Phoenicians, had settled in Corinth and established the worship 
of the Semitic goddess Astarte on Acro-Corinthus, a hill that rises 
some five hundred feet above the city. The goddess was here 
known as Aphrodite,^ and the debasing character of her worship 
tended to foster that lack of sensitiveness in matters of social moral- 
ity with which Paul deals in his First Epistle to the Corinthians. 
The trade of Corinth made it rich and its riches excited the enmity 

> Ramsay, Si. Paul the Traveller ami Roman Citizen, New York, 1896, 243, ff. 
s See Farncll, Cults oj the Greek States, II, Oxford, 1896, 618-699. 


of Rome. It was accordingly destroyed by the Romans in 146 b. c, 
but a century later was rebuilt by Julius Ccesar. Ancient Corinth 
has now entirely vanished. 

Excavations were begun at Corinth by the American School of 
Classical Studies at Athens in 1896 under the direction of the late 
Prof. Rufus B. Richardson. The work has been carried forvvard 
season by season ever since. ^ Although there were no topographical 
indications to help the excavators at the start, the theater, the 
Agora or market-place, a Roman street, the road to Lechaeum, 
and the temple of Apollo have been discovered; (Figs. 274,276). 

Of greatest interest to the student of the Bible is a stone dis- 
covered in 1898 on the Lechaeum road near the propylaea, or gate- 
way leading to the market-place. This stone once formed the lintel 
of a door and bore an inscription in Greek letters. Although the 
beginning and the end of the two words written on it are broken 
away, it is clear that the inscription was "Synagogue of the He- 
brews."^ The cutting of the letters was poorly done, and the block 
was a second-hand one, adapted from some other use. It seems 
probable, therefore, that the Jewish community at Corinth was not 
wealthy. The block was of considerable size and so was probably 
found not far from where the synagogue stood. If so, this syna- 
gogue, which is probably identical with the one in which Paul 
preached (Acts 18 : 4), stood on the Lech^um road not far from the 
market-place. Other discoveries in the neighborhood indicate that 
this was a residence quarter of the city, and we learn from Acts 
18 : 7 that the house of Titus Justus, where apparently Paul organ- 
ized the first church in Corinth, "joined hard to the synagogue." 
The house of Justus must, then, have been here, and the Lechaeum 
road often echoed to the footsteps of Paul. Probably the judg- 
ment-seat to which the Jews dragged Paul for the hearing before 
Gallio (Acts 18 : 12) was in the market-place, so that the excava- 
tions have revealed to us the parts of Corinth of special interest to a 
reader of the Bible. 

3. The Churches of Asia. 

(1) Ephesiis was situated on the Cayster river in western Asia 
Minor, about three miles from the sea, but in ancient times the sea 
was navigable up as far as the city. Cities which form the point of 

1 See American Journal of Archaology, 2d series, II, 133, f.; Ill, 204, f.; IV, 306, f.; VI, 306, f , 
439, f.; X, 17, f., and XIV. 19, f. 

* See Benjamin Powell in American Journal of Archaology, 2d series, VII, 60, f., and Fig. 275. 


contact between land and sea traffic become in most countries 
populous and wealthy. In western Asia Minor four cities, situated 
at the mouths of the four river valleys through which caravans 
could proceed into the interior, became populous and important. 
These were Miletus (see Acts 20 : 15, 17, f.) at the mouth of the 
Marauder, Ephesus at the mouth of the Cayster, Smyrna at the 
mouth of the Hermus, and Pergamum on the Caicus. In the earliest 
times known to us Ephesus was eclipsed in importance by Miletus, 
but before the beginning of the Christian era Ephesus had out- 
stripped her rival. This was due to several causes, one of which was 
the partial silting up of the harbor of Miletus. In Roman times 
Ephesus lay on the great line of communication between Rome and 
the East in general.^ In later centuries the harbor of Ephesus was 
in its turn silted up, and the site is now deserted except for a neigh- 
boring wretched Turkish village. 

In Homer's Iliad'^ the Carians are called the "barbarous-speaking 
Carians." This would indicate that they were not Greek, and it is 
thought by some that they may at this time have been of Hittite 
stock. Miletus was in Caria, and at that time Ephesus also. It 
is certain that the earliest inhabitants of Ephesus were not Greek, 
but of Asiatic origin. They established here, either on a mountain 
top about five miles from the sea, just above the modern railway 
station of Ayassuluk, or on a mountain a little to the south, the 
worship of an Asiatic goddess, probably Hittite. Later, in the 
seventh century before Christ, the Ionian Greeks came and settled 
among the Asiatics. They identified the goddess with their own 
Artemis (Authorized Version, Diana), and moved her temple down 
into the plain, ^ where it continued to stand far into Christian times. 
In the sixth century b. c. Ephesus was conquered by the Lydians, 
and then by the Persians. In later centuries it passed under the 
control of Alexander the Great, of the Seleucidae of Syria, and of the 
kings of Pergamum. In 133 b. c. it passed with the rest of the 
kingdom of Pergamum into the hands of Rome and became a part 
of the Roman Province of Asia. Because of its situation it quickly 
became the most important city of the province. It was noted for 
its wealth and its commerce. Rome became the patron of Hellenic 
culture in the East, so Ephesus was, of course, made an architectur- 
ally beautiful city. 

' See Ramsay's article "Ephesus" in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. II, p. 721, f., for 
further details. 

> Book II, 1, 868. » See Hogarth's Ionia and the East, Oxford, 1909, p. 45, f. 


At first Pergamum was the capital of the Province of Asia. In 
the second and third centuries of the Christian era Ephesus had be- 
come the capital. Buchner^ thinks that this transfer was made in 
the reign of Claudius, 41-54 a. d. If this were true, Ephesus was the 
capital of the province at the time of Paul's residence there, but there 
is considerable doubt about the facts, and in the beginning of the 
second century a. d. Pergamum still ranked as the official capital.^ 

The temple of Artemis lay about two miles to the northeast of the 
ancient city. Its site was determined in 1869 by the English ex- 
plorer, J. T. Wood, who partially excavated it ( 1869-1874). ^ 
Wood brought to light various marble fragments which are pre- 
served in the British JMuseum, but he was more interested in making 
conjectural restorations of the temple than in telling what he found. 
As he was not an expert in ancient architecture his work is, accord- 
ingly, unsatisfactory. In 1904-1905, the British Museum employed 
Mr. Hogarth to complete the excavation of the site. Hogarth car- 
ried the excavation down to the virgin soil, and, being a skilled 
archaeologist, he was able to reconstruct the history of the building.^ 

There seems to have been a small tree shrine on the site of the 
temple before the lonians came. Between the seventh century and 
the fifth, three different structures were erected on the spot. The 
last of these was called the temple of Croesus, because this king of 
Lydia presented some beautiful columns to it, though the structure 
was not completed till a century after his time, or 430 b. c. This 
structure was burned in 356 b. c. on the night that Alexander the 
Great was born. Later a larger temple, 425 by 220 feet, was built 
on the site, with the help of contributions from the whole of Asia. 
This was standing until long after Paul's time. It was very beau- 
tiful. Some of the porphyry columns now in Santa Sophia at Con- 
stantinople are said to have been taken from it. It has been 
thought by some that this beautiful temple suggested to Paul 
his figure in 1 Cor. 3 : 10-17, since the words were written from 

This temple was venerated over all of western Asia Minor. To 
it came many pilgrims every year, to whom Ephesian silversmiths 
sold little replicas of the temple. It was because Christianity 
became so popular through the preaching of Paul that the profitable 

* See De Neocoria. p. 38. 

' See Ramsay in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible. Ill, 750. 
' Wood. Discoveries at Ephesus. London, 1877. See Fig. 279. 

• Hogarth, Excavations at Ephesus, London, 1908. 

224 Archeology and the bible 

sale of these shrines was interfered with, that the riot in Ephesus 
occurred as described in Acts 19,: 23-41. 

Before Mr. Wood had discovered the site of the temple he had 
discovered the theater within the limits of the ancient city. This 
has been examined more thoroughly by the Austrian, Dr. Wiberg, 
who, beginning in 1894, conducted excavations at Ephesus for many 
years. All the lower parts of this theater still remain (see Figs. 280, 
281) and bring vividly to the imagination the assembly held in it on 
the occasion of the riot just referred to. (See Acts 19 : 29-41.) 
The Austrians have also laid bare a considerable part of the central 
street of the Ephesus of Roman times; (see Fig. 278). 

A little to the north of the theater is the ancient stadium. Some 
scholars think that when Paul says in 1 Cor. 15 : 32, "If after the 
manner of men I fought wiih beasts at Ephesus," he is speaking of 
an incident that literally occurred, and suppose that he was actu- 
ally condemned to be thrown to the beasts in the stadium, to make a 
spectacle for the Ephesian populace, and that in some way he es- 
caped alive. It is possible that this may be true. If so, this sta- 
dium (see Fig. 282) presents to the eye a spot which is of great in- 
terest to every Christian. 

Ephesus, as the mother-church of the churches of Asia, is the first 
one to which in the book of Revelation a letter is addressed. By 
the time Revelation was written the first glow of Christian enthusi- 
asm had worn off, gnostic heresy had found a place in the Church, 
and its "first love" was gone. 

(2) Pergamum, the modern Bergama, lay in the valley of the 
Caicus in Mysia, about fifteen miles from the sea. The city was 
built on a hill about three miles north of the river. It was appar- 
ently a place of some importance at a comparatively early date, 
but its chief importance began with the reign of Philetaerus, who 
made it an independent kingdom and ruled it from 284-263 b. c. 
Philetaerus had been a trusted servant of Lysimachus, King of 
Thrace, one of the trusted generals of Alexander the Great. Under 
the dynasty founded by Philetaerus, Pergamum became one of the 
chief seats of Hellenic culture. Eumenes I (263-241 b. c.) endeav- 
ored to make Pergamum a rival of Alexandria as a literary center, 
and when the king of Egypt forbade the exportation of papyrus in 
order to check the literary aspirations of Pergamum, the servants 
of Eumenes invented a prepared kind of skin on which to write. 
It was called perganiena, but time has corrupted it to "parchment." 


In the course of the second century before Christ the kingdom of 
Pergamum included all of western Asia Minor north of the Taurus. 
When in 133 u. c. Attalus III, the last of the kings of Pergamum, 
died, he left his kingdom by will to the Roman republic, with which 
Pergamum had long been in alliance. Rome thus came into pos- 
session of her Province of Asia, the first of her Oriental provinces. 
Pergamum was its capital, certainly until the reign of Claudius, and 
probably until the second century a. d. The Romans regarded 
themselves as the patrons of Hellenic culture in the East and for 
centuries kept Pergamum the beautiful city which the Pergamene 
kings had made it. Bergama, the squalid modern Turkish city, 
lies apart from the splendid ruins of the ancient town; (see Fig. 

More than thirty years ago the Germans began to explore and 
to excavate at Pergamum,^ and the Museum at Berlin is enriched 
with many beautiful objects found there. The visitor to Perga- 
mum may still see, however, the great gymnasium with many grace- 
ful columns still standing. Above it, on a higher slope, are the sites 
of theaters and temples, and the great altar of Zeus. Farther 
up the hill stood the temple of Athenae Polias, which was also a 
library, and above this the temple of Rome and of Augustus. 

In Rev. 2 : 13 the church at Pergamum is said to dwell where 
"Satan's throne is." Interpreters have been divided in opinion 
as to whether this is a reference to the worship of ^Esculapius, or to 
the presence of the great throne-like altar of Zeus, or to the fact that 
Pergamum was the seat of the worship of the Roman emperor.- 
On the whole, it seems probable that "Satan's throne" is a reference 
to the fact that Pergamum was the seat of the government and of 
the worship of the emperor of Rome. When Augustus inaugurated 
emperor- worship in order to give the empire a bond of common sen- 
timent, the first temple of the cult was erected at Pergamum. 
This was in 29 b. c. Under Vespasian and his successors it became 
a test of one's Christianity whether he would or would not^ ofifer 
incense to the statue of the emperor, and Christians were often 
persecuted because they would not. It is probable that in the 

> See Couze (and others). Ausgrabungen zu Perganws, Berlin, 1880, and Thramer, Pergamos, 
Leipzig, 1888; also F. E. Clark, The Holy Land of Asia Minor. New York, 1914, p. 67, f. 

- See Bousset, Die Ofenbarung des Johannes, Gottinncn, 1896, p. 245, ff.; Ramsay, The Letters 
to the Seven Churches. New York, 1905, 283, ff., and Moffat in The Expositor's Greek Testament, 
Vol. V, New York, 1910, p. 355, f. 

' See Ramsay, The Church and the Roman Empire. New York, 1893, p. 252, f. 


remains of the temple to the emperor archaeologists have brought 
to light Satan's throne. If, however, that throne were the altar of 
Zeus, it has nevertheless been brought to light. 

(3) Thyatira, the modern Ak-Hissar, lay in a valley which joined 
the valley of the Hermus to the valley of the Caicus. The general 
direction of this valley was north and south. It was made an im- 
portant city by Seleucus I of Syria (312-282 b. c.) in the latter part 
of his reign. Before this it had been an obscure village. Josephus 
declares^ that Seleucus made Jews citizens of the cities which he 
founded in Asia, and apparently Thyatira was one of these, for 
there appears to have been a flourishing Jewish colony there. A 
little later than Seleucus, Thyatira became a city of Pergamum, 
and passed in 133 b. c. with the territories of that realm under the 
dominion of Rome. Thyatira was noted for its dyeing. Madder 
root, with which they dyed a Turkey-red, grows abundantly in the 
neighborhood." As the ancients employed the names of colors with 
great laxity, this was often termed purple. Lydia, an enterprising 
seller of this purple, a Jewess from Thyatira, was present at Philippi 
when Paul and Silas preached there (Acts 16 : 14). Lydia was 
converted, and perhaps it was she who carried the Gospel back to 
Thyatira. Nothing has been discovered at Thyatira that throws 
light on the message to its church in Rev. 2 : 18-29. 

(4) Sardis was one of the oldest cities of western Asia. It is 
situated on the south side of the great valley of the Hermus. just 
at the point where the river Pactolus issues from the Tmolus moun- 
tains. Pottery found in the course of excavations there carries its 
history back to sub-Mycenajan, if not to Mycenaean, times.^ It 
was the seat of the worship of Atys or Cybele, a goddess that seems 
to have been kindred to the mother-goddess of the Hittites. It is 
probable that, could we penetrate back far enough, we should find 
that the place was once occupied by Hittites. Herodotus traces the 
descent of the first dynasty that ruled over the country to the god- 
dess just mentioned.* Following this dynasty was, he says, another 
of twenty-one kings who ruled before the dynasty founded by Gyges. 
The Lydian kingdom of which we know began with Gyges in 697 
B. c. and ended with Croesus in 546 b. c. Lydian inscriptions found 
at Sardis are written in the same alphabet as Etruscan inscriptions 

' Josephus, Antiquilies of the Jews, XII, iii, 1. 

• See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 325, fl. 

• See Butler in American Journal of Archaology, 2d scries, Vol. XVIII, 1914, p. 428. 
« Book. I, 7. 


found in Italy. This indicates that the Lydians and Etruscans were 
closely akin, but, as the inscriptions have not yet been deciphered, 
they do not throw much light on either people.^ It is possible that 
both peoples were related to the Hittites, but that is at present only 
a hypothesis. 

The mountains to the south of Sardis are composed largely of 
gravel deposits left there by the melting of the glaciers at the end of 
the last glacial period. From these gravels the Pactolus brought 
down gold in ancient times. This was one of the sources of the 
wealth of the Lydian kings, and contributed to those riches which 
are still celebrated in the saying: "As rich as Croesus." 

The Lydian kingdom fell when Cyrus captured Sardis in 546 
B. c. With the fall of the Persian empire the city passed into the 
hands of Alexander the Great, and subsequently into the hands of 
his general, Antigonous, then to the Seleucidae of Syria, then to the 
kings of Pergamum, and so to the dominion of Rome. 

In 17 a. d. Sardis was shaken by a great earthquake which nearly 
destroyed the city. A mass of gravel and conglomerate rock was 
then hurled from the hill of the Acropolis of Sardis down into the 
city toward the temple, where the work of the excavator shows that 
it still lies.^ A part of the city must have been buried under it. 
The city recovered from this disaster and by the end of the first 
century a Christian church existed there (Rev. 3 : 1-6). Sardis 
continued to be a city of importance until 1400-1403 a. d., when the 
Tartar conqueror, Timur or Tamerlane, swept over the country 
destroying ever\'thing before him. From this destruction Sardis 
never recovered. Two or three tiny wretched Turkish villages are 
now all that occupy the spot.^ 

The Acropolis of Sardis was composed of gravel and a compara- 
tively soft conglomerate rock. It looks imposing and in ancient 
times looked far more imposing than now. It has been gradually 
crumbling away through the centuries. Ramsay thinks that this 
instability on the part of the city itself is alluded to in the words, 
"thou hast a name that thou livest, and thou art dead" and in the 
exhortation to be watchful and to strengthen the things that remain, 
which follows it (Rev. 3 : 1, 2); (see Fig. 284). 

Excavations were begun at Sardis by Princeton University under 

1 See Herbig's article, "Etruscan Religion," in Hastings' Encyclopcedia of Religion attd Ethics, 
Vol. V, New York, 1912. p. 532, ff. 

^American Journal of Archteohgy. Vol. X\^I, 1912, p. 474. 
• Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, 76-79. 


the direction of Prof. Howard Crosby Butler in 1909, and the dig- 
ging continued for five seasons until interrupted by the great war.* 
The work began at the point where two columns of the ancient tem- 
ple of Cybele were still protruding from the soil. The temple has 
been cleared and a considerable area around it has been examined. 
It appears that the temple was built in the fourth century b. C, 
that it suffered greatly in the earthquake of 17 a. d., and never was 
as splendid afterwards, though it was still in use in the second 
century a. d.^ Many objects have been discovered which throw 
light upon the history and art of Lydia, and two bi-lingual inscrip- 
tions, one Lydian and Aramaic, the other Lydian and Greek, were 
found. These may afford the key to the decipherment of both 
Lydian and Etruscan. Jewelry resembling Etruscan jewelry 
found in Italy was also discovered.^ 

To the student of the Bible the most interesting discovery at 
Sardis was a little Christian church built at the southeast corner 
of the temple.^ The entrance to this church was from the temple 
platform itself. The structure was entirely of brick and was in a 
remarkably good state of preservation. The building had appar- 
ently lost only its wooden roof. The apse of the church was 
toward the east, and still contained its pjrimitive altar. It is un- 
certain at what date altars became a part of Christian worship. 
Origen in the third century a. d. admits the charge of Celsus that 
the Christians had no visible altar,^ but Eusebius^ in the next cen- 
tury speaks as though altars existed throughout the Christian world. 
This church at Sardis was built after the temple of Cybele had 
fallen into disuse, and even if not earlier than the fourth century of 
our era, this little structure is evidence that the name of the church 
had not been blotted out of the book of life (Rev. 3:5), but that it 
had rather appropriated to itself the once splendid precincts of the 
ancient heathen goddess. 

(5) Philadelphia was situated twenty-eight miles east of Sardis, 
and lay in the valley of the Cogamis, a tributary of the Hermus. 
It is still a flourishing city of about 15,000 inhabitants. It is now 
called Ala-Shcher.'' It is not to be confounded with the Philadel- 
phia of the Decapolis in Palestine.^ 

' See American Journal of ArrktBologv, Vols. XIV-XVIII, and FiR. 285. 

^Ibiit., XV, 452. >Ihid.. XV, 457. * Ibid., XVI, 475, ff., and Fig. 286. 

' See "Altar (Christian)" in HastinKs' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. I, p. 338, f. 

^Ecclesiastical History, X, 4. 

' S:e Barton, A Years Wan feiing in Bible Lands, p. 71. « See Chapter XIV, p. 217. f. 


Philadelphia was founded by Attalus II, King of Pergamum, 
159-138 B. c, who was called Philadelphus because of his devotion 
to his predecessor and brother, Eumenes II. Hence the city was 
named Philadelphia. It was founded for the purpose of spreading 
Hellenism in the eastern part of Lydia, and so was a missionary city 
from the first. With the other Pergamene territories it became a 
dependency of Rome in 133 b. c. In 17 a. d. it suffered severely 
from the same earthquake that destroyed Sardis. Indeed, at 
Philadelphia the quakings were even more severe. The trembling 
of the earth lasted for a long time. When Strabo wrote in 20 a. d. 
earthquake shocks at Philadelphia were an every-day occurrence. 
Few people lived in the city; most of the inhabitants spent their time 
outside.^ Allusion to this is, perhaps, made in Rev. 3 : 12: "he 
shall go out thence no more." 

After the earthquake the city appealed to Rome for help. Tibe- 
rius granted it and also permitted the city to change its name to 
Neocaesarea, or the city of the young Caesar.- This, too, seems to be 
alluded to in Rev. 3:12, where another new name is to be conferred. 

At Ala-Sheher a part of the city wall of Philadelphia may still be 
traced, and the sites of the acropolis, the theater, and the stadium 
may also be seen, as well as the ruins of an old Christian church.^ 

(6) Smyrna, at the mouth of the Hermus, is one of the very old 
cities of Asia Minor. A colony of ^^iolian Greeks founded a city 
here more than a thousand years before Christ. A little later the 
place was captured by Ionian Greeks, who held it till about 600 b. c, 
when it was conquered by the kings of Lydia and destroyed."* For 
three hundred years the name designated a district rather than a 
city. Lysimachus, the general of Alexander the Great who became 
king of Thrace (301-282 b. c), refounded Smyrna as a Greek city 
about three miles southwest of the old site, and it has continued 
ever since to be an important seaport of Asia Minor. It passed 
with the other cities of the region successively under the sway of 
the kings of Syria, the kings of Pergamum, and of Rome. Smyrna 
is today one of the largest cities of the East with a population of 
between two and three hundred thousand. 

Smyrna claimed to be the birthplace of Homer, ^lius Aristides 
(born 117 A. D.), who lived at Smyrna, several times likens the city 

1 Ramsay, Letters tcrthe Seven Churches, 407, 5. 

*/«(/., 410, ff. 

» See Curtius, Philadelphia, Berlin, 1873, and Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, 79, ff. 

• Ramsay, Letters to tlie Seven Churches, 25, 1. 


to a crown, and apparently the crown was in some way associated 
with Smyrna; (see Fig. 287). The goddess of the place, who was 
a kind of Cybele, is pictured as wearing a crown. ^ This is, no doubt, 
the reason why in Rev. 2 : 10 a crown of life is promised to the 
church of Smyrna if she is faithful. No excavations have been 
made at Smyrna, but above the city the tomb of Polycarp,^ said in 
tradition to have been a disciple of the Apostle John, is shown. 
Polycarp was martyred in 155 a. d. in one of those times of tribula- 
tion predicted in Rev. 2 : 10. 

(7) Laodicea is situated a hundred miles east of Ephesus, in the 
valley of the Lycus, where the Lycus empties into the Maeander. 
It was founded by Antiochus II of Syria, 261-246 b. c.,' and named 
for his wife. Like Philadelphia, it was designed to be a missionary 
of Hellenism to the country of the region. Like the other Hellenic 
cities it was beautified with temples, theaters, and colonnaded 
streets. Later Laodicea passed under the control of Pergamum, and 
with that kingdom fell to Rome in 133 B.C. An influential clement 
in its population was Jewish, and before Paul's imprisonment in 
Rome a Christian church had been founded there (Col. 4 : 13). 
The city of Laodicea appears to have been devoted to commerce and 
to material things. In Rev. 3 : 15 its church is said to have been 
lukewarm. Except that its lukewarmness may have come from its 
commercial spirit, there is nothing in the history or archaeology of 
the city that illustrates the letter^ to it in Rev. 3 : 14-22. 

The site of Laodicea is now almost deserted. Only the wretched 
Turkish village of Eski Hissar represents habitation, but hundreds 
of acres are covered with the ruins of the once splendid city. For 
hundreds of years the villagers of neighboring hamlets have used 
the place as a quarry, but nevertheless its ruins are impressive. 
Two theaters are in a fairly good state of preservation; the seats are 
still in place.'' The stadium is in a similar condition of preserva- 
tion. Its aqueduct and its gates are still imposing in their dilapi- 
dation, but the desolation of Laodicea recalls the words: "I will 
spew thee out of my mouth" (Rev. 3 : 16); (see Fig. 288). 

1 See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 257 and 274, ff. 

* See Barton, A Year's Wandering in Bible Lands, p. 82. 

* See Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Oxford, 1895, p. 32, f. 

* See Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, 424, fl. 

' See F. E. Clark, The Uuly Land of Asia Minor, New York, 1914, p. 145, f. 





As noted in the Preface, the inferences drawn by different schol- 
ars, when they compare the Bible with the records brought to light 
by exploration, diverge according as their critical and theological 
views differ. In the comments made throughout Part II, as in 
Part I, the writer has endeavored to maintain a neutral attitude 
and impartially to report in each case the principal inferences 
drawn by the most important groups of scholars, that the reader 
may know something of the latitude of opinion that prevails. To 
have recorded every opinion would have expanded the work far 
beyond the limits prescribed, and would have burdened the reader 
with many views that are mere vagaries. The temptation is 
always strong to declare that the interpretation of an ancient 
record which accords with one's own views must be right, but 
unfortunately problems in ancient history that are thus dogmat- 
ically settled do not remain settled. A deeper faith, confident in 
the ultimate triumph of truth, patiently awaits further light. 




Text of the Epic. Comparison of the Epic with the First Chapter of Genesis. 
The Epic and Other Parts of the Bible. 

I. Text of the Epic. 

Tablet I 

1. Time was when above heaven was not named 

2. Below to the earth no name was given. 

3. Then the primeval Abyss their begetter, 

4. The roaring Sea who bore them, — 

5. Their waters together were mingled; 

6. No field had been formed, no marsh-land seen. 

7. Time was when gods had not been made, 

8. No name was named, no destiny [determined]; 

9. Then were created the gods in the midst [of heaven]. 

10. Lakhmu and Lakhamu were formed [together]. 

II. Ages multipHed, 

12. Anshar and Kishar were created, and over them 

13. Days were prolonged, there came forth. . . . 

14. Anil, their son 

15. Anshar and Anu 

16. And the god Anu 

17. Nudimmud whose fathers, his, begetters 

18. Abounding in wisdom, understanding 

19. He was strong exceedingly 

20. And he had no rival 

2 1 . They were established and 

22. In confusion were T[iamat and Apsu]^ 

23. They were troubled 

24. In sin(?) _ 

25. Apsu was not diminished 

26. Tiamat roared 

27. She smote and their deeds 

Other translations of this epic have been made. The most important are as follows: 
Zimmern, in Gunkel's Schdp/ung und Chao':. pp. 401, ff.; Delitzsch, Das Bahylonische Welt- 
schepfungsepos (Abhandlungen der siichsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Bd. XVII, 
1896); Muss-Arnolt, in Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, Aldine ed., edited by R. F. 
Harper; Jensen in Schrader's Keilinschri/tliche Bibliothek. Bd. VI; L. W. King, The Seven 
Tablets of Creation; Dhorme. Choix de textes religieux assyrobabyloniens; Ungnad, in Gressman's 
Altorientalische Texte untl Bilder zum Alten Testament; Rosters, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old 
Testament. A fragment of this tablet is shown in Fig. 290. 

'That is, Sea and Abyss, mentioned in lines 3 and 4. Apsu was the waters underneath the 
dry land and Tiamat the salt sea. 



28. Their way was not Rood; they themselves prospered. 

29. Then Apsu, the bej^etter of the great K^fls, 

30. Cried to Mummu, his minister, and saifi, 

31. O ]\Iummu, my minister, who delightest my heart, 

32. Come, unto Tiiimat [let us go]. 

3^. They went, before Tiamat they lay down, 

34. A plan they formed against tlie gods [their ofTspring]. 

35. [Apsu] opened his mouth, [he said to her], 

36. Unto Tiamat, the brilliant, a word he spoke: 

37. "[Intolerable to me] is their advancement, 

38. l^y day T have no rest, at night, no peace. 

39. But I will destroy their way, an end will I make. 

40. Let there be a cry, then we may be at peace!" ^ 

41. When Tiamat heard these words, 

42. She was angry and sj)oke against them [a curse); 

43. [She was] grievously li)aincd] she raged 

44. A curse'she let fall, unto [Ajjsu she spoke]: 

45. "What are wc that we [should perish]! 

46. Let their way become difi'icult." 

47. Mummu answered, Apsu [he counseled] 

48 not favorable was the counsel of the Roarer: 

49. "Their way is strong, but do thou confound [it], 

50. By day thou shalt be calm, by night thou shalt lie down." 

51. Apsu heard and his face brightened, 

52. [Since] he planned evil against the gods, his sons, 
53 [clasped his neck], 

54. [He took him on] his knees and kissed him. 

55. [They undertook, the evil which] together they had planned. 

56 they 


58. A cry; a cry in stillness theytsat 


60. Ea the wise went up, he saw their horrors. (?), 

(More* than thirty lines here are too broken for connected translation.) 

93 thy they subjugated, 

94 weeps (?) and sits wailing. 

95. of fear, 

96 not. shall we ourselves rest. 

97 Apsu laid waste, 

98. He and Mummu who were bound in 

99 quickly thou shalt go 

100 we ourselves may rest. 


102 we ourselves may rest. 

103 their mercy avenge! 

104 to the storm 

105 the word of the bright god, 

106 what thou givest, we will indeed do! 

107 the gods in 

108 the gods [she] created. 

W). They separated themselves, to the side of Tiamat they came; 

110. They raged, they planned, they rested not night or day. 

111. They prepared for battle, fuming, raging; 


112. Their assemblage was formed and they began war. 

113. Mother Khubur, who formed all things, 

1 14. Made unrivaled weapons, spawned great serpents, 

115. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang; 

116. With poison instead of blood their bodies she filled. 

117. Fierce dragons with terror she clothed, 

118. Luster she made abundant, to loftiness made them equal. 

119. Whoever beheld them, terror (?) overcame him; 

120. Their bodies thej^ reared up without turning their breast. 

121. She established vipers, serpents, and Lakhami,^ 

122. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men, 

123. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams (?); 

124. They bore merciless weajwns, fearless of battle. 

125. Her behests were mighty; without rival were they. 

126. Moreover eleven such as these she created. 

127. .\mong the gods, her firstborn, who at her side gathered, 

128. She exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst, 

129. To march before the forces, to lead the host, 

130. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack, 

131. To direct the battle, as commander-in-chief; 

132. To him she entrusted it, made him sit in purple (?) : 

133. "Thy spell I have uttered; in the assembly of gods I have made thee 


134. The sovereignty of all the gods, I have placed in thy hand 

135. Surely thou art exalted, my only spouse! 

136. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki." 

137. She gave him the tablets of destiny, on his breast she laid them: 

138. Thy command shall be unalterable, established, thy word." 

139. Now Kingu was exalted, he received the highest rank, 

140. .\mong the gods, his sons, he fixed fate: 

141. "The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god; 

142. Who so is e.xalted in excellence, let him increase in might." 

Tablet II 

1. Tiamat made mighty her work 

2. [Evil] she cherished against the gods, her offspring. 

3. [To avenge] .\psu, Tiamat planned evil. 

4. Her [forces] how she joined, to Ea was divulged. 

5. Ea [hearkened] to this thing, 

6. He was thrown into [great] straits, he sat in silence. 

7. [The days] went by; his anger was appeased, 

8. [To the place] of .\nshar, his father, he proceeded. 

9. [He went] before the father who begat him, .\nshar, 

10. [.\11 that] Tiamat had planned he repeated unto him. 

11. "Tiamat, our mother, has come to hate us; 

12. Her assembly is set; with rage she is hot; 

13. Turned unto her are the gods, all of them, 

14. With those ye created, they walk at her side. 

15. They have separated themselves; at the side of Tiamat they go; 

16. They rage, they plan; they rest not day or night." 

(Lines 17^8 continue the literal repetition of lines 109-142 of tlie first tablet 
which was begun in lines 15, 16. After this the narrative continues:) 

' /. «., the spirits of earth. 


49. [When Anshar heard how Tiamat] was greatly in disorder, 

50. [He smote his breast], he bit his lip, 

51. [His mind was disturbed], his heart was not at rest, 

52 his cry was wrung from him. 

53. [Away Ea, my son, go forth to] battle! 

54 my work (?) thou shalt establish! 

55. [Mummu and] .\psu thou hast already struck down. 

56. [Kill also Kinjgu who comes up before her 

57 deliberation. 

58 gods Nudimmud. 

(A break of ten or twelve lines occurs at this point in the tablet.) 

72. [.\nshar] spoke to his son [a word]: 

73. "Thou, this [son of mine], my warrior, 

74. [Whose strength is mighty], whose attack irresistible, 

75. [Go], stand before Tiamat, 

76. [That] her wrath [may be appeased], her heart softened, 

77. [But if] she will not hearken to thy word, 

78. Our [word] shalt thou speak to her, that she may be appeased," 

79. [He heard] the utterance of his father Anshar, 

80. He took the straight path to her, he entered the way. 

81. Anu [drew near], he beheld the terror (?) of Tiamat, 

82. [He did not ascend to her presence], but turned back, 

83. [Then turned he to Ea and called] him, he, Anshar, 

84. [Opened his mouth] and spoke to him, 

85. ["Hateful are the ways of Tiamat] to me." 

(Some twenty lines here are too fragmentary for translation.) 

108. [Ea opened his mouth (?)] and spoke to him: 

109. ["Marduk, my son, hear the word of] thy father. 

110. Thou art he, my son, who canst enlarge his heart. 

Ill to the battle draw nigh, 

112 [to] Emarukka' give peace." 

113. Then the lord rejoiced at the words of his father; 

114. He drew near and stood before Anshar. 

115. Anshar beheld him and his heart was filled with joy, 

116. He kissed his lips and his fear departed from him. 
117 is not hidden; open thy lips. 

118. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart. 
119 is not concealed; open thy lips. 

120. Verily I will go, I will attain the wish of thy heart. 

121. Who is the man, who would bring thee out to his battle? 

122. [And now] shall Tiamat, a woman, come against thee with weapons? 
123 rejoice and e.xult; 

124. On the neck of Tiamat thou shalt shortly tread. 

125 rejoice and exult; 

126. On the neck of Tiamat thou shalt shortly tread." 

127. "My son, who knows all wisdom, 

128. Tiamat pacify with thy pure incantation. 

129. Thy way speedily take; 

130 thou shalt not fear, thou shalt use a spell afterward." 

131. Then the lord rejoiced at the word of his father, 

132. His heart exulted and to his father he spoke: 

• Another name for Tiamat. 


133. "O Lord of the gods, fate of the great gods, 

134. If I accomplish your preservation, 

135. Take Tiamat captive and save your lives, 

136. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in. 

137. In Upshukkunnaku seat yourselves joyfully together, 

138. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you. 

139. Let there not be changed whatever I create, 

140. May the command of my lips not be altered or opposed." 

Tablet III 

1. Anshar opened his mouth and said, 

2. [To Gaga] his [messenger] a word he spoke: 

3. "[O Gaga, thou messen]ger, thou rejoicest my heart. 

4. [To Lakhmu and Lakh]amu will I send thee; 

5. [The desire of my heart] mayest thou attain. 

6 bring (?) before me. 

7. [May there come] the gods, all of them, 

8. [Let them prepare for converse], at banquets let them sit, 

9. [Bread may they eat], wine may they prepare, 

10. [For Marduk], their [avenger], let them decree the fate. 

11. [Go, Ga]ga, before them stand, 

12. [And all that] I tell thee repeat unto them 

13. [.A.nshar], your son, hath sent me, 

14. [The purpose of his heart he] hath disclosed to me, 

15. [Saying]: Tiamat, who bore us, hates us, 

16. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages, 

17. Turned to her are the gods, all of them, 

18. With those whom ye created, they march at her side, 

19. They are rebellious, at Tiamat's side they come, 

20. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night, 

21. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging, 

22. An assembly is made, they start a revolt. 

23. Mother Khubur, who formed all things, 

24. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents, 

25. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang, 

26. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled; 

27. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed, 

28. Luster has made abundant, to loftiness made equal. 

29. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him. 

30. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts. 

31. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami, 

32. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men, 

33. Mighty storms, fish-men, and rams; 

34. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle. 

35. Her behests are mighty, without rival are they. 

36. Moreover eleven such as these she has created. 

37. Among the gods, her firstborn, who arc gathered at her side, 

38. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst, 

39. To march before the forces, to lead the host, 

40. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack, 

41. To direct the battle as commander-in-chief; 

42. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in purple, [saying,] 

43. 'Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of gods I have made thee 



44. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand, 

45. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse! 

46. May they maj^nify thy t.ame over all the Anunnaki.' 

47. She has given him the tablets of destinj', on his breast has laid them, 


48. 'Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.' 

49. Now Kingu has been exalted, has received highest rank, 

50. .\mong the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying]: 

51. 'The opening of your mouth shall quench the lire-god, 

52. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.' 

53. 1 sent Anu; he had no power before her, 

54. Nudimmud feared and turned back, 

55. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son, 

56. As a foe of Tiamat his heart prompts him to go. 

57. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying]: 

58. 'If I accomplish your preservation, 

59. Take Tiamat captive, and save your lives, 

60. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in. 

61. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together, 

62. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you. 

63. Let there not be changed whatever I create, 

64. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.' 

65. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate, 

66. That he may go and fight your strong enemy." 

67. Then Gaga went, his way he pursued, 

68. To the place of Lakhmu and Lakhamu, the gods, his fathers; 

69. He kissed the ground at their feet, 

70. He bowed himself; he stood up, he addressed them, [saying]: 

71. "Anshar, your son, hath sent me, 

72. The purpose of his heart he has disclosed to me 

73. Saying: Tiamat, who bore us, hates us; 

74. An assemblage is appointed, angrily she rages, 

75. Turned to her are the gods, all of them, 

76. With those whom you created, they march at her side, 

77. They are rebellious, at Tiamat's side they come. 

78. They rage, they plot, they rest not day nor night, 

79. They prepare for battle, fuming and raging, 

80. An assembly is made, they start a revolt. 

81. Mother Khubur, who formed all things, 

82. Has made weapons without rival, has spawned monster-serpents, 

83. Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang, 

84. With poison like blood their bodies she has filled; 

85. Fierce dragons with terror she has clothed; 

86. Luster has been made abundant, to loftiness made equal. 

87. Whoever beholds them, terror (?) overcomes him. 

88. Their bodies they raise up without turning their breasts. 

89. She has established vipers, serpents, Lakhami, 

90. Hurricanes, raging hounds, scorpion-men, 

91. Mighty storms, fish-men, rams; 

92. They bear merciless weapons, fearless of battle. 

93. Her behests are mighty, without rival are they. ; 

94. Moreover eleven such as these she has created. 

95. Among the gods, her firstborn, who are gathered at her side, 

96. She has exalted Kingu, made him great in their midst, 

97. To march before the forces, to lead the host. 


98. To raise the conquering weapon, to lead the attack, 

99. To direct the battle as commander-in-chief; 

100. To him she has entrusted it, made him sit in puri:)le, [saj'ing]: 

101. 'Thy spell I have uttered, in the assembly of the gods I have made thee 


102. The sovereignty of all the gods I have placed in thy hand 

103. Surely thou art exalted, O my spouse! 

104. May they magnify thy name over all the Anunnaki.' 

105. She has given him the tablets of destiny, on his breast has laid them, 


106. 'Thy command shall be unalterable, established be thy word.' 

107. Now Kingu has been exalted, has received highest rank, 

108. Among the gods, her sons, he fixes fate, [saying:] 

109. 'The opening of your mouth shall quench the fire-god, 

110. Whoso is exalted in excellence, let him increase in might.' 

111. I sent Anu, he had no power before her, 

112. Nudimmud feared and turned back, 

113. Marduk has set forth, the leader of the gods, your son, 

1 14. As a foe of Tiamat his heart prompts him to go. 

115. He opened his mouth and spake to me, [saying:] 

116. 'If I accomplish your preservation, 

117. Take Tiamat captive and save your lives, 

118. Appoint an assembly, make my fate strong, let it come in. 

119. In Upshukkunaku seat yourselves joyfully together, 

120. The word of my mouth shall determine fate instead of you, 

121. Let there not be changed whatever I create, 

122. May there not be altered or opposed the command of my lips.' 

123. Hasten, therefore, and quickly decree your fate, 

124. That he may go and fight your strong enemy." 

125. Lakhmu and Lakhamu heard, they cried aloud; 

126. The Igigi, all of them, wailed bitterly, [saying:] 

127. "What has changed that they should desire to take us (?) 

128. We do not understand what Tiamat has done." 

129. Then they massed themselves together, they went, 

130. The great gods, all of them, who decree fate, 

131. They entered in before Anshar, they filled, [Upshukkunaku]. 

132. Brother kissed brother in the assembly 

133. They prepared for converse, sat down to the banquet, 

134. Bread they ate; wine they prepared. 

135. The sweet drink confused their minds (?), 

136. Drunk were they with drink, their bodies were filled (?), 

137. They became very unsteady, their hearts were exalted, 

138. For Marduk, their deliverer, they decreed the fate. 

Tablet IV 

1. They prepared for him a princely chamber: 

2. In the presence of his fathers for sovereignty he became mighty. 
[They said:] 

3. "Thou art most honored among the great gods, 

4. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Anu's! 

5. O Marduk, thou art most honored among the great gods, 

6. Thy destiny is without rival, thy command is Anu's! 

7. From today without opposition shall be thy command; 

8. To exalt and to abase is verily in thy power; 


9. Established is thy utterance, irresistible thy command. 

10. None among the gods shall invade thy province. 

11. Sustenance, the desire of shrines of the gods, 

12. While they are in need, shall be certain in thy sanctuary! 

13. O Marduk, thou art the preserver of our lives! 

14. We gi\'e thee sovereignty over the totality of all the world. 

15. Sit thou in the assembly, thy word shall be exalted! 

16. Thy weapon shall never be o'ercome, may it destroy (?) thy foe! 

17. O lord, he who trusts thee — his life save! 

18. But the god that is wed to e\dl, its life pour out!" 

19. Then they placed in the midst a garment, 

20. And unto Marduk, their firstborn, they spoke, 

21. "Thy fate, O Lord, let it be first among the gods! 

22. To destroy and to create — speak, let it be established! 

23. At thy command let a garment perish! 

24. Again at thy command let the garment re-appcar!" 

25. Then he spake with his mouth, the garment perished; 

26. Again he commanded and the garment was recreated. 

27. As the utterance of his mouth the gods, his fathers, saw, 

28. They rejoiced, they uttered blessing: "JMarduk is king!" 

29. They bestowed upon him the scepter, the throne, and the battle-axe; 

30. They gave him an unrivaled weapon, which turns back (?) the foe. 

31. "Go, Tiamat's life cut off; 

32. May the winds bear her blood to secret places!" 

33. When the gods, his fathers had fixed Bel's fate, 

34. The way of prosperity and success they caused him to take. 

35. His bow he prepared, his weapon he chose, 

36. A spear he bound on him at his waist, 

37. He raised the heavenly weapon, with his right hand grasped it, 

38. His bow and quiver at his side he hung, 

39. He placed the lightning before his face, 

40. With quivering flame his body he filled. 

41. He made a net to enclose Tiamat's body, * 

42. He caused the four winds to seize so that nothing of her could escape; 

43. The south wind, the north wind, the east wind, the west wind, 

44. He brought to the side of the net, the gift of his father Anu, 

45. He made the e\41 wind, the bad wind, the tempest and the hurricane, 

46. The four winds, the seven winds, the whirlwind (?), the unhealthy wind; 

47. He brought forth the winds which he had made, the seven of them, 

48. To trouble the inward parts of Tiamat, they came after him. 

49. The lord raised up the tornado, his mighty weapon, 

50. .\s a chariot, a storm unriv-aled for terror he mounted, 

51. He harnessed for himself and attached to it four steeds, 

52. "Destroyer," "Unmerciful," "Overwhelmer," "Fleet-footed." 

53. [Foam-covered (?)] were their teeth, filled with poison, 

54. Skilled were they [to run down], taught to destroy. 
55 mighty in battle, 

56. Left and right they opened (?) 

57. His garment was [rage], with terror was he clad, 

58. With his overpowering brightness his head was crowned. 

59. He made straight the way, he took his path, 

60. To the place of Tiimat, the raging (?), his face he set. 

61. With his lip he cursed (?), 

62. A plant of magical power (?) — he seized with his hand. 

63. On that day they exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him; 



64. The gods, his fathers, exalted (?) him, the gods exalted (?) him. 

65. The lord approached, the waist of Tiamat he scanned, 

66. Of Kingu, her spouse — he beheld his terrifying-f;lance (?). 

67. As Marduk gazed, Kingu's i)rogress was impeded, 

68. Destroyed was his purpose, frustrated his deed, 

69. And the gods his helpers, who marched at his side, 

70. Saw the warrior and leader; their look (?) was troubled. 

71. Ti4mat perceived it (?); she did not turn her neck. 

72. With proud (?) lips she uttered words of defiance: 

73. ''Who decreed (?) that thou shouldst come as lord of the gods? 

74. Have they assembled from their places, are they to serve thee?" 

75. The lord raised the tornado, his mighty weapon, 

76. [Against] Tiamat who was raging, thus he spoke: 

77. "[Why hast thou] made thyself great? Exalted thyself on high? 

78. [Why does thy heart] prompt thee to battle (?) 

79. [How can thy heljiers] defy (?) the gods, their fathers? 

80. [Why] dost thou hate their [command], their ru[le despise]? 

81. [Why hast thou exalted Kingu] to be thy spouse? 

82. [Hast given] him the functions of deity? 

83. [How] canst thou seek after evil? 

84. [And against] the gods, my fathers, thy evil plan devise? 

85. [Let] thy forces be joined, girded on thy weapons! 

86. Stand! I and thou — come let us fight!" 

87. Tiamat, when she heard this, 

88. Was like one possessed; she lost her reason. 

89. Tiamat cried out vehemently with high voice, 

90. Like roots divided in twain her legs trembled. 

91. She uttered an incantation, she cast a charm, 

92. And the gods of battle demanded their weapons. 

93. Then took their stand Tiamat and the leader of the gods, Marduk; 

94. For the fight they approached, for the battle they drew near. 

95. The lord spread out his net and enclosed her, 

96. The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face. 

97. .A.s Tiamat opened her mouth to its full extent, 

98. The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close. 

99. With the mighty winds he filled her belly; 

100. Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth. 

101. He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly, 

102. He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart, 

103. He bound her and her life destroyed; 

104. Her body he cast down, upon it he stood. 

105. .After Tiamat, the leader, he had slain, 

106. Her army he broke, her host was scattered, 

107. And the gods, her helpers, who marched by her side, 

108. Trembled, feared, they turned their backs; 

109. They sought an exit, to save their lives; 

110. With a cordon they were encompassed; escape was not possible. 

111. He caught them, their weapons he broke, 

112. Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained. 

113. All quarters of the world they filled with lamentation. 

114. His wrath they endured; they were held in bondage. 

115. And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness, 

116. The troop of demons who marched as her helpers (?), 

117. He threw into fetters, their power he [broke]; 

118. Along mth their opposition he trampled them under his feet. 



119. And Kingu who had been exalted over them, 

120. He took captive, as the god Dugga he counted him. 

121. He took from him the tablets of destiny, not rightly his, 

122. He scaled them with a seal, in his own breast he laid them. 

123. After his enemies he had seized and destroyed, 

124. His arrogant foe had completely hmiiiliated (?), 

125. The triumph of Anshar over the foe had fully established, 

126. The wish of Nudimmud had accomplished, ]\Iarduk, the warrior 

127. Over the bound gods strengthened his hold, 

128. Unto TiAmat, whom he had bound, he turned back. 

129. The lord trod upon Tiamat's feet 

130. And with his uns[)aring weapon crushed her head. 

131. He cut through the veins of her blood, 

132. He caused the north wind to bear it to secret places. 

133. His fathers saw it; they rejoiced, they exulted, 

134. Gifts and presents they brought unto him. 

135. Then the lord rested; he gazed upon her body, 

136. The flesh of the monster he divided; he formed a cunning plan. 

137. He split her open like a flat fish into two halves, 

138. One half of her he established and made a covering of the heavens, 

139. He drew a bolt, he estabUshed a guard, 

140. And not to let her waters come out, he commanded. 

141. He passed through the heavens, he surveyed the regions, 

142. Over against the deep he set the dwelling of Nudimmud. 

143. The structures of the deep the lord measured, 

144. As a palace like unto it he founded Esharra. 

145. In the palace Esharra which he built in the heavens, 

146. He caused Anu, EM, and Ea at their stations to dwell. 

Tablet V 

1. He [Marduk] ordained the stations of the great gods; 

2. As stars their likenesses as constellations of the zodiac he placed. 

3. He ordained the year, into parts he divided it, 

4. For the twelve months he established three stars. 

5. After the days of the year he had fashioned as images, 

6. He founded the station of Jupiter, to determine their bounds; 

7. That none might go wrong or err, 

8. The station of Bel he established, and Ea by his side. 

9. He opened gates on both sides. 

10. A lock he made strong on the left and the right, 

11. In the midst thereof he placed the zenith; 

12. The moon-god he caused to shine; the night he entrusted to him. 

13. He appointed him a being of the night, to determine the days; 

14. Monthly, without ceasing, into a crown he made him, [saying:] 

15. ";\t the beginning of the month shine upon the lands, 

16. Horns exhibit, to determine six days; 

17. On the seventh day let the tiara disappear; 

18. On the fourteenth day thou shalt stand over against the [two] halves. 

19. When the sun-god on the horizon thee, 

20. Thou to be resi)Iendent, and thou shalt turn (?) backward (?) 

21. (Fourteen days] unto the path of the sun-god thou shalt approach, 

22. [On the 28th day] thou shalt approach the sun-god 

23 signs (?), seek (?) her way! 

24 approach ye and judge justice! 


25 to destroy, 

26 mc." 

(Some lines are lost at this point. It is estimated that forty of them are 

67. After 

68. In Esagila' 

69. To establish 

70. The station of 

7 1 . The great gods 

72. The gods 

73. He received 

74. The net which he had made the [great] gods saw, 

75. Saw the bow, how skillful [its workmanship]; 

76. The work which he had done, they [loudly] praised. 

77. Then arose .\nu in the assembly of the [great] gods, 

78. The bow he kissed it 

79. "Long-wood shall be one name, and a second 

80. Its third name shall be Bow-star in the heavens." 

81. He fixed its position [unto distant days]. 

82. After the destiny of 

83. [He set] a throne 

84 in the heavens 

(Practically all the remainder of Tablet V is as yet undiscovered. From a 
very broken fragment, preserved in the British ISIuseum, it appears that when 
the gods saw the work of Marduk in adorning the heavens with constellations, 
they broke into rapturous praise of him. It is these words to which reference is 
made at the beginning of Tablet VI.) 

Tablet VI 

1. Marduk, the word of the gods, when he heard it, 

2. His heart was stirred, he formed a brilliant plan. 

3. He opened his mouth, to Ea he spoke, 

4. What in his heart he had conceived he made known to him: 

5. "My blood will I divide, bone will I [fashion], 

6. I will make man, yes, man 

7. I will create man who shall dwell on the [earth]; 

8. Truly shall the service of the gods be established— of them and their 


9. I will alter the ways of the gods, and will change [their paths], 

10. Together shall they be honored, and unto evil shall [they]" 

11. Then Ea answered him and said: 

12 the of the gods have I changed, 

13 one • • ■ 

14 shall be destroyed, and people will I 

15 and the gods ' 

16 give and they 

17 shall assemble (?) and the gods 


1 Marduk's temple in Babylonia. 


19 the gods 

20 the Anunnaki 

(The rest of Tablet VI is still unrecovered, except a few lines at the end.) 

140. When... 

141 . They rejoiced 

142. In Upshukkunnaku they set [their assembly]. 

143. Of their heroic son, their savior they [cried]: 

144. "We whom he succored." 

145. They seated themselves, in the assembly they named him 

146. They all cried aloud (?), they exalted him 

Tablet VU 

1. "O Asharu, bestower of harvests, founder of agriculture, 

2. Creator of grain and plants, who made green herbs to grow, 

3. O honored Asharu, revered in the house of counsel, rich in counsel, 

4. Whom the gods honor, fearing [laid hold upon *;hem] 

5. O honored Asharu, powerful prince, the light [of the fathers who begat 


6. Who directs the decrees of Anu, Bel, [and. Ea]. 

7. He was their preserver, who ordained 

8. He whose provision is abundance, he goeth forth 

9. Tutu, the creator of their renewal is he. 

10. If their want be pure, then are [they satisfied]; 

11. If he make an incantation, then are the gods [appeased]; 

12. Should they attack him in anger, he will repulse their array; 

13. Let him therefore be exalted in the assembly of the gods. 

14. None among the gods is like unto him! 

15. Tutu-Ziukinna is the life of the host of the gods. 

16. Who established for the gods the bright heavens. 

17. Their way he received, [their path] ordained. 

18. Never forgotten among men shall be his [mighty] deeds. 

19. Tutu as Zi-azag thirdly they named, bringer of purification, 

20. God of the favoring breeze, the lord who hears and is merciful, 

21. Who creates fulness and plenty, who establishes abundance, 

22. Who turns whatever is small into something great. 

23. "In sore distress we caught his favoring breeze," 

24. Let them honor him, praise him, bow humbly before him. 

25. Tutu as Aga-azag may the mighty ones praise, 

26. The lord of the pure incantation, who makes the dead to live, 

27. Who to the captive gods showed abundant compassion, 

28. The oppressive yoke he laid ujwn the gods, his enemies, 

29. For their^ release he created mankind, 

30. The merciful one, with whom is life! 

31. Established and never forgotten be his word 

32. In the mouth of the black-headed race,^ whom his hand created. 

33. Tutu as Mu-azag, fifthly, his pure incantation may their mouth pro- 
' claim, 

34. Who through his pure incantation destroys all evil ones, 

35. Shagzu, who knows the hearts of the gods, who sees through the inner- 

most parts. 

1 /. e., the captive Rods of line 27. 

' The name which the Babylonians gave themselves. 


36. The evil doer he permits not to go out with him (?). 

37. Founder of the assembly of the gods [who gladdens] their heart. 

38. Who subdues the disobedient 

39. Director of righteousness 

(The tablet is too broken for connected translation, until nearly the end, where 
it continues:) 

107. Truly he holds their beginning and ending 

108. Saying, "He who passed through the midst of Tiamat [without resting], 

109. Let his name be Neberu, who seizes the midst, 

110. Who the stars of heaven — their ways he upholds; 

111. As a flock verily the gods pasture, all of them." 

112. He boimd Tiamat, her life he apportioned, he ended. 

113. In the future, people, old in years, 

114. Shall renew unceasingly, "let him be lord forever!" 

115. Because he created the places and fashioned the fastnesses 

116. "Lord of countries" Bel, his father, named him. 

117. The names the Igigi named, all of them, 

118. Ea heard, and his heart rejoiced: 

119. "He whose name his fathers have magnified 

120. He, even like me, shall be named Ea. 

121. The binding of all my commands shall he control, 

122. All my decrees shall he proclaim!" 

123. By the name "Fifty" did the great gods 

124. His fifty names make known, they made his path pre-eminent. 

125. May they be held fast and the first men reveal them, 

126. The wise, the understanding shall consider them together; 

127. May the father repeat them and the son lay hold upon them, 

128. So- that shepherd and herdsman may open their ears, 

129. And may rejoice in. Marduk, the- lord of the gods, 

130. That his land may be fertile, that he may have prosperity. 

131. His word is established, his command unfailing, 

132. The word of his mouth, no god hath annulled. 

133. He casts his glance without turning his neck, 

134. When he roars, no god can face his anger. 

135. Wide is his heart, great his goodness; 

136. The sinner and transgressor in his presence 

137. They received instruction, they spake before him. 

(The concluding lines are too broken for connected translation.) 

2. The First Chapter of Genesis and the Foregoing Creation Epic. 

The Babylonian Creation Epic, in the form in which we know it, 
took shape in the city of Babylon. Naturally, therefore, the god 
Marduk is made the central figure. It is he only who was suffi- 
ciently powerful to overcome the primeval dragon, it was he who 
created the heavens and the earth, it was he whom at the end gods 
and men adored. 

A Babylonian priest, Berossos, in a work composed after the time 
of Alexander the Great, gives an account of Babylonian ideas of 
the creation of the world, which is but the tradition of the epic 


in a slightly different form. A neoplatonic philosopher, Damascius, 
who lived about 560 a. d., ha^ also preserved a part of the tradition 
in a form almost identical with that of the epic. 

Scholars of all shades of opinion agree that there is some con- 
nection between this Babylonian tradition and the first chapter 
of Genesis, though they differ as to whether the Biblical writer was 
acquainted with the Babylonian tradition as we have it in the epic, 
or whether he knew an earlier form of the story. 

The points of similarity which have been urged between Genesis 
and the Babylonian epic are the following: 1. They begin somewhat 
similarly, Genesis with the words "In the beginning," the epic 
with the words: 

"Time was when above heaven was not named; 
Below to the earth no name- was given." 

2. Both accounts assume that primeval chaos consisted of a mass 
of waters, and to this mass of waters they give the same name. 
The Hebrews called it fhdm, "deep"; the Babylonians, Tidmat. 
These are really the same word in the two closely related languages, 
just as day and Tag are the same word in an English and a German 
form. In Genesis we are told that "The Spirit of God moved (R. V. 
margin, was brooding) upon the face of the waters"; in the Baby- 
lonian epic, the waters, which were thought to be of two genders, 
were embosomed. In both the result is the beginning of the crea- 
tive process. 

The two accounts agree that the heavens and the earth were 
created by the division of the primeval ocean by a firmament 
(the Babylonian calls it a covering), which held up a part of the 
waters, so that the earth could be formed beneath. They accord- 
ingly agree in the conception that there is a super-celestial ocean, 
i. e., "the waters which are above the firmament" (Gen. 1 : 7). 

Another striking similarity is found in the arrangement by sevens: 
the Babylonian epic is arranged in seven tablets, or cantos, the 
Hebrew account, in seven days. The Babylonian series culminates 
in the praise of Marduk by all the go3?7the Hebrew, in the institu- 
tion of the sabbath. The two scries agr^ in connecting the 
heavens with the fourth epoch of crcatioru>ind the creation of 
man with the sixth. 

In other respects the order differs. In the Babylonian account 
the moon and stars are created on the fifth day, instead of on the 


fourth. As Marduk is identified with the sun, that orb is assumed; 
its creation is not described. The creation of animals is not de- 
scribed in any text which we can attach to a definite tablet of the 
Babylonian series. It is, however, given in a fragment which reads 
as follows: 

1. When the gods in their assembly had made [the heavens], 

2. The firmament had established and bound [fast], 

3. Living things of all kinds had created, 

4. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, and moving things of the city. 

5. After unto all kinds of living things 

6. [Between beasts] of the field and mo\-ing things of the city had divided . . . 
7 all creatures, the whole creation 

8 that which in the whole of my family 

9. [Then arose] Nin-igi-azag, two small creatures [he created], 
10. In the assembly of the beasts he made [their form] brilliant, 

11 the goddess Gula 

12 one white and one black 

13 one white and one black 

The Babylonian account, then, contained somewhere the story 
of the creation of the animals, though, like the other parts of the 
Babylonian account, its order and atmosphere differ widely from 
the Biblical narrative. 

Some of these resemblances are of no great significance. The 
fact that the two accounts are arranged by sevens may be due 
simply to the fact that that number was sacred among both peoples. 
It is thought by some scholars that its use in Genesis was consciously 
adopted in order to lead up to the sabbath and glorify it. This 
might be true, even if the writer of the chapter knew of the Baby- 
lonian arrangement by sevens. 

The features of the two narratives, which have convinced some 
scholars of all shades of opinion that there is a real kinship between 
the two accounts, are their agreement as to the nature of primeval 
chaos, and the division of the primeval ocean by a firmament for 
the creation of the heavens and the earth. Both writers had, so to 
speak, the same raw material of objective conceptions. 

The differences between the accounts are, however, most marked. 
To speak first of that which is least important, the Hebrew order 
is in many respects different from the Babylonian. In the Baby- 
lonian the gods are generated in the first tablet, the world is not 
created till the fourth, and the creation of all other things is told 
in tablets four, five, and six. In other words, creation is divided 
into two parts, each of which is told in three tablets. The first three 


tablets deal with gods, the second three with the world and living 

This twofold division is found in the first chapter of Genesis. 
Here the creative process is divided into two stages, each embracing 
four works, and occupying three days. The distribution of these 
works is strikingly different from the Babylonian. On the first 
day, light and darkness were created; on the second, the firmament; 
on the third, the earth and vegetation; on the fourth, the heavenly 
bodies; on the fifth, fishes and birds; on the sixth, animals and men. 
The first series of three days prepared the heavens and the earth; 
the second series studded the sky with orbs and the earth with 
living beings. There is a striking parallelism between the two 
series. The first begins with the creation of light; the second, with 
light-giving bodies. To the third and sixth days two creative acts 
each are assigned. On the second day the seas are isolated; on the 
fifth they are stocked with fishes. On the third day dry land 
emerges, on the sixth terrestrial animals are made. On the third 
also herbs began to grow; on the sixth they are assigned to animals 
and men for food. The classification of the acts of creation in 
Genesis is clear and consistent, and thoroughly independent of that, 
in the Babylonian account. 

A more important difference lies in the religious conceptions of 
the two. The Babylonian poem is mythological and polytheistic. 
Its conception of deity is by no means exalted. Its gods love and 
hate, they scheme and plot, fight and destroy. Marduk, the cham- 
pion, conquers only after a fierce struggle, which taxes his powers to 
the utmost. Genesis, on the other hand, reflects the most exalted ^ 
monotheism. God is so thoroughly the master of all the elements 
of the universe, that they obey his slightest word. He controls 
all without effort. He speaks and it is done. Granting, as most 
scholars do, that there is a connection between the two narratives, 
there is no better measure of the inspiration of the Biblical account 
than to put it side by side with the Babylonian. As we read the 
chapter in Genesis today, it still reveals to us the majesty and power 
of the one God, and creates in the modern man, as it did in the 
ancient Hebrew, a worshipful attitude toward the Creator. 

3. The Babylonian Creation Epic and Other Parts of the Bible. 

The Babylonian poem, crude though it seems to us, had a power- 
ful fascination for the imagination. With more or less distinctness 
parts of it seem to have been known to various Hebrew writers, 


who, attributing to their own God, Jehovah, the role ascribed in the 
epic to Marduk, used these stories as poetic illustrations. At least 
this is the view of a considerable group of scholars. Some object 
that, if this were true, it would degrade Jehovah to the level of 
Marduk, but the objection does not seem well founded. The 
Hebrews might well have been such ardent monotheists as to believe 
that each and every mighty manifestation of power had been the 
work of Jehovah, without in any way lowering Jehovah to the level 
of a heathen god. The most important parallels which have been 
cited are here given, so that the reader may judge for himself as to 
which view is the more probable. 
In Job 9 : 13, 14 we read: 

God will not withdraw his anger; 

The helpers of Rahab do stoop under him. 

How much less shall I answer him, 

And choose out my words to reason with him? 

Rahab is beUeved by many to be here an epithet of Tiamat. It 
means "the one who acts boisterously" or "proudly." Those who 
thus think believe the lines in Job to refer to the overcoming of 
Tiamat's helpers in Tablet IV, lines 105-118, of the Babylonian 
creation epic, which read as follows: 

After Tiamat the leader he had slain, 

Her army he broke, her host was scattered, 

And the gods, her helpers, who marched at her side, 

Trembled, feared, they turned their backs; 

They sought an exit, to save their lives; 

With a cordon they were encompassed, escape was not possible. 

He caught them, their weapons he broke. 

Into the net they fell, in the snare they remained. 

All the quarters of the world they filled with their lamentation. 

His wrath they endured, they were held in bondage. 

And the eleven creatures, whom she had filled with terribleness, 

The troop of demons who marched as her helpers, 

He threw into fetters, their power he broke; 

Along with their opposition he trampled them under his feet. 

This would seem to suit the reference in Job, and to give point to 
Job's words. As our Saviour used stories in his parables, so this 
poet may have used this well-known story to illustrate his point. 

Again Job 26 : 12, 13 reads: 

He stirreth up the sea with his power. 

And by his understanding he smiteth through Rahab. 

By his Spirit the heavens are garnished; 

His hand hath pierced the swift seqjent. 


Four of the ancient versions of the Old Testament, with a very 
slight change in the Hebrew letters, read Job 26 : 13: 

The bars of heaven fear him; 

His hand hath pierced the swift serpent. 

Into comparison with v. 12 and the last line of 13, scholars have 
brought Tablet IV, line 93, IT., which runs: 

Then took their stand, Tiamat and the leader of the gods, Marduk; 

For the fight they api)roached, for the battle drew near. 

The lord spread out his net and enclosed her, 

The evil wind from behind he thrust into her face. 

As Tiamat opened her mouth to its full extent, 

The evil wind he drove in, so that her lips could not close. 

With the mighty winds he tilled her belly. 

Her courage was taken away, and she opened her mouth. 

He let fall the spear, he burst open her belly, 

He cut through her inward parts, he pierced her heart, 

He bound her and her life destroyed; 

Her body he cast down and stood upon it. 

Into comparison with the first line of v. 13, as the versions give it, 
scholars have brought line 135, and IT., of the same tablet: 

Then the lord rested, he gazed upon her body. 

The flesh of the monster he divided; he formed a cunning plan. 

He split her open like a flat lish into two halves; 

One half of her he established and made a covering of the heavens. 

He drew a bolt, he estabhshed a guard. 

And not to let her waters come out, he commanded. 

With the passages quoted above Psa. 74 : 13, 14 has also been 

Thou didst divide the sea by thy strength: 

Thou brakest the heads of the sea-monsters in the waters. 

Thou brakest the heads of leviathan in pieces; 

Thou gavest him to be food to the people inhabiting the wilderness. 

Verses 16, 17 of the same Psalm continue the theme with the 


The day is thine, the night also is thine: 
Thou hast prepared the light and the sun. 
Thou hast set all the borders of the earth: 
Thou hast made summer and winter. 

The theme is the same as that of the epic, viz.: the creation of the 
world. It would appear from v. 14 that as the Hebrews called 


Tiamat Rahab, so they called Kingu leviathan. Those who so 
think find another reference to the Babylonian creation epic in 
Job 3 : 8: 

Let them curse it that curse the day, 

Who are ready to rouse up leviathan. 

Apparently there were magicians who professed to be able to 
arouse such a monster. 

Other references to leviathan are thought to employ the same 
illustrative material. Thus in Isa. 27 : 1 we read: 

In that day Jehovah with his hard and great and strong sword will punish 
le\iathan the swift serpent, and leviathan the crooked serpent; and he will slay 
the monster that is in the sea. 

In Job 41 there is a long description of the crocodile under the 

name leviathan. In verses 19-21 some things are said of him that 

do not suit a real crocodile, and some scholars have thought that 

the language was influenced by the Babylonian material. These 

verses are: 

Out of his mouth go burning torches, 

And sparks of fire leap forth. 

Out of his nostrils a smoke goeth, 

As of a boiling pot and burning rushes. 

His breath kindleth coals, 

And a flame goeth forth from his mouth. 

Other references to Rahab, which have been thought to use the 
same illustration, are Psalm 89 : 10: 

Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces as one that is slain; 

Thou hast scattered thine enemies with the arm of thy strength. 

Also, Isaiah 51 : 9: 

Is it not thou that didst cut Rahab in pieces, 
That didst pierce the monster? 

As to whether these sacred writers really employed the material 
of the Babylonian epic to give force to their illustrations, the judg- 
ments of men will differ in accordance with their views of what is 
possible for an inspired writer. 

In the following passages Rahab is used to denote Egypt as a 



proud and imperious country. These uses are clearly figurative 
and nietaphnrical. 
Isa. 3U : 7: 

For Egypt helpeth in vain and to no |:)uq30se: 
Therefore have I called her Rahab that sitteth still. 

Psa. 87 : 4: 

Rahab and Babylon I proclaim my votaries. 

A fragmentary account of an Assyrian version of the creation 
epic has been found. It agrees with the Babylonian account in 
beginning with Tiamat, though the course of creation appears to 
have been different. The tablets known to us present it, how- 
ever, in a form too fragmentary for us to follow the course of the 




Text of the Account. Comparison of it with Genesis 2. 

I. Text of the Account. 

1. A holy house, a house of the gods, in a holy place had not been made; 

2. No reed had sprung up, no tree had been created. 

3. No brick had been made, no foundation had been built, 

4. No house had been constructed, no city had been built; 

5. No city had been built, thrones had not been estabUshed; 

6. Nippur had not been constructed, Ekur had not been built; 

7. Erech had not been constructed, Eanna had not been built; 

8. The deep had not been formed, Eridu had not been built; 

9. The holy house, the house of the gods, the dwelling had not been made, — 
10. All lands were sea, — 

II. Then in the midst of the sea was a water-course; 

12. In those days Eridu was constructed, Esagila was built, 

13. Esagila where, in the midst of the deep, the god Lugal-dul-azaga abode, 

14. (Babylon was made, Esagila was completed). 

15. The gods and the Anunaki he made at one time. 

16. (The holy city, the dwelling of their hearts' desire, they named as first), 

17. Marduk bound a structure of reeds upon the face of the waters, 

18. He formed dust, he poured it out beside the reed-structure. 

19. To cause the gods to dwell in the habitation of their hearts' desire, 

20. He formed mankind. 

21. The goddess .A.ruru with him created mankind, 

22. Cattle of the field, in whom is breath of life, he created. 

23. He formed the Tigris and Euphrates and set them in their places, 

24. Their names he did well declare. 

25. The grass, marsh-grass, the reed and brushwood (?) he created, 

26. The green grass of the field he created, 

27. The land, the marshes, and the swamps; 

28. The wild cow and her young, the wild calf; the ewe and her young, the 

lamb of the fold; 

29. Gardens and forests; 

30. The wild goat, the mountain goat, (who) cares for himself (?). 

31. The lord Marduk filled a terrace by the seaside, 
32 a marsh, reeds he set, 

33 he caused to exist. 

34. [Reeds he creatjed; trees he created; 

35. In their in their place he made; 

> Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part XIII, 
p. 35, a. 



36. [Bricks he laid, a founda]tion he constructed; 

37. [Houses he made], a city he built; 

38. [.\ city he built, a throncj he established; 

39. |Xup])ur he constructed), Ekur he built; 

40. [Erech he constructed], lOanna he built. 

(At this point the tablet is broken. When it again becomes legible, it is in the 
midst of an incantation.) 

2. Comparison with Genesis 2. 

This account of the creation has sometimes been compared with 
Genesis 2 : 4, ff., which describes a time when there was no grass 
or vegetation on the earth, and then goes on to describe the creation 
of man and animals, speaking of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. 

In this account of the creation it is stated (line 21) that the 
goddess Aruru with Marduk created mankind. 

In another Babylonian poem, the Gilgamesh epic, which contains 
the Babylonian story of the flood, there is an account of the crea- 
tion of man which accords much more closely with Gen. 2 : 7 than 
that which we are considering. It runs: 

The goddess Aruru, when she heard this, 

A man like Anu she formed in her heart. 

Aruru washed her hands; 

Clay she pinched off and spat upon it; 

Eabani, a hero she created, 

An exalted offspring, with the might of Ninib. 

Here is clearly a tradition, similar to Genesis, that God formed , 
man from the dust of the ground. The allusion to Aruru mdicates 
that this formed a part of the early Babylonian tradition. There 
is considerable evidence that in an earlier form of the Babylonian 
account Marduk had no place. He was introduced into it later by 
the priests of Babylon. Aruru was in that earlier form the creator 
of man, and probably was said to have formed him from clay, as 
in the Gilgamesh epic. 

While these points of likeness are evident, there are great differ- 
ences between the two narratives. The Babylonian account speaks 
not only of grass and reeds as non-existent, but of cities and temples 
also, which, it tells us, were created later. It has no picture of 
Eden; its thought centers in well-known Babylonian cities. While 
Marduk appears as supreme in the Babylonian poem, the gods and 
Anunaki, or spirits of earth, are recognized, so that the polytheistic 
view is not entirely absent. In the Biblical picture, on the other 


hand, Jehovah is supreme. Opinions of scholars diflfer as to whether 
there was any real connection between the two narratives. What- 
ever opinion one may hold on this point, there can be no question 
but that the second chapter of Genesis is dominated by those re- 
ligious conceptions which were so uniquely manifested in Israel, 
while they are absent from the Babylonian narrative. 



Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. A Day Called Shabatum. A Day in Some 
Tablets at Yale. 

1. Feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. 

The seventh clay is the feast of Marduk and Zarpanit. It is an evil day. 
The shepherd of the great people shall not eat flesh cooked on the coals which is 
smoked. The garment of his body he shall not change; a clean one he shall not 
put on. A sacrifice he shall not offer. The king in a chariot shall not ride. In 
trium[ih he shall not speak. In the secret place a seer shall not give an oracle. 
The physician shall not lay his hand on the sick. It is not fitting to utter a 
malediction. At night before Marduk and Ishtar the king shall bring his offer- 
ing; a libation he shall pour out. The lifting up of his hands shall then be pleas- 
ing to the gods.' 

This passage occurs in a tablet which describes the nature of all 
the days of a month. The same prohibitions are recorded for the 
fourteenth, nineteenth, twenty-first, and twenty-eighth days. 
The tablet has often been brought into comparison with the Hebrew 
sabljath, partly because the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and 
twenty-eighth days are involved, partly because the prohibitions 
remind the reader of Exodus 20 : 8-11 and Deut. 5 : 12-15. 

Exod. 20 : 8-11. Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. Six days 
shalt thou labor, and do all thy work: but the seventh day is a sabbath unto the 
Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy 
daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidser\-ant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger 
that is within thy gates: for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, 
and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the Lord blessed 
the sabbath day, and hallowed it. 

Deut. 5 : 12-15. Observe the sabbath day, to keep it holy, as the Lord thy 
God commanded thee. Six days shalt thou labor, and do all thy work: but 
the seventh day is a sabbath unto the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any 
work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy manservant, nor thy maid- 
servant, nor thine ox, nor thine ass, nor any of thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is 
within thy gates; that thy manservant and thy maidservant may rest as well as 
thou. And thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt, 

' Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, IV, 2d,ed., pi. 32, lines 



and the Lord thy God brought thee out thence by a mighty hand and by a 
stretched out arm: therefore the Lord thy God commanded thee to keep the 
sabbath day. 

In reality the Babylonian prohibitions apply to certain classes 
of people only, and not to the whole population. A study of the 
contract literature shows that there was no cessation of business 
upon these days of the month, so that resemblance to the Hebrew 
sabbath is really quite slight. 

2. A Day Called Shabatum. 

These days were not, so far as we know, called shabatum, but 
another tablet^ tells us that the fifteenth day of each month was so 
called. Shabatum is etymologically the same as the Hebrew sab- 
bath. As the Babylonian months were lunar, the fifteenth was 
the time of the full moon, so that in Babylonian the day denoted 
the completion of the moon's growth. In the Old Testament 
"sabbath" is sometunes coupled with "new moon," as though it may 
also have designated a similar day. (See 2 Kings 4:23; Amos 
8 : 5; Hosea 2 : 11; Isa. 1 : 13; 66 : 23, and Ezek. 46 : 3.) This 
Babylonian shabatum can, in any event, have no direct relationship 
to the Hebrew sabbath as a day of rest once a week. 

3. A Day in Some Tablets at Yale. 

A series of tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection, a portion 
of which has been published by Prof. Clay, ^ shows that special sac- 
rifices were offered on the seventh, fourteenth, twenty-first, and 
twenty-eighth of each month. These sacrifices show that these 
days were thought to have some peculiar significance, but, what- 
ever that significance may have been, the evidence cited shows 
that it was not the same as that of the Hebrew sabbath. 

> See Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archmology, Vol. XXVI, pp. 51-56. 

* Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, 1916, Nos. 46-51. 


Comparison with Genesis 3. The Adapa Myth. 

Four fra<];ments of the Adapa myth have been found. They 
really present but three parts of the story, as two of them cover the 
same ground. These three parts of the story are translated in this 
chapter. It will be noted that the fragments do not present the 
entire story. Between fragments I and II, as well as between 
fragments II and HI, some lines have fallen out, and the last frag- 
ment is broken away before the end of the account is reached. 
Nevertheless, from the parts which we have it is clear that the 
Babylonians shared with the Hebrews some of the traditions re- 
corded in the third chapter of Genesis. 

1. Comparison with Genesis 3. 

In the first place, Adapa, like Adam, had gained knowledge. 
This knowledge carried with it a power hitherto regarded as an 
attribute of divinity. It enabled Adapa to break the wing of the 
south wind; it tempted Adam and Eve "to become like God, know- 
ing good and evil" (Gen. 3:5). As in Genesis, knowledge did not 
carry with it immortality. Ea, the god who had permitted Adapa 
to become wise, feared that he might gain immortality, as Jeho- 
vah thought that Adam might "put forth his hand and take of the 
tree of life and eat and live forever" (Gen. 3 : 22). (For Babylo- 
nian and Assyrian conceptions of the tree of life, see Figs. 291, 293.) 

Ea accordingly told Adapa a falsehood when he was about to go 
into the presence of the supreme god, Anu, in order to prevent him 
from eating the food that would make him immortal ; Jehovah drove 
man from the garden where the tree of life grew. The two accounts . 
agree in the thought that immortality could be obtained by eating 
a certain kind of food. The lines at the end of the Adapa story are 
much broken, but they make it clear that as a punishment for what 
he had done, Adapa was subjected to sickness, disease, and restless- 
ness. This corresponds to the toil inflicted upon man (Gen. 3 : 17- ^ 
19), and the pangs of childbirth imposed upon woman (Gen. 3 : 16). 
It appears also that as Adam and Eve were clothed with skins in con- 
sequence of their deed (Gen. 3 : 21), so Adapa was clothed by Anu ^ ' 
in a special clothing. 


These similarities indicate that the Babylonians possessed the 
same general ideas of the connection of increasing knowledge, with 
the attributes of divinity on the one hand, and with suffering and 
clothing on the other, which are presented in Genesis. An increas- 
ing number of modern scholars regard the Babylonian story as an 
earlier form of a narrative which the Hebrew writer took and puri- 
fied. Others hold that it is a somewhat degenerate form of the 
Biblical narrative. In any event, the Babylonian story proves the 
Biblical conceptions to be ver\' ancient, and, by its contrasts to that 
of Genesis, it exhibits the dignity and religious value of the Biblical 
narrative. In the Babylonian myth, the gods, Ea and Anu, are 
divided and work at cross purposes; Ea tells a falsehood to accom- 
plish his end. Genesis, while it represents Jehovah as feeUng and 
acting in a much more human way than some parts of the Bible do, 
still portrays him as a consistently righteous, omnipotent God, who 
demands obedience, and whose punishments are the reasonable 
recompense for transgressions. The superiority of the Old Testa- 
ment stands out in striking contrast. 

2. The Adapa Myth.^ 


1. He possessed intelligence 

2. His command like the command of .\nu 

3. Wide intelligence he (Ea) made perfect for him, the destiny of the country 

to reveal. 

4. Unto him wisdom he gave; eternal life he did not grant him. 

5. In those days, in those years the wise man of Eridu,— 

6. Ea as a chief (?) among men had created him, — 

7. A wise man whose command no one could restrain, 

8. The prudent, the most wise among the Anunnaki was he, 

9. Blameless, clean of hantls, anointed, the observer of divine commands, 

10. With the bakers he made bread, 

11. With the bakers of Eridu he made bread, 

12. The food and water of Eridu he prepared daily, 

13. With his clean hands he prepared the table, 

14. .\nd without him the table was not cleared. 

15. The ship he steered; fishing and hunting for Eridu he did. 

16. Then Adapa of Eridu, 

17. While Ea lay upon a bed in a chamber (?), 

18. Daily the closing of Eridu he made right. 

19. At the pure quay, the quay of the new-moon, he embarked upon the ship, 

20. The wind blew, his ship sailed, 

21. With the rudder he steered the ship 

22. Upon the broad sea. 

» Translated from Rerueil de Travcjux. XX. 127. ff.; Winckler and Abel's Thoutsfel/ufui von Et- 
Amarni. Xo. 240. Keilinschrifiliche BiUiothek.Wl, p. xvii, f., and Proceedings of the Society of 
Biblical Archaoloty, XVI, 294, f. 




2. The south wind [blew and capsized him], 

3. To the house [of the fishes] it made him sink, 

4. "O south wind (increase] thy rage as much as [thou art able], 

5. Thy wing I will break." As he spoke with his mouth, 

6. The wing of the south wind was broken, seven days 

7. The south wind blew not on the land. Anu 

8. To his messenger, Ilabrat, said: 

9. "Why has the south wind not blown upon the land for seven days?" 

10. His messenger Ilabrat answered him, "My lord 

11. Adapa, the son of Ea, the wing of the south wind 

12. Has broken." Anu, when he heard this, 

13. Cried "Help!" He ascended his throne: "Let some one bring him to me. 

14. Likewise Ea, who knows the heavens, summon him, 
14a. To King Ea to come." ^ 

14b. To him he caused word to be borne, 

14c To him, to King Ea, 

14d. He sent a messenger. 

14e. He is of great understanding, he knows the hearts of the great gods, 

14f of the heavens, he estabUshes it. 

15. [A soiled garment he made] him wear; with a mourning garment clad him, 

16. He clothed him and gave him counsel, 

17. Saying: "Adapa, into the presence of Anu, the king, thou art going, 

18. Fail not the order, my word keep, 

19. WTien thou goest up to heaven and approachest the gate of Anu, 

20. At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida 

21. Stand, they will see thee, they will ask: 'Lord, 

22. For whose sake art thou thus, Adapa? For whom 

23. Art thou clad in a mourning garment?' 'In our country two gods have 

vanished, therefore 

24. Am I thus.' 'Who are the two gods who in the land 

25. Have vanished?' 'Tammuz and Gishzida.' They will look at one 

another and 

26. Be astonished. Favorable words 

27. To Anu they vvill speak. A joyful countenance of Anu 

28. They will reveal to thee. When thou standest in the presence of Anu, 

29. Food of death they will offer thee to eat; 

30. Thou shalt not eat. Water of death they will ofTer thee to drink; 

31. Thou shalt not drink. A garment will they show thee; 

32. Put it on. Oil they will set before thee; anoint thyself. 

33. The command which I give thee, forget not. The word 

34. Which I have spoken hold fast." The messenger 

35. Of Anu came: "Adapa of the south wind 

36. The wing has broken. Into my presence bring him." 

37. The road to heaven he made him take and to heaven he ascended. 

38. When to heaven he ascended, when he approached the gate of Anu, 

39. At the gate of .Anu, Tammuz and Gishzida were standing. 

40. When they saw him they cried: "Adapa, help! 

41. Lord, for whose sake art thou thus? 

42. For whom art thou clad in a mourning garment? 

43. In the country two gods have vanished; therefore in a mourning garment 

44. Am I clad. Who are the two gods who from the land have vanished?" 

' The lines 14a, etc., are supplied from a parallel tablet. 


45. "Tammuz and Gishzida." They looked at one another and 

46. Were astonished. When Adapa before Anu the king, 

47. Approached, Anu saw him and cried: 

48. "Come, Adapa, why of the south wind the wing 

49. Hast thou broken?" Adapa answered: "Anu. my lord, 
.50. For the house of my lord in the midst of the sea 

51. I was catching fish. As I was midway of the voyage 

52. The south wind blew and capsized me; 

53. To the house of the fishes it made me sink. In the anger of my heart 

54. [The south wind] I cursed. At my side answered Tammuz 

55. And Gishzida: 'The heart should be toward Anu.' 

56. They spoke, he was appeased, his heart was won (?). 

57. "Why has Ea, to impure man, of the heavens 

58. And the earth revealed the heart? 

59. Strong (?) has he made him (Adapa) ; a name he has given him. 

60. We — what can we do to him? Food of life 

61. Bring him, that he may eat." Food of life 

62. They brought him; he ate it not. Water of life ^ 

63. They brought him; he drank it not. A garment 

64. They brought him; he clothed himself. Oil 

65. They brought him; he anointed himself. 

66. Anu looked at him; he wondered (?) at him. 

67. "Come, Adapa, why dost thou not eat nor drink? 

68. Now thou shall not live; men are mortal (?)." "Ea my lord 

69. Said: Thou shalt not eat, thou shalt not drink." 

70. Take him and bring him back to earth. 
71 looked upon him. 


2. He commanded him and he 

3. The garment, he commanded him and he clothed himself. 
4 Anu wondered greatly at the deed of Ea. 

5. The gods of heaven and earth, as many as there are: "Who is thus 

mighty (?)? 

6. His command is the command of Anu. WTio can surpass [him]?" 

7. As now Adapa from the horizon to the zenith of the heavens 

8. looked, he saw his terror (/. e., the terror he inspired) 

9. [Which] Anu concerning Adapa upon him had placed. 

10. [The service (?)] of Ea he made his satisfaction. 

11. Anu fixed as his lot his lordship in brilliance to the distant future. 
12 Adapa, the seed of mankind, 

13. [\\Tio] victonously broke the wing of the south wind, 

14. And to heaven he ascended. "Thus let it be!" 

15 that which he in evil ways imposed on the people, 

16 sickness which he placed in the bodies of people. 

17 Ninkarrak appeased. 

18. Sickness [shall co]me, his disease be violent, 

19 destruction shall fall upon him, 

20. [In] good sleep he shall not rest, 

21 shall overturn (?) the joy of people's hearts. 

(The remainder is broken away.) 



Babylonian Long-lived ^jgs. Comparison with CIenesis 5. Comparison with 
t Genesis 4. ComArison with the Lisi of Berossos. 

A Biblical narrative tha*t challenges attention is that in Gene- 
sis 5, which contains the list of long-lived patriarchs who flourished 
before t*he flood. This narrative finds a striking parallel in the fol- 
lowiog taijlet which tells of long-lived kings who are said to have 
ruled in ancient Babylonia. The beginnings of all the columns of 
the ^^et arc broken away.^ 

1. Babylonian Long-lived Kings 

Column I 

2. : ruled 900 (?) years; 

7. Galumum 

8. ruled 900 (?) years; 

9. Zugagib 

10. ruled 840 (?) years; 

11. A-ri-pi, son of Mashgag, 

12. ruled 720 years; 

13. Etana, the shepherd, 

14. who ascended to heaven, 

15. who subdued all lands, 

16. ruled 635 years; 

17. I'ilikam, 

18. son of Etana, 

19. ruled 350 years; 

20. Enmenunna 

21. reigned 611 years; 

22. Mclam-Kish, 

23. son of Enmenunna, 

24. ruled 900 years; 

25. Barsalnunna, 

26. son of Enmenunna, 

27. ruled 1200 years; 

28. Mes (?) zamu, son of Barsalnunna, 

29. ruled years; 

30 son of Barsalnunna; 

Column II 

1. from Kish 

2. the kingdom 

3. passed to Eanna. 

4. In Eanna 

5. Meskingashir, 

6. son of Shamash,^ 

7. as lord, 

8. as king, 

9. ruled 325 years. 

10. Meskingashir 

11. entered into 

12. and went out from 

13. Enmeirgan, 

14. 15. son of Meskingashir, 

16. king of Erech, 

17. the people of Erech 

18. -Strengthened, 

19. as king 

20 ruled 420 years. 

21. Lugalbanda, the shepherd, 

22. ruled 1200 years. 

23. Dumuzi, the hunter* (?), 

24. Whose city is among fishes, 

25. ruled 100 years. 

26. Gilgamesh, 

27. whose father 

28. was lord of Kullab, 

29. ruled 126 years. 

' Translated from Poebcl, TJistorical and Grammatical Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 2. From 
the bcRinning of each column 16 to 18 lines are broken away. 

' The sun-god. 

' Perhaps "palm-tree-fertilizer" instead of hunter. It is not the usual ideogram for hunter, 
but one clement stands for "hand" and the other for "female flower of the date palm." (See 
Barton, The Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing, Nos. 311('2) and 303(''). 




Column III 

(The kingdom) 

1. of Erech 

2. passed to Ur. 

3. In Ur 

4. Mesannipada 

5. was king; 

6. he ruled 80 years. 

7. Meskiagnunna, 

8. son of Mesannipada, 

9. ruled 30 years. 

10. Elu 

11. ruled 25 years. 

12. Balu 

13. 36 years. 

14. 4 kings 

15. ruled 171 years. 

16. As to Ur 

17. the kingdom 

18. passed to Awan.^ 

Column IV- 

1. ruled 21 years. 

2. Ishme-Dagan, 

3. son of Idin-Dagan, 

4. ruled 21 years. 

5. Libit-Ishtar, 

6. son of Idin-Dagan, 

7. ruled 11 years. 

8. Ur-Ninib, 

9. son of Im 

Column V 

1. Total 51 kings — 

2. their years were 18000. . + 

3. 9 years months 

4. Four times 

5. in Kish: 

6. total 22 kings — 

7. their years were 2610+ 

8. 6 months, l^days. 

9. Five times . 

10. in Eredi: ' 

11. total w kings — 

12. ffleir years were 396 -*■ 

14. Three times 

15. in Ur: 

16. total 3 kings — • 

17. their years were 356 — 

18. ruled. 

19. Once 

20. in A wan: 

21. total 1 king — ' 

22. his rule was 7 years. 

23. Once 

24. in3 

Column VI , 

1. (total ) kings — 

2. (their years )were 196 — 

3. ruled. 

4. Twice in Agade : 

5. total 21 kings — 

6. their years were 125 years 

7. 40 days — ruled. 

8. Once 

9. in the people 

10. of Gutium: 

11. total 11 kings — 

12. their years were 159 years — 

13. ruled 

14. in Isin (?). 

15. Eleven 

16. royal cities 

17. ruled. 

18. Total 134 kings. 

19. Grand total 28876+ 

20. years, 

21 months.' 

This interesting document does not stand alone. Three other 
tablets published in the same volume^ contain similar material, 
though all that would have a bearing on our present topic is too 

1 Seven lines are broken away from the end of the column . 

' The subject-matter shows that several columns are entirely broken away. Dr. Poebel 
estimates that Column IV was originally Column X. If this is true, six columns are entirely lost. 
Of Column IV, only a few lines out of the middle remain. 

' A number of lines are lost at the end of the column. 

' Numbers 3, 4, and 5. 


broken for connected translation. It is clear from the translation 
here given that the Babylonians ascribed to some early kings reigns 
as long, and even longer in some cases, than those ascribed to the 
antediluvian patriarchs in Genesis 5. 

The peculiar spelling of Galumum and Zugagib in the Babylo- 
nian characters, together with the meaning of the words, shows that 
they are animal names. Zugagib means "scorpion" and Galumum, 
"lamb." In the lines which preceded, probably similar animal 
names were recorded. Perhaps this expresses the idea that animals 
were made before men, as is stated in Gen. 1 : 24-26. 

2. Comparison with Genesis 5. — The next name, Aripi,^ may 
also have been read Adime, and perhaps was so read by the Sume- 
rians themselves. If it came to the Hebrews in this form they 
would naturally equate it with the Hebrew Adam, which means 

Etana, the shepherd, is said in this list to have gone to heaven. 
This at once suggests the fate of Enoch, who "was not; for God took 
him" (Gen. 5 : 24). In the Sumerian the words "to heaven" are 
AN-§U, which may also be read AN-KU. If these words were not 
fully understood by the Hebrews, to whom Sumerian was not only 
a foreign language but a dead language, they might easily be mis- 
taken for a proper name, and would in Hebrew give us Enoch.^ 
Another suggestion as to the method of borrowing is also possible. 
Later traditions cherished the name of a king, Enmeduranki, whom 
they called a king of Sippar or Agade.^ Enmeduranki means "the 
hero who binds together heaven and earth." Etana is in our list of 
kings called a king of Kish, but in later times kings of Kish were also 
called kings of Agade. It is altogether probable, therefore, that the 
"hero who binds together heaven and earth" is simply another 
designation of Etana who went to heaven. The last two syllables 
of Enmeduranki, i. e., AN-KI, "heaven and earth," would, if 
taken over into Hebrew, also give Enoch. If we assume that 

' Pocbel reads the name Arpt, apparently because in another fragmentary tablet he thinks the 
name is Arbum, but both Poebel's copy and the photograph of the tablet indicate that the reading 
was A -ri-pi. The writer has endeavored to settle the matter by collating both tablets, but both 
have unfortunately crumbled too much to make collation decisive. 

» Sumerian words which begin with a vowel, when they are taken over into Hebrew, assume a 
guttural at the beginning. Thus the Sumerian AS-TAN, "one," which became in Semitic Baby- 
lonian illin, comes into Hebrew as 'eiti with an Ayin at the beginning. (See Jer. 1 : 3 and else- 
where.) Ayin in Semitic phonetics frequently changes to Heth. (See Brockelmann's Vergleick- 
emit Grammatik der Semilischen Sprachen, I, § 55, b, a.) In accordance with these facts AN-KU 
came into Hebrew as IJennk. 

' He is mentioned in Zimmem's Rilualtafeln fUr den Wahrsager, Leipzig, 1901, No. 24 : 1, ff., 
as the discoverer of the art of forecasting events by pouring oil on water. 


Etana and Enoch are the same, we may at a later point be able to 
determine by which of these processes the name is most likely to 
have come into Hebrew. In an old poem, fragments of which 
have been found on some broken tablets from Nineveh, the fortunes 
of Etana were given in detail. He is said to have been carried to 
heaven on the back of an eagle. If he be really the prototype of 
Enoch, this lends a touch of realism to the narrative. 

The Sumerian name Enmenunna means "exalted hero" or 
"exalted man." A natural translation of this into Sem.itic Baby- 
lonian about 2000 b. c. would be Mutu-elu,^ or, in one word, amelu, 
and an equally natural translation of this into Hebrew would give 
us Enosh. 

Pilikam,- the next name, means in Sumerian "with intelligence to 
build." In Babylonian Semitic it would be literally Ina-uzni- 
ercsu, or, rendered in one word, ummanu, "artificer." The Hebrew 
translation of this is Kenan, which means "artificer." Melamkish 
gives us the Hebrew Lamech by the simple elision of the first and 
last consonants. All people are lazy and words sometimes wear 
away both at the beginning and at the end.^ 

Barsalnunna, translated into Semitic Babylonian, becomes 
Slnthu-elu^ Seth may well be a transfer of a part of this name to 
Hebrew. The final radical of the first part of the name may have 
worn away or have been accidentally omitted. 

Meskingashir is resolvable into four elements, MES-KI-INGA^- 
SHIR,'' "the hero" or "man who is great" or "exalted." Translate 
this into Semitic Babylonian and it becomes Mutu-Sa-elu, which is 
almost exactly Methuselah. 

Enmeirgan becomes when translated into Semitic Mutu-salal- 

' Poebel has shown, Uistorical Texh. 114, that EN-ME designates a hero or special kind of 
priest. Mutu in Semitic means both "man" and "a kind of priest"; cf. Muss-Arnolt, Assyrische- 
Englisch-Deutsches Handwbrterbuch, 619, 620, and Knudtzon, El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 55, 43. 
Mulu was a popular element in Semitic proper names about 2000 B. c, but later ceased to be 

2 The sign kam Poebel failed to recognize . It is No. 364X of Barton's ■Origin and Development 
of Babylonian Writing. It is sometimes employed in early texts instead of other signs which had 
the values ka or kam. Here it is used for sign No. 357 of the work referred to. 

^ Langdon makes the suggestion (Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, 
Philadelphia, 1915, p. 56, note 7) that Lamech is the Sumerian LUMHA, an epithet of the Baby- 
lonian god Ea as the patron of music. A more plausible theory would be that Lamech is a corrup- 
tion of a king's name, as suggested above, and after it was corrupted it was confused with the 
name of the Sumerian god LAMGA, the constructive god, whose emblem was the sign for carpenter. 
(See Barton, work cited. No. 503.) 

* See Meissner, Seltene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 1 139. 

' See Barton, work cited, No. 275'5). IN is the Sumerian verb preformative. 

• See Delitzsch, Sumerisches Glossar, p. 262, f. 


eqla/ and Mahalalcl is a much closer transfer of the first two ele- 
ments of this to Hebrew than are Sennacherib, Esar-haddon, 
Merodach-baladan, and E\ il-merodach of the names Sin-akhi-irba, 
Ashur-akhi-iddina, Marduk-apal-iddin, and Amel-Marduk. Finally 
Dumuzi means "son of life," or "living son," and Jared- means 

The equivalent of Noah does not appear in this list, but there is 
no doubt that he was Ziugiddu, otherwise called Ut-napishtim, of 
the Babylonian accounts of the flood. 

We have then the following equivalents, four of which are Hebrew 
translations of Sumerian names; three, transfers into Hebrew of the 
whole or of parts of Semitic Babylonian equivalents of these 
Sumerian names, two of which are transfers to Hebrew of portions 
of a Sumerian original, and one of which, Noah, is still unexplained. 


Semitic Babylonian 








Mutu-elu (or amelu) 



Ina-uzni-ereshu (or ummanu) 

















Of course, it may be objected that our list of kings did not furnish 
the originals of these patriarchs, since there are more kings than 
patriarchs, even though some of the names of kings have been lost 
by the breaking of the tablet. In this connection, however, one 
should remember that in 1 Chron. 1-9, many names which appear 
in the earlier books of the Bible are omitted, and that in Matt. 1 : 8, 
three kings — Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah — are omitted from the 
genealogy of Christ. (Compare 2 Kings 11-LS.) It appears, then, 
that Biblical writers did not always copy a full list. 

It thus seems that the tablet translated above may be related to 
the text of Genesis 5 in the names of the patriarchs as well as in the 
matter of their ages. When we recall that the tablet was appar- 
ently written in the year 2170 b. c, it seems probable that it may 
be a source from which the Biblical names came. 

' Sec Barton, work cited. No. 229''8>. 

' Jared miKht. of course, be a corruption of Irad (see p. 270). It could have arisen by the wear- 
ng.away of the Hebrew Letter Ayin. 


3. Comparison with Genesis 4. 

But our examination of the matter cannot stop here. In Gen. 4 : 
16-23 there is a list of the descendants of Cain strikingly similar to 
the listof the descendants of Seth in GenesisS. If the names of Adam 
andAbel be supplied from Gen. 4 : 1,2, the two lists appear as follows: 

Genesis 4 Genesis 5 

Adam Adam 

\ 1 

Abel Seth Seth 

Enosh Enosh 

Cain (Hebrew yp) Kenan (Hebrew "|J'p) 

Enoch Mahalalel 

Irad (Hebrew "ITi') Jared (Hebrew Tl") 

Mehujael Enoch 

Methushael Methuselah 

Lamech Lamech 


The close parallelism of these two lists of names is really greater 
than it appears to the English reader to be. Cain, which means 
"artificer," is in Hebrew the same word as Kenan, lacking only one 
formative letter at the end. Irad and Jared differ in Hebrew only 
by the wearing away of one consonant. Mehujael is as much like 
Mahalalel, and Methushael as much like Methuselah as the Assyrian 
name, of Tiglath-pileser, Tukultu-apal-esharra, is like Tiglath- 
pileser, while Enoch and Lamech are the same. 

The importance of this likeness arises from the fact that the so- 
called critical scholars claim that these two lists of names are in 
reality the same original list as it came through two lines of tradi- 
tion and was worked up differently by two writers. This view has 
been vigorously opposed by some conservative scholars, notably by 
the late Professor Green, of Princeton.^ 

Between rival critical is not the function of archae- 
ology to decide. It must be admitted, however, that the names of 
the descendants of Genesis 4 can be equated with those of our Baby- 
lonian kings, as well as those of Gen. 5. Adam, Seth, Enosh, Cain, 
Enoch, Mehujael, and Methushael would be derived exactly as it 
has been explained that the corresponding names of Genesis 5 could 
be derived. It only remains to explain the names Abel and Irad. 
It will be noticed that Abel occupies in the list a position next to 

' See his Unity of the Book of Genesis, New York, 1895, Chapter II. 


Adam and Cain ; Abel is also said to have been a shepherd. In the 
list of Babylonian kings Etana the shepherd comes in between 
Adime (Aripi) and Pilikam. the equivalent of Cain. It is probable, 
therefore, that Etana is the king that corresponds to Abel. Etana 
is described in the Sumerian as "the shepherd who went to heaven," 
SIPA LU AN-SU NI-IB-E-DA. If the two words SIBA LU be- 
came detached and misunderstood as a proper name, the 5 at the 
beginning, according to a well known phonetic law, could become h 
and give us the Hebrew Abel. Irad may also be ir-tu, a corruption 
of ZI-IR-TU, a name of the mother of Dumuzi, who may at times 
have been referred to as the son of ZI-IR-TU. ^ These possibilities 
are not proof that the names arose as suggested, but are not without 

If Abel arose from the traditions of Etana and Enoch did also, 
and if the names of Genesis 4 are derived from the list of Babylonian 
kings, then Etana figures twice in the fourth chapter of Genesis. 
If Enoch is a fragment of the name Enmeduranki, a possibility 
already recognized, it is not difficult to understand how Etana 
came into the tradition twice. 

4. Comparison with the List of Berossos. 

Another list of names awaits comparison. Berossos, a Baby- 
lonian priest who died about 260 b. c, compiled a list of kings 
who lived before the flood, and attributed to them incredibly long 
reigns. His work has not survived, but his list is quoted by two 
early Christian writers, Eusebius and Syncellus, and Hommel' and 
Sayce^ have claimed that his names are, many of them, identical 
with the patriarchs of Genesis 5, 

The list of Berossos is as follows: 

Kings Length of reign 

Alorus 36,000 years 

Alaparos 10,800 " 

Amelon 46,800 " 

Ammenon 43,200 " 

Megalaros 64,800 " 

Daonos or Daos 36,000 " 

Euedorachos 64,800 " 

Amempsinos 36,000 " 

Otiartes 28,800 " 

Xisouthros 64,800 " 

Total TS^OOG years. 

' Sec R.-iwlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, II, 59, rev. 9, and Zimmem's Baby- 
lonischer Colt Tamuz. p. 13. 

» Proceedings of the Society of Biblical A rchaology, XV, 243-246. > Expository Times, X, 253. 


It has long been recognized that Amelon is the Semitic Babylonian 
word amclu, "man." It is a Babylonian synonym of Mutu-elu, 
the equivalent of Enosh, and is also a translation of Enmenunna. 
Ammenon has also been recognized as the Semitic Babylonian 
ummanu, "artisan." It is a translation in one word of the Sumerian 

Daonos or Daos has, too, been seen to be the phonetic trans- 
literation into Greek letters of the Sumerian Dumu, the first part of 
the name Dumuzi. 

Euedorachos has also been thought to be the Sumerian Enmedur- 
anki, whom we have recognized as another name for Etana. Four 
of the names of Berossos are thus easily connected with names in the 
new list of kings. 

The fifth one, Megalaros, might be a corruption either of Mutu- 
shalal or of IVIutu-sa-elu, and so go back ultimately either to En- 
meirgan or to Meskingashir. Xisouthros is clearly the same person 
as Ziugiddu. He had no connection with this list of kings, but is, 
like Noah in Genesis 5, attached to it on account of the flood. 
Hommel long ago saw that Otiartes is the same as Ubara-tutu, who 
is said in the account of the deluge which was found at Nineveh to 
have been the father of Utnapishtim, the hero of the deluge.^ 
Berossos has, accordingly, not only added the hero of the deluge, but 
has displaced one of the names from the king list in order to find a 
place for the father of Xisouthros. 

The other names are puzzling. Poebel has suggested- that 
Alorus may be a Greek corruption of the Sumerian name Laluralim, 
who is said to have been a king of Nippur. An old text which con- 
tains this name^ is accompanied by a gloss zugagib, '^scorpion,"* 
and the first king in the list translated above is Zugagib. If, there- 
fore, this suggestion is true, the name may go back to the same 
source as the others, after all. 

Amempsinos has been thought by some to be a corruption of the 
well known Babylonian name Amil-Sin. There was an Amil-Sin 
in the first dynasty of Babylon, but why the name should be in- 
serted here cannot at present be explained; nor has a satisfactory 
explanation been suggested for Alaparos. 

> See Chapter VI, p. 273. = Historical Texts, p. 42. 

3 Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 44, 17b. The Semitic name of this 
king is also said to have been Tabu-utul-bel. He is the one whose fortunes correspond so closely 
to those of Job. (See Chapter XX.) 

* See Meissner, Seltene assyrische Ideogramme, No. 6945. 


The above discussion may be summed up in a few words. Tiie 
Babylonian list of kings with which this chapter begins makes no 
reference to the llood, neither does the fourth chapter of Genesis. 
All the names in Genesis 4 may be found in the Babylonian list, 
though Etana seems to have been inserted twice under different 
names. As Genesis 5 omits Abel, it has Etana only once. All the 
other names of Genesis 5, except Noah, are found ni the Babylonian 
list. Noah has been added to connect the list with the flood. The 
ages of the patriarchs in Genesis 5 correspond approximately to the 
general lengths of the reigns assigned to the kings in the tablet. 
Berossos seems to have exercised much greater freedom, inserting 
several names, the origin of some of which cannot now be made out. 
He also greatly exaggerated the lengths of the kings' reigns. 

These correspondences are simply noted. It is but a few months 
since the writer discovered them, and he was the first to do so. It 
is too early to correctly estimate their ultimate significance. It 
should, however, be observed that the Biblical numbers (Gen. 5) 
lack the gross exaggerations of Berossos, and that, if the correspond- 
ences here pointed out are real, the tradition embodied in Genesis 
is carried back to a time from 800 to 1000 years earlier than Moses. 



Translation of the Text. Comparison with Genesis 6-9. Another Babylonian 


1. Translation of the Text. 

1. Gilgamesh said to him, to Utnapishtim, the far-away: 

2. "I look upon thee, O Utnapishtim, 

3. Thy appearance is unchanged; thou are like me; 

4. Thou art not at all different, thou art like me. 

5. Thy courage is unbroken, to make combat, 

6. On thy side thou liest down — on thy back. 

7. [Tell me] how hast thou advanced and in the assembly of the gods hast 

found life?" 

8. Utnapishtim spoke to him, to Gilgamesh: 

9. I will reveal to thee, O Gilgamesh, the secret story, 

10. And the decision of the gods to thee will I relate. 

11. Shurippak, a city which thou knowest, 

12. Is situated on the bank of the Euphrates. 

13. That city was old and the gods in it — 

14. Their hearts prompted them— the great gods— to make a deluge. 

15. [There drew near] their father Anu, 

16. Their councillor, the warrior Ellil, 

17. Their herald, Enmashtu, 

18. Their hero, Ennugi. 

19. The lord of wisdom, Ea, counselled with them; 

20. Their words he repeated to the reed-hut: 

21. "O reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall, 

22. O reed hut, hearken; O wall, give heed! 

23. O man of Shurippak, son of Ubaratutu, 

24. Pull down thy house, build a ship, 

25. Leave thy possessions, take thought for thy life, 

26. Leave thy gods, thy life save! 

27. Embark seed of life of all kinds on a ship! 

28. The ship which thou shalt build, 

29. Measure well its dimensions, 

30. Make to correspond its breadth and its length; 

31. Upon the ocean thou shalt launch it." 

32. I understood and spoke to Ea, my lord : 

33. "[I understand], my lord; what thou hast thus commanded 

34. I will honor and will do. 

35. [But] what shall I say to the city, the people, and the elders? 

36. Ea opened his mouth and spake, 

'Translated from Haupt's Das Bahylonische Nimrodepos, p. 134, f. 



37. He said unto me, his servant: 

38. "Thus shalt thou say unto them: ^ 

39. Know that me — Ellil hates me. , 

40. I may not dwell in your city, 

41. On Ellil's soil I may not lift my face. 

42. I must go down to the ocean with Ea, my lord, to dwell. 

43. Upon you will he (Eliil) then rain abundance — 

44. [A catch] of birds, a catch of fishes, 
45 a rich (?) harvest. 

46. [A time Shamash' appointed, at evening] the senders of rain 

47. [Shall rain upon] you a mighty rainstorm. 

48. When the grey of dawn brightens, 

(Lines 49-55 are broken away.) 

56. The strong brought what was needed. 

57. On the fifth day I raised its frame. 

58. According to its plan (?) its walls were 120 cubits high; 

59. 120 cubits correspondingly was the extent of its roof. 

60. I laid down its hull; I enclosed it. 

61. I constructed it in storys, up to sLx; 

62. I divided it [without (?)] into seven parts. 

63. Its interior I divided into nine parts. 
64 1 fastened in its midst. 

65. I looked out a rudder, and prepared what was necessary. 

66. 6 sars of bitumen I poured over its outside (?) ; 

67. 3 sars of bitumen I poured over its interior. 

68. 3 sars of oil the people who carry jars brought. 

69. Besides a sar of oil which was used as a libation, 

70. 2 sars of oil the ship's captain stowed away. 

71. For the people I slaughtered bullocks. 

72. I slaughtered lambs daily. 

73. Must, beer, oil, and wine, 

74. I gave the people to drink like river-water. 

75. I made a feast, like a new year's festival. 

76. I opened (?) [a box of ointment]; I put ointment in my hand. 

77. [By the setting] of great Shamash, the ship was finished. 

78. [To move it from the stocks] was difficult. 

79. The men cleared the ship's ways above and below. 
80 two-thirds of it. 

81. With all that I had I laded it (the ship); 

82. With all the silver I had I laded it. 

83. With all the gold I had I laded it. 

84. With all the living things I had I laded it. 

85. I embarked on the shiji all my family and kindred. 

86. Cattle of the field, beasts of the field, craftsmen, all, I embarked. 

87. .'\ fixed time Shamash had appointed, [saying]: 

88. "When the senders of rain shall rain upon you a mighty rainstorm at 


89. Embark uj)on the ship and close thy door." 

90. The appointed time approached, 

91. The senders of rain sent at evening a heavy rainstorm. 

92. I observed the appearance of the day, 

93. The day was terrible to look upon. 

• The sun. 


94. I embarked upon the ship, I closed my door. 

95. To the master of the shij), to Puzur-Amurru, the sailor, 

96. I entrusted the structure together with its contents. 

97. When dew-dawn began to brighten, 

98. There arose from the horizon a black cloud; 

99. The god Adad thundered in its midst, 

100. While Nebo and Sharru marched before; 

101. They went as heralds over mountain and country. 

102. Nergal tore away the anchor, 

103. Enmashtu advanced, the floods he poured down; 

104. The Anunnaki raised their torches, 

105. At their brightness the land trembled. 

106. The raging of Adad reached to heaven; 

107. All light was turned to darkness 

108 the land like 

109. One day [raged the storm (?)] 

110. Swiftly it raged [and the waters covered] the mountains, 

111. Like a battle array over the people it swept. 

112. No one could see his fellow; 

113. No more were people recognized in heaven; 

114. The gods were frightened at the deluge, 

115. They fled, they climbed to the highest heaven; 

116. The gods crouched like dogs, they lay down by the walls. 

117. Ishtar cried like a woman in travail, 

118. Wailed the queen of the gods with her beautiful voice: 

119. "Those creatures are turned to clay, 

120. Since I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods; 

121. Because I commanded evil in the assembly of the gods, 

122. For the destruction of my people I commanded battle. 

123. I alone bore my people; 

124. Like spawn of fishes they fill the sea." 

125. The gods along with the Anunnaki wept with her, 

126. The gods bowed, sat as they wept; 

127. Closed were their lips; [silent their] assembly. 

128. Six days and seven nights 

129. Blew the wind, the deluge the flood overpowered. 

130. When the seventh day approached, the deluge was prolonging the 


131. WTiich, like an army, it had waged. 

132. The sea calmed, the destruction abated, the flood ceased. 

133. I looked upon the sea, the roaring was stilled 

134. And all mankind was turned to clay; 

135. Like logs all were floating about. 

136. I opened the window, the light fell on my cheek; 

137. I was overcome, I sat down, I wept; 

138. Over my cheek streamed the tears. 

139. I looked in all directions — a fearful sea! 

140. After twelve days an island appeared; 

141. Toward mount Nizir the ship stood ofT; 

142. Mount Nizir held it fast, that it moved not. 

143. One day, two days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not, 

144. Three days, four days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not, 

145. Five days, six days, mount Nizir held it that it moved not, 

146. When the seventh day approached, 

147. I brought out a dove and let her go; 


148. The dove went out and returned; 

149. There was no resting-place and she came back. 

150. 1 brought out a swaUow and let it go; 

151. The swallow went out and returned. 

152. There was no resting-place and it came back. 

153. I brought out a raven and let it go; 

154. The raven went out, the diminution of the waters it saw; 

155. It alighted, it waded about, it croaked, it did not come back. 

156. I disembarked [all]; to the four winds I poured a libation. 

157. I appointed a sacrifice on the top of the mountain peak; 

158. Seven by seven I arranged the sacrificial vessels; 

159. Beneath them I piled reeds, cedar wood, and myrtle. 

160. The gods smelletl the savor, 

161. The gods smelled the sweet savor, 

162. The gods above the sacrificer collected like flies. 

163. When at length the queen of the gods drew near, 

164. She raised the great bows (?) which Anu at her wish had made. 

165. "O ye gods, as I shall not forget the jewel of my neck 

166. These days I shall not forget — to eternity I shall remember! 

167. Let the gods come to the sacrifice, 

168. But let EUil not come to the sacrifice, 

169. For he was not wise; he sent the deluge, 

170. And numbered my people for destruction." 

171. When at last Ellil drew near, 

172. He saw the ship, Ellil was angry, 

173. His heart was filled against the gods and the Igigi.' 

174. '"Who then has come out alive? 

175. No man must escape from destruction." 

176. Then Enmashtu opened his mouth and spake, 

177. He said to the warrior Ellil: 

178. "Who but Ea accomplished the thing? 

179. Even Ea knows every undertaking." 

180. Ea opened his mouth and spake, 

181. He said to the warrior Ellil: 

182. "O thou, leader of the gods, warrior, 

183. How, how couldst thou without thought send a deluge? 

184. On the sinner let his sin rest, 

185. On the wrongdoer rest his misdeed. 

186. Forbear, let it not be done, have mercy, [that men perish not]. 

187. Instead of thy sending a deluge 

188. Had the lion come and diminished the people! 

189. Instead of thy sending a deluge 

190. Had a wolf come and diminished the people! 

191. Instead of thy sending a deluge 

192. Had a famine come and the land [depopulated!] 

193. Instead of thy sending a deluge 

194. Had a pestilence come and the lanrl [depopulated!] 

195. I have not divulged the decisions of the great gods. 

196. I caused Adrakhasis to see a dream and the decisions of the gods he 


197. Now take counsel concerning him." 

198. Then went Ea on board the ship, 

199. He took my hand and brought me forth, 

200. He brought forth my wife and made her kneel at my side; 

' The spirits of heaven. 


201. He turned us toward eath other and stood between us; he blessed us: 

202. "In former time Utnapishtim was a man; 

203. Now let Utnapishtim and his wife be Uke gods — even like us; 

204. Let Utnapishtim dwell afar off at the mouth of the rivers!" 

205. He took me and caused me to dwell afar off at the mouth of the rivers. 

2. Comparison with Genesis 6-9. 

The above account of the deluge so closely resembles that in the 
Bible (Gen. 6 :9 — 9 : 19), that nearly all scholars recognize that 
they are two versions of the same narrative.^ In each case there is 
a divine revelation to the hero of the deluge that a catastrophe is 
coming of which every one else is ignorant. They both relate the 
building of the vessel, the "pitching it within and without with 
pitch," the embarkation, the flood in which other men are de- 
stroyed, the resting of the ship on a mountam, the sending out 
of the birds, the disembarkation, the sacrifice, and the intimation 
that in future a deluge shall not be. 

When the Babylonian account is compared with the Biblical, 
there are two striking differences. 1. The Babylonian story makes 
the flood local; the Biblical, general. 2. The Babylonian story, 
fascinating poetry though it is, has a conception of deity in strong 
contrast with the dignity of the Biblical monotheism. The Baby- 
lonian gods disagree; they blame each other; they crouch with fear 
like dogs; they come swarming about the sacrifice like hungry flies! 
Nothing could more strikingly illustrate the inspiration of the Bib- 
lical story than to measure it against the background of this Baby- 
lonian poem, which is clearly a variant version of it. 

3. Another Babylonian Version. 

From the library of Ashurbanipal there has come another ver- 
sion of the deluge, which represents the purpose of its coming as 
different. According to this version, men had sinned and had been 
aftlicted with famine, after which they reformed for a time. The 
famine was removed, but soon, apparently, they sinned again. Pes- 
tilence was then sent upon them. An appeal brought mitigation 
of their sufferings, but soon they plunged into sin again. This 
time they were punished with unfruitfulness of the land and of 
their race, but soon sinned as before. When all other punish- 
ments had failed, as a last resort the flood was sent. 

As this account does not so closely resemble that in Genesis, it is 
not translated here. Those who wish to read it are referred to Rogers, 
Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, New York, 1912, p. 114, ff. 

' Or two accounts of the same event. 



Translation. Comparison with the Other Version. 

1. Translation. 

This tablet was published by Dr. Arno Poebel, of Breslau. It 
was apparently written in the time of the dynasty of Nisin, but at 
any rate not later than the period of the first dynasty of Babylon. 
Only a part of the tablet has been found, so that the narrative is 
incomplete both at the beginning and at the end. Possibly the 
remaining portion may some time be found in the museum at Con- 
stantinople. The tablet is inscribed on both sides, and there are 
three columns to the side. The portions that are still extant read 
as follows:^ 

Column I (about three-fourths of the column missing) 

"My human-kind from its destruction I will [raise up]; 

With the aid of Nintu my creation _. .1 will raise up; 

The people in their settlements I will establish; 

The city, wherever man creates one — indeed its protection — therein I will 

give him rest. 
Our house — its brick may he cast in a clean spot! 
Our places in a clean place may he establish!" 
Its brilliant splendor, the temple platform, he made straight, 
The exalted regulations he completed for it; 
The land he divided; a favorable plan he established. 
After Anu, Enlil,- Enki,' and Ninkharsag 
The black-headed'' race had created. 

All that is from the earth, from the earth they caused to spring, 
Cattle and beasts of the field suitably they brought into being. 

'Translated from A. Poebel's Historical and Grammatical Texts in the University of Pennsyl- 
vania's "University Museum's publications of the Babylonian Section," Vol. V, Philadelphia, 1914, 
No. 1. 

' Often called Bel. 

» Called Ea. p. 273. 

* A term by which the Semites of Babylonia designated themselves. The Sumcrians shaved 
their beads. 



Here the first column ends. The passage opens in the midst of 
the speech of some deity— perhaps Ninkharsag (a Sumerian name of 
Ishtar) or possibly Enlil, the god of Nippur. First the deity tells 
how mankind, which has been overthrown, shall be raised up again. 
Then we are told how he perfected plans for the accomplishment of 
this purpose, and lastly how four deities called into being men and 

Column II (about three-fifths of the text is missing) 

!!!!!!!!!! ^ '!'"' I wm ..'.'.'.".'.'.'.'.."..'..' .V ..." ^ ^ .'^ ^ ".'.' " 

I will turn my eye upon liini 

The creator of the land 

of royalty 

of royalty by him was determined; 

The exalted palace of the royal throne was by him set apart, 

The exalted precepts he made perfect, 

In clean places cities he founded, 

Their names were named, they were allotted to guardian-spirits (?) 

Of these cities Eridu — the chief command to Nudimmud he gave. 

Unto the second the ?;/5ag-priests of Umma (?) he gave, 

Thirdly, Larak to Pabilkharsag he gave, 

Fourthly, Sippar as the dwelling of Shamash he gave, 

Fifthly, Shurippak unto Lamkurru he gave. 

Their names were assigned; to guardian-spirits (?) they were allotted; 

Its rampart (?), a wall (?) he raised up, he established; 

Small rivers, canals (?), and water-courses (?) he established. 

The last part of this column relates how five cities were established 
by some deity. Of what the first part treated we cannot make out 
from the few fragments of lines that are still legible. 

Cclumn III 

The land the sway of Anu . 

The people 

A deluge 

Their land (?) it entered 

Then Nintu [cried out] like [a woman in travail] 

The brilliant Ishtar [uttered] a groan on account of her people. 

Enki with himself held communion in his wisdom; 

Anu, Enlil, Enki, and Ninkharsag, 

The gods of heaven and earth, invoked the names of Anu and Enlil, 

At that time Ziugiddu was king, the priest of '. . . . 

The chief deity he made of wood 

In humility prostrating himself, in reverence 

Daily at all times was he present in person 

Increasing dreams which had not come [before], 
Conjuring by the name of heaven and earth 


In this column the narrative has passed to the story of the deluge. ■ 

The gods have determined to send a deluge; Ziugiddu in conse- ' 

quence constructed an idol from wood (compare Isa. 40 : 20), and 
earnestly worshiped it, seeking oracles for his guidance. 

Column I V 

For the settlement (?) the gods a wall (?) 

Ziugiddu stood by its side, he heard 

"At the wall at my left side stand 

At the wall 1 will speak a word to thee 

O my brilliant one, let there enter thy ear 

By our hand a deluge will be sent. 

The seed of mankind to destroy 

Is the momentous decision of the assembly (of the gods); 

The words of Anu and Enlil 

Their kingdom, their rule 

To them " 

It is clear from these fragmentary lines that Ziugiddu is being 
informed of the approachmg deluge. It is also clear that some of 
the elements of the narrative are identical with some of the elements 
of the one discussed in Chapter VI. Ziugiddu is commanded to 
stand by a wall, where some deity will speak to him. This ap- 
pears in the other version in the form: 

"O reed-hut, reed-hut, O wall, wall,' 
O reed-hut, hearken; O wall, give heed! 
O man of Shurippak, son of Ubartutu, 
Pull down thy house, build a ship, etc. 

In that account, too, the assembly of the gods is also referred to in 
line 120, ff. These are examples of the way the same theme, differ- 
ently treated, turns up in different forms. 

Colunui V 
The evil winds, the wind that is hostile, came; all of them descended, 

The deluge came on with them 

Seven days and seven nights 

The deluge swept over the land, 

The evil wind made the huge boat tremble. 

Shamash^ came forth, on heaven and earth he shone; 

Ziugiddu the ship at the top uncovered, 

The peace of Shamash, his light, entered into the boat. 

Ziugiddu, the king 

Before Shamash bowed his face to the earth. 

The king — an ox he sacrificed, a sheep ofTered as oblation. 


" Sec Part II, Chapter VI, line 21, ff. »/. «., the sun. 


In this column we have a fragment which relates some details 
similar to those told in lines 128, 129, and 136-138 of the account 
given in Chapter VI. 

Column VI 

By the life of heaven and the life of earth ye shall conjure him, 

That he may raise up from you; 

Anu and Enlil by the soul of heaven and the soul of earth ye shall conjure, 

That thej' may raise up from you 

The curse that has come upon the land, that they maj' remove it. 

Ziugiddu the king 

Before Anu and Enlil bowed his face to the earth. 

Life like a god's he gave to him, 

An immortal spirit Uke a god's he brought to him. 

Then Ziugiddu the king, 

Of the seed that was cursed, lord of mankind he made; 

In the fruitful land, the land of DiLmun they made him dwell 

At this point the last colimm is hopelessly broken. It is clear, 
however, from the part which remains that Ziugiddu is in this 
narrative translated to the Isle of the Blest as was Utnapishtim 
in the account translated in Chapter VI, lines 202-205.^ Indeed 
there is reason to believe that the two accounts of the flood are 
divergent versions of the same stor}^ In addition to the likenesses 
already mentioned, the names of the two heroes, though they 
appear so different, are the same in meaning. Utnapishtim (or 
Unapishtim) means "day of life," or "day-life," while Ziugiddu 
means "Life-day prolonged." 

2. Comparison with the Other Version. 

Although this tablet is much broken, so that we have not the whole 
of the story, it is clear from the parts that we have that in this version 
preserved at Nippur the story was much shorter than in the form 
translated in'Chapter VI, which was preserved in the library of Ashur- 
banipal. It was also combined with a briefer account of the crea- 
tion than that translated in Chapter I from Ashurbanipal's librar}-. 

Of this Nippurian version of the creation story we have in this 
tablet only the small fragments preserved in Colimins I and II. It 
is, however, probable that the Nippurian version of the creation 
was in its main features similar to that prescrv-ed in the library at 
Nineveh, only more brief. This statement is based on the following 
passage discovered by the writer among the tablets in the University 
Museum in Philadelphia. ^ It is as follows: 

» See p. 277. 

- It will be published in the writer's Miscellaneous Religious Texts of the University Museum's 
"Publications of the Babylonian Section." 


O kins, who cxaltcst the land, 
Subduor of the Rreat female dragon, 

Shepherd of the recd-n,arshcs, capturer of the great wild ox, 
Subduer of the great female dragon. 
Great protector, mighty chief, protector of the broad marsh-land, 


Faithful lord of Ninlil. 

The conquest of the dragon Tiamat is here attributed to Enlil 
of Nippur, as in the other version it is attributed to Marduk of 
Babylon, and as in Psa. 74 : 13, 14, it is attributed to Jehovati. 
This older account from Nippur agrees in one respect more nearly 
with the Biblical account than the one from the library at Nineveh 
does, for it represents Ziugiddu as a very pious man, who was ap- 
parently saved from destruction on account of his piety, and in 
blessing him God removed the curse as Jehovah did in Gen. 8 : 21. 



Translation. Comparison with Bibucal Material. 

This tablet begins with a description of a place the name of 
which is not identified; it is, accordingly, indicated in the transla- 
tion by X. Possibly it was Eridu; possibly Dilmun. 

1. Translation. 

Column P 

1. They that are lofty, they that are lofty are ye, 

2. O X, pure; 

3. They that are holy, they that are lofty are ye. 

4. O X, pure, 

5. X is pure, X is bright, 

6. X is splendid, X is resplendent. 

7. Alone were they in X; they lay down. 

8. Where Enki and his consort lay, 

9. That place is splendid, that place is pure. 

10. Alone [in X they lay down]. 

11. Where Enki with Ninella lay down, 

12. That place is splendid, [that place is pure). 

13. In X the raven cried not, 

14. The kite gave not his kite-call, 

15. The deadly lion destroyed not, 

16. The wolf a lamb seized not, 

17. The dog the weak kid worried not, 

18. The ewes the food-grain destroyed not, 

19. Offspring increased not 

20. The birds of heaven their offspring not; 

21. The doves were not put to flight (?). 

22. Of eye-disease, "it is eye-disease," one said not; 

23. Of headache, "it is headache," one said not. 

24. To a mother, "mother," one said not, 

25. To a father, "father," one said not. 

26. In the holy place a libation was poured not; in the city one drank not; 

27. The river-man "cross it?-"" said not; 

28. Fear one's couch troubled not; 

' Translated from Langdon, The Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man' 
Philadelphia, 1915, Plates I and II. Langdon, as his title shows, regards the text as a descrip- 
tion of Paradise, the flood, and the fall of man, — a view that the present writer cannot share. 
Dilmun is the name of the Babylonian Paradise, but the signs rendered Dilmun are not the ones 
employed to express that name. For the rest the text seems to describe the coming of rams, 
the beginnings of irrigation and agriculture, and the revelation of the medicinal qualities of 
certain plants. See The Nation, New York, November 18, 1915, pp. 597, £f. (For the Ublet, 
see Fig. 294.) 



2'). The musician "sing," said not: 

30. The |)rincc of the city spoke not. 

31. Ninella to her father Enki s:iid: 

32. "A city thou hast founded, a city thou hast founded, its destiny thou 

hast fixed; 

33. In X a city thou hast founded, 

34 thou hast founded a city, 

3.S a canal there is not 

36 thou hast founded a city." 

The rest of the first column is broken away; probably about nine 
lines are missing. 

All the first column is descriptive of a place inhabited only by 
a god and goddess. Many activities are absent, because there is 
no one there to carry them on. Lines 16-21 remind one a little 
of Isa. 11 : 6-9. 

After the break the text continues: 

Column II 

1. " From the brip;ht covering of thy great heaven may the waters flow, 

2. May thy city bo refreshed with water, may it drink, 

3. May X be refreshed with water, may it drink, 

4. May thy well of bitter water flow as a well of sweet water. 

5. May thy city be a resting, an abode of the people, 

6. May X be a resting, an abode of the people. 

7. Now, O sun-god, shine forth, 

8. O sun-god, stand in heaven; 

9. Bring the festal-grain from its place 

10. [And] fish, O moon-god, from the water. 

11. Along the face of the earth on the road with earth's sweet water come." 

12. From the bright covering of the great heavens the waters flowed, 

13. His city was refreshed with water, it drank; 

14. X was refreshed with water, it drank, 

15. His well of bitter water became a well of sweet water. 

16. The fields and meadows with moisture caused grain to sprout (?); 

17. His city was a resting, an abode of the people; 

18. X was a resting, an abode of the people. 

19. Then the sun-god shone forth; this verily was so, 

20. The brilliant one, creator of intelligence. 

21. To Nintu, the mother of the people 

(Lines 22-30 describe with a frankness common among primitive people a 
marital union of the god and goddess. In many parts of the world it 
has been thought that acts of creation proceed from such unions.) 

31. Enki, the father of Damgalnunna, his word spoke. 

32. Ninkharsag flooded the fields, 

33. The fields received the waters of Enki. 

34. It was the first day whose month is first; 

3.S. It was the second day whose month is second; 

36. It was the third day whose month is third; 

37. It was the fourth day whose month is fourth; 



38. It was the fifth day whose month is fifth; 

39. It was the sLxth day whose month is sixth; 

40. It was the seventh day whose month is se\'enth; 

41. It was the eighth day [whose month is eighth); 

42. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of fertility. 

43. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil, 

44. [Nintu], mother of the land, 

45 had brought them forth. 

In the first part of the above cohimn the description of the city 
is continued. As a consequence of the union of the gods, water 
flowed to irrigate the land. Lines 34-42 tell in a quaint way how 
the waters continued to come for nine months and nine days. 

Column III 

1. Ninshar on the bank of the river cried (?): 

2. " O Enki, for me are they filled! they are filled!" 

3. His messenger, Usmu himself the word repeated. 

4. The sons of men his favor did not understand, 

5. Xinshar his favor did not understand. 

6. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered; 

7. The sons of men his favor did not understand, 

8. Ninshar his favor did not understand. 

9. "My king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud !" 

10. With his foot on the boat he stepped, 

11. Two strong men as watchers he stationed, 

12. The command they received, they took. 

13. Enki flooded the fields, 

14. The fields received the waters of Enki. 

15. It was the first day whose month is first; 

16. It was the second day whose month is second; 

17. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height of the 


18. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil, 

19. [Ninshar] Hke fat, 

20. Xinshar had brought them forth. 

21. Ninkurra' [on the bank of the river] c[ried (?)] 

22. "O Enki, for me they are filled! they are filled!" 

23. His messenger, Usmu, the word repeated. 

24. The sons of men his favor did not understand, 

25. Xinkurra his favor did not understand. 

26. His messenger, Usmu himself answered; 

27. The sons of men did not understand, 

28. Xinkurra did not understand. 

29. "My king, a storm-cloud! A storm-cloud!" 

30. With his foot on the boat he stepped, 

31. Two strong men as watchers he stationed; 

32. The command they received, they took. 

33. Enki flooded the fields 

34. The fields received the waters of Enki. 

' Apparently another name of Ninshar. 


35. It was the first day whose month is first; 

36. It was the ninth day whose month is ninth, the month of the height of 

the waters. 

37. Like fat, like fat, like abundant sweet oil, 

38. Ninkurra like fat had brought them forth. 
3y. The god Tagtug and his wife she received; 

40. Ninkurra to Tagtug [and his wife] spoke: 

41. "Verily I will help (?) thee, my upright one, 

42. With favorable words I speak 

43. One man for me shall be counted 

44. Enki for me shall 

The rest of the column, consisting of two or three lines, is missing. 
The repetition in this column is characteristic of early poetry. 
Primitive peoples are fond of iteration, and in the description of the 
way the waters came it was to them very effective. 

Column IV {about twelve lines are broken from thes tablet at the beginning) 

13. [To Tagtug and] his wife spoke 



16 in tlie garden 


18. [Ebajraguldu let him found, 

19. Erabgaran let him found, 

20. At the temple let my fettered oxen stand, 

21. P'or Enki let my fettered oxen be sacrificed, 

22. Let two strong men pour out water, 

23. Abundant water let them pour out, 

24. Reservoir-water let them jiour out, 

25. The barren land let them irrigate, 

26. As gardeners for the little plants let them go forth, 

27. On the bank, along the bank let them {i. e., the plants) extend. 

28. Who art thou? The garden 

29. For Enki the gardener 

(Five lines are here broken away.) 

35. Ebaraguldu he founded, 

36. Erabgaran he founded, on its foundation he set it. 

37. Enki turned his eyes unto him; his scepter he lifted up; 

38. Enki to Tagtug directed the way. 

39. At the temple he cried: "Open the door, open the door;" 

40. "Who is it that thou art?" 

41. "I am a gardener, with gladness 

42. With _. the price (?) of milk will I present thee." 

43. Tagtug with joyful heart at the temple opened the door, 

44. Enki six)ke to Tagtug and his wife, 

45. With joy his ]iosscssions he gave to him; 

46. That Kbaraguldu he gave him; 

47. That Erabgaran he gave him. 

48. Tagtug and his wife bowed down; with the left hand they covered the 

mouth; with the right they did obeisance. 


From the parts of Column IV, which are still legible, it appears 
that the messenger was revealing to Tagtug the secrets of agri- 
culture. This corresponds to the statement in Gen. 9 : 20, that 
"Noah began to be a husbandman." 

At the beginning of Column V some seven lines have crumbled 
away, and the beginnings of eight more have also become illegible. 

Column V 

8. [The plant] was green, 

9. [The plant] was green, 

10. [The plant] was green, 

11. [The plant] was green, 

12. [The plant] was green, 

13. [The plant] was green, 

14. [The plant] was green. 

15. "O Enki, for me they are counted," 

16. His messenger, Usmu himself, the word repeated; 

17. "Plants I have called forth, their abundance ordained, 

18. The water shall make them bright, the water shall make them bright;" 

19. His messenger, Usmu himself, answered: 

20. "My king, as to the woody plants," he said, 

21. "He shall prune, he shall [eat]." 

22. "As to the tall plants," he said, 

23. "He shall pluck, he shall eat." 

24. "My king, as to the plants," he said, 

25. "He shall prune, he shall eat." 

26. ".% to the plants of the watered garden (?)," he said,i 

27. "He shall pluck, he shall eat." 

28. "[My king], as to the plants," he said, 

29. "[He shall prune], he shall eat." 

30. "[My king, as to the plants]," he said, 

31. "[He shall pluck, he shall eat]." 

32. ["My king, as to the plants"], he said, 

33. "[He shall prune, he shall] eat." 

34. ["My king, as] to the cassia plant," he said, 

35. He [shall pluck] he shall eat." 

36. ["Enki] for [me] the plant of his wisdom has plucked, his heart has 


37. Of Ninkharsag the name Enki uttered in curse: 

38. "The face of life when he dies he shall not see." 

39. Then Anunnaki in the dust sat down. 

40. The rebellious one to Enlil said: 

41. "I, Ninkharsag, brought forth for thee people; what is my reward?" 

42. Enlil, the begetter, answered the rebellious one: 

43. "Thou, Ninkharsag, hast brought forth people," 

44. " 'In my city let two creatures be made,' shall thy name be called." 

45. As a dignitary his head alone he exalted, 

46. His heart (?) alone he made impetuous, 

47. His eye alone he filled with fire (?). 



Langdon takes the portion of the narrative which we find in this 
column to be an account of the fall of man, since line 36, as he 
rendered it, speaks of Tagtug's plucking and eating, and the next 
line speaks of the uttering of a curse. This view the writer does 
not share. If the above translation is correct, there is no allu- 
sion to anything of the kind. 

Column VI {perhaps five lines are broken away) 

6 the lord Enlil 

7 the lord of life 

8. To they went 

9. To they went, the lord of the gods 

10. Spoke to hun, the water of life 


12. Ninkharsag 






18. Ninkharsag 

19. Enlil his they founded, 

20. Priests (?) they ordained, 

21. Fate they determined, 

22. With power established it. 

23. Ninkharsag in her temple granted his life to him: 

24. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" 

25. "My herd (?) is ill." 

26. "The god Absham have I brought forth for thee." 

27. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" 

28. "My herd is ill." 

29. "The goddess 'Queen of the herd'^ have I brought forth for thee." 

30. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My face is ill." 

31. "The goddess Ninkautu have I brought forth for thee." 

32. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My mouth is ill." 

33. "The goddess 'Queen who fills the mouth'- have I brought forth for thee." 

34. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" ["My is ill"]. 

35. "The goddess Nazi have I brought forth for thee." 

36. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My hand [is ill."] 

37. "My goddess 'Living hand'' have I brought forth for thee." 

38. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My health is ill." 

39. "The goddess 'Queen of health'* have I brought forth for thee." 

40. "My brother, what of thee is ill?" "My intelligence is ill." 

41. "The god who makes the intelligence clear^ have I brought forth for thee." 

42. "Grandly are they brought forth, they are created. 

43. Let .^bsham be lord of vegetation, 

44. Let NintuUa be lord of Magan, 

' In Sumerian the goddess NintuUa. 

• In Sumerian the goddess Ninkasi. 
' In Sumerian the goddess Dazima. 

* In Sumerian, Ninfil. 

' In Sumerian, Ensbagme. 


45. Let Ninkautu rhoosc Ninazu as a spouse, 

46. May Ninkasi be the full heart's possession, 

47. May Nazi become mistress of \vca\'ing (?), 

48. May Dazima the house of strong life take, 

49. May Nintil become mistress of the month, 

50. May Enshagme become lord of X. 

51. Glory!" 

2. Comparison with the Bible. 

Here the tablet concludes. This last column, which tells how 
the goddess Ninkharsag came to favor the hero and to create a 
number of divine helpers for him, has no parallel in the Biblical 
account. As Tagtug received the especial protection of Ninkharsag 
who created for him all these divine helpers, it seems certain that 
this tablet had no reference to the fall of man, as Langdon supposes. 
It appears rather to be a mythical account of the beginnings of 
agriculture and the medicinal use of plants in Babylonia. Ag- 
riculture implies irrigation. "From the first day whose month 
is first" to the ninth month, is the period when Babylonia is 
watered. The Tigris begins to rise in March, the first month, 
the overflow of the Euphrates does not subside till the sixth 
month, and the winter rains are at their height in the ninth 

As Adam was driven from Eden to eat of the fruits of the 
earth (Gen. 3 : 18, 24; compare Gen. 1 : 29), and Noah became a 
husbandman (Gen. 9 : 20), the stoiy of Tagtug presents a remote 
similarity to both of them. Langdon^ compares the list of divine 
beings with which the tablet ends with the antediluvian patriarchs 
of Gen. 4 and 5, and suggests the possibility that here we have the 
original names of those patriarchs. Beyond the fact that Absham 
somewhat resembles the name Abel and was, like Abel, an agricul- 
turist, there is no apparent connection. The names in no way 
correspond. It is more probable that we have the names of those 
patriarchs in the list of kings translated in Chapter V. 

' See his Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, p. 56. 


Abraham Hired an Ox. Abraham Leased a Farm. Abraham Pah) His Rent. 
Who Was This Abraham? Travel between Babylonia and Palestine. Hammu- 
rapi, King of the Westland. Kudur-Mabug. Kings Supposed by Some to be 
THOSE OF Genesis 14. 

Arch^OLOGICAL investigation has brought to light a number of 
texts believed by scholars to illumine the Biblical accounts of Abra- 
ham. It is the purpose of this chapter to translate and discuss 

The documents which naturally attract us first are some con- 
tracts from Babylonia in which an Abraham was one of the con- 
tracting parties. They are as follows: 

I. Abraham Hired an Ox.^ 

1. One ox broken to the yoke, 

2. an ox from Ibni-Sin, son of Sin-imgurani, 

3. from Ibni-Sin 

4. through the agency of Kishti-Nabium, 

5. son of Eteru, 

6. Abarama, son of Awel-Ishtar, 

7. for one month has hired. 

8. For one month 

9. one shekel of silver 
10. he will pay. 

II. Of it 2 shekel of silver 

12. from the hand of 

13. Abarama 

14. Kishti-Nabium 

15. has received. 

16. In the presence 6f Idin-Urash, son of Idin-Labibaal, 

17. in the presence of Awele, son of Urri-bani, 

18. in the presence of Beliyatum, scribe. 

19. Month of the mission of Ishtar (/. e., Ulul), day 20th, 

20. The year Ammizadugga, the king (built) 

21. the wall of Ammizadugga, (/. c, Ammizadugga's 11th year). 

22. Tablet of Kishti-Nabium. 

This tablet shows how Abarama (Abraham), a farmer, hired an 
ox for a month. The tablet, as the last line shows, is the copy made 

• Translated from Vorderasiatische SchriftdenkmiUer der kdnigliclien Museen z« Berlin, VII, 
No. 92. 



for Kishti-Nabium, the agent. In such business transactions three 
copies were often made, one for each of the contracting parties and 
one for the scribe. The date of this tablet is 1965 b. c. Ammiza- 
dugga was the tenth king of that first dynasty of Babylon, of which 
Hammurapi was the skth. 

2. Abraham Leased a Farm.^ 

1. To the patrician 

2. speak, 

3. saying, Gimil-Marduk (wishes that) 

4. Shamash and jMarduk may give thcc hcahh! 

5. Mayest thou have peace, mayest thou have health! 

6. May the god who protects thee thy head in luck 

7. hold! 

8. (To enquire) concerning thy health I am sending. 

9. May thy welfare before Shamash and Marduk 

10. be eternal! 

11. Concerning the 400 shars of land, the field of Sin-idinam, 

12. which to Abamrama 

13. to lease, thou hast sent; 

14. the land-steward (?j and scribe 

15. appeared and 

16. on behalf of Sin-idinam 

17. I took that up. 

18. The 400 shars of land to Abamrama 

19. as thou hast directed 

20. I have leased. 

21. Concerning thy dispatches I shall not be negligent. 

It appears from this document that Abamrama, who is none other 
than a Babylonian Abraham, was a small farmer, who leased a small 
tract of land. 

3. Abraham Paid His Rent.^ 

1. 1 shekel of silver 

2. of the rent (?) of his field, 

3. for the year Ammizadugga, the king, 

4. a lordly, splendid statue (set up), 

5. brought 

6. Abamrama, 

7. received 

8. Sin-idinam 

9. and Iddatum. 

10. Month Siman, 28th day, 

11. The year Ammizadugga, the king, 

12. a lordly, splendid statue (set up). 
(This was Ammizadugga's 13th year.) 

' Vorderasialiscke Schriftdenkmdler der kdnig!ic/ien Museen zu Berlin, VII, No. 198. 
' Ibid., VII, No. 97. 


This document, dated two years after that in which the ox was 
hired, shows how Abamrama (Abraham) paid a part of his rent. 

The name Abamrama (Abraham) occurs in two other documents 
published in the same volume (no. 101, and no. 102), where, in 
detining the boundaries of other fields of Sin-idinam, they are said 
to be bounded on one side by the field of Abamrama. As these 
documents mention the name of Abamrama only incidentally, they 
are not translated here. 

4. Who Was This Abraham? 

These documents, which relate to the business of a Babylonian 
Abraham, come from Dilbat, about eight miles south of Borsippa, 
which was just across the Euphrates from Bal^ylon. It is clear 
that this Abraham was a small farmer, who hired a tract of land 
from a larger land-owner. He also hired an ox wherewith to work 
his land, and paid the rent of the land and the hire of the ox as a 
good citizen should. This Abraham was not the Biblical patriarch. 
The patriarch's father was Terah and his brother Nahor; the father 
of this Babylonian Abraham was Awel-Ishtar, and his brother Idda- 
tum (ibid., no. 101, 9). The Abraham of the Bible was a monotheist 
according to Genesis; the ancestors of the Babylonian Abraham 
worshiped the goddess Ishtar, who corresponded to the Canaanitish 
Ashtoreth. The Bible connects the patriarch with Ur and Haran; 
this Abraham lived about half-way between these two cities. 

Up to the present time this Babylonian Abraham is the only per- 
son known to us other than the Biblical patriarch, who, in that pe- 
riod of history, bore the name. He is the only one known to us out- 
side the Biblical record.^ The only other occurrence of the name 
outside the Bible is in the name of a place in Palestine, probably 
near Hebron, which Sheshonk I, the Biblical Shishak, calls "The 
Field of Abram."2 As Shishak lived much later (945-924 b. c), 
being a contemporary of Rehoboam the son of Solomon, this 
Egyptian place name is not so significant. The Babylonian Abra- 
ham mentioned in the documents just translated is welcome proof 
that Abraham was a personal name in Babylonia near the time in 
which the Bible places the patriarch. With these documents Gen. 
11 : 27 — 25 : 10 should be compared. 

Another Babylonian contract is of interest in connection with the 
migration of Abraham. 

' Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, another Abraham has been found in some 
taV)lets in the Yale University Collection. 

• Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.) 


5. Travel between Babylonia and Palestine. 

1. A wagon ^ 

2. from M;innum-balum-Shamash, 

3. son of Slielibia, 

4. Khabilkinum, 

5. son of Appani[bi], 

6. on a lease 

7. for 1 year 

8. has hired. 

9. As a yearly rental 

10. I of a shekel of silver 

11. he will pay. 

12. As the first of the rent 

13. i of a shekel of silver 

14. he has received. 

15. Unto the land of Kittim 

16. he shall not drive it. 

17. In the presence of Ibku-Adad, 

18. son of Abiatum; 

19. in the presence of Ilukasha, 

20. son of Arad-ilishu; 

21. in the presence of Ilishu 

22. Month Ululu, day 25, 

23. the year the king Erech from the flood 

24. of the river as a friend protected. 

The date of the above interesting document has not been identi- 
fied with certainty. It is thought by some to belong to the reign of 
Shamsu-iiuna, the successor of Hammurapi. The writing clearly 
shows that at any rate it comes from the period of this dynasty. 
That is, it comes from the period to which Gen. 14 assigns the 
migration of Abraham. Kittim in the contract is the word used in 
the Hebrew of Jer. 2 : 10 and Ezek. 27 : 6 for the coast lands of the 
Mediterranean. It undoubtedly has that meaning here. This 
contract was written in Sippar, the Agade of earlier times, a town 
on the Euphrates a little to the north of Babylon. It reveals the 
fact that at the time the document was written there was so much 
travel between Babylonia and the Mediterranean coast that a man 
could not lease a wagon for a year without danger that it might be 
driven over the long route to Syria or Palestine. Against such wear 
upon his vehicle the particular wagon-owner of our document pro- 
tected himself. 

When, therefore, Abraham went out from his land and his kindred, 
he was going to no unknown land. The tide of commerce and of 
emigration had opened the way. Apparently it was no more re- 

> See Beilragt zur Assyriologie, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff. 


markal)le for him to do it than for an Irishman to come to America 
half a century ago, or for a south European to come today. 

6. Hammurapi, King of the Westland. 

It is thought by many scholars that Hammurapi was the 
Amraphel of Genesis 14. The following inscription^ relates to this 

1. To [Sharjratum, 

2. the bride of Anu 

3. who has come to lordship, 

4. lady of strength and abundance, 

5. of the mountain-temple, 

6. faithful lady, of exalted counsel, 

7. lady who binds the heart, 

8. who for her spouse 

9. makes favorable her open oracle; 

10. to his lady, 

11. for the life of Hammurapi, 

12. king of the Westland (MAR-TU), 
1.?. Ibirum 

14. governor of the river-[district] 

15. son of Shuban , 

16. a guardian-deity appropriate to her divinity, 

17. in the land which she loves, 

18. for her service (?) 

19. before her beloved temple has set up. 

This inscription is quoted here for two reasons: 1. It was erected 
"for the life of Hammurapi," who is supposed by many to be the 
Amraphel of Gen. 14 : 1. Amraphel is supposed to be a corruption 
of Hammurapi, thus Amrapi. The final I of Amraphel is a diffi- 
culty. While many Assyriologists, from Schrader onward, have 
recognized the equivalence, it is now seriously questioned by Jensen 
and Eduard Meyer, and absolutely rejected by Bezold. It must 
be said that, if Amraphel is intended for Hammurapi, the name had 
undergone corruption before it was placed in the Biblical record.^ 
2. In this inscription Hammurapi is called "king of MAR-TU," or 
the Westland, a name by which the Babylonians often designated 
Syria and Palestine. MAR-TU simply means "sunset," but was 
used like the Arabic magrib as the designation of a region. There 
is no reason to doubt that here it designates Syria and Palestine, 

' KinR, Letters atul Inscriptions of Hammurabi, Vol. I, No. 66. 

' Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had before him a source in the 
cuneiform writing in which the "pi" at tlie end of Hammurapi's name was spelled with a sign that 
could be read either "pi" or "pil" (sec 'Qa.Tion, Origin and Development o( Babylonian Writing, 
Leipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the / was attached in consequence of a misreading of this sign. 
That, however, admits corruption, though it attempts to e.\-plain its cause. 


so that, if Amraphcl is Ilammurapi, this is confirmatory of his con- 
nection with the West. 

7. Kudur-Mabug. 

The following inscription' has also often been brought into the 
discussion of Genesis 14: 

1. To Narinar, 

2. his king, 

3. Kudur-IMabug, 

4. "Father" of the Wcstland (jSIAR-TU), 

5. son of Simti-shilkhak, 

6. when Nannar 

7. his prayer 

8. had heard, 

9. Enunmakh, 

10. belonging to Nannar, 

11. for his life 

12. and the life 

13. of Arad-Sin, his son, 

14. king of Larsa, 

15. he built. 

This inscription has often been brought into connection with 
Abraham, partly because some have seen in Kudur-Mabug the 
Chedorlaomer of Gen. 14 : 1, and partly because Kudur-Mabug in 
it calls himself "Father" or governor of the Westland. If, however, 
Kudur-Mabug was intended by the name Chedorlaomer, the name 
had been corrupted beyond all recognition in the Biblical tradition 
before Gen. 14 was written. In reality there is no reason to suppose 
that Kudur-Mabug and Chedorlaomer are the same. As to the 
term "Westland," it probably does not here designate Palestine, but 
either the western part of Elam or the southern part of Babylonia. 
Babylonia lay to the west of Elam, and Kudur-Mabug placed on the 
throne of Larsa, a city of South Babylonia, first his son, Arad-Sin, 
and then his son, Rim-Sin, and apparently maintained an over-lord- 
ship over both of them. "Westland" accordingly means in his in- 
scription, not Palestine, but Babylonia. One of Kudur-Mabug's 
sons calls his father "Father" (or governor) of Emutbal, a region of 
Elam. It is a mistake, therefore, to bring Kudur-Mabug into con- 
nection with Abraham and Gen. 14.- 

1 Cuneiform Texts, brc. in the British Museum. XXI, 3.1. 

' It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were different persons, and some 
thought the Icing might be called either Rim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch. Gen. 14 : 1). It is possible 
that Arad-Sin may have been called .\ri-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now known 
that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hamraurapi came to the throne. With our present knowledge 
it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the name of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as 
Semitic and partly as Sumerian and then considerably corrupted. 


8. Kings Supposed by Some to be Those Mentioned in Gen. 14. 

Some fragnicnlary tablets from the Persian period, not earlier 
than the fourth century B. C, contain references which have been 
brought by some scholars into connection with Abraham and the 
fourteenth of Genesis. The texts read as follows: 



3 his work not 

4 sii-ha-am-mn 

5 before the gods the creation of 

6 day Shamash, who illumines 

7 the lord of the gods, Marduk, in the satisfaction of his heart, 

8 his servant, the region, all of it, a counsel not fulfilled, 

9 by force of arms he overthrew. Dursirilani, son of Arad- 

Malaku (Eri?-. .aku) 

10 goods (?) he carried off, took as spoil, waters over Babylon 

and Esagil 

11 his with the weapon of his hand like a lamb he killed him, 

12 spoke to her, father, and son; with the weapon 

13. [Great] and small he cut ofl', Tudkhula, son of Gazza 

14 goods he took as spoil, waters over Babylon and Esagil 

15 his son with the weapon of his hands upon him fell. 

16 of his dominion before the temple of Annunit 

17 Elam, the city Akhkhi to (?) the city Rabbatu he spoiled. 

18 like a deluge, he made the cities of Akkad, all of Borsippa (?) 

19 ended.- Kukukumal, his son pierced his heart with a girdle- 
dagger of iron. 

20 the enemy took and the destruction of these kings, participators 

in wrong (?), 

21 bondage for which the king of the gods, Marduk, was angry 

with them 

22 with sickness their breast was oppressed 

2?) imto ruins were reduced (?). All of them to the king, our lord 

24 knowing (?) the hearts of the gods, the gracious Marduk, for the 

commemoration of his name 

25 and named^Esagil — to his place may he return. 

26 thy may he make. This, O king, my lord we 

27 his evil his heart the gods, his fathers 

28 a participator in sin shall not be (?). 


1 ....gods(?) 

2 in the city feared day (?) [and night (?)] 

3 Larsa (?), the bond of heaven which unto the four winds. . . 

' The text was published by Pinches in the Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute, 
Vol. XXIX, 82, 8.3; cf. emendations by L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, 
Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also translated them, fillinR out the lacunic by freely exercisinR the 
imauination, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology, XXVIII, 203-218, 241-251, 
and XXIX. 7-17. 

' This could be read Kudurkumal. 


4. he decreed them the park (?) which is in Babylon, the city of [his] 

majesty (?); 

5. he decreed them the possessions of Babylon, small and great. 

6. In their faithful counsel unto Kukukumal, King of Klam, 

7. they established the fixed advance which to them [seemed] good. 

8. In Babylon, the city of Karduniash, kingship he assumed 

9. In Babylon, the city of the gods, Marduk set his throne (?), 

10. All, even the Sodomites of the plundered temples, obeyed [him]. 

11. Ravens build nests; birds dwell [therein]; 

12. The ravens croak (?), shrieking they hatch their young [in it]. 

13. To the dog crunching the bone the lady is favorable. 

14. The snake hisses (?), the evil one who spits [poison]. 

15. Who is the king of Elani who the great building of Esagil de[stroyed], 

16. which the Babylonians made, and their work was ? 

17. Thisis what thou hast written, saying: "I am a king, the son of a king". . . . 

18. Who is the son of a daughter of a king, who on the royal throne will sit? . . . 

19. He is Dursil-ilani, son of Arad-INIalkua, who the throne 

20. on the royal throne he sat and before his warriors [he marched]. 

21. Now let the king march who from ancient days 

22. has been proclaimed lord of Babylon; the work of shall not 


23. In the month Siman and the month Tammuz in Babylon there was 


24. the work of the son of the magician. The bull (/. c, warrior) who de- 

vastates the land 

25. The elders in their faithful counsel 

26. [gave] the son of the magician the place instead of his father 
27 1 maid 

Two other similar fragmentary texts belonging to the series are 
published as noted above, but it is unnecessary to quote them here. 
The two fragments which we have translated contain the most 
important references, and are sufficient to enable the reader to 
make up his mind as to the bearing of these texts upon the four- 
teenth of Genesis. 

Pinches and Sayce read the name of the Elamite king, Kukukumal, 
Kudurlakhmal, and identify it with Chedorlaomer. Pinches so 
reads it, hesitatingly; Sayce, confidently. There is no reason for so 
reading it, except the desire to discover Chedorlaomer. The first 
three syllables are represented in the cuneiform by the same sign — 
a sign the most frequent value of which is ku. It does sometimes 
have the value dur, but never lakli. King reads it Kukukumal, 
and there is really no reason for reading it otherwise. 

Another name which occurs twice is written in the two places with 
a slight difference of spelling. It is according to the most natural 
reading of the signs, Arad-Malkua, or Arad-Malaku. Sayce and 
Pinches read Eri-eaku and identified him with "Arioch, king of 
Elassar," (Gen. 14 : 1). While this is a possible reading, it is only 


secured by giving!; to the signs their Sumerian, instead of their 
Semitic values, and, as the documents are in Semitic, this is prob- 
ably wrong. The name is to be read Arad-Malkua. Another name, 
Tudkhula, which occurs in the first document, has been identified by 
the same scholars with "Tidal, king of the nations" (Gen. 14 : 1), 
but in this text there is no evidence that Tudkhula was a king at all, 
and the identification is purely fanciful. It should be noted also 
that Arad-Malkua, the supposed Eri-eaku, does not himself take 
any part in the wars here recorded; it is his son, Dursil-ilani, who 
is represented as a contemporary of Kukukumal, the supposed 

It should be further noted that these documents represent a 
complete conquest of Babylon by Elam — a conquest in which 
Babylon itself is laid desolate. It is not certain just what part 
Dursil-ilani played in the story. He may have been a vassal king 
under Kukukumal, or the Babylonian upon whom the hopes of the 
people centered, to free them from the yoke of Elam. It is clear, 
however, that the events mentioned in these documents are not in 
harmony with the supposition that these monarchs acted as allies of 
Hammurapi in the invasion of Palestine. Hammurapi is excluded 
from the account. Kukukumal conquered and desolated the very 
city in which Hammurapi had his throne. Kukukumal must, ac- 
cordingly, have lived at some other period of the history, and the 
supposed confirmation of the account of the fourteenth chapter 
of Genesis has not yet been found. 

As already stated, these tablets are not earlier than the fourth 
century b. c. The events w^hich they record were probably much 
later than the time of Abraham. Babylon is called by its Cassite 
name, Kar-duniash, a name which it did not bear until some hun- 
dreds of years after the time of Hammurapi. Many times in the 
course of Babylonian history was the country overrun by Elam, 
and there is no real reason to suppose that the war here referred to 
belongs to the age of Hammurapi. 



Tale of the Two Brothers"; Its Bearing on the Story of Joseph in Genesis. 
Letters to a Ruler Like Joseph. The Seven Years of Famine. Inscription 
Showing Preparation for Famine. 

1. Jacob. 

Three dilTerent men in Babylonia at the time of the Hammu- 
rapi dynasty bore the name Jacob-el. Thus, in the reign of 
Apil-Sin, the fourth king of the dynasty (2161 to 2144 b. c), two 
witnesses, Shubna-ilu and Yadakh-ilu gave their father's name as 
Yakiih-ilu, or Jacob-el.^ In the same reign a witness to another 
document, one Lamaz, had a Jacob-el as his father.- In the reign 
of Sin-muballit, the next king, a witness named Nur-Shamash was 
also the son of a Jacob-el.^ In the reign of the great Hammurapi, 
the next king, a witness named Sin-erbiam gave his father's name 
simply as Yakub,* or Jacob. *This last is clearly a shortening of 
Jacob-el. These men all lived from 75 to 190 years before the Baby- 
lonian Abraham, whose documents are discussed in Chapter IX. 

In connection wdth these names it should'be noted that Thothmes 
III of Eg\pt, who made extensive concjuests in Asia between 1478 
and 1446 b. c, records the name of a city which he captured in 
Palestine as Ya-'-k-b'-ra, the Egyptian equivalent of Jacob-el.^ It 
does not seem a rash guess to suppose that in. the period when inter- 
course between Babylonia and Palestine was frequent and immi- 
gration from the former country to the latter was in progress, some 
Babylonian bearing this name migrated to Palestine, settled there 
and that a city was named after him. Many parallels to this may 
be found in the names of places in the United States and Canada. 
That this place name in Canaan had some connection with the 
name of the Patriarch Jacob is probable, though just what that 
connection was it is impossible in the present state of our knowledge 
to say. 

' Cuneiform Texts, &"<;., in British Museum, IV', 53, 22b. 

' Mcissner, Althahylonisches Privatrecht, 36, 25. 

» Cuneiform Texts, VIII, 25, 22. 

« Ibid.. II, 9, 26. 

s Cf. Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Cesellschaft, 1907, p. 27. 



2. Joseph. 

A Babylonian business document of the time of the first dynasty 
of Babylon lias among its witnesses a man named Yashub-ilu, or 

In the list of places which Thothmes III of Egypt conquered in 
Palestine there is one Ya-sha-p'-ra, w'hich many scholars have 
taken to be Joseph-el, though Prof. W. Max Muller^ thinks it 
rather is equivalent to Yesheb-el, meaning "where God dwells." In 
view of the clear Babylonian equivalence, however, it seems prob- 
able that it is Joseph-el. If so, it probably became a place-name in 
Palestine because some important Babylonian who bore the name 
settled there, just as we have supposed Jacob-el did. Some scholars 
hold that it is connected with the name of the Patriarch Joseph m 
some way, but what that connection was, we cannot now say. 

3. The Tale of the Two Brothers.^ 

Once there were two brethren, of one mother and one father; Anpu was the 
name of the elder, and Bata was the name of the younger. Now, as for Anpu, he 
had a house, and he had a wife. But his Kttle brother was to him, as it were, a 
son; he it was who made for him his clothes; he it was who followed behind his 
oxen to the fields; he it was who did the plowing; he it was who harvested the 
corn; he it was who did for him all the matters which were in the field. Behold 
his younger brother grew to be an excellent worker; there was not his equal in 
the whole land; behold the spirit of a god was in him. 

Now after this the younger brother followed his oxen in the daily manner; and 
every evening he turned again to the house, laden with all the herbs of the field, 
with milk and with wood, and with all things of the field. And he put them down 
before his elder brother who was sitting with his wife; and he drank and ate, and 
he lay down in his stable with the cattle. And at the dawn of day he took bread 
which he had baked, and laid it before his elder brother; and he took with him 
his bread to the field, and he drave his cattle to pasture in the fields. And as he 
walked behind his cattle, they said to him, "Good is the herbage which is in that 
place"; and he listened to all that they said, and he took them to the good place 
which they desired. And (the cattle which were before him were exceeding 
excellent, and they multiplied greatly. 

Now at the time of plowing his elder brother said unto him, "Let us make 
ready for ourselves a goodly yoke of oxen for [blowing, for the land has come out 
from the water; it is fit for plowing. Moreover, do thou come to the field with 
corn, for we will begin the plowing in the morrow morning." Thus said he to 
him; and his younger brother did all things as his elder brother had spoken unto 
him to do them. 

.And when the morn was come, they went to the fields with their things; and 
their hearts were pleased exceedingly with their task in the beginning of their 
work. And it came to pass after this that as they were in the field they stopped 

■ Cuneiform Trxh. &*f., in the British \fuseum. II. 23, 15. 
' M illheiluni^rn iler vitnlerasiati'^clien CesctlscliafI, 1907, p. 23. 

'Taken from GrifTith's translation in I'ctrie's Egyptian Tales, second series, London, 1895, p. 
36, ff. 


for com, and he sent his younger brother, saying, "Haste thou, bring to us com 
from the farm." And the younger brother found the wife of his elder brother, as 
she was sitting tiring her hair. He said to her, "'Get up, and give to me corn, 
that I may run to the tield, for my elder brotlier hastened me; do not delay." 
She said to him, "Go open the bin, and thou shalt take to thyself according to thv 
will, that I may not drop my locks of hair while I dress them." 

The youth went to the stable; he took a large measure, for he desired to take 
much corn; he loaded it with wheat and barley; and he went out carrying it. 
She said to him, "How much of the corn that is wanted, is that which is on thy 
shoulder?" He said to her, "Three bushels of barley, and two of wheat, in all 
five; these are what are upon my shoulder:" thus said he to her. And she con- 
versed with him, saying, "There is great strength in thee, for I see thy might 
every day." And her heart knew him with the knowledge of youth. And she 
arose and came to him, and conversed with him, saying, "Come stay with me, 
and it shall be well for thee, and I will make for thee beautiful garments." Then 
the youth became like a panther of the south with fury at the evil speech which 
she had made to him; and she feared greatly. And he spake unto her, saying, 
"Behold thou art to me as a mother, thy husband is to me as a father, for he 
who is elder than I brought me up. What is this wickedness that thou hast said 
to me? Say it not to mc again. For I will not tell it to any man, for 1 will not 
let it be uttered by the mouth of any man." He lifted up his burden, and he 
went to the field and came to his; and they took up their work, to 
labor at their task. 

Now afterward, at eventime, his elder brother was returning to his house; 
and the younger brother was following after his oxen, and he loaded himself with 
all the things of the field; and he brought his oxen before him, to make them lie 
down in their stable which was in the farm. .And behold the wife of the elder 
brother was afraid for the words which she had said. She took a parcel of fat, 
she became like one who is evilly beaten, desiring to say to her husband, "It is 
thy younger brother who has done this wrong." Her husband returned in the 
even as was his wont of every day: he came unto his house; he found his wife ill 
of violence; she did not give him water upon his hands as he used to have, she 
did not make a light before him, his house was in darkness, and she was lying 
very sick. Her husband said to her, "Who has spoken with thee?" Behold she 
said, "No one has spoken with me except thy younger brother. When he came 
to take for thee corn he found me sitting alone; he said to me, 'Come, let us stay 
together, tie up thy hair' : thus spoke he to me. I did not listen to him, but thus 
spake I to him: 'Behold, am I not thy mother, is not thy elder brother to thee as 
a father?' .\nd he feared, and he beat me to stop me from making report to thee, 
and if thou lettest him live I shall die. Now behold he is coming in the evening; 
and I complain of these wicked words, for he would have done this even in day- 

And the elder brother became as a panther of the south; he sharpened his 
knife; he took it in his hand; he stood behind the door of the stable to slay his 
younger brother as he came in the evening to bring his cattle into the stable. 

Now the sun went down, and he loaded himself with herbs'in his daily manner. 
He came, and his foremost cow entered the stable, and she said to her keeper, 
"Behold thy elder brother standing before thee with his knife to slay thee; 
flee from before him." He heard what his first cow had said; and the next en- 
tering, she also said likewise. He looked beneath the door of the stable; he saw 
the feet of his elder brother; he was standing behind the door, and his knife was 
in his hand. He cast down his load to the ground, and betook himself to flee 
swiftly; and his elder brother pursued after him with his knife. Then the 
younger brother cried out unto Ra Harakhti,' saying, "My good lord! thou art 

' The sun-god. . , ♦ 


he who di\'idcs the e\il from the good." And Ra stood and heard his cry; and 
Ka made a wide water between him and his elder brotiier, and it was full of 
crocodiles; and the one brother was on one bank, and the other on the other 
bank; and the elder brother smote twice on his hands at not slayinj^ him. Thus 
did he. And the younj^er brother called to the elder brother on the bank, saying, 
"Stand still until the dawn of the day; and when Rii ariseth, I shall judge with 
thee before him, and he discerneth between the good and the evil. For I shall 
n<:.L be with thee any more forever; I shall not be in the place in which thou art; 
1 shall go to the valley of the acacia." 

We need not follow the story further. Those who wish to do so 
are referred to Petrie's Egyptian Tales. From this point onward, 
it contains many mythological features. 

This story, in the form in which we have it, was written for Seti II 
(1209-1205 B. c.) of the nineteenth Eg^^ptian dynasty, while that 
monarch was still crown prince. Scholars of all shades of opinion 
have recognized in it a striking parallel to the story of Joseph in the 
house of Potiphar, in Genesis 39 : 1-20. Joseph, like the younger 
brother of this tale, was trusted with everything about his master's 
place; Potiphar's wife, like the sister-in-law of the tale, tempted 
Joseph; Joseph, like the younger brother, resisted temptation; and 
Potii)har's wife, like the sister-in-law, charged him with the crime 
which he had been unwilling to commit. 

Scholars of the critical school regard this as the original of the 
story in Genesis. Wliile they recognize that it is a theme which is 
not confined to Egyptians and Hebrews (compare for other paral- 
lels Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, II, 303, ff.), the fact that the 
theme of the Biblical story is laid in Egypt leads them to think it 
extremely probable that there is a connection between the two. 

Conservative scholars on the other hand hold that in all probabil- 
ity there was more than one such scandal in Egypt, and account for 
the likeness by the similarity which would naturally present itself 
in such cases, holding that the Egyptian tale has no bearing on the 
credibility of that in Genesis. 

4. Letters to a Ruler Like Joseph. 

Among the letters in the Babylonian language and script found 
at El-Amarna in Egypt in the winter of 1887-1888,' many of which 
were written to Amenophis III and Amenophis IV, Kings of Egypt, 
1411-1357 B. c, by Egyptian vassals in Palestine and Syria, there 
are two which were written to a Semite named Dudu (David), 
which show that this Semite held at the Egyptian court a position 

» Cf. Part I, p. 35. 


analogous to that which Joseph, as ruler of Eg\'pt, is said to have 
held (Gen. 41 : 39, f.; 50 : 26). These letters are as follows: 


1. To DMu, my lord, my father, 

2. speaks Aziru, thy son, thy servant: 

3. at the feet of my father I fall. 

4. Unto my father may there be health! 

5. O Dtldu, truly I have given (/. c, done) 

6. the wish of the king, my lord, 

7. and whatever is the wish 

8. of the king, my lord, let him send 

9. and I will give (do) it. 

10. Further: see, thou art there, 

11. my father, and whatever is the wish 

12. of Dildu, my father, send it 

13. and I will indeed give (do) it. 

14. Behold, thou art my father and my lord 

15. and I am thy son. The lands of the Amorites 

16. are thy lands, and my house is thy house, 

17. and whatever thy wish is, 

18. send, and I 

19. shall behold, and verily will give (do) it. 

20. And see, thou in the presence of 

21. the king, my lord, sittest. 
22 enemies 

23. words of slander 

24. before my father, before 

25. the king, my lord, have spoken, 

26. but do thou not count them just! 

27. And behold thou in the presence 

28. of the king, my lord, as a dignitary (?) 

29. sittest 

30. and the words of slander 

31. against me do not count true. 

32. .Also I am a servant of the king, my lord, 
3^. and from the words of the king, my lord, 

34. and from the words of Dudu, my father, 

35. I shall not depart forever. 

36. But when the king, my lord, does not love me, 

37. but hates me, 

38. then I — what shall I say? 


1. To D<idu, my lord, my father, 

2. speaks Aziru, thy servant: 

3. at the feet of my lord I fall. 

4. Khatib has come 

5. and has brought the words 

6. of the king, my lord, important and good, 

' Winckler und Abel. Thoutafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 40. Cf. Knufitzon, Die El-Amarna 
Tafeln. No. 158. 

'Winckler und Abel, Thoutafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 38. See also Knudtzon, Die El- 
Amarna Tafeln, No. 164. 


7. and I am very, very Rlad. 

8. and my land and my brethren, 

9". the ser\'ants of the kinj;, my lord, 

10. and the servants of Dudu, my lord, 

11. are ver>', very glad, 

12. when there comes 

13. the breath of the king, my lord, 

14. unto me. From the words 

15. of my lord, my god, my sun-god, 

16. and from the words of Dudu, 

17. my lord, I shall not depart. 

18. My lord, truly Khatib 

19. stands with me. 

20. I and he will come. 

21. My lord, the king of the Hittites 

22. has come into Nukhashshi, 

23. so that I cannot come. 

24. Would that the king of the Hittites would depart! 

25. Then truly I would come, 

26. I and Khatib. 

27. May the king, mj' lord, my words 

28. hear! My lord, I fear 

29. on account of the face of the king, my lord, 

30. and on account of the face of Dudu. 

31. And now by my gods 

32. and my angels verily I have sworn, 

33. O Dudu and nobles 

34. of the king, my lord, that truly T will come. 

35. And so, Dudu 

36. and the king, my lord, and the nobles, 

37. "Truly we will not conceive anything 

38. against Aziru that is unfavorable," — 

39. even thus may ye swear 

40. by my gods and the god A! 

41. And truly I 

42. and Khatib are faithful sers'ants of the king. 

43. O Diidu, thou shalt truly know 

44. that I will come to thee. 

The Aziru of these letters was the chieftain or petty king of the 
Amorites, who were living at the time to the eastward of Phoenicia, 
between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains. The way 
in which he addresses Dudu is significant. Dudu is classed con- 
tinually with the king. Aziru fears to offend Dudu as he fears to 
offend the king; the words of Dudu are of equal importance with 
those of the kipg. Dudu clearly occupied a position of power with 
the king of Eg^pt similar to that ascribed to Joseph in Genesis 4L 
Moreover, Dudu is a Semitic name; vocalized a little differently, it 
becomes David. 

The king to whom this letter was written was Amenophis III or 


Amenophis IV, in whose reigns Semitic influence was especially 
strong in Egypt. Amenophis III took as his favorite wife a woman 
named Tiy, daughter of Yuaa and Tuau, whose mummies, discov- 
ered a few years ago, show, some think, that they were Semitic. 
Queen Tiy was very influential during the reign of her son, Amen- 
ophis IV, and was in part the cause of the remarkable religious 
reform which he undertook (Part I, Chapter I, § 6 (vii)). It is not, 
accordingly, strange to find that the chief minister of one of these 
kings was a Semite. Of course, Dudu cannot be identified with 
Joseph, but his career shows that such careers as that of Joseph 
were not impossible at this period of Egyptian history. 

5. The Seven Years of Famine. 

The following inscription was found cut on a rock between the 
island of Elephantine and the First Cataract, and was first pub- 
lished by Brugsch in 1891. It is written in hierogh^Dhic characters, 
and was apparently inscribed in the reign of Ptolemy X, 117-89 
B. C. It relates how King Zoser, of the third dynasty, who began 
to reign about 2980 b. c, nearly 2,800 years before the inscription 
was written, appealed to Khnum, the god of Elephantine, because 
of a famine. The part of the text which interests us is as follows:^ 

"I am very anxious on account of those who are in the palace. My heart is in 
great anxiety on account of misfortune, for in my time the Nile has not over- 
flowed for a jjeriod of seven years. There is scarcely any produce of the field; 
herbage fails; eatables are wanting. Every man robs his neighbor. Men 
move (?) with nowhere to go. The c hildrcn cry, the young people creep along 
(?). The aged heart is bowed down; their limbs are cripi)lcd; they sit (?) on the 

earth. Their arms are The people of the court are at their wits' end. 

The store-houses (?) were built, but and all that was in them has 

been consumed." 

As Brugsch^ saw, this inscription gives a graphic account of the 
suffering caused by seven such years of famine as are said to have 
occurred in the time of Joseph (Gen. 41 : 30, 54, ff,). It cannot be 
the same seven-year famine as that referred to in Genesis, as it is 
placed several centuries too early to coincide wnth the time of 
Joseph. As the inscription is about 2,800 years later than the 
event it describes, its historical accuracy might be questioned, but 
it is probable that it was a renewal of an earlier inscription. But 
even if its historical accuracy be impugned, it witnesses to a native 
Eg^^jtian tradition that such famines were possible. 

'Translated from the German rendering of Ranke in Gressmann's Allorientalische Texle und 
Bilder zum Allen Testament, Tubingen, 1909, p. 223. 
* See his Sieben Jahrader Hungernot, 1891. 


6. Inscription Showing Preparation for Famine. 

Inscriptiun of Baba of El-Kab' 

"The chief at the table of the sovcreif^^n, Baba, the risen again, speaks thus: 
I loved my father; I honored my mother; my brothers and sisters loved me. I 
went out of the door of my house with a benevolent heart; I stood there with 
refreshing hand; splendid were my preparations of what I collected for the festal 
day. Mild was (my) heart, free from violent anger. The gods bestowed u]:)on 
me abundant prosperity upon earth. The city wished me health and a life of 
full enjoyment. I punished the evil-doers. The children who stood before me 
in the town during the days which I fulfilled were — great and small — 60; just 
as many beds were j)rovided for them, just as many chairs (?), just as many 
tables (?). They all consumed 120 ephahs of durra, the milk of 3 cows, 52 goats, 
and 9 she-asses, a hin of balsam, and 2 jars of oil. 

"My words may seem a jest to the gainsayer, but I call the god Mut to witness 
that what I say is true. I had all this prepared in my house; in addition I put 
cream in the store-chamber and beer in the cellar in a more than suflicient num- 
ber of hin-measures. 

"I collected com as a friend of the harvest-god. I was watchful in time of 
sowing. And when a famine arose, lasting many years, I distributed com to the 
city each year of famine." 

The Baba who wrote this inscription lived under the eighteenth 
Egyptian dynasty, about 1500 b. c, or a little before. Brugsch 
pointed out many years ago that Baba's concluding statement forms 
an interesting parallel to the conduct of Joseph as told in Gen. 
41 : 47-57. Baba claims to have done for his city, El-Kab, what 
Joseph is said to have done for all Egypt. His statement affords 
striking evidence of the historical reality of famines in Egypt, and 
of such economic preparation for them. 

• From Brugsch's Egypt under the Pharaohs, London, 1881, 1, 303, fL 


The Tale of Sinuhe. Communication between Eg\tt and Palestine. 

1. The Tale of Sinuhe. 

In the year 1970 b. c, when Amenemhet I died and was suc- 
ceeded by Sesostris I, an Egyptian of high rank, named Sinuhe, for 
some reason now unknown to us, fled from Egypt to Asia. The 
details of his escape from Egypt are not of interest to the Biblical 
student, but his description of the hardships encountered in the 
desert and of his experiences in eastern Palestine are of great value, 
as they aflford us our earliest description of that country outside the 
Bible. The following extract begins just after Sinuhe had told how 
he escaped the guards in the fort which stood at the eastern frontier 
of Egj^t.'^ 

I went on at the time of evening, 

As the earth brightened, I arrived at Peten. 

^\^len I had reached the lake of Kemwer,^ 

I fell down for thirst, fast came my breath, 

My throat was hot, 

I said: "This is the taste of death." 

I upheld my heart, I drew my limbs together, 

As I heard the sound of lowing cattle, 

I beheld the Bedawin. 

That chief among them, who had been in Egypt, recognized me. 

He gave me water, he cooked for me milk. 

I went with him to his tribe, 

Good was that which they did (for nic). 

One land sent me on to another, 

I loosed for Suan;' 

I arrived at Kedem;^ 

I spent a year and a half there. 

' From Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, I, p. 237, ff. 

- An EfO'Ptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez. 

' Some Eg>'ptian trading-post in .Asia. 

* An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It is called Kedemah in 
Gen. 25 : 15 and 1 Chron. 1 : 30; Kederaoth in Deut. 2 : 26, and translated "East" in Judges 
6 : 3, 33; 7 : 12; 8 : 10, 11. In Gen. and Chron. the name is applied to a person. 



Enuiienshe,^ that sheik of Upper [Rujtenu," brought mc forth 

saying to me: "Happy art tliou witli mc, 

(for") thou hearest tlio si)cech of Egypt." 

He Siiid this (for) he knew my character, 

He had heard of my wisdom; 

The Egyptians, who were there with him, bare witnessof me. 

The Amorite chieftain then questioned Sinuhe concerning his 
flight. He gave evasive answers, merging with his reply a long 
hymn in praise of the king. After this Emuienshe said to him : 

"Behold, thou shalt now abide with me; 
Good is that which I shall do for thee." 
He put me at the head of his children, 
He married me to his eldest daughter, 
He made me select for myself of his land, 
Of the choicest of that which he had. 
On his boundary with another land. 
It was a goodly land, named Yaa;' 
There were figs in it and vines, 
More plentiful than water was its wine. 
Copious was its honey, plenteous its oil; 
All fruits were upon its trees. 
Barley was there and spelt, 
Without end all cattle. 

^Moreover, great was that which came to me, 
Which came for love of me. 
When he appointed me sheik of the tribe, fl 

From the choicest of his land. d 

I portioned the daily bread. 
And wine for every day. 

Cooked flesh and fowl in roast; J2 

Besides the wild goats of the hills, fl 

W'hich were trapped for me, and brought to me; M 

Besides that which my dogs captured for me. % 

There was much^made for me, * 

And milk in every sort of cooked dish. 
I spent many years, 
My children became strong, 
Each the mighty man of his tribe. 
The messenger going north, 
Or passing southward to the court. 
He turned in to me. 
For I had all men turn in (to me). 

The tale goes on concerning the personal prowess of Sinuhe, who, 
in his old age, returned to Egypt and made his peace with the king, 

' This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were already in this 
region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here; see Num. 21 : 21, ff. and Deut. 1 : 4, ff. 

2 The Esyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The Egyptians had no /; 
they always used r instead. The name is identical with the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36 : 20, of whicb 
Lot is a shorter form. 

* Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36 : 24 and 1 Chron. 1 : 40. 




2. Communication between Egypt and Palestine. 

This document from the early patriarchal age reveals a close 
relationship between Egypt and Palestine. There was frequent 
communication between Kedem and Egypt; messengers went to 
and fro. The Egyptian language was understood at the court of 
the Amorite chieftain. These conditions throw light on the narra- 
tives of the descent of Abraham and Jacob to Egypt. Sinuhe's 
description of his life necessarily . reminds one of the description 
of Palestine so often met with in the Pentateuch, Joshua, and the 
prophets, "a land flowing with milk and honey." (See, for ex- 
ample, Exod. 3 : 8, 17.) 


The Legend of Sargon of Ag.vde; Its Resemblance to the Story of Moses. 
The Pillar of Mernept.\h; The Only Appearance of the Name "Israel" Outside 
of the Bible. 

I. The Legend of Sargon of Agade. 

The follovvmg legend^ contains a story of the exposure of an infant 
on a river, strikingly like that told of Moses. 

1. Sargon, the mighty king, king of Agade am I, 

2. My mother was lowly; my father I did not know;^ 

3. The brother of my father dwelt in the mountain. 

4. My city is Azupiranu, which is situated on the bank of the Euphrates. 

5. My lowly mother conceived me, in secret she brought me forth. 

6. She placed me in a basket of reeds, she closed my entrance with bitumen, 

7. She cast me upon the river, which did not overflow me. 

8. The river carried me, it brought me to x\kki, the irrigator. 

9. .\kki, the irrigator, in the goodness of his heart lifted me out, 
10. Akki, the irrigator, as his own son brought me up; 

II. Akki, the irrigator, as his gardener appointed me. 

12. When I was a gardener the goddess Ishtar loved me, 

13. And for four years I ruled the kingdom. 

14. The black-headed' peoples I ruled, I governed; 

15. Mighty mountains with axes of bronze I destroyed (?). 

16. I ascended the upper mountains; 

17. I burst through the lower mountains. 

18. The country of the sea I besieged three times; 

19. Dilmun* I captured (?). 

20. Unto the great Dur-ilu I went up, I 

21 1 altered 

22. Whatsoever king shall be exalted after me, 

24. Let him rule, let him govern the black-headed peoples; 

25. Mighty mountains with axes of bronze let him destroy; 

26. Let him ascend the upper mountains, 

27. Let him break through the lower mountains; 

28. The country of the sea let him besiege three times; 

29. Dilmun let him capture; 

30. To great Dur-ilu let him go up. 

^ From Cuneiform Texts, brc. in the British Museum, XIII, 42; cf. also King, Chronicles of 
Early Babylonian Kings. II, 87, ff. 

' .'Xnother tablet reads "a father I had not." 
' A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia. 
< An island in the Persian Gulf. 




The rest is too broken for connected translation. 

It is thought by some scholars of the critical school that the 
parallelism between the secret birth, the exposure, the rescue and 
adoption of Sargon, and the account of the secret birth, exposure, 
rescue, and adoption of Moses in Exod. 2 : 1-10 is too close to be 
accidental. Conservative scholars, on the other hand, hold that, if 
the legend of Sargon is historical, it merely affords an example of a 
striking coincidence of events in two independent lives. 

2. The Pillar of Memeptah. 

In the fifth year of King Merneptah, who ruled from 1225-1215 
B. C, and who is thought to be the Pharaoh of the exodus, he in- 
scribed on a pillar an account of his wars and victories. The in- 
scription concludes with the following poetic strophe:^ 

The kings are overthrown, saying: "salaam!" 
Not one holds up his head among the nine bows.^ 
Wasted is Tehenu,' 
Kheta^ is pacified, 

Plundered is the Canaan* with every evil, 
' Carried off is Askelon, 
Seized upon is Gezer, 
Yenoam® is made as a thing not existing. 
Israel is desolated, his seed is not; 
Palestine has become a widow for Egypt. 
All lands are united, they are pacified; 

Every one that is turbulent is bound by King JMerneptah, who gives life like 
Ra every day. 

This inscription contains the only mention of Israel in a document 
of this age outside the Bible. It is, for that reason, of great im- 
portance. It should be noted that Israel is mentioned along with 
peoples and places in Palestine and Phoenicia. The Israel here 
referred to was not, accordingly, in Egypt. Israel, on the other 
hand, may not have been more than a nomadic people. The 
Egj-ptians used a certain "determinative" in connection with the 
names of settled peoples. That sign is here used with Tehenu, 
Kheta, Askelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, but not with Israel. 

As Merneptah has been supposed by many to be the Pharaoh 
in whose reign the exodus occurred, the mention of Israel here has 

' Taken from Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypi, III, p. 264, ft. 

* That is, the foreign nations. 

' That is, Lybia. which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta. 

* That is. the Hittites. 

' "The Canaan" refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Phoenicia. 

^ Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at the end of the valley be- 
tween the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains. 


somewhat puzzled scholars, and diflferent explanations of the fact 
have arisen. At least one scholar holds that the exodus occurred in 
Merneptah's third year, and that he afterward attacked the 
Hebrews. Others have supposed that not all the Hebrews had been 
in Ejrypt, but only the Joseph tribes. Still others have thought that 
the Leah tribes had made their exodus during the eighteenth 
dynasty, and that it was these with whom Merneptah fought, while 
the Rachel tribes made their exodus under the nineteenth dynasty. 
Opinions vary according to the critical views of different writers. 
All scholars would welcome more information on these problems. 


The Text of the Code; Resemblance to and Contrast with the Mosaic Code. 
The Mosaic Code Not Borrowed from the Babylonian; Different Underlying 

1. The Text of the Code; Comparison with the Mosaic Code. 

The following code of laws was inscribed by order of Hammurapi, 
of the first dynasty of Babylon (2104-2061 b. c), on a block of 
black diorite nearly eight feet in height and set up in Esagila, the 
temple of Marduk, in Babylon, so that the people might have the 
laws in the mother-tongue. As this last statement implies, the 
laws are written in Semitic Babylonian; before the time of Hammu- 
rapi the laws had been written in Sumerian. At some later time 
an Elamite conqueror, who was overrunning Babylonia, took this 
pillar away to Susa as a trophy. In course of time the pillar was 
broken into three parts, which were found by the French expedition 
under de Morgan in December, 1901, and January, 1902, while 
excavating at Susa. As the code is the oldest known code of laws 
in the world, being a thousand years older than Moses, and as it 
affords some interestmg peculiarities as well as some striking 
parallels to the laws in Exodus 21-23 and in Deuteronomy, a trans- 
lation of it, with some comparison of Exodus and Deuteronomy, 
is here given: 

Against Witches 

§ 1. If a man brings an accusation against a man, that he has laid a death- 
spell upon him, and has not proved it, the accuser shall be put to death.* 

§ 2. If a man accuses another of practising sorcery u[)on him, but has not 
proved it, he against whom the charge of sorcery is made shall go to the sacred 
river; into the sacred river he shall plunge, and if the,sacred river overjxiwers him, 
his accuser shall take possession of his house. If the sacred river shows that 
man to be innocent, and he is unharmed, he who charged him with sorcery shall 
be killed. He who plunged into the sacred river shall take the house of his 

' Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper's Code of Ilammurabi, and Ungnad's Keil- 
schri/llexle der Geselzc Dammurabis. 



With these hiws we should compare Exod. 22 : A, which imposes 
the death j-jcnalty upon witches, and Deut. 18 : 10, ff., which de- 
clares that there shall be no sorcerer, diviner, magician, or charmer 
in Israel and promises a line of prophets to render these unnecessary. 
Magic is banished from Israel ; its presence in Babylonia is taken for 
granted, and only some of its exercises, which were supposed to be 
especially deadly, were forbidden. In § 2 the man accused of 
sorcery is to be tried by ordeal. He is to plimge into the river and 
if he can swim in its current, he is innocent. Trial by ordeal is found 
but once in the Hebrew laws (Num. 5 : 11-28). There both the 
crime and the ordeal are very different from this. 

Note that in these sections the false accuser suffers in just the 
way he has tried to bring suffering to the other. This is the law of 
retaliation, which appears in Deut. 19 : 16-21, where it is applied 
to false witnesses in the same way as here. It will be found under- 
lying many of the penalties of this code. 

Laws Concerning False Witness 

§ 3. If in a case a man has borne false witness, or accused a man without 
proving it, if that case is a ( apita! case, that man shall be put to death. 

§ 4. If he has borne witness in a case of grain or money, the penalty of that 
case he shall himself bear. 

Hebrew law was similar; a false witness was to be visited with 
the penaltv which he had purposed to bring upon his brother 
(Deut. 19 -18, 19). 

Against Reversing a Judicial Decision 

§ 5. If a judge has pronounced a judgment, made a decision, caused it to be 
sealed, and afterward has altered his judgment, that judge they shall convict on 
account of the case which he decided and altered; the penalty which in that case 
he imposed he shall pay twelvefold, and in the assembly from the seat of his 
judgment they shall expel him; he shall not return; with the judges in a case he 
shall not sit. 

Hebrew law presents no parallel to this. 

Against Theft 

§ 6. If a man steals the goods of a god (temple) or of a palace, that man shall 
be put to death, and he by whose hand the stolen goods were received '.shall be 
put to death. 

§ 7. If a man purchases or receives on deposit either silver, gold, man-servant, 
maid-servant, ox, sheep, ass, or anything whatever from the hand of a minor "or 
a slave without witnesses or contracts, that man is a thief; he shall be put to 


§ 8. If a man has stolen ox, or sheep, or ass, or pig, or a boat, either from a 
god (temple) or a palace, he shall pay thirtyfold. If he is a poor man, he shall 
restore tenfold. If the thief has nothing to pay, he shall be put to death. 

§ 9. If a man, who has lost anything, finds that which was lost in a man's 
hand, (and) the man in whose hand the lost thing was found says: "A seller sold 
it; I bought it before witnesses"; and the owner of the lost thing says: "I will 
l)ring witnesses who know that the lost thing is mine"; if the purchaser brings 
the seller who sold it to him and the witnesses in whose presence it was bought, 
and the owner of the lost thing brings the witnesses who know that the lost 
thing is his, the judges shall examine their testimony. The witnesses before 
whom the purchaser purchased it, and the witnesses who know the lost thing, 
shall give their testimony in the presence of a god. The seller is a thief; he shall 
be put to death. The owner of the lost thing shall take that which was lost. 
The purchaser shall take from the house of the seller the money which he had 

§ 10. If the purchaser does not produce the seller who sold it to him and the 
witnesses before whom he bought it, and the owner of the lost thing produces 
the witnesses who know that the lost thing is his, the purchaser is the thief; 
he shall be put to death. The owner Kjf the lost thing shall take that which he 

§ 11. If the owner of the lost thing does not bring the witnesses who know 
that the lost thing is his, he is one who has attempted fraud; he shall be put to 

§ 12. If the seller has died, the purchaser shall recover from the house of the 
seller the damages of that case fivefold. 

§ 13. If that man has not his witnesses near, the judges shall set an appointed 
time within six months; and if, within six months, his witnesses he does not 
produce, that man is a liar; the penalty of that case he shall himself bear. 

The Hebrew laws comparable to these are found in Exod. 22 : 1-4, 
9, and Lev. 6 : 3-5. Exodus directs (v. 1) that, if a man steals an 
ox or a sheep and kills it or sells it, he shall restore five oxen for an 
ox and four sheep for a sheep. In case it is not sold he shall restore 
double (v. 9). No highly organized courts appear in the Biblical 
codes. The thief was brought before God and his guilt determined 
by some religious test. The law of Leviticus required a man guilty 
of theft to restore the lost property, adding to it a fifth more, and 
to offer a ram in sacrifice. (See Exod. 18 : 13-26. Cf. 2 Chron. 
19 : 5-7 with 1 Chron. 23 : 4 and Deut. 16 : 18-20.) 

The Babylonian laws presuppose a much more highly organized 
social community than the Hebrew. 

Against Stealing Children and Slaves 

§ 14. If a man steals the son of a man who is a minor, he shall be put to death. 

§ 15. If a man causes a male or female slave of a palace, or the male or female 
slave of a workingman to escape from the city gate, he shall be put to death. 

§ 16. If a man harbors in his house either a male or a female slave who has 
escaped from a palace or from a workingman, and does not bring him out at 
the summons of the ofl&cer, the owner of that house shall be put to ^eath. 


§ 17. If a man finds in a field a male or a female slave who has escaped and 
restores him to his owner, the owner of the slave shall pay him 2 shekels of silver. 

§ 18. If Uiat slave will not name his owner, he shall brinj^ him unto the palace 
and they shall investij^ate his record and restore him unto his owner. 

§ 19. If he shall detain that slave in his house and afterward the slave is 
found, that man shall be put to death. 

§ 20. If the slave escapes from the hand of his captor, that man shall declare 
it on oath to the owner of the slave and shall be innocent. 

These laws are analogous to Exod. 21 : 16 and Deut. 23 : Igjt 
The former inflicts the death penalty for stealing a man and selling 
him, and the latter prohibits one in whose house a fugitive slave has 
taken refuge from returning the slave to his master. Slavery was 
not in Israel such a firmly established institution as in Babylonia. 
(See Exod. 21 : 2-6; Deut. 15 : 12-18; Lev. 25 : 25-46.) 

Housebreaking and Brigandage 

§ 21. If a man breaks into a house, before that breach he shall be put to 
death and thrown into it. 

§ 22. If a man practices brigandage and is caught, that man shall be put to 

§ 23. If the robber is not caught, the man who is robbed shall declare his loss, 
whatever it is, in the presence of a god, and the city and governor in whose 
territory and jurisdiction the robbery was committed shall compensate him for 
whatever was lost. 

§ 24. If it is a life, that city and governor shall pay to his relatives 1 mana of 

Hebrew law presents an analogy to the last of these sections in 
Deut. 21 : 1-9, though in Israel no compensation was offered to the 
heirs of the man who was slain, but a sacrifice was performed by the 
elders of the nearest city, to purge it of innocent blood. 

Stealing at a Fire 

§ 2.S. If a fire breaks out in a man's house, and a man who has come to ex- 
tinguish it shall cast his eye upon the furniture of the owner of the house, and 
the furniture of the owner of the house shall take, that man shall be thrown into 
that fire. 

The Duties and Privileges of Soldiers, Constables, and Tax-collectors 

§ 26. If a soldier or a constable^ who is ordered to go on a journey for the 
king does not go, but hires a substitute and dispatches him instead, that soldier 
or constable shall be put to death; his hired substitute shall appropriate his 

§ 27. If a soldier or a constable is detained in a royal fortress and after him 

• The mana consisted of sixty shekels. In English it is corrupted to mina. 

' The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and others think the first a recruiting-officer; 
Delitzsch and Ungnad, a soldier. The name of the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is 
certain that here he was some kind of a fisher of men. 


they give his field or garden to another and he takes it and carries it on, if the 
first one returns and reaches his city, they shall restore to him his field and 
garden, and he shall take it and carry it on. 

§ 28. If a soldier or a constable who is detained in a royal fortress has a son 
who is able to carry on his business, they shall give to him his field and garden 
and he shall carry on the business of his father. 

§ 29. If his son is small and not able to carry on the business of his father, 
they shall give one-third of his field and garden to his mother and she shall rear 

§ 30. If a soldier or a constable from the beginning of his appointment neglects 
his field, garden, and house and leaves them uncared for, another after him shall 
take his field, garden, and house, and carry on his business for three years. If he 
returns and desires his field, garden, and house, they shall not give them to him. 
He who has taken them and carried on the business shall carry it on. 

§ 31. If he leaves it uncared for but one year and returns, they shall give him 
his field, garden, and house, and he shall carry on his own business. 

§ 32. If a merchant ransoms a soldier (?) or a constable who, on a journey of 
the king, was detained, and brings him back, to his city, if in his house there is 
sufficient ransom, he shall ransoni himself. If in his house there is not sufficient 
to ransom him, by the temple of his city he shall be ransomed. If in the temple 
of his city there is not a sufficient ransom, he shall be ransomed by the palace. 
His field, garden, and house shall not be given for ransom. 

§ 33. If a governor or a magistrate harbors a deserting soldier or accepts and 
sends a hired substitute on an errand of the king, that governor or magistrate 
shall be put to-death. 

§ 34. If a governor or a magistrate takes the pioperty of a soldier, plunders a 
soldier, or hires out a soldier, has defrauded a soldier in a suit before a sheik, or 
takes the present which the king has given tQ»a soldier, that governor or magis- 
trate shall be put to death. 

§ 35. If a man buys the cattle or sheep which the king has given to a soldier, 
he shall forfeit his money. 

§ 36. One shall not sell the field, garden, or house of a soldier, constable, or 

§ 37. If a man has bought the field, garden, or house of a soldier, constable, 
or tax-collector, his tablet shall be broken, he shall forfeit his money; the field, 
house, or garden shall return to its owner. 

§ 38. A soldier, constable, or tax-collector shall not deed to his wife or daugh- 
ter the field, house, or garden, which is his. perquisite, nor shall he assign them 
for debt. 

§ 39. A field, garden, or house which he has purchased and possesses he may 
deed to his wife or daughter, or may assign for debt. 

§ 40. A priestess, merchant, or other creditor may purchase his field, garden, 
or house. The purchaser shall conduct the business of the field, garden, or 
house which he hasipurchased. 

§ 41. If a man has bargained for the field, garden, or house of a soldier, con- 
stable, or tax-collector and has given sureties, the soldier, constable, or tax- 
collector shall return to the field, house, or garden, and the sureties which were 
given him he shall keep. 

No such officers as these are mentioned in the laws of the Old 
Testament, though some of them appear in earlier times in the 
records of Babylonia. The tax-collectors mentioned here remind us 
of Solomon's tax-collectors mentioned in 1 Kings 4 : 7, fif. 


Laws of Agriculture 

§ 42. If a man rents a field tor cultivation and produces no grain in that field, 
they shall call him to account for doing no work in that field, and he shall give 
to the owner of the ficKl grain similar to that of adjacent fields. 

§ 43. If he does not cuhivale that field and neglects it, he shall give the 
owner of the field grain similar to that of adjacent fields, and the field which he 
neglected he shall break up with mattocks, he shall harrow, and return it to the 
owner of the field. 

§ 44. If a man rents an uncultivated field for three years for improvement 
and neglects its surface and does not develop the field, in the fourth year he shall 
break up the field with mattocks, he shall hoe and harrow it, and return it unto 
the owner of the field, and for every Can of land he shall measure out 10 Gur of 

§ 45. If a man lets his field for pay on shares to a farmer and receives his 
rent, and afterward the storm-god inundates the field and carries off the produce, 
the loss is the farmer's. 

§ 46. If the rent of his field he has not received, and he has let the field for 
one-half or one-third (of the crop), the farmer and the owner of the field shall 
divide the grain which is in the field according to agreement. 

§ 47. If the farmer, because he has not in a former year received a mainte- 
nance, entrusts the field to another farmer, the owner of the field shall not inter- 
fere. He would cultivate it, and his field has been cultivated. At the time of 
harvest he shall take grain according to his contracts. 

§ 48. If a man has a debt against him and the storm-god inundates his 
field and carries away the produce, or if through lack of water grain has 
not grown in the field, in that year he shall not make a return of grain 
to his creditor; his contract he shall change, and the interest of that year he 
shall not pay. 

§ 49. If a man borrows money from a merchant, and has given to the mer- 
chant a field planted with grain or sesame, and says to him: "Cultivate the field 
and harvest and take the grain or sesame which it produces"; if the tenant pro- 
duces grain or sesam.e in the field, at the time of harvest the owner of the field 
shall take the grain or sesame which was produced by the field, and shall give to 
the merchant grain for the money which he borrowed from the merchant with 
its interest, and for the maintenance of the farmer. 

§ 50. If the field was already planted [with grain or] sesame, the owner of the 
field shall receive the grain or the sesame which is produced in the field, and the 
money and its interest he shall return to the merchant. 

§ 51. If there is not money to return, he shall give to the merchant [the 
grain or] sesame for the money and its interest which he had received from the 
merchant, according to the scale of prices fixed by the king. 

§ 52. If the farmer does not produce grain or sesame in his field, he shall not 
alter his contract. 

§ 53. If a man the side of his strong dyke has neglected and has not strength- 
ened it, and in his dyke a break occurs, and the water destroys the farm-land, 
the man in whose dyke the break occurred shall restore the grain which was 

^ § 54. If he is not able to restore the grain, they shall sell him and his posses- 
sions for money, and the owners of the fields whose grain was destroyed shall 
share it. 

§ 55. If a man has opened his sluice for watering and has left it open and the 
water destroys the field of his neighbor, he shall measure out grain to hini on the 
basis of that i)ro(luccd by neighboring fields. 



§ 56. If a man opens the Wxitcr and the water destroys the work' of a neigh- 
boring field, he shall measure out \OGur of grain for each Bur of land. 

§ 57. If a shepherd causes his sheep to cat vegetation and has not made an 
agreement with the owner of the field, and without the consent of the owner of 
the field has pastured his sheep, the owner of the field shall harvest that field, and 
the shepherd who without the consent of the owner of the field caused his sheep 
to eat the field, shall pay the owner of the field in addition 20 Giir of grain for 
each Bur of land. 

§ 58. If, after the sheep have come up out of the fields and are turned loose 
on the public common by the city gate, a shejjherd turns his sheep into a field 
and causes the sheep to eat the field, the shepherd shall oversee the field which he 
caused to be eaten, and at harvest-time he shall measure to the owner of the 
field 60 Gur of grain for each Bur of land. 

The Hebrew land laws are found in Exod. 22 :£,, Q, 23 : 10, 11; 
Lev. 19 : 9, and Deut. 24 : 19-22; 23 : 24, 25. Art examination of 
these passages reveals a wide difference between Babylonia and Is- 
rael. In Babylonia it seems to have often been the rule that a land- 
lord let out the fields to tenants to work ; among the Hebrews the 
law presupposes that each man shall work his own land. Many of 
the Babylonian laws are designed to secure the respective rights of 
landlord and tenant. Naturally, there is nothing in the Old Testa- 
ment to correspond to these. Hebrew law (Exod. 22 :^), like the 
Babylonian, provides that one who causes a neighbor's 'crop to be 
eaten shall make restitution, but the regulations are of the most 
general character. In Babylonia a larger social experience had 
made much more specific regulations necessary. 

The characters of the respective countries are reflected in the 
dangers from which crops might be threatened. In waterless 
Palestine a fire started by a careless man might burn his neighbor's 
crop (Exod. 22 : 6) ; in Babylonia, where irrigation from canals was 
conducted to fields lower than the surface of the water, one might 
flood his neighbor's field and destroy his crop by carelessly leaving 
his sluice open. 

The Hebrew legislation presupposes a poorer community. It 
provides that the land shall lie fallow, and whatever it produces 
shall belong to the poor (Exod. 23 : 10, 11). At harvest-time, too, 
one must not reap the corners of his field; that was left to the poor 
(Lev. 19 : 9). If one forgot a sheaf in his field, he must not return 
to take it; that should be left to the poor (Deut. 24 : 19). Rich 
Babylonia made no such provision for the poor; it felt no such social 

' Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season. 


Again, even these agricultural laws show tha-t commerce was 
highly developed in Babylonia, with its necessary concomitant, the 
right to charge interest for money. The uncommercial Hebrews 
regarded interest as unlawful (Exod. 22T25), and it was Hillel, 
the contemporary of Herod the Great, who invented an interpreta- 
tion known as the Prosbul, which practically did away with this 
law and permitted Jews to take interest. 

Horticultural Laws 

§ 59. If a man shall cut down a tree in a man's orchard without the consent 
of the owner, he shall pay § mana of silver. 

§ 60. If a man gives a field to a gardener to plant as an orchard, the gardener 
shall plant the orchard and cultivate it for 4 years. In the fifth year the owner 
of the orchard and the gardener shall share it together. The owner of the 
orchard shall mark ofT his share and take it. 

§ 61. If the gardener in planting does not complete it, but leaves a part of it 
waste, unto his portion they shall count it. 

§ 62. If the field which is given to a gardener he does not plant, if vegetation 
is the produce of the field for the years ciuring which it is neglected, the gardener 
shall measure out to the owner of the field on the basis of the adjacent fields, and 
shall perform the work on the field and restore it to the owner of the field. 

§ 63. If the field is [left] waste land, he shall perform the work on the field 
and shall restore it to its owner, and 10 Gur of grain for each Bj4r of land he shall 
measure out. 

§ 64. If a man lets his orchard to a gardener to manage, as long as the gar- 
dener is in possession of the garden he shall give to the owner of the garden two- 
thirds of the produce; one-third he shall take himself. 

§ 65. If the gardener does not manage the garden and diminishes its produce, 
the gardener shall measure out the produce of the orchard on the basis of ad- 
jacent orchards.^ 

§ 66. If a man has received money from a merchant, and his merchant puts 
him under bonds and he has nothing to give,'and he gives his orchard for manage- 
ment unto the mer( hant and says: "The dates as many as are in my orchard take 
for thy money," that merchant shall not consent; the owner of the orchard shall 
take the dates that are in the orchard and the money and its interest according 
to the tenor of his agreement he shall bring to the merchant. The remaining 
dates from the orchard shall belong to the owner of the orchard. 

As in Palestine, there was no system of rental; the Bible contains 
almost no horticultural laws. "Orchards" in Babylonia were, as 
the last section shows, date orchards. The corresponding fruit in 
Palestine was the grape. Hebrew laws deal with vineyards as with 
fields. If a man destroys the crop in another's vineyard, he is to 
give the best of his own (E.xod. 22 : 5). He is to leave his crop 
unpicked every seventh year for the poor (Exod. 23 : 11). He is 
not, when he gathers it, to glean it carefully, but leave some for the 

• At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated that 35 sections of the laws 
are thus lust. § 66 is added from a fragment found at Susa. 


poor (Lev. 19 : 10). When one goes into his nei,s;hbor's vineyard, 
he may pick what he wishes to eat, but must carry nothing away. 
Horticulture among the Hebrews was not so liighly developed as in 

Five columns of writing have been erased after § 65 from the 
column on which the laws are written. This erasure was probably 
made by the Elamite conqueror, who carried the column as a trophy 
to Susa, in order to inscribe his own name on it, but unfortunately, 
if that was the intention, it was never carried out. We are accord- 
ingly in ignorance of his name. It is estimated that 35 sections of 
laws were thus lost. As already noted, one can be supplied from a 
fragment found at Susa, and from other tablets fragments of two or 
three other sections can be made out. One of these incomplete 
fragments refers to the rights of tenants of houses. It reads: 

[If] a man rents a house for monej', and pays the whole rent for a year to the 
owner of the house, and the owner of the house orders that man to vaiate 
before the expiration of his lease, the owner of tJie house from the money that he 
received shall 

Unfortunately, the tablet is broken and the penalty for breaking 
the lease is unknown. It is interesting to know that Babylonian 
tenants were protected from avaricious landlords, even though 
no parallel law exists in the Old Testament. 

Two other sections of laws that once stood in this lacuna can now 
be supplied from a considerably defaced tablet from Nippur in the 
University Museum in Philadelphia, wl-ach once contained a part or 
all of the code of Hammurapi. These sections are as follows: 

A Bankrupt Law^ 

If a man borrows grain or money from a merchant and for the payment has 
no grain or money, whatever is in his hand he shall in the presence of the elders 
give to the merchant in place of the debt; the merchant shall not refuse it; he 
shall receive it. 

A Partnership Law- 

If a man gives money to a man for a partnership, the gain and profit that 
accrue are before the gods; together they shall do business. 

The phrase "before the gods" means that the division shall be 
made on oath. Commercial life was not sufficiently developed 

» Translated from Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii. 
' Translated from ibid., col. iii. 


among tlie Hebrews so that they needed such a law, consequently 
the Pentateuch contams no parallel to this. 

After the erasure of five columns the laws have to do with agents 
or traveling salesmen. 

Agents and Merchants 

§ 100. [If an agent has received money from a merchant, he shall write down 
the amount and the amount of] the interest on the money, and, when the time 
has expired, lie shall repay the merchant as much as he has received. 

§ 101. If wlicre he goes he does not meet with success, the agent shall double 
the amount of the money he received and return it to the merchant. 

§ 102. If a merchant gives money to an agent as a fa\'or, and where he goes he 
meets with misfortune, he shall restore the principal unto the merchant. 

§ 103. If on the road as he travels an enemy robs him of anything he carries, 
the agent shall give an account of it under oath and shall be innocent. 

§ 104. If a merchant has given to an agent grain, wool, or oil, or anything 
whatever to sell, the agent shall write down the price and shall return the money 
to the merchant. The agent shall take a receipt for the money which he gives 
to the merchant. 

§ 105. If the agent is careless and does not take a receipt for the money he 
gave the merchant, money not receipted for shall not be placed to his account. 

§ 106. If an agent receives money from a merchant and has a dispute with his 
merchant about it, that merchant shall put the agent on trial on oath before the 
elders concerning the money he received and the agent shall pay the merchant 
three times as much as he received. 

§ 107. If a merchant lends to an agent and the agent returns to the merchant 
whatever the merchant had given him, if the merchant has a dispute with him 
about it, that agent shall put the merchant on trial on oath in the presence of the 
elders, and the merchant, because he had a dispute with his agent, whatever he 
received he shall give to the agent si.x times as much. 

The Hebrews of the Old Testament time were not a commercial 
people and had no such laws. Men today are inclined to think that 
the drummer, or traveling salesman, is a modern invention, but 
these laws show that he was an old institution in Babylonia four 
thousand years ago. 

Wine Merchants 

§ 108. If a woman who keeps a wine-shop does not receive grain as the price 
of drink, but takes money of greater value, or makes the measure of drink smaller 
than the measure of grain, that mistress of a wine-shop they shall put on trial and 
inU) the water shall throw her. 

§ 109. If the mistress of a wine-shop collects criminals in her house, and does 
not seize these criminals and conduct them to the palace, that mistress of a 
wine-shop shall be put to death. 

§ 110. If the wife of a god (/. e., a consecrated temple- woman), who is not 
living in the house appointed, opens a wine-shop or enters a wine-shop for a 
drink, they shall burn that woman. 

§ 111. If the mistress of a wine-shop gives 60 Qa of sakani-p\ drink on 
credit at the time of harvest, she shall receive 50 Qa of grain. 


The Old Testament affords no parallel. There were no wine- 
shops in Israel so far as we know, and such consecrated women were 
prohibited by Deut. 23 : 1^. 

Deposits and Distraints 

§ 1 12. If a man continually traveling has ^iven siK-cr, gold, precious stones, or 
property to a man and has brought them to him for transportation, and that 
man does not deliver that which was for transportation at the i)lace to which it 
was to be transported, but has approj^jriated it, the owner of the transported 
goods shall put that man on trial concerning that which was to be transported 
and was not delivered, and that man shall deliver unto the owner of the trans- 
ported goods five times as much as was entrusted to him. 

§ 1 13. If a man has grain or money deposited with a man and without the 
consent of the owner he takes grain from the heap or the granary, they shall 
prosecute that man because he took grain from the heap or the granary without 
the consent of the owner, and the grain as much as he took he shall return, and 
whatever it was he shall forfeit an equal amount. 

§ 1 14. If a man does not have against a man [a claim] for grain or money 
and secures a warrant against him for debt, for each warrant he shall pay | of a 
mana of money. 

§ 115. If a man holds against a man [a claim] for grain or monev and secures 
a warrant against him for debt and the debtor dies through his fate in the house 
of the creditor, that case has no penalty. 

§ 116. If the debtor dies through violence or lack of care, the owner of the 
debtor shall prosecute the merchant; if it was the son of a man, his son shall be 
put to death; if the slave of a man, he shall pay ^ of a mana of money, and what- 
ever [the debt] was, he shall forfeit as much. 

Among the Hebrews, as among other ancient peoples, the poor 
at times deposited their valuables with the more powerful ^r safe- 
keeping. This was natural before the invention of banks and safe 
deposit vaults. 

The Hebrew law in Exod. 22 : 7-10 provides that if goods are 
given to another man to keep and are stolen out of his house, the 
thief should, if found, restore double the amount taken. If the 
thief was not found, the owner of the house should be brought 
to God (so American R. V.)S i. <?., to the temple, where in someway 
(probably by lot) it was determined whether he was guilty. If 
guilty, the owner of the house had to restore twofold. 

Somewhat parallel to the Babylonian laws which permit the 
imprisonment of a debtor in one's house is the Hebrew law that a 
poor debtor might become a slave for six years (Exod. 21 : 2-6; 
Deut. 15 : 7-18). The Old Testament laws are not quite uniform. 
In reality it is only that of Deuteronomy which contemplates 
slavery in consequence of mdebtedness; Exodus speaks as though 

1 The translation, "be brought to the judges," has no warrant in the Hebrew. 


the slave mi<:^lit not ]:)c boup;ht in any way. The important point 
is that in Babylonia a man might be imprisoned for debt; in Israel 
he might become a temporary slave. 

As to the deposit of valuable property with a creditor for security, 
the Hebrew law, while it shows that there were other kinds of 
pledges (Deut. 24 : 10, IT.), mentions but one kind. This was in 
the case of a man so poor that he had .to give his outer garment as 
security. The law provided that this should be returned to him at 
night, since the poor peasants had no other blankets than these 
garments. A hard-hearted creditor might, by keeping the garment 
at night, risk the life of the debtor (Exod. 22 : 26, 27; Deut. 24 : 


§ 1 17. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells his wife, son, 
or daughter, or they are given over to service, for three years they shall work in 
the house of their purchaser or temporary master; in the fourth year they shall be 
set free. 

§ 118. If he binds to service a male or a female slave, and the merchant trans- 
fers or sells him, he can establish no claim. 

§ 119. If a man is subjected to an attachment for debt and sells a maid- 
serx'ant who has borne him children, the owner of the maid-servant shall pay 
and shall release his maid-servant. 

These laws are quite similar to Exod. 21 : 2-11 and. Deut. 15 : 

The main differences are that the Hebrew law contemplates that 
a man may enter slavery himself; the Babylonian only that he shall 
permit his wife, son, or daughter to do it. The Hebrews released 
such slaves at the end of six years ;^ the Babylonians at the end of 
three. Hebrew law recognized, too, that a man might sell his 
daughter into slavery (Exod. 21 : 7-11), but it stipulated that her 
treatment should be different from that of men. It recognizes that 
either her master or his son would be likely to make her a real or a 
secondary wife. She was not to be released at the end of seven 
years, but in case her master did not deal with her in certain speci- 
fied ways she regained her freedom regardless of her period of 

Storage of Grain 

§ 120. If a man has stored his grain in heaps in the building of another and an 
accident happens in the granarj', or the owner of the building has disturbed the 

' Since Deut. 15 : 18 says that such a slave has served "double the hire of a hirclinR," Dr. Johns 
thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the Babylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however, 
quite problematical. 


heap and taken prain, or has disputed the amount of grain that was stored in his 
building, the owner of the grain shall give an account of his grain under oath, the 
owner of the building shall double the amount of grain which he took and 
restore it to the owner of the grain. 

§ 121. If a man stores grain in a man's building, he shall pay each year 5 Qa 
of grain for each Giir of grain. 

These laws have no Biblical parallel. 

Deposits and Losses 

§ 122. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything what- 
ever, anything as much as he deposits he shall recount to witnesses and shall 
institute contracts and make the deposit. 

§ 123. If mthout witnesses and contracts he has placed anything on deposit 
and at the place of deposit they dispute it, that case has no penalty. 

§ 124. If a man gives to another on deposit silver or gold or anything what- 
ever in the presence of witnesses and he disputes it, he shall prosecute that man 
and he shall double whatever he disputed and shall repay it. 

§ 125. If a man places anything on deposit and at the place of deposit either 
through burglary or pillage anything of his is lost, together with anything be- 
longing to the owner of the building, the owner of the building who was negligent 
and lost what was given him on deposit shall make it good and restore it to the 
owner of the goods. The owner of the house shall institute a search for what- 
ever was lost and take it from the thief. 

§ 126. If a man has not lost anything, but says he has lost something, or files 
a claim as though he had lost something, he shall give account of his claim on 
oath, and whatever he brought suit for he shall double and shall give for his 

There is no mention in the laws of the Old Testament of this 
kind of deposit, though, as already noted, it probably was some- 
times practised. 

Against Slandering Women 

§ 127. If a man causes the finger to be pointed at the woman of a god or the 
wife of a man and cannot prove it, they shall bring him before the judges and they 
shall brand his forehead. 

The nearest parallel to this in the Old Testament is in Deut. 
22 : 13-21, which is really quite a different law, for it applies only 
to cases where men, when just married, slander their wives by 
charging them with previous impurity. The Hebrew law provides 
a method of trial, a punishment for the man, if guilty, and a much 
severer one for the woman, if the charge is true. The two codes 
belong to quite a different legal development, as is shown by the 
fact that the Babylonian law refers to "a woman of a god," i. e., one 
of the temple-women who, under certain religious rules, repre- 
sented in a concrete way the procreative power of the god. 


This code recognizes several classes of these, as will appear later, 
but Hebrew law forbade the existence of such women in Israel 
(Deut. 23 : 17). 

Chastity, Marriage, and Divorce 

§ 128. If a man takes a wife and does not execute contracts for her, that 
woman is no wife. 

§ \29. If the wife of a man is caught lyinf^ with another man, they shall bind 
them and throw them into the water. If the husband of the woman would let 
her live, or the king would let his subject live, he may do so. 

§ 130. If a man forces the betrothed wife of another who is living in her 
father's house and has not known a man, and lies in her loins and they catch 
him, that man shall be put to death and that woman shall go free. 

§ 131. If the wife of a man is accused by her husband, and she has not been 
caught lying with another man, she shall swear her innocence and return to her 

§ 132. If the finger has been pointed at the wife of a man because of another 
man and she has not been caught lying with the other man, for her husband's 
sake she shall plunge into the sacred river. 

§ 133. If a man is taken captive and there is food in his house, his wife shall 
not go out from his house, her bod)^ she shall guard, into the house of another she 
shall not enter. If that woman does not guard her body and enters into the 
house of another, that woman they shall y^rosecute and throw her into the water. 

§ 134. If a man is taken captive and in his house there is no food, and his 
wife enters into the house of another, that woman is not to blame. 

§ 135. If a man is taken captive and there is no food in his house and his 
wife has openly entered into the house of another and borne children, and 
afterwards her husband returns and reaches his city, that woman shall return 
to her husband and the children shall follow their father. 

§ 136. If a man deserts his city and flees and after it his wife enters into the 
house of another, if that man returns and would take his wife, because he de- 
serted his city and fled, the wife of the fugitive shall not return to the house of 
her husband. 

§ 137. If a man sets his face against a concubine who has borne him children 
or a wife that has presented him with children, to put her away, he shall return 
to that woman her marriage portion, and shall give her the income of field, gar- 
den, and house, and she shall bring up her children. From the time that her 
children are grown, from whatever is given to her children, a portion like that of 
a son shall be given to her, and the husband of her choice she may marrj'. 

§ 138. If a man would put away his spouse who has not borne him children, 
he shall give her silver equal to her marriage gift, and the dowry which she 
brought from her father's house he shall restore to her and may put her away. 

§ 139. If she had no dowry, he shall give her one mana of silver for a divorce. 

§ 140. If he belongs to the laboring class, he shall give her one-third of a 
mana of silver. 

§ 141. If the wife of a man who is living in the house of her hu.sband sets ner 
face to go out and act the fool, her house neglects and her husband belittles, they 
shall prosecute that woman. If her husband says: "I divorce her," he may 
divorce her. On her departure nothing shall be given her for her divorce. If 
her husband docs not say: "I divorce her," her husband may take another wife; 
that woman shall dwell as a slave in the house of her husband. 

§ 142. If a woman hates her husband and says: "Thou shalt not hold me," 
they shall make investigation concerning her into her defects. If she has beea 
discreet and there is no fault, and her husband has gone out and greatly be- 


littled her, that woman has no blame; she may take her marriage-portion and go 
to her father's house. 

§ 143. If she has not been discreet, and has gone out and neglected her house 
and belittled her husband, they shall throw that woman into the water. 

§ 144. If a man takes a priestess and that priestess gives a female slave to 
her husband, and she has children; if that man sets his face to take a concubine, 
they shall not favor that man. He may not take a concubine. 

§ 145. If a man takes a priestess and she does not present him with 
children and he sets his face to take a concubine, that man may take a 
concubine and bring her into his house. That concubine shall not rank with 
the wife. 

§ 146. If a man takes a priestess and she gi\cs to her husband a maid-servant 
and she bears children, and afterward that maid-servant would take rank with 
her mistress; because she has borne children her mistress may not sell her for 
money, but she may reduce her to bondage and count her among the female 

§ 147. If she has not borne children, her mistress may sell her for money. 

§ 148. If a man takes a wife and she is attacked by disease, and he sets his 
face to take another, he may do it. His wife who was attacked by disease he 
may not divorce. She shall live in the house he has built and he shall support 
her as long as she lives. 

§ 149. If that woman does not choose to live in the house of her husband, he 
shall make good to her the dowry which she brought from her father's house 
and she may go away. 

§ 150. If a man presents his wife with field, garden, house, or goods, and gives 
to her sealed deeds, after her husband's death her children shall not press a 
claim against her. The mother after her death may leave it to her>child whom 
she loves, but to a brother she may not leave it. 

§ 151. If a wife who is living in the house of a husband has persuaded her 
husband and he has bound himself that she shall not be taken by a creditor of 
her husband; if that man had a debt against him before he took that woman, the 
creditor may not hold that woman, and if that woman had a debt against her 
before she entered the house of her husband, her creditor may not hold her 

§ 152. If they become indebted after the woman enters the man's house, 
both of them are liable to the merchant. 

§ 153. If a woman causes the death of her husband on account of another 
man, that woman they shall impale. 

§ 154. If a man has known his daughter, the city shall drive out that man. 

§ 153. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has known her 
and he afterward lies in her loins and they catch him, they shall bind that man 
and throw him into the water. 

§ 156. If a man has betrothed a bride to his son and his son has not known 
her and he lies in her loins, he shall pay her half a mana of silver and restore to 
her whatever she brought from the house of her father, and the man of her 
choice may marry her. 

§ 157. If a man after his father's death lies in the loins of his mother, they 
shall burn both of them. 

§ 158. If a ma;n after his father's death is admitted to the loins of his chief 
wife who has borne children, that man shall be expelled from the house of bis 

§ 159. If a man who has brought a present unto the house of his father-in-law 
and has given a bride-price looks with longing upon another woman, and says 
to his father-in-law: "Thy daughter I will not take," the father of the daughter 
shall keep whatever was brought to him. 


§ 160. If a m;in brings a present to the house of a fathcr-in-lavv and gives a 
hricic-prire, and the father of the daughter says: "I will not give thee my 
daughter," whatever was brought him he shall double and restore it. 

§ iol. If a man brings a present to the house of his father-in-law and gives 
a bride-price, and his neighbor slanders him, and the father says to the groom: 
"Thou shalt not take my daughter," whatever was brought he shall double 
and restore to him. 

These Babylonian laws present numerous points of contact and 
of divergence, when compared with the Biblical laws on the same 
subject. There is no Biblical parallel to § 128. The law (§ 129) 
which imposes the death penalty upon a man who commits adultery 
with another man's wife and upon the woman, finds an exact parallel 
in Lev. 20 : 10 and Deut. 22 : 22, though the Biblical law, unlike 
the Babylonian, provides no way in which clemency could be ex- 
tended to the offenders. 

The laws in §§ 130, 156, concerning the violation of betrothed 
virgins, are in a general way paralleled by Lev. 19 : 20-22 and 
Deut. 22 : 23-26, though there are such differences that, while the 
underlying prmcipJes are the same, it is clear that there was entire 
independence of development. A religious element enters into 
Leviticus that is entirely absent from the Babylonian code. The 
Bible contains two laws on this subject that are without parallel in 
the Babylonian code. These are found in Exod. 22 : 16, 17 and 
Deut. 22 : 28, 29, and impose penalties for the violation of virgins 
who were not betrothed. In both codes the principle is manifest 
that the loss of a girl's honor was to be compensated by money, 
though Deut. 22 : 28, 29 recognizes that it has a value that money 
cannot buy. 

The laws relating to a wife whose fidelity is suspected (§§ 131, 
132) find a general parallel in Num. 5 : 11-28. The provision at 
the end or§ 132 that the wife should plunge into the sacred river 
is in the nature of trial by ordeal. The law in Numbers imposes 
on such a woman trial by ordeal, though it is of a different sort. 
She must drink water in which dust from the floor of the sanctuary 
is mingled — dust surcharged with divine potency — and if she does 
not swell up and die, she is counted innocent. 

The laws which provide that a wife may present her husband 
with a slave-girl as a concubine (§§ 137, 144-147) are without paral- 
lel in the Biblical codes, but are strikingly illustrated by the patri- 
archal narratives. Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham (Gen. 16); 
Rachel and Leah gave Bilhah and Zilpah to Jacob (Gen. 30 : 1-13). 


The law (§ 146) which deals with such a slave-girl who would rank 
with her mistress is closely parallel to the story of the treatment of 
Hagar in Gen. 16 : 5-7 and 21 : 9, 10. 

The laws on divorce (§§ 138-141) are reaCHy in advance of the one 
Biblical law on the subject (Deut. 24 : 1-4). The law in Deuter- 
onomy permits a husband to put away a wife, who in any way 
does not please him, without alimony, while to the wife no privilege 
of initiating divorce proceedings is granted at all. The Babylonian 
laws secure to the divorced woman a maintenance, and, while by 
no means according her equal rights with the man, provide (§ 142) 
that she may herself initiate the proceedings for divorce. The or- 
deal must have been an unpleasant one, but in Israel's law a woman 
had no such rights.^ 

The law concerning adultery with a daughter-in-law (§ 155) is 
identical in purpose and severity with Lev. 20 : 12. The laws in 
§§ 157, 158, which prohibit immorality with one's mother or the 
chief wife of one's father, just touch upon the great subject of 
incest and the prohibited degrees of marriage which are treated at 
considerable length in Lev. 18:6-18; 20:11, 19-21, and Deut. 
22 : 30. The Babylonian laws touch but two specific cases, which 
may be said to be covered by Deut. 22 : 30, while the laws of 
Leviticus treat the whole subject of the prohibited degrees of mar- 
riage in a broad and comprehensive way. The main idea pervading 
Leviticus is holiness. Israel is to be kept free from the pollution 
of incest in any form. The religious motive exhibited here is 
foreign to the Babylonian code. 


§ 162. It a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman 
dies, her father may not lay claim to her dowry. Her dowry belongs to her 

§ 163. If a man takes a wife and she does not present him with children and 
that woman dies; if his father-in-law returns unto him the marriage-settlement, 
which that man brought to the house of the father-in-law, unto the dowr>' of that 
woman her husband may not lay claim. Her dowry belongs to the house of her 

§ 164. But if his father-in-law does not return the marriage-settlement unto 
him, he shall deduct from her dowry the amount of the marriage-settlement, and 
then return the dowry to the house of her father. 

> In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt, 
written in the fifth century b. c, it is provided that the wife may institute divorce proceed- 
ings on an equality with the husband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that 
which the law did not grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see 
Mark. 10 : 12. 


§ 165. If ;i man has presented to his son, the first in his eyes, field, garden, 
or house, and written for liim a scaled deed, and afterward the father dies; 
when the brothers divide, he shall take the present which his father gave 
him, and over and above they shall divide the goods of the father's house 

§ 166. If a man takes wives for the sons which he possesses, but has not taken 
a wife for his youngest son, and afterward the father dies; when the brothers 
divide, for their younger brotlier who does not have a wife they shall present 
over and above his portion money for a marriage-settlement, and shall enable 
him to take a wife. 

§ 167. If a man takes a wife and she bears him children and that woman 
dies, and after her he takes a second and she bears him ( hildren, after the father 
dies, the children shall not share according to their mothers. They shall receive 
the dowries of their respective mothers, and the goods of their father's house they 
shall share equally. 

§ 168. If a man has set his face to cut ofi his son, and says to the judges: "I 
will cut off my son," the judges shall make investigation concerning him; if 
the son has not committed a grave crime which cuts off from sonship, the father 
may not cut off his son from sonship. 

§ 169. If he has committed agamst his father a grave crime which cuts off 
from sonship, he shall pardon him for the first offense. If he commits a grave 
crime the second time, the father may cut off his son from sonship. 

§ 170. If a man's wife bears him children and a slave-girl bears him children, 
and the father during his lifetime says to the children which the slave-girl bore 
him: "My children," and counts them with the children of the wife, after the 
father dies the children of the wife and the children of the slave-girl shall divide 
equally the goods of their father's house. The sons that are sons of the wife 
shall at the sharing di\-ide and take. 

§ 171. But if the father during his lifetime has not said unto the children 
which the slave-girl bore him: "]\ly children," after the father dies the children 
of the slave-girl shall not share with the children of the wife. The slave-girl 
and her children shall be given their freedom; the children of tHe wife may not 
put a claim upon the children of the slave-girl for servace. The wife shall 
receive her dowrj' and a gift which her husband gave her and wrote upon a tablet 
and may dwell in the dwelling of her husband as long as she lives and eat. She 
may not sell it. .\fter her it belongs to her children. 

§ 172. If her husband has not given her a gift, they shall restore to her her 
dowry and she shall receive from the goods of the house of her husband the 
portion of one son. If the children abuse her in order to drive her from the 
house, the judges shall investigate concerning her and if they find the children 
in the wrong, that woman shall not go from the house of her husband. If that 
woman sets her face to go out, she shall leave with her children the gift which her 
husband gave her; the dowry from the house of her father she shall receive and 
the husband of her choice may take her. 

§ 173. If that woman, where she has entered, bears children to her later 
husband, after that woman dies the children of her first and her later husband 
shall share her dowry. 

§ 174. If she did not bear children to her later husband, the children of her 
first husband shall receive her dowry. 

§ 1 75. _ If a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes the daughter 
of a patrician and she bears children, the owner of the slave shall have no claim 
for service on the children of the daughter of a patrician. 

§ 176. But if a slave of the palace or the slave of a workingman takes the 
daughter of a i)atri( ian, and when he takes her she enters together with the 
dowry from her father's house into the house of the slave of the palace or the 



slave of the workingman; if after they are united they build a house and acquire 
property and afterward the slave of the paface or the slave of tlie workingman 
dies, the daughter of the patrician shall receive her dowry and they shall divide 
into two parts whatever her husband and herself had acquired after their union. 
Half the owner of the slave shall take, and the daughter of the patrician shall 
receive half for her children. If the daughter of the patrician had no dowrj-, 
whatever her husband and herself had acquired after their union they shall 
divide into two parts. The owner of the slave shall take half and the daughter 
of the patrician shall receive half for her children. 

§ 177. If a widow whose children are minors sets her face to enter the house 
of a second husband, she shall not do it without the consent of the judges. When 
she enters the house of a second husband, the judges shall inquire into the estate 
of her former husband, and the estate of the former husband they shall entrust 
to the second husband and to that woman, and shall cause them to leave a tablet 
(receipt). The estate they shall guard and rear the minors. The household 
goods they may not sell. The purchaser of household goods belonging to tiie 
children of a widow shall forfeit his money. The goods shall revert to their 

§ 178. If there is a wife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose father has 
given her a dowrj' and written her a record of gift, and in the record of gift he 
has not written, "after her she may give it to whomsoever she pleases," and has 
not given her full discretion; after her father dies her brothers shall take her 
field and garden, and according to the value of her share they shall give her grain, 
oil, and wool,, and shall content her heart. If her brothers shall not give her 
grain, oil, and wool, according to the value of her share, and shall not content 
her heart, she maj' let her field and garden unto any tenant she pleases and her 
tenant shall maintain her. Her field, garden, or whatever her father gave her 
she may enjoy as long as she lives. She may not sell it for money or transfer it 
to another. Her heritage belongs to her" brothers. 

§ 179. If there is a w^ife of a god, priestess, or sacred harlot, whose father 
has given her a dowry and written a record of gift; and in the record of gift he 
has written, "after her she may give it to whomsoever she pleases," and has 
granted .her full discretion; after her father dies she may give it after her to 
whomsoever she pleases. Her brothers have no«.claim upon her. 

§ 180. If a father does not give a dowrj- to his daughter, a priestess living in 
the appointed house, or a sacred harlot, after the father dies she shall receive 
from the^goods of her father's house the same share as one son, and as long as she 
hves she shall enjoy it. After her it belongs to her brothers. 

§ 181. If the father of a priestess, sacred harlot, or temple m.aiden gives her 
to a god and does not give her a dowry, after the father dies she shall receive 
from the goods of her father's house a third of the portion of a son and shall en- 
joy it as long as she lives. After her it belongs to her brothers. 

§ 182. If a father does not give a dowry to his daughter, a priestess of Marduk 
of Babylon, and does not write a record of gift for'her; after her father dies she 
shall receive from the goods of her father's house one-third of the portion of a 
son, and shall pay no tax. A priestess of Marduk after her death may leave it to 
whomsoever she pleases. 

§ 183. If a father presents a dowrj- to his daughter who is a concubine, and 
gives her to a husband and writes a record of gift; after the father dies she shall 
not share in the goods of her father's house. 

§ 184. If a father does not present a dowry to his daughter who is a concu- 
bine and does not give her to a husband; after her father's death her brothers 
shall give her a dowry according to the value of the father's estate and shall give 
her to a husband. 


In comparison with these Babylonian laws of inheritance those 
in the Old Testament are comparatively simple. We learn from 
Deut. 21 : 15-17, that a man's firstborn son received a "double 
portion" of his father's estate, i. e., twice as much as any other son. 
The inference is that the»other sons shared equall}'. This law also 
provides that, when a man has two wives, the sons of the favorite 
wife shall have no advantage as to inheritance over the sons of the 
less loved wife. In Num. 27 : 8-11 it is provided that if a man has 
no son, his estate {i. e., real estate) may go to his daughter; if he 
has no daughter, it may go to his brothers ; if no brothers, it goes to 
his father's brothers. If his father has no brothers, the estate 
is to go to the next of kin. In Num. 36 : 2-12 the law that a 
daughter may inherit her father's estate is supplemented by the 
provision that such a daughter must marry within the tribe, so 
that the landed property may not in the next generation pass out 
of the tribe. 

Such were the Hebrew laws of inheritance. They apply to a 
much less complexly organized society than the Babylonian. 

§§ 168, 169 of Hammurapi's code deal with the cutting off of a 
son. This is paralleled in Deut. 21 : 18-21, though punisliment 
inflicted by the law in Deuteronomy is quite different from the 
Babylonian, since the Hebrew boy, whose parents have proved him 
before the elders to be unworthy of sonship, was not cast out and 
sent awav, but stoned to death. Another form of this law appears 
in Exod.'21 : 17. 


§ 185. If a man takes a young child in his name unto sonship "and brings 
him up, one may not bring a claim for that adopted son. 

§ 186. If a man takes a young child unto sonship, and when he has taken him 
he rebels against his [adopted] father and mother, that foster-child shall return 
to his father's house. 

§ 187. One may not bring claim for the son of a temple-servant, a palace 
guard, or of a sacred harlot. 

§ 188. If an artisan takes a son to sonship and teaches him his handicraft, one 
may not bring claim for him. 

§ 189. If he does not teach him his handicraft, that foster-son may return to 
the house of his father. 

§ 190. If a man does not count among his sons a young child whom he has 
taken to sonship and reared, that foster-child may return to his father's house. 

§ 191. If a man who takes a young child to sonship and rears him and estab- 
lishes a house and acquires children, afterward sets his face to cut ofT that foster- 
son, that son shall not go his way. The father who reared him shall give him 
from his goods one-third the share of a son and he shall go. From field, garden, 
or house, he shall not {,'ive him. 


In the codes of the Old Testament there are no laws of adoption. 
The story of the adoption of Ephraim and Manasseh by Jacob in 
Gen. 48 shows that the idea was not unknown to the Hebrews, 
among whom the ceremony of adoption would seem to have con- 
sisted of the act of acknowledging the children as one's own by 
placing one's hands on their heads and giving them a paternal 


Renunciation of Sonship 

§ 192. If the son of a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot says to the 
father that brought him up or to the mother that brought him up, "Thou art not 
my father," or, "Thou art not my mother," they shall cut out his tongue. 

§ 193. If the son oi a temple-servant or the son of a sacred harlot has identi- 
fied his father's house and hated the father who brought him up or the mother 
who brought him up and goes back to his father's house, they shall pluck out his 

The Old Testament has no laws with which to compare these. 
The two classes of persons whose children are mentioned were 
banished from Israel by Deut. 23 : 17, 18. 

Wet-nurses or Foster-mothers 

§ 194. If a man gives his son unto a nurse and his son dies in the hands of 
the nurse and the nurse substitutes another child without the consent of the 
father or the mother, they shall prosecute her; because she substituted another 
child without the consent of his father or his mother they shall cut off her breast. 

This law also is without Biblical parallel. 

Assault and Battery 

§ 195. If a son strikes his father, they shall cut off his hand. 

§ 196. If a man destroys the eye of the son of a patrician, they shall destroy 
his eye. 

§ 197. If he breaks a man's bone, they shall break his bone. 

§ 198. If one destroys the eye of a workingman or breaks the bone of a 
workingman, he shall pay 1 mana of silver. 

§ 199. If one destroys the eye of a man's slave or breaks the bone of a man's 
slave, he shall pay half his value. 

§ 200. If a man knocks out the tooth of a man of his own rank, they shall 
knock his tooth out. 

§ 201. If one knocks out the tooth of a workingman, he shall pay 5 of a mana 
of silver. 

§ 202. If a man shall strike the private-parts of a man who is of higher rank 
than he, he shall receive sixty blov,'s with an o.x-hide scourge in the assembly. 

§ 203. If a patrician strikes the private-parts of a patrician of his own rank, 
he shall pay 1 mana of silver. 

§ 204. If a workingman strikes the private-parts of a workingman, he shall 
pay 10 shekels of silver. 

§ 205. If the slave of a patrician strikes the private-parts of the son of a 
patrician, they shall cut off his ear. 


§ 206. If a man strikes a man in a quarrel and wounds him, he shall swear, 
"1 did not strike with intent," and shall pay t\)r the pliysician. 

§ 207. If from the stroke he dies, he shall swear [as above], and if it was a 
patrician, he shall pay § mana of silver. 

§ 208. If it was a workingman, he shall pay i of a mana of silver. 

§ 209. If a man strikes a man's daughter and causes a miscarriage, he shall 
pay 10 shekels of silver for her miscarriage. 

§ 210. If that woman dies, they shall put his daughter to death. 

}i 211. If through a stroke one causes a miscarriage of the daughter of a 
workingman, he shall pay 5 shekels of silver. 

§ 212. If that woman dies, he shall j^ay ^ mana of silver. 

§ 213. If one strikes the slave-girl of a man and causes a miscarriage, he shall 
pay 2 shekels of silver. 

§ 214. If that slave-girl dies, he shall pay i of a mana of silver. 

These laws are strikingly parallel to Exod. 21 : 18-27, to which 
Exod. 21 : 12-14 should be prefixed. The Babylonian code, like 
the Hebrew, imposes the death penalty for wilful murder. Both 
codes provide that one who is an accidental homicide shall escape 
the penalty, but they do it in different ways. Hammurapi pro- 
vides that the killer may take an oath that he did it without intent 
to kill. Exod. 21 : 13, 14 provides that the homicide may find 
sanctuary at the altar of God. In place of this Deut. 19 : 4, ft'., 
provides that he may flee to a city of refuge. 

If a man injures another in a fight, the Bible (Exod. 21 : 18, 19) 
provides that' he shall pay for the lost time and, as does Hammu- 
rapi, the cost of healing the injured man. Exod. 21 : 22 provides, as 
does Hammurapi, for the payment of a fine for causing a woman to 
miscarry, but Exodus docs not, like the Babylonian code, fix the 
amount of the damage; that is left to the judges. In the laws con- 
cerning the injury of slaves the two codes differ. Exodus provides 
(21 : 20, 21, 26, 27) for cases in which owners injure or kill their 
own slaves; Hammurapi, for cases in which the injury is done by 
others. A mere reading of the penalties imposed by the parts of the 
Babylonian code translated above impresses vividly upon the mind 
the fact that underlying many of them is the principle so forcibly 
expressed in Exod. 21 : 21-25: "life for life, eye for eye, tooth for 
tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for 
wound, stripe for stripe." The details of application are different, 
but the principle is the same. Many of the differences were caused 
by the more complex nature of Babylonian society, in which three 
classes, patricians, workingmen (or semi-serfs), and slaves, existed. 
Hebrew law recognizes but two classes — freemen and slaves. 




§ 215. If a physician operates upon a man for a severe wound with a bronze 
lancet and saves the man's life, or if he operates for cataract with a bronze lancet 
and saves the man's eye, he shall receive 10 shekels of silver. 

§ 216. If it is a workingman, he shall receive 5 shekels of silver. 

§ 217. If it is a man's slave, the owner of the slave shall give the physician 2 
shekels of silver. 

§ 218. If a physician operates upon a man with a bronze lancet for a severe 
wound, and the man dies; or operates upon a maa with a bronze lancet for 
cataract and the man's eye- is destroyed, they shall cut off his hand. 

§ 219. If a physician operates with a bronze lancet upon the slave of a work- 
ingman and causes his death, he shall restore a slave, of equal value. 

§ 220. If he operates for cataract with a bronze lancet and destroys his eye, 
he shall pay | his price. 

§ 221. If a physician sets a broken bone for a man or has cured of sickness 
inflamed flesh, the patient shall pay 5 shekels of silver to the physician. 

§ 222. If he is a workingman, he shall give 3 sliekels of silver. 

§ 223. If he is the slave of a. patrician, the owner of the slave shall give 3 
shekels of silver to the physician. 

§ 224. If an ox-doctor or an ass-doctor treats an ox or an ass for a severe 
wound and saves its- Uf e, the owner of the ox or the ass shall pay to the physician 
^ of a shekel of silver as his fee. 

§ 225. If he operates upon an ox or an ass for a severe wound and it dies, he 
shall give unto the owner of the ox or the ass J of its value. 

These laws about physicians have no parallel in the Old Testa- 
ment, the laws of which did not, take account of the existence of 
doctors. They are of interest, since they show the antiquity of 
physicians in Babylonia, not only for men, but for animals. They 
also reveal the fact that the practice of miedicine in Babylonia was 
attended by some risks! 

Herodotus (I, 197) declares that the Babylonians had no physi- 
cians, but brought their sick out into the streets and asked of each 
passer-by whether he had had a like sickness and what he had done 
for it. Possibly, as among ourselves, there were many who did not 
wish to incur the expaise of a doctor, and who did as Herodotus 
reports, but these laws, and the existence of ph}-sicians at Nineveh 
at the time of the later Assyrian kings, make it probable that 
Herodotus was wrong as to their non-existence at Babylon in his 

Laws of Branding 

§ 226. If a brander without the consent of the owner of a slave cuts a mark 
on a slave, making him unsalable, they shall cut off the hands of that brander. 

§ 227. If a man deceives a brander and he brands a slave with a mark, making 
him unsalable, they shall put that man to death and cause him to perish in the 
gate of his house. The brander shall swear: "I did not brand him knov.ingly" 
and shall go free. 


These laws have no parallel in the Old Testament. Evidently the 
simpler organization of Hebrew society made them unnecessary. 

Responsibility of House-builders 

§ 228. If a builder builds a house for a man and completes it, he shall give 
him as his wa^es 2 shekels of silver for each Shar of house. 

§ 229. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make its work 
strong and the house which he made falls and causes the death of the owner of 
the house, that builder shall be put to death. 

§ 230. If it causes the death of the son of the owner, the son of that builder 
shall be put to death. 

§ 231. If it causes the death of a slave of the owner of the house, a slave like 
the slave he shall give to the owner of the house. 

§ 232. If it destroys property, he shall restore whatever was destroyed, and 
because he did not build the house strong and it fell, he shall rebuild the house 
that fell from his own property. 

§ 233. If a builder builds a house for a man and does not make his work 
strong and a wall falls, that builder shall strengthen that wall at his own expense. 

These laws have no parallel in the Bible. Among the agricul- 
tural population of Palestine builders were not a separate class. 
The penalties inflicted by the Babylonian code were severe, and yet, 
if modern legislators would put upon the house-builders of our time 
a similar responsibility for good work, fewer lives would be sacri- 
ficed by falling buildings. 

Responsibility of Boatmen 

§ 234. If a boatman builds a boat of 60 Gur for a man, he shall give him 2 
shekels of silver as his wages. 

§ 235. If a boatman builds a boat for a man and does not make his work 
sound and in that year the boat is sent on a voyage and meets \vith disaster, that 
boatman shall repair that boat and from his o%vn goods shall make it strong and 
shall give the boat in sound condition to the owner of the boat. 

§ 236. If a man gives his boat to a boatman for hire and the boatman is care- 
less and sinks or wrecks the boat, the boatman shall restore a boat to the owner 
of the boat. 

§ 237. If a man hires a boatman and a boat and loads it with grain, wool, 
oil, dates, or any other kind of freight, and that boatman is careless and sinks the 
boat or destroys its freight, the boatman shall replace the boat and whatever 
there was in it which he destroyed. 

§ 238. If a boatman sinks adman's boat and re-floats it, he shall give money 
for \ its value. 

§ 239. If a man hires a boatman, he shall give him 6 Gur of grain a year. 

The Hebrews were not a maritime people, and had no such laws 
as these or the following. 


The Collision of__Ships 

§ 240. If a boat that is floating downstream strikes a boat that is being 
towed and sinks it, the owner of the boat that was sunk shall declare in the 
presence of a god everything that was in that bout and [the t)wncr] of the boat 
floating downstream, which sunk the boat that was being tuwcd, shall replace the 
boat and whatever was lost. 

There is, naturally, nothing similar to this in the Old Testament. 

Laws Concerning Cattle 

§ 241. If a man levies a distraint upon an ox as security for debt, he shall 
pay I of a mana of silver. 

§ 242. If a man hires for a year, the wages of a working ox is 4 Gur of grain. 

§ 243. The hire of a milch cow, J Giir of grain for a year he shall give. 

§ 244. If a man hires an ox or an ass and a lion kills it in the Oeld, the loss 
falls on the owner. 

§ 245. If a man hires an ox and causes its death through neglect or blows, he 
shall restore to the owner an ox of equal value. 

§ 246. If a man hires an ox and crushes its foot or cuts the cord of its neck, 
he shall restore to the owner an ox of like value. 

§ 247. If a man hires an ox and destroys its eye, he shall pny to the owner of 
the ox money to ^ its value. 

§ 248. If a man hires an ox and breaks off its horn, or cuts off its tail or injures 
the flesh which holds the ring, money to j of its value he shall pay. 

§ 249. If a man hires an ox and a god strikes it and it dies, the man who hires 
the ox shall take an oath in the presence of a god and shall go free. 

§ 250. If an ox when passing along the street gores a man and causes his 
death, there is no penalty in that case. 

§ 251. If the ox of a man has the habit of goring and they have informed him 
of his fault and his horns he has not protected nor kept his ox in, and that ox 
gores a man and causes his death, the owner of the ox shall pay ^ mana of money. 

§ 252. If it is the slave of a man, he shall pay 5 of a mana of money. 

§ 253. If a man hires a man and puts him over his field and furnishes him 
with seed-grain and intrusts him with oxen and contracts with him to cultivate 
the field, if that man steals the seed-grain or the crop and it is found in his 
possession, they shall cut off his hands. 

§ 254. If he takes the seed-grain, but enfeebles the cattle, from the grain 
which he has cultivated he shall make restoration. 

§ 255. If he shall let the cattle to a man for hire, or steal the seed-grain so 
that there is no crop, they shall prosecute that man, and he shall pay 60 Gur 
of grain for each Gan. 

§ 256. If he is not able to meet his obligation, they shall tear him in pieces 
in that field by means of the oxen. 

The Biblical legislation corresponding to this is found in E.xod. 
21 : 28-35, but it covers only a portion of the cases of which the 
Babylonian law treats. It provides that, if an ox gores a man or a 
woman to death, the ox shall be stoned. If the ox was wont to 
gore and the owner had not kept it in, but it had been permitted to 
kill a man or a woman, the ov/ner as well as the ox should be stoned. 
At the discretion of the tribunal a fine or ransom might be laid on 


the owner. In case the ox gored a slave, the owner of the ox was to 
pay 30 shekels of silver and the ox was to be stoned. If a man 
opened a pit and a neighbor',:- ox or ass fell into it, the digger of the 
pit must make good the loss to the owner of the animal, and the 
dead beast became the property of the digger of the pit. If one 
man's ox killed the ox of another man, the two men were to sell 
the live ox and divide the price. If it were known that the ox was 
wont to gore in the past, and its owner had not kept it in, he was to 
pay ox for ox, and the dead animal should be his. 

It thus appears that the exigencies of Hebrew agricultural life 
were different from those of Babylonia, and were naturally met in 
different ways. 

Wages of Laborers 

§ 257. If a man hires a field-laborer, he shall pay him 8 Giir of grain per year. 
I 258. If a man hires a herdsman, he shall pay him 6 Gur of grain per year. 

Hebrew law did not regulate wages. 

On Stealing Farming-tools 

§ 259. If a man steals a watering-machine from a field, he shall pay to the 
owner of the watering-machine 5 shekels of silver. 

§ 260. If a man steals a watering-bucket or a plow, he shall pay 3 shekels of 

As the Hebrews did not systematically irrigate their land, the 
Old Testament contains no similar laws. 

Laws Concerning Shepherds 

§ 261. If a man hires a herdsman to tend cattle or sheep, he shall pay him 8 
Cur of grain per year. 

§ 262. If a man, oxen, or sheep 

(The rest is broken away.) 

§ 263. If he loses an ox or a sheep that is intrusted to him, he shall restore 
ox for ox and sheep for sheep. 

§ 264. If a herdsman who has had cattle or sheep intrusted to him receives 
his full pay and is satisfied, and he causes the cattle or the sheep to diminish in 
number or lessens the birth-rate, he shall give increase and produce according 
to his contracts. 

§ 265. If a shepherd to whom cattle or sheep have been given to tend is dis- 
honest and alters the price or sells them, they shall prosecute him, and he shall 
restore to their owner 10 times the oxen or sheep which he stole. 

§ 266. If in a fold there is a pestilence of a god, or a Hon has slain, the shep- 
herd shall before a god declare himself innocent, and the owner of the fold shall 
bear the loss of the fold. 

§ 267. If the shei)herd is careless and causes a loss in the fold, the shepherd 
shall make good in cattle or sheep the loss which he caused in the fold and shall 
give them to the owner. 


The nearest approach in the Old Testament to laws of this char- 
acter is in Exod. 11 : 10-13, which provides that, if a man deliver to 
his neighbor an ox, or ass, or sheep, or any beast to keep, and it 
dies, or is injured or is carried off when no one sees the deed, the 
oath of Jehovah shall be between them that the keeper has not put 
his hand to his neighbor's goods. The owner was to accept this, 
and no restitution was necessary. If the animals were stolen from 
the keeper, he must make restitution. If they were torn in pieces 
by beasts of prey, he must bring the pieces for witness, and need not 
make restitution. 

The same general principles of the limits of responsibility under- 
lay the two codes in these cases, though they differ in details. In 
Israel the shepherdmg of the flocks and herds of other people was 
not, as in Babylonia, a distinct occupation. 

On Wages of Animals and Men 

§ 268. If a man hires an ox for threshing, 20 Qa of grain is its hire. 

§ 269. If he hires an ass for threshing, 10 ()a of grain is its hire. 

§ 270. If he hires a kid for threshing, 1 Qa of grain is its hire. 

§ 271. If he hires cattle, a wagon and a driver, he shall pay 180 Qa of grain 
per day. 

§ 272. If a man hires a wagon only, he shall pay 40 Qa of grain per day. 

§ 273. If a man hires a field-laborer from the beginning of the year until the 
fifth raonth^he shall pay him 6 She of silver per day; from the sixth month to the 
end of the year, 5 Slie of silver per day he shall pay. 

§ 274. If a man hires an artisan, he shall give per day as the wages of a 

5 She; as the wages of a brick-maker, 5 She of money; as the«wages of a tailor. 5 

She of silver; as the wages of a stone-cutter, S]ie of silver; She 

of silver; She of silver; of a carpenter, 4 She of silver; 

as the wages of a 4 She of silver; as the wages of a S}k of silver; 

the wages of a builder, She of silver. 

§ 275. If a man hires a boat (?) to go upstream (?), its hire is 3 She of silver 
per day. 

§ 276. If he hires a boat to float downstream, he shall pay as its hire 2\ Site 
of silver per day. 

§ 277. If a man hires a boat of 60 Gur burden, he shall pay § of a shekel of 
money per day. 

There are no parallels to these laws in the Bible, as the Old Testa- 
ment does not attempt to regulate prices. When one considers the 
customs of trade all over the Orient, and the time fruitlessly con- 
sumed in making bargains, one does not wonder that the practical 
sovereign of a great commercial people, such as the Babylonians 
were, should regulate prices by law. As a rule, to this day, a pur- 
chaser begins by offering only a fraction of what he is willing to 
give, and the seller by asking at least twice as much as he is will- 


ins to take. A long psychological battle follows, during which there 
arc many victories and capitulations on each side. This law was 
designed to put an end to this time-consuming custom. 

When the Sales of Slaves are Void 

§ 278. If a man buys a male or a female slave and before a month is past he 
has an attack of rheumatism (?j, he shall return to the seller, and the purchaser 
shall receive back the money that was paid. 

§ 279. If a man buys a male or a female slave, and another has a legal claim 
upon him, the seller shall be responsible for that claim. 

§ 280. U a man,_ while in a foreign country, purchases a maFe or a female 
slave of a man, and,'when he returns home, the former owner of the male or the 
female slave recognizes his slave, if that male or female slave is a. native of the 
land, he shall gi\^ it its freedom without recompense. 

§ 281. If they are natives of another country, the purchaser shall declare in 
the presence of a god the price that he paid, and the former owner of the male or 
female slave shall pay the price to the merchant, and shall receive back his slave. 

No laws similar to these are found in the Old Testament. 

The Penalty for Renouncing a Master 

§ 282. If a slave shall say to his owner: "Thou art not my owner," they shall 
make him submit as his slave, and shall cut off his ear. 

This penalty reminds one of the boring of a slave's ear (Exod. 
21 : 6; Deut. 15 : 17) in token of perpetual slavery. 

2. The Mosaic Code not Borrowed from the Babylonian; Dif- 
ferent Underlying Conceptions. 

A comparison of the code of Hammurapi as a whole with the 
Pentateuchal laws as a whole, while it reveals certain similarities, 
convinces the student that the laws of the Old Testament are in no 
essential way dependent upon the Babylonian laws. Such resem- 
blances as there are arose, it seems clear, from a similarity of ante- 
cedents and of general mtellectual outlook; the striking differences 
show that there was no direct borrowing. The primitive Semitic 
custom of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth (Exod. 21 : 24; 
Lev. 24 : 20; Deut. 19 : 21) is made the basis of many penalties in 
the Babylonian code. (See §§ 196, 197, 200, 229, 230, etc.) The 
principle underlying it is found also in many other sections. These 
similarities only show that Babylonia had a large Semitic element in 
its population. Again, Hammurapi pictured himself at the top of 
the pillar on which these laws are written as receiving them from 
the sun-god (Fig. 292). The Bible tells us that Moses received the 


laws of the Pentateuch from Jehovah. The whole altitude of the 
two documents is, however, ditTerent. Hammurapi, in spite of the 
picture, takes credit, both in the. prologue and in the epilogue of his 
code, for the laws. He, not Shamash, established justice in the 
land. Moses, on the other hand, was only the instrument; the 
legislation stands as that of Jehovah himself. 

This difference appears also in the contents of the two codes. 
The Pentateuch contains many ritual regulations and purely relig- 
ious laws, while the code of Hammurapi is purely civil. As has 
been already pointed out, the code of Hammurapi is adapted to the 
land of the rivers, and to a highly civilized commercial people, while 
the Biblical laws are intended for a dry land like Palestine, and for 
an agricultural community that was at a far less advanced stage of 
commercial and social development. 

Religion is, however, not a matter of social advancement only. 
In all that pertains to religious insight the Pentateuch is far in ad- 
vance of Hammurapi's laws. 



The Text of tor Carthaginian Law. Comparison with the Levitical Law. 
1. The Text of the Carthaginian Law. 

Temple of Baal[zephon]. Tar[iiT of d]ues, which [the superintendents of d]ues 
fixed in the time [of our rulers, Khalasjbaal, the judge, son of Bodtanith son of 
Bod[eshmun, and of Khalasbaal], the judge, son of Bodeshmun, son of Khalas- 
baal, and their colleagues. 

For an ox as a whole burnt-offering^ or a prayer-offering, or a whole peace- 
offering,' the priests shall have 10 (shekels) of silver for each; and in case of a 
whole burnt-offering, they shall have in addition to this fee [300 shekels of flejsh; 
and in case of a prayer-offering, the trimmings, the joints; but the skin and the 
fat of the inwards* and the feet and the rest of the flesh the owner of the sacrifice 

shall have. j /-,\ • 

For a calf whose horns are wanting, m case of one not castrated (?}, or in case 
of a ram as a whole burnt-offering, the priests shall have 5 shekels of silver [for 
each; and in case of a whole burnt-offering they shall have in addit]ion to this 
fee 150 shekels of flesh; and, in case of a prayer-offering, the trimmings and the 
joints; but the skin and the fat of the inwards and the fe[et and the rest of the 
flesh the owner of the sacrifice shall have]. 

In case of a ram or a goat as a whole burnt-offering, or a prayer-offering, or a 
whole peace-offering, the priests shall have 1 shekel of silver and 2 zars for each; 
and, in case of a prayer-offering, they shall [have in addition to this fee the trim- 
mings] and the joints; but the skin and the fat of the inwards and the feet and 
the rest of the flesh the owner of the sacrifice shall have. 

For a lamb, or a kid, or the young (?) of a hart, as a whole burnt-offering, or a 
prayer-offering, or a whole peace-offering, the priests shall have f (of a shekel) 

and zars of silver [for each; and, in case of a prayer-offering, they shall 

have in addition] to this fee the trimmings and the joints; but the skin and the 
fat of the inwards and the feet and the rest of the flesh the own[er of the sacri- 
fice] shall have. 

For a bird, domestic or wild, as a whole peace-offering, or a sacrifice-to-avert- 
calamity (?) or an oracular (?) sacrifice, the priests shall have f (of a shekel) of 
silver and 2 zars for each; but the f [lesh shall belong to the owner of the sacrifice]. 

For a bird, or sacred first-fruits, or a sacrifice of game, or a sacrifice of oil, 
the priests shall have 10 g[eraks] for each; but 

In case of every prayer-offering that is presented before the gods, the priests 
shall have the trimmings and the joints; and in the case of a prayer-offering 

' From the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, I, No. 165. 
' It is the word so translated in Deut. 33 : 10. 

• So rendered in Lev. 7 ; 13; 10 : 14. Many scholars would render it "thank-offering." 

* Compare Exod. 29 : 13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the Carthaginian. 



For a cake, and for milk, and for every sacrifice which a man may offer, for a 

For every sacrifice which a man may offer who is poor in cattle, or poor in 
birds, the priests shall not have anything 

Every freeman and every slave and every dependent^ of the gods and all men 

who may sacrifice , these men [shall give] for the sacrifice at the rate 

prescribed in the regulations 

Every payment which is not prescribed in this table shall be made according 
to the regulations which [the superintendents of the dues fixed in the time of 
Khalasbaal, son of Bodtanijth, and Khalasbaal, son of Bodeshmun, and their 

Every priest who shall accept payment beyond what is prescribed in this 
table shall be fi[ned] 

Every person who sacrifices, who shall not give for the fee 


2. Comparison with the Levitical Law. 

This document is not earlier tlian the fourth or fifth century b. c. 
The Carthaginians, from whom it comes, were an offshoot of the 
Phoenicians, who were, in turn, descended from the Canaanites. 
They were accordingly of kindred race to the Hebrews. One can, 
therefore, see from this document something of how the Levitical 
institutions of Israel resembled and how they differed from those of 
their kinsmen. It will be seen that the main sacrifices bore the 
same names among both peoples. We find the "whole burnt- 
offering," the "peace-offering," and the "meal-offering." The 
Carthaginians had no "sin-offering," while among the Hebrews we 
find no "prayer-offering." The ways of rewarding the priests also 
differed with the two peoples. The Hebrews had no such regular 
tariff of priests' dues as the Carthaginians, but parts of certain 
offerings and all of others belonged to them. Leviticus assigns 
from the peace-offering the "heave-thigh" and the "wave-breast" 
to the priests (Lev. 7 : 14, 34; Num. 5 : 9, 10; 31 : 29, 41). Meal- 
or flour-offerings belonged to the priests (Lev. 5 : 13; 7 : 9, 10), as 
did the sin- and trespass-offerings (Lev. 6 : 18, 29; 7 : 9, 10). Of 
the burnt-offerings the priests had the skin (Lev. 7:8). 

The interesting thing is that in the ritual, as in the social laws, 
we find that the heathen Semites had a considerable number of 
regulations similar to those of the Hebrews. 

1 This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The Authorized Version rendered 
it less accurately "meat-offering." 

2 Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the priests, such as carpenters, 
gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers. Sodomites, and female slaves. Another Phoenician inscrip- 
tion mentions these. 



Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal. Of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem. Their Light on 
Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian Domination of Palestine. 

IMany of the El-Amarna^ Letters were written from Palestine 
and Phoenicia. Some scholars think these letters come from the 
Patriarchal period; others hold that they are contemporary with 
the Hebrew conquest, and give us additional information concerning 
it. Some of those who hold this last view believe that the conquest 
of Palestine by the Hebrews was not made all at once. They think 
that the tribes descended from Leah entered the land before those 
descended from Rachel. Such scholars hold that these letters give 
us contemporary evidence of the wars of the Leah tribes. Which- 
ever view one takes, the letters are most interesting, as they open to 
us a previously unknown chapter in the history of Jerusalem. 

1. Some Letters of Rib-Adda of Gebal." 

To the king, my lord, the king of the countries, speak, saying, Rib-Adda, thy 
sen-ant. the footstool of thy feet; at the feet of the sun, my lord, eight times and 
seven times T prostrate myself. Again, there is clear to the king, my lord, the 
deed of Ebed-Ashera, the dog, when all the lands of the king, my lord, are made 
over unto him and are subser\aent to his land. And now behold the city of 
Sumur has been won over — a fold of my lord and a temple of his shrine — to 
him, and he has encamped in the temple of my shrine and has opened the place 

of the curse of my lord and won it. What is he, a man and dog that 

he should judge? Again, when men say in the presence of the king, my lord: 

"Learn that Gebal is " then know that he has not taken Gebal 

and it is difficult for the lands of the king, my lord. Again, 

let the king, my lord, send his inspector who may judge and may 

protect the city of the king, my lord. And I and will ser\'e my lord, 

the king of the lands. And may my lord send people and let them bring what- 
ever belongs to my into the presence of the king, my lord, and let not 

that dog take anything that belongs to thy gods. And is it dear now that he 
would take Gebal? See, Gebal is like Memphis, loyal to the king. A second 
time, see Ebed-Ninib, the man whom I sent with Buhiya, is a So 

' See Part I, Chapter L § 7 (3). 

' From Winckler und Abel's Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 73. Cf. Knudtzon, Die El- 
Amnrna Tnfeln, No. 84. 

• The letter takes up assertions made by Rib-.\dda in previous letters. 



send unto thy servant. Again sec, Ummahnu is a maid-servant of the Baal- 
goddess of Gebal; her husband is Ishkur send! 

(The tablet is broken off at this point.) 


To the king, my lord, my sun. say: Rib-.\dda, thy servant; at the feet of my 
lord, my sun-god, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. Way the 
king, my lord, listen to the words of his faithful servant! It is going very hard 
for me! The hostility has become strong. The sons of Ebed-Ashera have 
become great in .\murru; theirs is the whole land. The city of Sumur and the 
city of Irkata are left to the princes. And behold in Sumur I am strong. When 

it was difficult for the princes on account of the enmity, I left Gebal and 

Zimridda and Yapa-Addi with me. Behold, then wrote 

the prince unto them; but they did not hearken unto him. And may the king, 
my lord, hearken to the words of his faithful servant! Send aid very quickly 
unto the city Sumur for its protection until the arrival of the mercenaries of the 
king, the sun. And may the king, the sun, drive out the enemy from his land. 
Again may the king, my lord, hearken to the word of his servant and send men as 
guards to the city of Sumur and to the city of Irkata, in case that all the guards 
llee from Sumur. And may it seem good to my lord, tJie sun of the countries, 
to give to me 20 pairs of horses. And may he send help very quickly to the city 
of Sumur "-^ guard it. All the guards who remain are in straits and few are the 
men in the city. If mercenaries thou dost not send, then there will be no city 
remaining to thee. If there are mercenaries, we will take all the lands for the 

These letters mention a certain Ebed-Ashera and claim that his 
sons are gaining possession of all the land of Amurru. If the 
"Ebed" were dropped out of the phrase, "sons of Ebed-Ashera, "^ 
there would remain "sons of Ashera," or, "sons of Asher." The 
"land of Amurru," or, "land of the Amorites," lay, at the time these 
letters were written, in the later home of the tribe of Asher, and a lit- 
tle to the north of it, between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon moun- 
tains. Some scholars hold that we have in these letters references 
to the coming of the "sons of Asher," or the tribe of Asher into this 
region, but it is a theory which in the present state of our knowledge 
we can neither prove nor disprove. If it should prove to be true, 
these tablets would reflect a part of the Hebrew conquest of this 

2. Letters of Ebed-Hepa of Jerusalem. 


[To the king, my lord, speak, saying, E]bed-H[epa thy servant — at] the feet 
[of the king, my lord,] seven times and seven times [I prostrate myself]. Behold 

> Winckler und .\bel, op. cit., No. 77, Knudtzon, op. cit., No. 103. 
' These "sons of Ebed-Ashera" are mentioned in many other letters. 
' Winckler und .\bel, op. cit., No. 174, and Knudtzon, op. cit.. No. 286. 


I am not a [prefect]; a vassal am I unto [the king, my lord]. Why did not the 
king, [my lord], send u messenger [(|uickly]? In similar circumstances sent 

lenhamu I. [May] the king [hearken unto Ebcd]-Hepa, his 

servant. [Behold] there are no mercenaries. |AIay] the king, my lord, s[cnd 

a governor] and let him take [the prefects] with him lands of the king 

and people who are [and Addaya], the governor 

of the king [has] their house So may the king care for them and send 

a messenger cjuickly. When 


To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant — at the feet of 
my lord, the king, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. What 
have 1 done to the king, my lord? They slander and misrepresent me before the 
king, my lord, [saying]: Ebed-Hepa is disloyal to the king, his lord. Behold I — 
neither my father nor my mother set me in this place; the arm of the mighty king 
caused me to enter into the house of my father. Why should I commit rebellion 
against the king, my lord? As long as the king, my lord, lives I will say unto the 
governor of the king, my lord: "Why dost thou love the Habiri and hate the 
prefects?" But thus he misrepresents me before the king, my lord. Now I say, 
"Lost are the lands of the king, my lord." So he misrepresents me to the king, 
my lord. But let the king, my lord, know (that) after the king, my lord, set 

guards, lenhamu took them all Egypt of the 

king, my lord; [there are no] guards there. Then may the king care for his land! 
]\Iay the king care for his land! Separated are all the lands from the king, 
llimilku has destroyed all the country of the king; so may the king, my lord, 
care for his land! I saj^: "I will enter the presence of the king, my lord, and I 
will behold the eye of the king, my lord," but the enemy is more mighty than I, 
and I am not able to enter into the presence of the king, my lord. So may it 

seem right to the king may he send guards, and I will enter in and 

will behold the eyes of the king, my lord! And so long as the king, my lord, 
lives, so long as the governors are withdrawn, I will say: "Perished are the lands 
of the king." Thou dost not hearken to me! All the prefects have perished; 
there is left no prefect to the king, my lord! May the king turn his face toward 
mercenaries, so that there may come forth mercenaries of the king, my lord. 
There are no lands left to the king, my lord. The Habiri plunder all the coun- 
tries of the king. If there are mercenaries in this year, then there will be left 
countries of the king, my lord. If there arc no mercenaries, the countries of the 
king will be lost. Unto the scribe of the king, my lord, saying: "Ebed-Hepa, thy 
serv^ant. Take beautiful words to the kuig, my lord! Lost are all the lands of 
the king, my lord." 


[To the king, my lord, [speak,] saying, Eb]ed-Hcpa, thy ser\'ant. [Unto the 
feet] of my lord seven [times and seven times I prostrate myself]. [I have heard 

all] the words [which the king, my lord,] has sent to me Behold the 

deed which has done Copper w-ord 

He has brought [into the city Keilah]. [Cf. Josh. 15 : 44.] May the king know 
that all the lands are gone and there is enmity against me. So may the king 
care for his land! Behold the land of the city Gezer, the land of the city Askelon 
and the city of Lakish have given them food, oil, and all kinds of herbs. So may 
the king give attention to the mercenaries! May he send mercenaries against 
the people who commit outrages against the king, my lord! If there are in this 

> Winckler und Abel, No. 102; Knudtzon, 286. 

! Winckler und Abel, op. cil.. No. 103; Knudtzon, op. cil., No. 287. 


year mercenaries, then there will remain lands and prefects to the king, my lord. 
But if there are no mercenaries, there will be no lands and prefects to the king. 
Behold this land of the city of Jerusalem — neither my father nor my mother 
gave it to me; the mighty hand, the arm of the king gave it to me. Behold this 
deed; it is the deed of Malkiel and the deed of the sons of Labaya, who have 
given the land of the king to the Habiri. Behold, O king, my lord, right is on 
my side as regards the Kashi-people. Let the king ask the governors whether 
that house is very mighty and they have committed a grievous, a great sin ; they 

have taken their weapons and have cut off the horsemen (?) And may 

he send into that land who with servants. May 

[the king] care for them .the lands in their hands [and] may 

the king provide for them much food, much oil, much clothing until Paru, the 
governor of the king, comes up to the country of the city of Jerusalem. Gone is 
Addaya, together with the guards of the vassals whom the king appointed. Let 
the king know that Addaya said to me: "Behold, I am going away; do not thou 
abandon it" (the city). This year send m,e men as guards and a governor, O 

king! Send us I have sent to the king, my lord , people, 

live thousand three hundred and eighteen porters for the caravans of 

the king. They were indeed captured in the fields near the city Aijalon. (Cf. 
Josh. 10 : 12.) Let the king, my lord, know that I am not able to send a caravan 
to the king, my lord. Indeed thou knowest it. Behold the king has set his 
name in the countrj' of the city of Jerusalem forever and he ought not to aban- 
don the lands of the city of Jerusalem. 

To the scribe of the king, my lord, has Ebed-Hepa, thy ser\-ant spoken, saying: 
At the feet I, thy ser\'ant, prostrate myself. Take beautiful words to the king, 
my lordl A vassal of the king am I, exceedingly loyal (?) as regards thee. Also 
an evil deed has been done against me by the men of Kashi. I was all but killed 
by the men of Kashi in my house. May the king make investigation concerning 
them. Seven times and seven times, O king, justice is on my side. 

To the king, my lord, my sun-god, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy ser\'ant. 
At the feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. 
Behold the king, my lord, "has set his name at the rising of the sun and the setting 
of the sun. It is slander whicli they have multiplied against me. Behold I am 
not a prefect; a vassal of the king, my lord, am I. Behold I am a shepherd of the 
king and one who brings tribute to the king, am I. Neither my father nor my 

mother, but the arm of the mighty king set me in the house of my father 

There came unto me I gave 10 slaves into his hand. Shuta, the governor 

of the king, came unto me. Twenty-one female slaves and eighty prisoners I 
gave into the hand of Shuta as a present to the king, my lord. Let the king take 
counsel for his land! Lost is the land of the king. All of it is taken from me. 
Enmity is against me. As far as the lands of Seir and as far as Gath-Camiel 
there is peace among all the prefects, but enmity against me is practised. WTien I 
sent a man, then he said : "I do not see the eyes of the king, my lord, for hostility 
is against me." I set once a ship on the sea when the mighty arm of the king 
took Naharina and Kapasi, but, behold the Habiri take the cities of the king. 
There is no prefect to the king, my lord ; all are lost. Behold Turbazu was killed 
in the city gate of Zilu and the king is inactive! Behold Zimridda of Lakish; his 
ser\'ants were enraged at him; he adhered to the Habiri. Yapti-Adda ^yas 
killed in the city gate of Zilu and there is no action! Concerning it the king 
makes no inquiry! Let the king care for his land and let the king turn his face 

» Winckler und Abel, No. 104; Knudtzon, No. 288. 


to mercenaries for the hind of tribute! For if there are no mercenaries in this 
year, lost, i)erisheci are all tlie lands of the kinj:;, my lord. Let not one say in the 
presence of the king, my lord, that the land of the king, my lord, is lost and all 
the prefects are lost. If there are no mercenaries in this year, then let the king 
send a governor to bring me and my brothers unto thee and we will die with the 
king, our lord. 

To the scribe of the king, my lord, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At thy 
feet I prostrate myself. Bring beautiful words to the king. Emphatically thy 
servant and thy son am I. 


To the king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the feet of 
my lord I prostrate myself seven times and seven times. Behold Malkiel, he 
has not separated himself from the sons of Labaya and from the sons of Arzaya 
that they may seek the hand of the king for themselves. A prefect who has 
done this deed — why does not the king call him to account? Behold Malkiel and 
Tagi — the deed which they have done is this: formerly they took Rabuda and 
now they seek Jerusalem. If this land belongs to the king, why is it oppressed? 
Gaza has sided with the king. Behold the land of Gath-Carmel belongs to Tagi 
and the people of Oath are on guani in Beth-shean, and v'erily it will happen to us 
when Labaya and the land of Shechem have been given to the Habiri. Malkiel 
has written to Tagi and his sons: "Let our two forces grant all their desire to the 
people of Keilah." Shall we indeed throw open Jerusalem? The guards, whom 
thou didst send by the hanfl of Haya, son of Miare, Addaya took, stationing them 
in his house in Gaza and twenty men has he sent to Egypt. Let the king know 
that there are no royal guards with me! It is so as the king lives! Verily Puru 
is beaten. He has gone from me and is in Gaza. May the king remember it and 
may the king send fifty men as guards to protect the land! All the lands of the 
king are in revolt. Send Yinhenhame and let him care for the land of the king. 
To the scribe of the king, my lord, say: Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. Beautiful 
words give to the king. Ever emphatically am I thy servant. 


Tothe king, my lord, speak, saying, Ebed-Hepa, thy servant. At the feet of 
the king, my lord, seven times and seven times I prostrate myself. Behold the 
deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have done against the countrj' of the king, 
my lord! They have won over the soldiers of Gezer, the soldiers of Gath, and 
the soldiers of Keilah; they have seized the cbuntrj' of the city of Rubute. The 
country of the king is fallen away to the Habiri. And now also a city of the 
country of Jerusalem (its name is Beth-shemesh),' a city of the king, has gone 
over to the men of Keilah. May the king hearken unto Ebed-Hepa, thv servant, 
and send mercenaries that the land of the king may remain unto the'king. If 
there are no mercenaries, lost is the land of the king to the Habiri. This is the 

deed which Malkiel and Shuardatu have done May the king care 

for his land! 

3. Their Light upon Conditions in the Period of the Egyptian 
Domination of Palestine. 

These letters are among the most interesting of the many fasci- 
nating documents which have come to us from ancient times. They 

> Wincklcr und Abel, No. 105 plus No. 199; Knudtzon, No. 289. 

' Wincklor und Abel, No. 106; Knudtzon. No. 290. 

' The tablet reads Beth-Ninib, but scholars are agreed that it refers to Beth-shemesh. 


give us our first historical glimpse of Jerusalem, giving us a view of 
it 350 years before its capture by David. At this time its ruler 
was one Ebed-Hepa, a vassal of Amenophis IV, King of Egypt. 
Jerusalem was at the time the capital of a considerable territory. 
If the places mentioned have been rightly identified by scholars, its 
dominion extended to Mount Carmel on the northwest and as far 
as Rabbith in Issachar on the north. At the time these letters 
were written, Jerusalem was hard pressed by some invaders called 
Habiri, and Ebed-Hepa again and again appeals to the Egyptian 
king to send mercenaries in that year or all the territories of the king 
would be lost. Already the Egyptian army was composed in part 
of hired soldiers. We know from Egyptian sources that Amenophis 
was much more interested in religious reform than in statecraft. 
The desired troops were not sent, and apparently Ebed-Hepa was 
overcome, for his letters cease. 

The condition of Palestine, as revealed by these letters, is the 
same as that of Phoenicia as revealed by the letters of Rib-Adda. 
Egj^Dtian authority was breaking up; each ruler was doing his best 
to look after his own interests; while invaders were overrunning 
the count^\^ 

Who was Ebed-Hepa? All that we know of him is told in these 
letters. Hepa was, however, the name of a Hittite and Mitannian 
goddess. It has, accordingly, been inferred that Ebed-Hepa be- 
longed to that race. Ezekiel long afterward in speaking to Jeru- 
salem said: "The Amorite was thy father and thy mother was a Hit- 
tite" (Ezek. 16 : 3, 45). If this first ruler of Jerusalem known to us 
was a Hittite, as seems probable, it would be a striking confirmation 
of Ezekiel's statement. Another interesting question is: Who were 
the Habiri who were invading Palestine when these letters were 
written? The answer to this question is not certain. Four differ- 
ent views have been held : 

1. They have been thought to be the same as the clan Heber 
which was afterward a part of the tribe of Asher, and which is also 
mentioned in connection with Malkiel in Gen. 46 : 17; Num. 26 : 45, 
and 1 Chron. 7 : 31. The objection to this view is that the Habiri 
seem far too powerful in these letters to be simply the ancestors of 
such a clan. 

2. It has been held that the Habiri were a branch of the Hittites. 
This view is based upon the fact that among the tablets found by 
Winckler at Boghaz Koi a list of Hittite gods was headed "gods of 


the Habiri." This is, however, not decisive, as the gods may have 
been Semitic gods, whom, after the fashion of antiquity, the Hittite 
scribe had identified with the deities of his own country. 

3. It has been held that the Habiri were Hebrews, and that we 
have here contemporary records of their wars of conquest. 

4. Some scholars maintain that it is impossible to tell who the 
Habiri were. 

The writer is inclined to hold that the Habiri were Hebrews, 
though this view is not without difficulty. The indications of the 
book of Exodus point to Ramses II as the Pharaoh of the oppression 
and to Merneptah as the Pharaoh of the Exodus. These kings 
belonged to the nineteenth dynasty, while Amenophis IV, to 
whom Ebed-Hepa wrote his letters, belonged to the eighteenth. 
How then could Hebrews be already in Palestine struggling to con- 
quer it? The view has been held by a number of scholars that the 
Hebrew conquest took place in two parts, one of which was under 
the eighteenth and the other under the nineteenth dynasty. The 
view is not without its difficulties, but it may prove to be true. If 
the Habiri were Hebrews, it seems necessary to suppose that it is 
true. Perhaps further discovery will throw more light upon it. 

The following letter, found in 1892 at Tell el-Hesy (Lachish) in 
Palestine, belongs to the same period as the preceding letters.^ 

To the chief officer speak, sa5ang: Pabi — at thy feet I prostrate myself. Thou 
shouldst know that Shiptibaal and Zimrida are conspiring together and Shipti- 
baal has said to Zimnda: "My father of the city Yarami has written to me: 'Give 
me six bows and three daggers and three swords. If I go out against the land of 
the king and thou wilt be the breath of life to me, then I shall surely (?) be supe- 
rior to it and shall subdue it.' He who makes this plan is Pabu, so send him to 
me." Now I have sent thee Raphiel. He will bring to the chief officer news 
of this matter. 

Another letter from Taanach belongs to the same general period. 
It is one of four found by Sellin in 1903. It is as follows:^ 

To Tshtarwashur speak, saying. Ahijah' — may the lord of the gods protect 
thy life! Thou art my brother and love is in thy bowels and in my heart. When 
I was detained in Gurra a workman gave to me two knives and a lance and two 
baskets (?) for nothing. As the lance was broken, he will repair it and send it by 
the hand of Buritpi. Again: is there lamentation over thy cities, or hast thou 
indeed put thyself in possession of them? Over my head is one who is over the 

' For the text cf. Hilprecht, Old ^Babylonian Inscriptions, No. 17. See also Knudtzon, El- 
Amarna Tafetn. No. 333. 

• PublLshcfl by Hrozny in Sdlin's Telt-Taanek, pp. \\S and 121. 
' In the Babylonian script, Ahi-ya-mi. 


cities. Now let us see whether he will do jjood to thee. If his countenance is 
favorable there will be great destruction. Further: let Ilurabi enter Rahab and 
either send my man to thy presence or give him protection. 

This letter is chiefly interesting for the name Ahi-ya-mi, which 
is probably the Babylonian equivalent of Ahijah or Ahi-Yahweh. 
If this is so, and, while not certain, there is considerable collateral 
evidence in its favor ,^ the divine name, Yahweh (Jehovah), was 
already known in Palestme. 

Another phrase in this letter which has recalled to some a Biblical 
phrase is "the lord of the gods." This has been compared with 
Baal-berith (/. e., lord of the covenant), Judges 9 : 4, who is later 
called El-berith (god of the covenant) , Judges 9 : 46. Such a com- 
parison is, however, somewhat fanciful. 

' See the writer's article, "Yahweh before Moses," in Studies in the History of Religions Presented 
to C. H. Toy, especially pp. 188-191. 



Report of Wenamon. Its Illustration of Certain Points of Biblical History 
ABOUT the Time of Deborah or Gideon. Reference to the Philistines. 

The following vivid story of adventure dates from about 1100 
B. c. and throws a vivid light on the condition of the coast-lands of 
Palestine and Phoenicia about the middle of the period of the Judges. 

1. Report of Wenamon.^ 

Year five, third month of the third season (eleventh month), day 16, day of 
departure of the "eldest of the hall," of the house of Amon, the lord of the lands, 
Wenamon, to bring the timber for the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king 
of the gods, which is on the river called: "Userhet" of Amon. 

On the day of my arrival at Tanis at the palace of Nesubenebded and Ten- 
tamon, I gave to them the writings of Amon-Re, king of the gods, v/hich they 
caused to be read in their presence; and they said: "I will do it, I will do it ac- 
cording to that which Amon-Re, king of our gods, our lord, saith." I abode 
until the fourth month of the third season, being in Tanis, 

Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent me with the ship-c.ptain, Mengebet, and 
I descended into the great Syrian sea, in the fourth month of the third season, on 
the first day. I arrived at Dor, a city of Thekel [a people kindred to the Philis- 
tines], and Bedel, its king, caused to be brought for me much bread, a jar of wine, 
and a joint of beef. 

Then a man of my ship fled, having stolen: 

. . [vessels] of gold, [amounting to] 5 deben 
4 vessels of silver, amounting to 20 deben 

a sack of silver 1 1 deben 

[Total of what] he [stole] 5 deben of gold. 

31 deben of silver. 
In the morning then T rose and went to the abode of the prince, and said to 
him: "I have been robbed in thy harbor. Since thou art the king of this land, 
thou art therefore its investigator, who should search for my money. For the 
money belongs to Amon-Re, king of the gods, lord of the lands; it belongs to 
Nesubenebded, and it belongs to Hrihor, my lord, and the other magnates of 
Egypt; it belongs also to Weret, and to Mekmel, and to Zakar-Baal, the prince 
of Byblos" [Gebal]. He said to me: "To thy honor and thy excellence! but, 
behold, I know nothing of this complaint which thou hast lodged with me. If 
the thief belonged to my land, he who went on board thy ship, that he might steal 
thy treasure, I would re[)ay it to thee from my treasury till they find thy thief 
by name; but the thief who robbed thee belongs to thy ship. Tarry a few days 
here with me, and I will seek him." When I had spent nine days moored in his 
harbor, I went to him and said to him : "Behold, thou hast not found my money, 

• Taken from Brcasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 278, ff. 



therefore let me depart with the ship-captain, and with those who go 

the sea. He said to me: "Be silent " the harbor 

[I arrived at] Tyre. I went forth from Tyre at early dawn 

Zakar-Baal, the prince of Byblos [Gebal]. 

the I found 30 deben of silver therein. I seized it, 

[sa>nng to them: "I will take] your money, and it shall remain with me until ye 
find [my money. Was it not a man of Thekel] who stole it, and no thief [of 

ours]? I will take it They went away, while I 

[I] arrived the harbor of Byblos [Gebal]. [I made a place of conceal- 
ment, I hid] "Amon-the-way," and I placed his things in it. The prince of 
Byblos sent to me, sa>'ing: "Betake thyself from my harbor." I sent to him, 

saying, " if they saiL, let them take me to Egypt." 

I spent nineteen days in his harbor and he continually sent to me daily, saying: 
"Betake thyself from my harbor." 

Now, when he sacrificed to his gods , the god seized one of his noble 

youths, making him frenzied, so that he said : "Bring [the god] hither! Bring the 
messenger of Amon who hath him. Send him and let him go." 

Now, while the frenzied youth continued in frenzy during this night, I found a 
ship bound for Egypt, and I loaded all my belongings into it. I waited for the 
darkness, saying: "When it descends, I will embark the god also, in order that no 
other eye may see him." 

The harbor-master came to me, sajang: "Remain until morning by the prince." 
I said to him: "Art not thou he who continually came to me daily, saying. 'Be- 
take thyself away from my harbor? Dost thou not say, 'Remain in the [land'], 
in order to let depart the ship that I have found? thou that mayest come and 
say again, 'Away'? He went and told it to the prince, and the prince sent to the 
captain of the ship, saying: 'Remain until morning by the king.'" 

When morning came he sent and had me brought up, when the dixnne offering 
occurred in the fortrc"! where he was, on the shore of the sea. I found him 
sitting in his upper chamber, leaning his back against a window, while the waves 

of the great Syrian sea beat against the behind him. I said to him: 

"Kindness of Amon!" He said to me: "How long is it until this day since thou 
camest away from the abode of Amon?" I said: "Five months and one day 
until now." 

He said to me: "Behold thou art true, where is the writing of Amon, which is 
in thy hand? Where is the letter of the High Priest of Amon, which is in thy 
hand?" I said to him: "I gave them to Nesubenebded and Tentamon." Then 
he was very wroth, and he said to me: "Now, behold, the writing and the letter 
are not in thy hand! Where is the ship of cedar which Nesubenebded gave to 
thee? Where is its Syrian crew? He would not deliver thy business to this 

ship-captain to have thee killed, that they might cast thee into the sea. 

From whom would they have sought the god then? And thee, from whom would 
they have sought thee then?" So he spake to me. I said to him: "There are 
indeed Egyptian ships and Eg}^ptian crews who sail under Nesubenebded, (but) 
he hath no Syrian crews." He said to me: "There are surely twenty ships here 
in my harbor, which are in connection with Nesubenebded; and at Sidon, whither 
thou wouldst go, there are indeed 10,000 ships also which are in connection with 
Berket-el and sail to his house." 

Then I was silent in this great hour. He answered and said to me: "On what 
business hast thou come hither?" I said to him: "I have come after the timber 
of the great and august barge of .A.mon-Re, king of gods. Thy father did it, thy 
grandfather did it, and thou wilt also do it." So spake I to him. 

He said to me: "They did it, truly. If thou give me (something) for doing it, I 

will do it. Indeed my agents transacted the business; the Pharaoh 

sent six ships, laden with the products of Eg>TDt, and they were unloaded in their 


storehouses. And thou also shalt bring something for me." He had the journal 
of his fathers brought in, and he had them read it before me. They found 1,000 
dcbcn of every (kind of) silver, which was in his book. 

He said to me: "H the ruler of Kgypt were the owner of my property, and I 
were also liis servant, he woula not send silver and gold, saying: 'Do the com- 
mand of .Vmon.' It was not the jjayment of tribute which they exacted of my 
fatlier. As for me, I am myself neither thy servant nor am I the servant of him 
that sent thee. If I cry out to the Lebanon, the heavens open, and the logs lie 
hiire on the shore of the sea." 

A long speech of Wenamon follows, in which he claims Egypt 
as the home of civilization, and claims Lebanon for Amon. He 
then continues: 

"Let my scribe be brought to me, that I may send him to Nesubenebded and 
Tentamon, the rulers whom Anion hath given to the north of his land, and they 
will send all that of which I shall write unto them, saying: 'Let it be brought,' 
until I return to the south and send thee all thy trifles again." So spake I to him. 

He gave my letter into the hand of his messenger. He loaded in the keel, the 
head of the bow and the head of the stern, with four other hewn timbers, to- 
gether seven; and he had them taken to Egypt. His messenger went to Egypt, 
and returned to me, to Syria in the first month of the second season. Nesuben- 
ebded and Tentamon sent: 

Gold: 4 r^-vessels, 1 K'k-»in-vessc\; 

Silver: 5 Tb-vesseh; 

Royal linen: 10 garments, 10 hmhrd; 

Papyrus: 500 rolls; 

O.x-hides: 500; 

Rope: 500 (coils); 

Lentils: 20 measures; 

Fish: 30 measures; 

She' sent mc: 

Linen 5 ,5 hm-hrd; 

Lentils: 1 measure; 

Fish: 5 measures. 

The i)rince rejoiced, and detailed 300 men and 300 oxen, placing overseers 
over them, to have the trees felled. They spent the second season therewith .... 
In the third month of the second season (seventh month) they dragged them [to] 
the shore of the sea. The prince came forth and stood by them. 

He sent to me, saying: "Come." Now, when I had presented myself before 
him, the shadow of his sunshade fell upon me. Penamon, a butler, he stepped 

between us, saying: "The shadow of Pharaoh , thy lord, falls upon thee." 

He was angry with him, saying: "Let him alone!" I presented myself before 
him, and he answered and said unto mc: "Behold the command which my fathers 
formerly executed, I hiive executed, although thou for thy part hast not done 
for me that which thy fathers did for me. Behold there has arrived the last of 
tliy timber, and there it lies. Do according to my desire and come to load it, 
for they will indeed give it to thee." 

"Come not to contemplate the terror of the sea, (but) if thou dost contemplate 
the terror of the sea, thou shalt (also) contemplate mine own. Indeed I have 
not done to thee that which they did to the messengers of Khamwese, when they 
spent seventeen years in this land. They died in their place." He said to his 
butler; "Take him, and let him see their tomb, wherein they sleep." 
' "She" refers to Tentamon, the queen. 


I said to him: "Let me not see it! As for Khamwese, (mere) people were the 

messengers whom he sent unto thee; but people there was no [god 

among] his messengers. And yet thou sayest, 'Go and see thy companions.' 
Lo, art thou not glad? and dost thou not have made for thee a tablet, whereon 
thou sayest: 'Amon-Re, king of gods, sent to me "Amon-the-way," his [divine] 
messenger, and Wenamon, his human messenger, after the timber for the great 
and august barge of Amon-Re, king of gods? I felled it, I loaded it, I supplied 
him (with) my ships and my crews, I brought them to Egypt, to beseech for me 
10,000 years of life from Amon, more than my ordained (life), and it came to 
pass.' Then in future days when a messenger comes from the land of Egypt, who 
is able to write, and reads thy name upon the stela, thou shalt receive water in 
the west, like the gods who are there." He said to me: "It is a great testimony 
which thou tellest me." 

I said to him: "As for the many things which thou hast said to me, when I 
reach the place of the abode of the High Priest of Amon, and he shall see thy 
command in thy command, [he] will have something delivered to thee." 

I went to the shore of the sea, to the place where the timbers lay; I spied eleven 
ships, coming from the sea, belonging to the Thekel, saying: "Arrest him! Let 
not a ship of his pass to Egypt!" I sat down and began to weep. The letter- 
scribe of the prince came out to me, and said to me: "What is the matter with 
thee?" I said to him: "Surely thou seest these birds which twice descend upon 
Egypt. Behold them! They come to the pool, and how long shall I be here, 
forsaken? Eor thou seest surely those who come to arrest me again." 

He went and told it to the prince. The prince began to weep at the evil words 
which they spoke to him. He sent out his letter-scribe to me and brought me 
two jars of wine and a ram. He sent to me Tento, an Egyptian singer (feminine) , 
who was with him, saying: "Sing for him; let not his heart feel apprehension." 
He sent to me, saying: "Eat, drink, and let not thy heart feel apprehension. 
Thou shalt hear all that I have to say unto thee in the morning." 

Morning came, he had (the Thekel) called into his , he stood in their 

midst and said to the Thekel: "Why have ye come?" They said to him: "We 

have come after the stove-up shios which thou sendest to Egypt with our 

comrades." He said to them: "I cannot arrest the messenger of Amon in my 
land. Let me send him away, and ye shall pursue him, to arrest him." 

He loaded me on board, he sent me away. . . .to the harbor of the sea. The 
wind drove me to the land of Alasa [Cyprus]; those of the city came forth to me 
to slay me. I was brought among them to the abode of Heteb, the queen of 
the city. I found her as she was going forth from her houses and entering 
into her other [house]. I saluted her, I asked the people who stood about her: 
"There is surely one among you who understands Egyptian?" One among 
them said: "I understand (it)." I said to him: "Say to my mistress: 'T have heard 
as far as Thebes, the abode of Amon, that in every city injustice is done, but 
that justice is done in the land of Alasa; (but), lo. injustice is done ever}' day 
here.' " She said: "Indeed! what is this that thou sayest?" I said to her: "If 
the sea raged and the wind drove me to land where I am, thou wilt not let them 
take advantage of me to slay me, I being a messenger of Amon. I am one whom 
they will seek unceasingly. As for the crew of the prince of Byblos whom they 
sought to kill, their lord will surely find ten crews of thine, and he will slaj' them 
on his part." She had the people called and stationed (before her); she said to 
me: "Pass the night " 

Here the papyrus, which contains this vivid personal narrative 
of travel, is broken off and the rest of the story is lost. We may be 


sure that Wenamon escaped from Cyprus and succeeded in reaching 
E^ypt ajiain, or the story would never have been told. 

2. Its Illustration of Certain Points of Biblical History. 

The story illustrates well a number of points in Biblical history. 
This adventure was approximately contemporary with the career 
of Deborah or of Gideon. It shows that the city of Dor, which was 
situated on the coast just south of Mount Carmel, was in the posses- 
sion of a tribe kindred to the Philistines, who soon afterward appear 
in Biblical history. We also learn from it that Egyptian authority 
in Palestine and Phoenicia, which was at the time of the El-Amarna 
letters so rapidly decaying, had entirely disap])cared. Zakar-Baal 
stoutly asserts his independence, while the king of the Thekel is 
evidently quite independent of Egypt. The way in which these 
])etty kingdoms deal with one another is quite after the m.anner of 
the international relations reflected in the book of Judges. The 
expedition of Wenamon to the Lebanon for cedar wood illustrates 
the way Solomon obtained cedar for the temple. 

Lastly, the way one of the noble youths became frenzied and 
prophesied, is quite parallel to the way in which Saul "stripped off 

his clothes and prophesied and lay down naked all that day 

and all that night" (1 Sam. 19 : 24). The heed which Zakar-Baal 
gave to this youth shows that at Gebal, as in Israel, such ecstatic 
or frenzied utterances were thought to be of divine origin. Later in 
Israel this sort of prophecy became a kind of profession, or trade. 
The members of these prophetic guilds were called "sons of the 
pro])hets." The great literary prophets of Israel had nothing to do 
with them. Amos is careful to say that he is not a "son of a 
prophet" (Amos 7 : 14). 

3. Reference to the Philistines. 

Ramses III in his inscriptions makes the following statements:* 

"The northern countries are unquiet in their limbs, even the Peleset [Philis- 
tines], the Thekel, who devastate their land O my august 

father [/. e., the god .-Xmon] come to talie them, being: the Peleset, the Denyen 
[Dardanians], and the Shckelesh [Sicilians] 

Utterance of the vanquished Peleset: "Give to us the breath for our nostrils, 
O king, son of Amon." 

The Peleset are undoubtedly the same people who appear in the 
Bible as the Philistines. Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty, 
from whose inscriptions the above quotations are taken, reigned 

' These statements are taken from Breastcd's Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, §§ 44, 81, and 82. 


from 1198-1167 b. c. In his reign the Philistines were coming over 
the sea and invading northern Egypt along with other wanderers 
from different parts of the Mediterranean, the Thekel, the Danaoi, 
and the Sicilians. Upon being repelled from Egypt by Ramses, 
they passed on and invaded Palestine. As the report of Wenamon 
shows, the Thekel were in possession of Dor by the year 1100, and 
no doubt the Philistines had gained a foothold also in the cities 
farther to the south, where we find them in the Biblical records 
(Judges 13-16; 1 Sam. 4-7; 13, 14; 17, 18, etc.). 

Amos says the Philistines came from Caphtor (Amos 9:7). 
This has long been supposed to be Crete. Eduard Meyer thinks 
that confirmation of this has now been found. A disc inscribed in a 
peculiar writing, which has not yet been deciphered, was found in 
July, 1908, at Phaestos in Crete in strata of the third middle Minoan 
period, i. e., about 1600 b. c.^ This writing is pictographic, and 
although not yet translated, appears to be a contract.^ One of the 
frequently recurring signs represents a human head surmounted by 
a shock of hair (see Fig. 38), almost exactly like the hair of the 
Philistines as they are pictured by the artists of Ramses III on the 
walls of his palace at Medinet Habu (see Fig. 36). This sign was 
probably the determinative for man. This likeness would make the 
proof of the Cretan origin of the Philistines complete, were it not 
that some scholars think that the disc exhumed at Phaestos had been 
brought thither from across the sea. This is possible, but does not 
seem very probable. The doubt will, perhaps, be resolved when we 
learn to read the inscription. 

» See Evans, Scripla Minna. Oxford. 1909, pp. 22, ff.. 273, ff. 

» See R. A. S. Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilisation, London, 1913, p. 83, ff. 


GuDEA A>fD Cedar-wood for his Palace. The Eponym Canon. The Seal of 
Shema. Shishak's List of Conquered .\siatic Cities. Ashurnasirpal's Descrip- 
tion OF his Expedition to Mediterranean Lands. Shalmaneser Ill's Claims 
Regarding Tribute from the Kings of Israel. The Moabite Stone. Adadni- 
rari IV's Mentio.n of the "L.^nd of Omri." Inscription Describing Tiglathpi- 
leser IV's Campaign. Sargon's Conquests. Sennacherib's Western Campaigns. 
The Siloam Inscription. Esarhaddon's List of Conquered Kings. Ashurbani- 
pal's Assyrian Campaign. Necho of Egypt. Nebuchadrezzar II. Evil-Mero- 
DACH. Discoveries in Sheba. 

1, Gudea and Cedar- Wood for His Palace. 

Gudea, a ruler of Lagash in Babylonia (the modern Telloh; see 
p. 45), who lived about 2450 b. c, rebuilt Eninnu, the temple of 
Ningirsu, at Lagash. In his account of the work he makes the 
following statement:^ 

From Amanus, the mountain of cedar, cedar wood, the length of which was 
60 cubits, cedar-wood, the length of which was 50 cubits, ukariuriu-wood, the 
length of which was 25 cubits, for the dwelling he made; (from) their mountain 
they were brought. 

The Amanus mountains lay along the Mediterranean to the north 
of the river Orontes. They belong to the same general range as the 
Lebanons. Again, in the same inscription, Gudea says:" 

From Umanu, the mountain of Menua, from Basalla, the mountain of the 
Amoritcs, great cut stones he brought; into pillars he made them and in the 
court of Eninnil he erected them. From Tidanu, the mountain of the Amoritcs, 
marble in fragments (?) he brought. 

This passage shows that a ruler of Babylonia came to this region 
for cedar-wood and stones for his temple, as Solomon is said to have 
done (1 Kings 5, especially vs. 6 and 17; 2 Chron. 2 : 8, flf.). 
That Egyptian rulers did the same is clearly shown by the report of 
Wenamon. (See p. 352, ff.) 

' See Sarzec, Dicouvertes en ChaHee, p. ix, col. v, 28. ff. See also Thiirciu-Dangin, Les inscrip- 
tions de Sumer et,d'Akkad, Paris, 1905, p. 109, and his Sumerischen und akkadischen KSnigsin- 
schri/ltn, LeipziR, 1907, p. 68, f. 

« Ibid., col. vi, 3, ff. 



2. The Eponym Canon. 

The Assyrians kept chronological lists called by scholars "Eponym 
Canons," which are of great importance in determining the chro- 
nology of Hebrew history at a number of obscure points. A trans- 
lation of them has not been included in this work, since so few Bib- 
lical names occur in them that they would be of little use except to 
experts. Any who wish to consult them will find them translated in 
Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, pp. 219-238. 

3. Jeroboam. 

During Schumacher's excavation at Megiddo (see p. 96), a seal 
was found in the palace; it is shown in Fig. 27. Its inscription 

Belonging to Shema, servant of Jeroboam. 

We have no means of knowing whether the Jeroboam referred to 
was Jeroboam I (1 Kings 12 : 12, ff.), or Jeroboam II (2 Kings 14 : 
23, ff.). 

4. Shishak. 

Sheshonk I (954-924 b. c), the founder of the twenty-second 
Eg}qDtian dynasty, the Shishak of the Bible (1 Kings 14 : 25-28), 
has left on the walls of a pylon which he erected at the temple of 
Karnak a relief picturing his victory. The pictures are of the con- 
ventional type, but they are accompanied by a list of conquered 
Asiatic cities. Of these the names of about one-hundred and twenty 
are legible, though it is possible to identify but a small proportion 
of these with known localities. As it would be of no interest to the 
general reader to place before him the Egyptian spelling of unidenti- 
fied place names, only those are here given which have been identi- 
fied or have some Biblical interest. The numbers before each name 
designate its distance from the beginning of Sheshonk's list. 
Among his conquered towns, then, are the following:^ 

11. Gimty = Gath. 13. RubHy = Rabbith (Josh. 19 : 20). 14. T"nqy = 
Taanach (josh. 12 : 21; Judges 5 : 19). 15. Sfi'nm'y = Shunem (Josh. 19 : 18; 
2 Kings 4 : 8). 16. B'tyslinry = Beth-shean (Josh. 17 : 11; 1 Sam. 31 : 10; 
1 Kings 4 : 12). 17. Rwh'b'iy = Rehob (Judges 1 : 31). 18. Wpwrwmy = 
Haphraim (Josh. 19 : 19). 22. Myh'nm' = Mahanaim (Gen. 32 : 2; Josh. 13 : 
26; 2 Sam. 2 : 8; 17 : 24). Q-b'-"-n' = Gibeon (Josh. 10 : 1, f.). 24. B'tyhur'rwn 
= Beth-horon (Josh. 10 : 10; 1 Sam. 13 : 18). 26. Ivurwn = Aijalon (Josh. 
10 : 12 ; 19 : 42). 27. Mvqdvw = Megiddo (Josh. 12 : 21; Judges 1 : 27). 28. 
Idyrw' = Edrei (Num. 21 : 33; Deut. 1 : 4; Josh. 12 : 4). 32. "rin' = Elon 

> Translated from W. Max MuUer's Egyptological Researches. Washington, D. C, 1906, Plates 
75-87, with a comparison of Breasted's Ancient Records, IV, pp. 350-354. 


(Josh. 10 : 43). 38. Sh'^vka = Soco (2 Chron. 11 : 7; 28 : 18). 39. B'tytpwh = 
Hcth-t;ii)uah (Josh. 15 : 53). 57. Dvtnrwm = Zemaraim (Josh. 18 : 22). 58. 
[Mkdrw = Madgala (Matt. 15 : 39 A. V.). 71, 72. P'/iwqrw' 'b'r'tn = The 
fieUi of .\bram. KX). Iwdri' = Addar (?) (Josh. 15 : 3). 124. B'iynt = Beth- 
anoth (?) (Josh. 15 : 59). 

According to 1 Kings 14 : 25, fT.,Sheshonk's campaign was directed 
against Judah, and there is no hint that the northern kingdom 
suffered too. This may be because the interest of the author of 
Kings in the house of David and in Jerusalem was greater than his 
interest in the north. It is clear from the list of places just quoted 
that Sheshonk conquered both kingdoms. He either took or re- 
ceived tribute from Mcgiddo, Taanach, Shunem, and Beth-shean, 
cities in the great plain of Jezreel, but crossed the Jordan and cap- 
tured Mahanaim and Edrei. 

5. Ashurnasirpal. 

Ashurnasirpal, King of Assyria, 884-860 b. c, in describing his 
expedition to the Mediterranean lands, makes the following state- 

At that time I marched along Mount Lebanon, unto the great sea of the land 
of the Amorites I went up. In the great sea I cleansed my weapons. I made 
sacrifices to the gods. The tribute of the kings by the side of the sea, from the 
land of the Tyrian, the land of the Sidonian, the land of the Gebalite, the land of 
the Mahallatite, the land of the Maisite, the land of the Kaisite, the land of the 
Amorite, and the city Arvad, which is in the midst of the sea; silver, gold, lead, 
copper, copper vessels, garments of bright colored stuffs, cloth, a great pagutii, 
a small pagutii, ushu-wood, ukari}inu-\vood, teeth of a sperm-whale porpoise, a 
creature of the sea, as their tribute I received; they embraced my feet. To 
Mount Amanus I ascended; beams of cedar, cypress, juniper, pine, I cut. Sac- 
rifices to my gods I offered. A pillar recording my warlike deeds I set up. 

This inscription records the first approach of an Assyrian king to 
Hebrew territory. He did not actually come into contact with the 
Israelites, though he took tribute from their neighbors, the Tyrians 
and Sidonians. The expedition of Ashurnasirpal was, however, the 
precursor of many others which progressed further. 

Ashurnasirpal, like Gudea and Hrihor, secured wood from this 
region for his buildings, thus affording another parallel to Solomon's 

6. Shalmaneser III. 

Shalmanescr III, the son and successor of Ashurnasirpal, reigned 
from 859 to 825 b. c. He not only approached more closely to Pal- 
estine, but claims to have taken tribute from her kings. In the 

' See Le Oac, Les Inscripiions il'Assur-nnsir-aplu HI, Paris," 1908. p. Ill, line 84, ff.; cf. also 
RoRcrs, Cuneiform Ptrallds to the 01,1 Testament, New York, 1912, p. 277, ff. 


case of King Jehu the clahn is no doubt true. The following ex- 
tracts give the accounts in Shalmaneser's own words.* 

In the eponym year of Dan-Ashur (i. e., 854 b. c), month Aru, 14th day, I 

departed from the city of Nineveh; I crossed the river Tigris to the 

city Qarqar I approached. Qarcjar, his royal city, I destroyed, I devastated, 
I burned with fire. 1,200 chariots, 1,200 horsemen, 20,000 men of Hadadidri 
(Benhadad) of Damascus; 700 chariots, 700 horsemen, 10,000 men of IrhuHna, 
the Ilamathitc; 2,000 chariots, 10,000 men of Ahab, the Israehte; 500 men of the 
Qua;an (/. c. Que, in Cilicia); 1,000 men of the Musra;an; 10,000 chariots, 10,000 
men of the Irqantsan; 200 men of Matinu-ba'li, the Arvadite; 200 men of the 
Usantaean; 30 chariots, 10,000 men of Adunu-ba'li, the Shianian; 1,000 camels of 
Gindibu, the Arabian; 1,000 (?) men of Basa, son of Ruhubi, the Ammonite — 
these 12 kings he took as his helpers and they came to make battle and war 
against me. With the exalted power which Ashur, the lord, had given me, with 
powerful weapons, which Nergal, who goes before me, had i)resented me, I 
fought with them; from Qarcjar to Gilzan I accomplished their defeat. 14,000 
of their troops I overthrew with arms, like Adad I jjoured out a flood upon them; 
I flung afar their corjjyses, I filled the plain with their mighty troops. With 

weajxins I made their blood to flow The field was too narrow for 

smiting (?) them, the broad plain (?) was used (?) for burying their bodies. 
With their corpses I dammed the Orontes as with a dam (?). In that battle 
their chariots, their horsemen, their horses, harnesses, and yokes I took. 

It is of especial interest that Ahab and Benhadad, two kings 
well known from the Bible, formed a part of the coalition that at- 
tempted to repel this first Assyrian invasion. Shalmaneser's claim 
of victory is probably exaggerated, for he retired without further 
effort to subdue the country. Had it been as sweeping a triumph 
as he would have us believe, he would surely have pressed forward. 

Another of his inscriptions describes the battle of Qarqar as 

In the 6th year of my reign from Nineveh I set out unto Qarqar 

I approached. Hadadidri of Damascus, Irhulina, the Hamathite, together 
with twelve kings of the sea-coast, trusted in their own power and came to make 
war and fight with me. With them I fought. 25,000 of their fighting men I 
destroyed with arms. Their chariots, their horses, their implements of war I 
took from them. They fled to save their lives. I embarked on a ship and went 
out to sea. 

Four years later Shalmaneser records the subjugation of Car- 
chemish, on the Euphrates (cf. Isa. 10 : 9; Jer. 46 : 2). His account 
of it is brief and runs thus:"^ 

• The text is published in Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 7, 8. These 
lines are at the bottom of p. 8. Cf. also CraiR, Uehraica, III, 220, ff., and Rogers, Cuneiform Paral- 
lels to the Old Testament, 295. ff. 

2 From Layard's Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from the Assyrian Monuments, London, 
1851, p. 15. Cf. Delitzsch in Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, VI, 146. 

• Layard, op. cit., line 84, ff. 


In the 10th year oi my reign (850 n. r.), the river Euphrates I crossed for the 
eiphth time. The (.iiics of Sangar, the Carchcmishite, I devastated, I destroyed 
I burned witli lire. From the cities of Carchemish I departed and approached 
the cities of Arame. 

The next year Shalmaneser again tried conclusions with the kings 
of the west. His longer account of this runs as follows:^ 

In the 1 1th year of my reign (849 b. c.) I set out from Nineveh. I crossed the 

river Eu])hrates at high water for the ninth time At that time Hadad- 

idri of Damascus, IrhuUna the Hamalhitc, together with twelve kings of the 
sea-coast, trusted to their own power and to make war and battle with me they 
came. I fought with them, I accomplished their defeat. 10,000 of their 
fighting men I slew with arms. Their chariots, horsemen, and implements of 
war I took from them. 

Shalmaneser's third campaign against these kings is thus de- 

In the 14th year of my reign I mustered the broad land without number. I 
crossed the Euphrates at high water with 120,000 troops. At that time Hadad- 
idri of Damascus and Irluilina, the Ilamathitc, together with twelve kings of the 
sea-coast, u|)pcr and lower, mustered their numerous armies without number and 
into my presence came. 1 fought with them, I accomplished their defeat. I 
brought away their chariots and horses, their implements of war I took from 
them; they (led to save their lives. 

A fourth campaign another inscription describes thus:^ 

In the 18th year of my reign (842 b. c), I crossed the river Euphrates for the 
sixteenth time. Ilazae' of Damascus (cf. 1 Kings 19 : 15, 17; 2 Kings 8) trusted 
to the great numbers of his forces and mustered his troops in large numbers. 
Saniru (i. c, Ilermon, see Deut. 3 : 9), a mountain-peak at the side of Mount 
Lebanon, he made his fortress. I fought with him, I accomplished his defeat. 
16.000 of his fighting men T slew with arms. 1,121 of his chariots, 470 of his 
horses with his ramp T took from him. He fled to save his life. I pursued him 
and in Damascus, his capital city, shut him up. I cut down his parks. I 
marched to the mountains of Hauran. Cities innumerable I destroyed, devas- 
tated, I burned with fire; their untold spoil T took as plunder. To the mountain 
of Rilirasi,'' a mountain at the head of the sea, I marched. My royal portrait in 
it I set up. At that time the tribute of thcTyrian, the Sidonian, and of Jehu, 
son of Omri, I received. 

The tribute of Jehu of Israel, mentioned in the last line of this 
inscription, is pictured on Shalmaneser's black obelisk; (see Figs. 
295, 296). Above its various panels is the following inscription:^ 

• Layard, np. cil., line 90, ff. 
» Ihid., line 99, ff. 

•From Rawlinson's Cuneiform In^cripiinns of Western Asia. Ill, ."i, No. 6. The text is also 
published in Hclilzsch's Assyrische Lesesliicke, 4th ed.. p. 51, ff. 

* The cliff .Tt the mouth of the Dor river, a short distance north of Beirut. This portrait, with 
that of Ramsi-s II ami other kincs, may still be seen carved in the cliff. 

•From Abel und Winckier's KeihchrifUexte, Berlin, 1890, p. 12. 


Tribute of Jehu, son of Omri: silver, gold, a bowl (?) of gold, a basin (?) of gold, 
cups of gold, pails (?) of gold, bars of lead, scepters (?) for the hand of the king 
and balsam wood I received from him. 

A fifth expedition is thus briefly described:^ 

In the 21st year of my reign (839 b. c), the river Euphrates I crossed, against 
the cities of Hazael of Damascus I went. Four of his cities I captured. The 
tribute of the Tyrian, of the Sidonian, and of the Gebalite I received. 

In Still another inscription, which gives a summary of his wars, 
Shalmaneser compresses the account of his various wars in the west 
as follows:- 

At that time Hadadidri of the land of Damascus, together with 12 princes, his 
helpers, — their defeat I accomplished. 29,000 mighty warriors I prostrated like 
a simoom (?). The rest of his soldiers I cast into the river Orontes. They fled 
to save their lives. Hadadidri forsook his land. Hazael, son of a nobody, seized 
the throne. He summoned his numerous soldiers and came to make war and 
battle with me. With him I fought, I accomplished his defeat. The wall of his 
camp I seized. He fled to save his life. I pursued him toDamascus, his capital 

7. The Moabite Stone. 

This stone, which bears an inscription of Mesha, King of Moab, a 
contemporary of King Ahab, was erected at Dibon (the modern 
Diban) on the north shore of the Anion, where it was found in the 
last century. The upper portion of it was first seen by a Prussian 
clergyman, Rev. F. A. Klein, in the year 1868. Reports of its 
existence had previously reached the French scholar, Clermont- 
Ganneau, who was then in Jerusalem, and a squeeze of it was 
afterward taken by an Arab for this French scholar. Both the 
French and Prussian governments were desirous of obtaining it, and 
the Arabs, conceiving that they could obtain more money for it by 
selling it in parts, broke it up, thus greatly mutilating the inscrip- 
tion. Afterward the French obtained it, putting the pieces together 
again, and it may now be seen in the Louvre at Paris; (see Fig. 300) . 
The inscription is as follows:^ 

1 am Mesha, son of Chemoshmelek, King of Moab, the Dibonite. My father 
ruled over Moab thirty years, and I ruled after my father. And I made this 

' Layard, ap. cit., p. 10, line 102, £F. 

2 Messerschmidt, Keihchrifttexle aus Assur historischen Inhalts, Leipzig, 1911, No. 30, line 13, 
ff. Cf. Lan^don's translation Expository Times, Vol. XXIII, 1911, p. 69; also Rogers, Cuneiform 
Parallels, p. 298, ff. 

' Translated from Smend and Socin's Die Inschrift Mesa von Moab, Freiburg I. B., 1886. Cf. 
also Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Epigraphik. Weimar, 1898, Tafel I; G. A. Cooke, North Semitic In- 
scriptions. Oxford, 1903, p. 1, ff.; Davis, in Hebraica, VII (1891), 178-182; Bennett, The Moabite 
Stone, Edinburgh, 1911; and Hastings, Diet, of the Bible, III, 406, ff. 


Iii>;h plate to Chcnmsh in Qarhah (?) because of the deliverance of Mcsha, because 
he saved me from all the khv^s and because he caused me to sec [my desire] upon 
all who hated me. Omri, king of Israel— he oppressed Moab many days, be- 
cause Chemosh was angry with his land. And his son succeeded liim, and he 
also said 1 will oppress Moab. In my day he spoke according to [this] word, but 
I saw [my desire] u[)on him and upon his house, and Israel utterly perished for- 
ever. Now Omri had possessed all the land of Aledeba and dwelt in it his days 
and half the days of his son, forty years, but Chemosh restored it in my day. 
Anil I built Baal-meon and 1 made in it the reservoir (?), and 1 built Kiryathaim. 
And the men of CJad had dwelt in the land of Ataroth from of old and the king 
of Israel had built for himself Ataroth. And I fought against the city and t(X)k 
it, and I slew all the peoi)!e of the city, a sight [pleasing] to Chemosh and to 
Moab. .Vnd I brought back from there the altar-hearth of Duda and I dragged 
it before Chemosh in Kirj'oth. And I caused to dwell in it the men of Sharon (?) 
and the men of Mehuroth (?). And Chemosh said to me: "(io take Nebo 
against Israel"; and I went by night and fought against it from break of dawn 
till noon, and I took it and slew all, seven thousand men, boys (?), and women, 
and girls, for I had devoted it to Ashtar-Chemosh. And I took from there the 
altar-hearths of Yahweh (Jehovah), and I dragged them before Chemosh. And 
the king of Israel built Jahaz and dwelt in it while he fought with me and Che- 
mosh drove him out from before me. And I took from Moab two hundred men, 
all its chiefs, and I led them against Jahaz and took it to add unto Dibon. And 
I built Qarhah (?), the wall of the forests and the wall of the hill; and I built its 
gates and I built its towers, and I built the king's house, and I made the sluices (?) 
for the reservoir of water in the midst of the city. And there was no cistern 
in the midst of the city, in Qarhah (?); and I said to all the people: "Make you 
each a cistern in his house;" and I cut the cuttings for Qarhah (?) with the help of 
the jirisoners of Israel. I built Aroer and I made the highway by the Arnon. 
And I built Beth-bamoth, for it had been destroyed. And I built Bezer, for it 

was in ruins [Chi]efs of Dibon were fifty, for all Dibon was obedient. 

And I ruled a hundred , in the cities which I had added to the land. 

And I built [Mede]ba and Beth-diblathan. And [as for] Beth-baal-meon, there 

1 placed sheep-raisers sheep of the land. And [as for] Horonaim 

there dwelt in it and Chemosh said unto me: "Go down, fight 

against Horonaim," and I went down and Chemosh in my day, and 

from there and I 

The author of this inscription is the Mesha mentioned in 2 Kings 
3 : 4. He is there said to have been a "sheep-master" (Hebrew, 
noqedh). Mcsha appears to say in line 30 (the word is broken) that 
he placed noqcdliim, "sheep-raisers," or, "sheep-masters," in Beth- 
baal-meon. The noqedh was a raiser of a peculiar breed of sheep. 
Moab is excellent grazing land and raised a great many. 

In general the inscription supplements the Biblical narrative. 
It mentions persons and places well known from the Bible, and 
gives us an account of a series of events of which the Bible makes no 
mention. The Biblical account says nothing of Mesha's. revolt, 
while Mesha in his turn says nothing of the campaign described in 

2 Kings 3. Neither document implies that the events described 
in the other did not occur; the two are written from two different 


points, of view and their authors selected the events which suited 
the purpose of the respective writers. In spite of this consideration 
there are some differences of statement which are perplexing. 

Mesha says in substance that Omri conquered Medeba and occu- 
pied it during his reign, half the reign of his son, a period of forty 
years, but Chemosh restored it to Moab in his (Mesha's) day. It is 
said in 2 Kings 3 : 5, on the other hand, that "when Ahab was dead, 
the king of Moab rebelled against the king of Israel." According 
to 1 Kings 16 : 23-29, Omri reigned twelve years and Ahab twenty- 
two years. All the reign of Omri, and half of that of Ahab would, 
accordingly, be but twenty-three years. It is possible, however, 
as has been suggested by several scholars, that Mesha uses the 
word son to denote descendant, and that he refers to the war with 
Israel in the reign of Jehoram, son of Ahab, described in 2 Kings 
3 : 6-27. Another suggestion, which seems more probable, is that 
the recapture of Medeba, mentioned near the beginning of Mesha's 
inscription, occurred about the middle of the reign of Ahab, while 
the capture of Ataroth may have belonged to the period of Jehoram, 
the whole time from Omri to Jehoram being forty years. Some 
scholars have supposed that the Biblical chronology is in error and 
that Omri and Ahab together ruled some fifty years. This sup- 
position can hardly be correct, since the general accuracy of the 
chronology of this part of Kings is confirmed by the Assyrian in- 

Mesha's inscription mentions a number of places which the Bible 
also names, the Anion (Num. 21 : 13, etc.; Deut. 2 : 24; 3 : 16, etc.), 
Aroer (Josh. 13:16), Ataroth (Num. 32:34), Baal-meon or Beth-baal- 
meon (Josh. 13 : 17; Num. 32 : 38), Beth-bamothi (Josh. 13 : 17), 
Beth-diblathaim (Jer. 48 : 22), Bezer (Josh. 20 : 8), Dibon (Num. 
32 : 34; Josh. 13 : 17; Isa. 15 : 2), Horonaim (Isa. 15 : 5), Jahaz 
(Josh. 13 : 18; Isa. 15 : 4), Kerioth (Jer. 48 : 24), Kirathaim (Josh. 
13 : 19; Jer. 48 : 23), Medeba (Josh. 13 : 16; Isa. 15 : 2), and Nebo 
(Num. 32 : 38; Deut. 34 : 1; Isa. 15 : 2). 

8. Adadnirari IV. 

Adadnirari IV of Assyria (810-782 b. c.) has left an inscription 
which mentions Svria and Palestine. It reads as follows:^ 

' In Joshua the name appears as Bamoth-baal. 

2 Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western-Asia, Vol. I, p. 35, No. 1. 
Cf. also Rogers, Cuneiform-Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 305, ff., and the references there given 
to- other translations. 


Palace of Adadnirari, the great king, the mighty king, the king of the world, 
the king of Assyria, who conquered from the Euphrates, the Hittite country, the 
Amorite land in its entirety; Tyre, Sidon, the land of Omri, Edom, Palastu, to the 
coast "oi the great sea, where the run sets, cast themselves at my feet; I imposed 
tribute and imposts ui)on them. To the land of Damascus I marched. Mari, 
King of Damascus, in Damascus his royal city I besieged. The fear of the luster 
of Asluir my lord overwhelmed him and he seized my feet and became subject. 
2,.?(>J talents t)f silver, 20 talents of gold, 3,000 talents of copper, 5,000 talents of 
iron, variegated garments, linen (?), an ivory bed, an ivory couch (?) with inlaid 
border, his goods without measure I received in the palace in his royal city 

"The land of Omri" was the kingdom of Israel. Omri had made 
such an impression on the East that the Assyrians still so called it. 
"Palastu" is Philistia. Edom is here mentioned for the first time 
as payinj]; tribute to an Assyrian king, but Judah is not mentioned; 
she was still free. Adadnirari was a contemporary of Jehoahaz and 
Jehoash of Israel, and of Joash and Amaziah of Judah. 

9. Tiglathpileser IV. 

Tiglathpileser IV, one of the greatest of Assyria's kings, made 
several campaigns into the west and had a profound influence upon 
the fortunes of the Hebrew people. Unfortunately, his inscriptions 
have been greatly mutilated. Esarhaddon, a later king, determined 
to remodel Tiglathpileser's palace for his own use. Apparently he 
intended to erase Tiglathpileser's inscriptions from the wall-tablets 
which adorned the palace, in order to inscribe these tablets with his 
own. Esarhaddon died before the work had progressed very far, 
so that the inscriptions were not entirely ruined. The beginnings 
and ends of many lines are, however, entirely destroyed, and at some 
points deplorable gaps exist in the body of an inscription. Much 
that is of interest to the Biblical student can still be made out, as 
the following translation will show:^ 


2. [In] the progress of my expedition the tribute of ki[ngs] 

3 Azariah, the Yaudffian, like 

4 Azariah of Yaudi in 

5 without number exalted to heaven 

6 in the eyes, when that which from heaven 

7 by the onset of infantry 

8. [the advance] of my powerful [troops] they heard and [their hearts] 


9 1 destroyed, devastated, burned with lire 

10 who had joined with Azariah and had strengthened him. 

' Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 9, No. 2, with a 
comparison of Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglalhpilesers III. 


11 like vines 

23 Azariali, the Yauda:an my royal palace 

24 tribute like the [Assyrian I laid upon them.] 

30 the city Bumame,' 19 districts 

31. of the city of Hamath, together with the cities of their envarons on the 

shore of the western sea, which sinfully and wrongfully they had seized 
for ^Vzariah, 

32. unto the territory of Assyria I added. I set my oflicers over them as 

governors. 30,000 men [I carried away captive] 

33 from their cities, in the city of Ku I settled them. 1,223 

people I settled in the province of Ullubu. 

50 Tribute of Kushtashpi, the Kummtikhite, Rezin, the Damascene, 

Menahem, the Samaritan, 

51. Hiram, the Tyrian, Sibitti-baal, the Gebalite, Urikke, the Queite, Pisiris 

of Carchemish, Eniel 

52. the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the Gamgumalite, 

Sulumal, the Melidite, Dadilu, 

53. the Kaskite, Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Ushkitti, the Tunite, Urballa, the 

Tuhanite, Tuhammi, the Ishtundite, 

54. Urimme, the Hushimnite, Zabibe, Queen of Arabia, gold, silver, lead, iron, 

elephant-hide, ivorj% 

55. variegated garments, linen cloths, purple and red wool, ushu-wood, 

jikarinu-wood, costly things, a royal treasure, fat sheep whose wool 

56. was dyed red, winged birds of heaven whose wings were dyed purple, 

horses, mules, oxen and sheep, camels, 

57. she-camels, together with their foals, I received. 

This account relates to tlie campaign of 738 b. c. Tlie Azariah 
referred to Jias been thought to be King Uzziah of Judah, who is 
called Azariah in 2 Kings 14 : 21 and 15 : 1-27. It is probable 
that he was an Azariah of Yadi, of northern Syria, mentioned in 
an inscription of Panammu, to whom Tiglathpileser refers above, 
since the kings mentioned with him ruled in the north. Mana- 
hem of Israel (2 Kings 15 : 14^23) yielded to Tiglathpileser, as did 
Rezin, of Damascus (2 Kings 15 : 37 and 16 : 5-9), but for some 
reason Azariah and Judah escaped. 

This inscription, fragmentary though it is, tells us that Tiglath- 
pileser now practised upon others the system of deportation from 
which Israel herself afterward suffered. He forcibly removed 
thousands from their homes to distant parts of the empire. This 
was an administrative measure, to prevent future rebellion. Per- 
sons who had been influential at home among their own people 
would be powerless to foment trouble in the midst of strange sur- 
roundings and neighbors of an unfriendly race. 

•Translated from Rawlinson, ibid., No. 3. 


The following relates to the campaign of 733-732:^ 

1 his warriors I captured I overthrew with 

my weapons. 
2 before him. 

3. the charioteers and their weapons I broke. 

4. the[ir chariots andj horses 1 seized his bowmen 

5 who carried shields and spears my hands overthrew, their 


6 to save his life he fled alone and 

7 like a mouse (?) entered the gate of his city. His captains 

8. [my hands captured and on] stakes I hung them and exhibited them to his 
land. 45 people (?) from his camp 

9 1 brought together before his city, and I shut kim in like a bird in a 

cage. His parks 

10 his orchards, which were without number, I cut down and did not 

leave one. 

11 Hadara, the home of the father of Rezin of Damascus, 

12. [the place where] he was born, I besieged, I captured. 800 people, to- 
gether with their {possessions, 

13 their cattle, and sheep I took as spoil. 750 prisoners of the city 

14 prisoners of the city Irma, 550 prisoners of the city Mituna, I cap- 
tured. 591 cities 

15 of 16 districts of Damascus like a deluge heap I destroyed. 

19 Hanno of Gaza^ 

20. fled before my weapons and escaped to Egypt. The city, Gaza, 

21. [I captured. His goods], his possessions, his gods [I took as spoil] . 

my royal image 
22 in the palace of [Hanno I set up]. 

27. The country of the house of Omri all its people, 

28. [and their possessions] I carried away unto Assyria. Pekah, their king, 

they had overthrown. Hoshea 

29. [as king] over them I placed. 10 talents of gold. talents of silver I 

received as tribute from them. 

57. Tribute' of Kushtashpi, the Kummuchite, Urikki, the Queite, Sibittibaal, 

the Gebalite, Pisiris, the Carchemishite,] 

58. Eni-el, the Hamathite, Panammu, the Samalite, Tarhulara, the Gurgum- 

ite, Sulu[mal, the Melidite, Dadilu, the Kaskite], 

59. Ussurmi, the Tabalite, Urassurmc, the Tabalitc, Ushhitti, the Tunite, 

Urballa, the Turhanite, Tuhamm[e, the Ishtundite, Urimme, the 

60. Matanbaal, the Arvadite, Sanipu, the Beth-Ammonite, Salamanu, the 


61. Mitinti, the Askelonite, Jehoahaz [Ahaz], the Judsan, Kaushmalaka, 

the Edomitc, Mus 

' Translated from Layard, Inscriptions in lite Cuneiform Character, with a comparison of Rest, 
op. cil. 

' From Rawlinson, op. cit., in. No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, op. cit. 
'From Rawlinson, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 67 


62. Hanno, the Gazaite, gold, silver, lead, iron, tin, variegated garments, 

linen, red cloths of their lands, 

63. every costly thing, products of sea and dry land produced by their coun- 

tries, royal treasures, horses, mules, harnesses [I received.] 

The record of this campaign, fragmentary as it is, shows how com- 
pletely Tiglathpileser conquered the west. He accomplished the 
overthrow of Damascus, which his predecessors had been trying in 
vain to do for more than a hundred years. His invasion of northern 
Israel led to the overthrow of Pekah, and the deportation as cap- 
tives to other parts of the empire of numerous Israelites. This 
confirms 2 Kings 15 : 29, 30. It was this conquest of Damascus 
and Israel that fulfilled Isaiah's prophecy given in 735 b. c. (Isa. 
7 : 16). It was while Tiglathpileser was at Damascus, receiving 
the tribute, that Ahaz, whose full name was Jehoahaz, went to 
Damascus to carry his tribute, — an act which prevented the in- 
vasion of Judah by Assyria at this time. While Ahaz was in 
Damascus, he saw the altar of which a copy was made for the temple 
in Jerusalem (2 Kings 16 : 10, ft'.). The list of kings from whom 
Tiglathpileser received tribute contains many Biblical names. Not 
only Israel and Judah, but the Philistine cities, Edom, Moab, 
Ammon, Damascus, Hamath, the Phoenician cities of Gebal and 
Arvad, Samal in the extreme north of Syria, Que in Cilicia, and 
Carchemish on the Euphrates, were all drawn into his net. 

10. Sargon, 722-705 B. C. 

Tiglathpileser IV was succeeded by Shalmaneser V, who ruled, as 
the eponym canon shows, from 727 to 722 b. c. On account of a 
rebellion of Hoshea, King of Israel, Shalmaneser overran his king- 
dom and besieged Samaria for three years, as recorded in 2 Kings 
17 : 3-5. Before the city fell, however, Shalmaneser had passed 
away and Sargon, the founder of a new dynasty, was on the throne 
of Assyria. In Sargon's first year Samaria fell into the hands of the 
Assyrian army; Sargon counted this as his own victory and tells of 
it in the following words :^ 

At the beginning of my reign, in my first year Samaria I besieged, I 

captured. 27,290 people from its midst I carried captive. 50 chariots I took 

there as an addition to my royal force I returned and made more than 

formerly to dwell. People from lands which my hands had captured I settled 
in the midst. My officers over them as governors I appointed. Tribute and 
taxes I imposed upon them after the Assyrian manner. 

' From Winckler's Keilschrifltexle Sargons, p. 1, line 10, f. 


In another inscription the following summary account occurs:^ 

From the beginning of my reign to my 15th year, the defeat of Humbanigash, 
the Islamite, in the environs of Durilu I accomjjlished. Samaria I besieged, I 
captured; I carried captive 27,290 people who dwelt in it; 50 chariots I took from 
them, and permitted the rest to keep their possessions (?), and placed my gover- 
nor over them and imposed on them the tribute of the former king. 

These statements confirm 2 Kings 17:6 and 24, fT. In one re- 
spect they throw an interesting light upon the captivity of Israel. 
Only 27,290 people were transported at this time. True, Tiglath- 
pileser IV had previously transported the inhabitants of several 
towns of Galilee. (See 2 Kings 15 : 29, and his inscriptions trans- 
lated above.) When we put together all those who were deported, 
however, they were but a fraction of the population. As Sargon 
distinctly says, the others remained there. They intermarried with 
the settlers whom he brought in and became the ancestors of the 
sect of Samaritans. The "ten lost tribes" were not "lost," as is 
often popularly supposed to have been the case. 

The first of the inscriptions quoted above contains also the fol- 
lowing passage :2 

In the second year of my reign Tlubidi, the Hamathite collected his 

numerous troops at Qarqar. The oath [of Ashur he despised]. Arpad, Simirra, 

Damascus, Samaria, he made rebellious against me Sib'u, 

his Tartan, he summoned to his aid, and to give fight and battle came into my 
presence. In the name of Ashur, my lord, I accomplished his defeat. Sib'u fled 
like a shepherd whose sheep are stolen and escaped. Hanno I caught in my 
hand and took him bound unto my city Ashur. The city Raphia I devastated, 
destroyed, burned with fire. I took captive 9,033 people, together with their 
numerous possessions. 

The Sib'u of this inscription is probably the same as So, King of 

Eg\'pt, in 2 Kings 17:4. He cannot be identified with any known 

Egyptian king. He was probably a prince of a nome of the Delta. 

The above is Sargon's description of the battle of Raphia, which 

occurred in the year 720 b. c. This campaign was an aftermath of 

the fall of Samaria. 

717 B.C. 

(Sargon),'' the exalted prince, who came upon Ilummanigash, the King of 
Elam, in the environs oi Durilu and accomplished his overthrow, who reduced 

' Translated from Wincklcr. op. cil.. p. 30, No. 64, 23, f. 
* Ihid., pp. 1, 2. licKinning at p. 1, No. 2, line 10. 
»/W</., p. 48, lines, fl. 


to submission Yaudi, the place of which was distant, who destroyed Hamath, 
whose hands captured Yaubidi. 

This Yaudi has been taken by some scholars for Judah, but it 
was probably the kingdom in northern Syria mentioned by Tig- 
lathpileser IV and in the inscription of Panammu, of Samal, the 
modern Zendjirli. We know of no Assvrian invasion of Judah at 
this time. 

The tribute of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, of Samsi, the Queen of Arabia, Ith- 

amara, the Sabtean, gold, the of the mountain, horses, and camels, I 

received ' 

Yaubidi, the Hamathite, a soldier (?), with no right to the throne, a bad Hit- 
tite, had set his heart on the kingdom of Hamath; he caused Arpad, Simirra, 
Damascus, and Samaria to rebel against me, made them of one intent and col- 
lected for battle. The whole army of Ashur I mustered and in Qarqar, his favor- 
ite city, I besieged him together with his soldiers. I captured Qarqar, I burned 
it with fire. His skin I flayed and the partakers of his sin I killed in their cities; 
I established peace. 200 chariots and 200 horsemen I collected from the people 
of Hamath, and added to my royal force. 

This passage records the overthrow of Hamath and Arpad (Isa. 
10 : 9), and mentions the tribute of a king of Sheba, the account of 
the coming of whose queen to Solomon is found m 1 Kings 10 : 1, ff. 

711 B. C. 

Azuri, King of Ashdod, planned in his heart not to pay tribute, and among 

the kings of his neighborhood disseminated hatred of Assyria. On account of 
the evil he had done I cut off his lordship over the people of his land. I ap- 
pointed Ahimiti, his younger (?) brother to the kingship over them. But the 
Hittites, planning c\il, hated him and exalted over them Yamani, who had no 
claim to the throne, and who, like them, knew no fear of authority. In the anger 
of my heart the mass of my army I did not muster, I did not assernble my camp. 
With my usual bodyguard I marched against Ashdod. Yamani heard of the 
progress of my expedition from afar and fled to the borders of Egypt, which lies 
by the side of Melucha, and was seen no more. Ashdod, Gath, Ashdudimmu, 
I besieged, I conquered. I took as spoil his gods, his wife, his sons, his daughters, 
his possessions, the treasures of his palace, together with the people of his land. 
I seized those cities anew, and settled in them peoples of lands I had captured 

from among [the lands] of the east With the people of Assyria I 

numbered them, and they bore my yoke. The king of Melucha, who among 

an inaccessible place, a road whose fathers from ancient days as 

far back as the moon-god, his father, had sent no messengers to my fathers to 
pay their respects, heard from afar of the might of Ashur, Nabu, and Marduk; 
the fear of the luster of my royalty covered him and fright was poured over him. 
He cast him [Yamani] into bonds, fetters of iron, and brought him before me 
into Assyria, — a long journey .- 

■ From Wincklcr, op. cit.. p. 31, lines 27, ff. and ii. 2. ' Ibid., p. 33, line 90, ff. 


Another fragmentary account runs thus:^ 

In the 9th [error for 11th] year of my reign I marched to the coast 

of the prcat sea Azuri, King of Ashdod, Ahimiti his 

younger (,?) brother I exalted over them tribute and taxes 

of my lordship like those of kings, 1 imposed upon them The 

evil in in order not to pay tribute their princes 

they drove him away Yamani, a soldier, they appointed to kingship 

over them. Their city in its environs a moat cubits in 

depth they dug, they reached the water-level To [punish] Philistia, 

Juduh, Edom, Moal), who inhabit the sea-coast, payers of tribute, and taxes to 
Ashur, my lord. Planning rebellion and untold evil against me, they bore their 
pledges to Pharaoh, King of I^gyi)t, aprincc who could not helj) them, and sought 
his aid. I, Sargon, the faithful prince, who honors the oath of Nabu and 
RIarduk, who guards the name of Ashur, caused my trusty troops to cross the 
Tigris and Euphrates at high water. As for him, Yamani, their king, who had 
trusted to his own power, and had not submitted to my lordship, he heard of the 

advance of my army. The fear of Ashur, my lord, cast him down, and to 

which is on the bank of the river waters his land far away 

he fled Ashdod 

The two passages just translated are Sargon's accounts of the 
events alluded to in Isa. 20 : 1 . These events were the occasion 
of the prophecy there recorded. Until the discovery of the palace 
of Sargon by Botta in 1845, this passage in Isaiah, was the only 
place in extant literature where the name of Sargon had been pre- 

In the last of the passages just quoted, Sargon speaks as though 
he had also punished Judah on this expedition. There is no direct 
allusion to this in the Bible unless it be the vivid. description in Isa. 
10 : 28-32, where an approach of an Assyrian army to Jerusalem 
from the north is described. It is difficult to date those verses 
unless they also refer to this expedition of 711 b. c. 

11. Sennacherib, 705-681 B. C. 

Campaign of 701^ 

In my third expedition I went to the land of the Hittites. The fear of my 
lordship overthrew Lull, King of Sidon, and he fled to a distance in the midst of 
the sea. His land I subdued. Great Sidon, little Sidon, Beth-zet, Zareptah, 
Mahalliba, Ushu, Achzib, Accho, his strongholds, his fortresses, the places of his 
food and drink, the forts in which he trusted, the might of the weapons of Ashur, 
my lord, overthrew them and they submitted to my feet. I caused Tubal to sit 
ori the royal throne over them, and imposed upon him the yearly payment of 
tribute as the tax of my lordship. IMinhimmu, the Shamsimurunian, Tubalu, 
the Sidonian, .'\bdiliti, the .'Xrvaditc, Urumilko, the Gcbalitc, Mitinti, the Ashdod- 
ite, Puduilu, the licth-.Vmmonite, Kammusunadbi, the Moabite, Milkirammu, 

• From Wincklcr's work previously cited, p. 44. 

» From Abel und Wincklcr's Keilschrifllcxic, p. 18, col. ii, 34, ff. 


the Edomite, kings of the W'estland, all of them, an extensive district, brought 
their heavy tribute together with their possessions into my presence and kissed 
my feet. 

And Sidqa, the King of Askelon, who had not submitted to my yoke, the gods 
of the house of his father, himself, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his brothers, 
the seed of the house of his father 1 took away and brought him to Assyria. 
Sharruludari, the son of Rukibli, their former king, I jilaced over the people of 
Askelon, and imposed upon hun the payment of tribute as an aid to my rule, 
and he bore my yoke. In the progress of my expedition Beth-Dagon, Joppa, 
Banabarka, Azuru, the cities of Sidcja, who had not with alacritj' submitted to 
my feet, I besieged, I captured, I took their spoil. The governor.s, princes, and 
people of Ekron, who had cast into fetters of iron Padi, their king, my allj', bound 
by Ashur's oath, and had delivered him to Hezekiah, the Jud;ean, who as an 
enemy imprisoned him, — their hearts feared. The kings of Egj'pt, the soldiers, 
bows, chariots, and horses of the king of Aleluhu, an unnumbered force, they 
summoned, and they came to their aid. In the environs of Elteke the battle 
array was drawn up before me; they asked for their weapons. In the might of 
Ashur, my lord, I fought with them and accomplished their defeat. IMy hands 
took alive in the midst of the battle the commander of the chariots and the sons 
of the Egyptian king, together with the commander of the chariots of the king of 
M*eluhu. Elteke [and) Timnath I besieged, captured and took their spoil. I 
approached Ekron. The governors and princes who had committed sin I killed 
and on stakes round about the city I hung their bodies. The citizens who had 
committed wickedness and rebellion I counted as spoil. I declared the right- 
eousness of the rest of them, who had committed no sin and rebellion and in 
whom was no wickedness. I brought Padi, their king, out of the midst of Jeru- 
salem, and on the throne of dominion over them I placed, and imposed the trib- 
ute of my over-lordship upon him. 

And as to Hezekiah, the Judsan, who had not submitted to my yoke, 46 of his 
strongholds, fortified cities, and smaller cities of their environs without number, 
with the onset of battering ram.s and the attack of engines, mines, breaches, and 
axes C?), I besieged, 1 captured. 200,150 people, small and great, male and 
female, horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen, arid sheep without number I brought 
out of their midst and counted as booty. He him.sclf I shut up like a caged bird 
in Jerusalem, his capital city; I erected beleaguering works against him, and 
turned back by command every one who came out of his city gate. The cities, 
which I had captured, from his countrv^ I cut off and gave them to Mitinti, King 
of Ashdod, Padi, King of Ekron, and Sillibaal, King of Gaza, and diminished his 
land. In addition to the former tribute, their yearly tax, I added a tax as the 
impost of my over-lordship and laid it upon them. As to Hezekiah himself, the 
fear of the luster of my lordship overcame him and the Urbi and his favorite 
soldiers, whom he had brought in to strengthen Jerusalem, his capital city, 
deserted. With 30 talents of gold, 800 talents of silver, precious stones, rouge, 
dakkasi. lapis lazuli, great angugmi-stones, beds of ivory, stationary ivory thrones, 
elephants' hide, ivory, ushu-wood, ukarhinii-wood, all sorts of objects, a heavy 
treasure; also his daughters, the women of his palace, male and female musicians 
he sent after me to Nineveh, my capital city, and sent his messenger to present 
the gift and to do homage. 

Inscription under Lachish-picture, 701 B. C. 

Sennacherib, king of the world. King of Assyria, sat on his throne, and the 
spoil of the city of Lachish passed before him;^ (see Fig. 298). 

iFrom Winckler's Keilschri/ltextbuch, 1892, p. 36. 


Expedition against Merodachbaladan, 703 B. C. 

In my first cxjicdilion I accomplished the defeat of Merodachbaladan, King 
of Babylon, together with the forces of Elam, his ally, in the environs of the city 
of Kish. In the midst of that batf Ic he left his camp and fled alone; he saved his 
life. The chariots, horses, wagons, and mules, which at the onset of battle he 
had left, my hands captured. I entered joyfully into his palace which was in 
Babylon. I opened his treasure-house; gold, silver, gold and silver utensils, 
prci ious stones of all kinds, his untold treasured possessions, a great booty; the 
women of his palace, princes, his body-guards, male and female musicians, 
the rest of his troops as many as there were, and the servants of his palace I 
brought out and counted as spoil. ^ 

Campaign against Arabia (between 688 and 682) 

Tclhunu, the Queen of Arabia, in the midst of the desert — from her I took. . . 
camels. The [luster of] my [lordshij)] overthrew her and Hazael. They left 

their tents and fled to Aciummatu, which is situated in the desert, a thirsty 

place, where there is neither food nor drink.^ 

The material contained in the first two passages just quoted from 
Sennacherib is parallel in a general way to 2 Kings 18, 19 and Isa. 
36, 37. All Biblical students recognize that these two chapters in 
Isaiah arc practically identical with the two in Kings. In discussing 
the parallelism, therefore, we shall refer to 2 Kings 18, 19 only. 
With reference to the bearing of this Assyrian material upon the 
Biblical narrative there are three different views which have been 
entertained by three groups of scholars. 

1 . One view, which was first expressed by the late Prof. Schrader,^ 
of Berlin, is that the inscription of Sennacherib, while differing from 
the Biblical.account in some particulars, really confirms it at nearly 
every point. Sennacherib, though he claims to have diminisheH 
Hezekiah's territory, and to have received from him a heavy tribute, 
does not claim to have taken. Jerusalem. According to 2 Kings 
18 : 14, flf., Hezekiah submitted to Sennacherib, sending his mes- 
senger to Lachish for the purpose, and paid him a heavy tribute; 
according to 2 Kings 19 : 35, ff., a great disaster so weakened Sen- 
nacherib's army that he was obliged to withdraw. Schrader called 
attention to the close correspondence between 2 Kings 18 : 14 and 
Sennacherib. Both state that Hezekiah paid 30 talents of gold, 
though they differ as to the amount of silver. Kings making it 300 
talents, while. Sennacherib makes it 800. It was supposed that the 
numl)ers in the case of the silver were really equivalent to one an- 
other, the present divergence being due to textual corruption. 

' From Alicl und Wincklcr's Kcilsclirifl/exte. p. 17, line 9. ff. 

' From Vordcrasialisrhc Schriftdcnkmiikr ilrr kimii;tichen Muscat zit Berlin, I, 75. 

' Keilimchri/len und das Alte Testament, 1872, 168, ff. 


Assyrian kings never record their failures, but Sennacherib's ad- 
mission that he did not take the city was held to be confirmation of 
2 Kings 19 : 35, ff., which describes a great destruction of the 
Assyrian army and a signal deliverance of Jerusalem. 

2. A second view, of which Prof. Meinhold,^ of Bonn, may be 
taken as the chief exponent, starts from the fact that there seem 
to be two accounts in 2 Kings 18 and 19. In 18 : 13-16 there is a 
statement of how Hezekiah sent to Sennacherib, while Sennacherib 
was besieging Lachish, and admitted that he had done wrong and 
promised to bear whatever Sennacherib might choose to put upon 
him. Sennacherib thereupon imposed a heavy tribute upon him, 
which he paid. The whole transaction seems to be concluded, when 
at V. 17 the Tartan, or Rabsaris (Rabshakeh), appears upon the 
scene and taunts Hezekiah for his obstinacy and he submits again. 
Possibly this might be considered the details of the transaction that 
was described in mere outline in 18 : 13-16. When, however, it 
has all been described again, and the Rabshakeh has returned to 
Sennacherib at Lachish, Sennacherib again sends messengers 
(chapter 19 : 9), again demanding a surrender. These messengers 
are said to have been sent when Sennacherib heard that Tirhakah, 
King of Ethiopia, was marching against him. This narrative goes 
on to tell how Hezekiah, acting under the advice of Isaiah, delayed 
his surrender, and how the camp of the Assyrians was decimated by 
the angel of the Lord, and Jerusalem escaped. 

Meinhold and his followers hold that there are here two incon- 
sistent accounts. According to the first, Hezekiah surrendered; 
according to the second, he did not. According to the first, Heze- 
kiah paid tribute; according to the second, Sennacherib's army was 
destroyed. The first of these accounts is confirmed by Sennach- 
erib's inscription; the second is, so Meinhold holds, shown by it to 
be unhistorical: first, by the fact that Sennacherib gives no hint that 
his army was harmed, and, secondly, by the mention of Tirhakah, 
who did not come to the throne until 688 b. c, and could not, 
therefore, have been a factor in the war of 701 b. c. 

A third view was suggested by Winckler- and is held by Prasek,^ 
FuUerton,'* and Rogers.^ According to this view, Sennacherib 

* Meinhold, Die Je^aiaerzdhlungen, Jes. 36-39, 1898. 
'Winckier. Altteslamentlkhe U titer suchungen, 1892, pp. 27-50. 
' PraJck, Sanherihs FeldziiRe gegen Juda, 1903. 
< In Bibliotheca Sacra, LXin(1906), 577-634. 
^Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, 1912, 332-340. 


made two expeditions against Jerusalem, and 2 Kings 18 : 13 — 19 : 8 
is an account of the iirst of these (the expedition of 701), while 2 
Kings 19 : 9-36 is the account of the second, — an expedition which 
did not occur until after the accession of Tirhakah, eight or ten 
years later. The inscription of Sennacherib, already quoted, 
refers to the first of these expeditions only. We have no inscrip- 
tion of Sennacherib referring to the later disastrous campaign, but 
that is not surprising, for unless the account of his expedition against 
the queen of Arabia, already quoted above, belongs to this period, 
we have no inscriptions referring to the last eight years of his reign. 
It is thought by the scholars who believe that there were two expe- 
ditions, that Sennacherib would approach the queen of Arabia only 
from the west, so that that inscription is regarded as an incidental 
confirmation of this view. Of course, an Assyrian king would not 
record a disaster. 

The account in 2 Kings 19 : 9-36 receives confirmation from an 
interesting passage in Herodotus, the Greek "father of history." 
He says (Book II, 141) : 

And after this the next king [of Egypt] was a priest of Hephaistos, called 
Scthos. He held the warrior class of the Egyptians in contempt as though he 
had no need of them. He did them- dishonor and deprived them of the arable 
lands which had been granted them by previous kings, twelve acres to each 
soldier. And afterward Sennacherib, King of the Arabians and Assyrians, 
marched a great army into Egypt. Then the soldiers of Egj'pt would not help 
him; whereupon the priest went into the inner sanctuary to the image of the god 
and bewailed the things which he was in danger of sulTcring. As he wept he fell 
asleep, and there appeared to him in a vision the god standing over him to en- 
courage him, saying that, when he went forth to meet the Arabian army he 
woulcl suffer no harm, for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting to this 
dream he collected those Egyptians who were willing to follow him and marched 
to Pelusium, where the entrance to his country was. None of the warriors fol- 
lowed him, but traders, artisans, and market men. There, as the two armies lay 
opposite to each other, there came in the night a multitude of field mice, which ate 
up all the quivers and bowstrings of the enemy, and the thongs of their shields. 
In consequence, on the next day they fled, and, being deprived of their arms, 
many of them fell. And there stands now in the temple of Hejihaistos a stone 
statue of this king holding a mouse in his hand, bearing an inscription which 
says: "Let any who look on me reverence the gods." 

George Adam Smith' pointed out several years ago that, when this 
passage is compared with 2 Kings 19 : 36, it points clearly to the 
conclusion that Sennacherib's army was attacked by bubonic plague. 
In modern times this plague first attacks rats and mice, which in 

' nislorical Geography of the Uoly Land, 158, ff. 


their suffering swarm the dwellings of men and spread the disease. 
The Hebrews regarded the attack of such a plague as a smiting by 
the angel of God. This is shown by 2 Sam. 24 : 16, 17; Acts 12 : 23; 
2 Kings 19 : 36. Such a pestilence would render the Assyrian army 
helpless, and would be regarded by the Hebrews as a divine inter- 
vention on their behalf. As it is supported by both the book of 
Kmgs and Herodotus, it probably affords us a clue to what really 
happened to Sennacherib's army. 

We hold, then, that the last of the three views concerning the 
campaigns of Sennacherib to Palestine is probably correct. 

The Elteke mentioned in the inscription of Sennacherib is the 
city referred to in Josh. 19 : 44 and 21 : 23. The Merodachbaladan 
referred to is mentioned in Isa. 39 : 1, where it is said that he sent 
to congratulate Hezekiah upon his recovery from sickness. It is 
clear from what the Assyrian accounts tell us that his real motive in 
sending to Hezekiah was to induce him to rebel against Assyria. 

12. The Siloam Inscription. 

The following inscription was discovered in 1880 on the right wall 
of the tunnel which connects the Virgin's Well (Ain Sitti Maryam) 
at Jerusalem with the Pool of Siloam (Birket Silwan). 

The boring through [is completed). And this is the story of the boring through : 
while yet [they plied] the drill, each toward his fellow, and while yet there were 
three cubits to be bored through, there was heard the voice of one calling unto 
another, for there was a crevice in the rock on the right hand. And on the day 
of the boring through the stone-cutters struck, each to meet his fellow, drill upon 
drill; and the waters flowed from the source to the pool for a thousand and two 
hundred cubits, and a hundred cubits was the height of the rock above the heads 
of the stone-cutters;^ (see Fig. 297). 

This inscription, though not dated, is believed to come from the 
time of Hezekiah. Hezekiah is said in 2 Kings 20 : 20 to have built 
a conduit and to have brought the water into the city. This in- 
scription was found in a remarkable conduit which still runs under 
the hill at Jerusalem, cut through the solid rock. It is about 1,700 
feet long. It was cleared of silt by the Parker expedition of 1909- 
1911, and the tunnel is about 6 feet in height throughout its entire 
length. When it was cut the wall of Jerusalem crossed the Tyro- 
pceon Valley just below it, so that, while the Virgin's Spring (the 
Biblical Gihon) lay outside the walls, this aqueduct brought the 
water to a pool within the walls, so that the inhabitants of the city 

1 Translated from a facsimile in the Kautzsch-Gcsenius, Uebraische Grammaiik, 1902. 


could, in case of siege, fill their water-jars without exposing them- 
selves to the enemy. 

The inscriiition is now in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at 

13. Esarhaddon, 681-668 B. C. 

I overthrew the kings of the Ilittite country and those beyond the sea; Baal, 
King of Tyre, Manassah, King of Judah, Kaushgabri, King of Edom, JNIusuri, 
King of Moab, Silbaal, King of Gaza, Milinti, King of Askelon, Ikausu, King 
of Ekron, Milkiashapa, King of Gcbal, Matanbaal, King of Arvad, Abibaal, 
King of Shamsimuruna, Puducl, King of Beth-Ammon, Ahi-milku, King of Ash- 
dod, 12 kings of the sea-coast; Ekishtura, King of Idalion, Pilagura, King of Kiti, 
Kisu, King of Sillua, Ituandcr, King of Paphos, P^risu, King of Sillu, Damasu, 
King of Kuri, Atmizu, King of Tamesu, Damusi, King of Kartihadasti, Unasa- 
gusu, King of Lidir, Bususu, King of Nurenu; 10 kings of Cyprus in the midst of 
the sea — altogether 22 kings of the Hittite land, of the sea-coast and the midst 
of the sea — I sent to them and great cedar beams, etc [they sent].^ 

Esarhaddon, the author of the inscription from which this ex- 
tract is taken, is mentioned in 2 Kings 19 : 37 and Isa. 37 : 38 as 
Sennacherib's successor, a statement which the inscriptions abun- 
dantly confirm. The above quotation from his inscription shows 
that Manasseh, King of Judah, 2 Kings 20 : 21 and chapter 21, was 
a vassal of Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon is also alluded to in Ezra 4 : 2. 

14. Ashurbanipal of Assyria, 668-626 B. C. 

In my third campaign I marched against Baal, King of Tyre, who dwelt in the 
midst of the sea. Because he had not kept the word of my lordship nor heeded 
the utterance of my lips, I erected against him siege-works and cut off his exit 
both by land and sea; their lives I made narrow and straitened; I caused them to 
submit to my yoke. They brought the daughters that came forth from his 
loins and the daughters of his brothers into my presence to become concubines. 
Yahimilki, his son, who had never crossed the sea, they brought at the same 
time to do me service. His daughter and the daughters of his brothers with an 
abundant dowry I received from him. I granted him favor and returned to him 
the son that came forth from his loins.^ 

Yakinlu, King of Avrad, who dwells in the midst of the sea, who had not sub- 
mitted to the kings, my fathers, I brought under my yoke. He brought his 
daughter to Nineveh with an abundant dowry and kissed my feet 

On my return I captured Ushu, which is situated on the coast of the sea. 
The inhabitants of Ushu, who had not been obedient to their governors, who had 
not paid their tribute, I killed as the tribute of their land. Among the rebellious 
peoples I set my staff. Their gods and their peojiles I carried as booty to Assj'^- 
ria. The people of Accho who had not submitted I subdued. I hung their 
bodies on stakes around the city. The rest I took to Assyria; I preserved them 
and added them to the numerous army which Ashur had given unto me.' 

' Tr.inslatcd from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. Ill, p. 16, col. v, 
line 12. fT. 

»/AiV/., Vol. V. 2,49, f. 
*Ibid.. 9. 115, f. 


These extracts from the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal show that 
during the reign of Manasseh he was active in reducing the rebel- 
lions of Phoenician cities, some of which, as Tyre and Accho, were 
at the doors of Palestine. No doubt Manasseh continued to pay 
him tribute and so was not molested. The name of Ashurbanipal 
is preserved in Ezra 4 : 10 in the corrupt form of Osnappar. 

15. Necho of Egypt, 609-593 B. C. 

Year 16, fourth month of the first season, day 16, under the majesty of Horus: 
Wise-hearted; king of Ujiper and Lower Egypt; Favorite of the two goddesses: 
Triumphant; Ciolden Horus: Bcloved-of-the-Gods; Uhemibre; Son of Ra, of his 
body, his beloved: Necho, living forever, beloved of Apis, son of Osiris.' 

(An account of the interment of an Apis bull then follows.) 

The above is the beginning of an inscription of Pharaoh Necho, 
whose defeat of King Josiah, of Judah, is recorded in 2 Kings 23 : 
29, f. He became over-lord of Judah for four years and placed 
Jehoiakim on the Judaean throne (2 Kmgs 23 : 34) . Necho was 
himself defeated at Carchemish on the Euphrates by Nebuchad- 
rezzar, of Babylon, in 604 b. c, and as he retreated to Egypt 
Nebuchadrezzar pursued him through Palestine. The book of 
Jeremiah speaks of this defeat and vividly describes the pursuit 
which followed. (Cf. Jer. 46 : 2, f.) 

16. Nebuchadrezzar II, 604-562 B. C. 

Many inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar are known, but most of 
them relate to buildings. The following extracts are those which 
best illustrate the Bible. 

In exalted trust in him (Marduk) distant countries, remote mountains from 
the upper sea (Mediterranean) to the lower sea (Persian Gulf), steep paths, 
blockaded roads, w-here the step is impeded, [where] was no footing, difiicult 
roads, desert paths, I traversed, and the disobedient I destroyed; I captured the 
enemies, established Justice in the lands; the people I exalted; the bad and evil 
I separated from the people.- 

Reference to the Lebanon 

From the upper sea to the lower sea, [which] Marduk, my lord, had 

entrusted to me, in [all] lands, the totality [of dwelling-places] I [exalted] the 
city of Babylon to the first place. I caused his name to be reverenced among the 
cities; the shrines of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, I made them recognize, con- 
tinually At that time the Lebanon mountain, the mountain [of 

cedar], the proud forest of Marduk, the odor of whose cedars is good 

of another god no other king had my god, Marduk, the 

> From Breasted's Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, 498. 

^Translated from Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, I, i3, col. ii, line 12, ff. 


king to the palace of the princes of heaven and earth shone as adorn- 
ment As a foreign enemy had taken possession of (the mountain) and 

seized its riches, its people had fled and taken refuge at a distance. In the power 
of Nabu and Marduk, my lords, I drew up [mj' soldiers, for battle] in mount 
Lebanon. Its enemy I dislodged above and below and made glad the heart of 
the land. I collected its scattered people and returned them to their place. I 
did what no former king had done; I cleft high mountains, stones of the mountain 
I ciuarried, I opened passes. I made a straight road for the cedars. Mighty 
cedars they were, tall and strong, of wonderful beauty, whose dark appearance 

was remarkable, — the mighty i)roducts of mount Lebanon I made 

the people of mount Lebancjn to lie down in abundance; I permitted no adversary 
to possess it. That none might do harm I set up my royal image forever.' 

A Building Inscription 

Nebuchadrezzar, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, son of 
NaboiMilassar am I. As a protection to Esagila, that no powerful enemy and 
destroyer might take Babylon, that the line oflaattle might not approach Imgur- 
Bel, the wall of Babylon, that which' no former king had done [I did]; at the 
enclosure of Babylon I made an enclosure of a strong wall on the east side. I 
dug a moat, I reached the level of the water. I then saw that the wall which 
my father had prepared was too small in its construction. I built with bitumen 
and brick a mighty wall which, like a mountain, could not be moved and con- 
neded it with the wall of my father; I laid its foundations on the breast of the 
under-world; its top 1 raised up like a mountain. Along this wall to strengthen 
it I constructed a third and as the base of a protecting wall I laid a foundation of 
bricks anrl built it on the breast of the under-world and laid its foundation. The 
fortifications of Esagila and Babylon I strengthened and established the name 
of my reign forever. 

O Marduk, lord of the gods, my divine creator, may my deeds find favor before 
thee; may they endure forever! Eternal life, satisfied with posterity, a secure 
throne, and a long reign grant as thy gift. Thou art indeed my deliverer and 
my help, O Marduk, I by thy faithful word which does not change — may my 
weapons, advance, be sharp and b,€ .stronger than the weapon of the foe!- 

Nebuchadrezzar was the king who destroyed Jerusalem and car- 
ried the more prominent of the people of Judah captive. (See 2 
Kings 24 and 25.) His inscriptions give no account of these events. 
In the first of the quotations made above he covers all his con- 
quests by one general reference. In the second quotation he gives a 
more detailed account of his conquest of the Lebanon, because that 
inscription was carved on the rocks at the side of one of the deep val- 
leys of the Lebanon. The third inscription, relating to the building 
of Babylon, has been strikingly confirmed by Koldeway's excava- 
tion of Babylon, by which the massive walls and extensive temples 
were uncovered.^ It also gives us a background for Daniel 4 : 29, 

' Translatefl from Pognon, Les inscriptions hahylnniennes du Wadi Brissa, PI. xiii, f., and 
Recueil de traveaux relalifs a la philolo^ie el a I'archeologie egypliennes el assyriennes, XXVIII, 57. 
See also Langdon, Neubahylonischcn Konigsinschriflen. 174, fT. 

'Translated from the Zeilschrifl fiir Assyriologie, I, 337, f. 

» See Part I, Chapter II, p. 46, f. 


where Nebuchadrezzar is said to have walked upon' the royal palace 
and said: "Is not this great Babylon which I have built?" 

17. EvU-Merodach, 562-560 B. C. 

Nebuchadrezzar was succeeded by his son, Amil-Marduk, whom 
the Bible (2 Kings 25 : 27) calls Evil-Merodach. The only inscrip- 
tion of his that has been found is the following, inscribed on an 
alabaster vase found at Susa, whither the Elamites had at some time 
carried it as booty :- 

Palace of Amil-Marduk, King of Babylon, son of Nebuchadrezzar, King of 

This is the king who released Jehoiachm, King of Judah, from 
prison after his thirty-six years in confinement and treated him 

' This is the reading of the margin in R. V., and correctly translates the original. He was 
not wallcing "in" the palace, but upon its flat roof, from which he could see the great city. 
• From de Morgan's Delegation en Perse, Vol. XIV, p. 60. 

Note on the Land of the Queen of Sheba. — This region, which lay in 
South Arabia, was explored during the nineteenth century by a number of 
travelers. Three of these, Thomas J. .\rnaud in liS43, Joseph Halevy in 
1869, and Eduard Glaser who made four expeditions between 1882 and 1894, 
brought back from South Arabia many inscriptions, several of which were 
made by rulers of Saba, the Biblical Sheba, whose queen is said to have vis- 
ited Solomon (1 Kings 10 : 1-13). As none of these relate to that queen, it 
has not seemed fitting to include one of them. The inscriptions, however, 
show that two important kingdoms existed there, Saba and Main. Main is 
thought by some to be related to the Biblical Midianites. The Greek ver- 
sion of Job makes Job's friend, Zophar, king of Main. The kingdom of Saba 
lasted until 115 b. c. It established strong colonies in Africa. In 115 b. c. 
one colony overthrew the mother-country and established the kingdom of 
Saba and Raidhan, which lasted till about 300 A. d. After that Saba became 
apparently unimportant, but various Semitic kingdoms succeeded one another 
in Africa, including the present-day Abyssinian kingdom. The Abyssinian 
king claims descent from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. 


Inscriptions of Nabuna'id; Their Bearing on Biblical Statements Regarding 
Belshazzar. Account of the Capturj: of Babylon Bearing on the Book of 
Daniel. Inscription of Cyrus Bearing on the Capture of Babylon. Cyrus' 
Permission for the Return to Jerusalem. 

1. Inscriptions of Nabuna'id. 

Several inscriptions of this king, who ruled 555-538 b. c, are 
known, but only a brief extract of one of them is given here, as the 
major part of the material has no bearing on the Bible. 

Nabuna'id, King of Babylon, the restorer of Esagila and Ezida, the worshiper 

of the great gods am I O Sin, lord of the gods of heaven and earth, 

god of the gods, as for me, Nabuna'id, King of Babjdon, save me from 

sinning against thy great divinity. A life of many days grant as thy gift. As 
for Belshazzar, the firstborn son, proceeding from my loins, place in his heart fear 
of thy great divinity; let him not turn to sinning; let him be satisfied with fulness 
of lifeli 

Belshazzar is here said to be the son of Nabuna'id, whereas in 
Dan. 5 : 11, 18 Nebuchadrezzar is called his father. Nabuna'id, 
as the Babylonian documents show, was not a descendant of 
Nebuchadrezzar, but a usurper of another family. Some scholars 
hold that this shows the book of Daniel to be in error, while others 
hold that "father" in Dan. 5 : 11, 18 is equivalent to "ancestor," 
and think Belshazzar may have been descended from Nebuchad- 
rezzar on his mother's side. 

The Nabuna'id-Cyrus Chronicle 

This chronicle is known only from a tablet which is somewhat 
broken. The following extract will show the nature of its contents: 

In the 9th year Nabuna'id was at Tema. The son of the king, the princes, 
and soldiers were in Akkad. The king did not come to Babylon in Nisan, 
Ncbo did not go to Babylon. Bel did not go out. The festival sacrifice was 
omitted. They offered sacrifices in Esagila and Ezida on account of Babylon 
and Borsii^i^a, that the land might prosper. On the 5th of the month, Nisan 

' From Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 68, No. 1. 


the mother of the king, died in Dur-karashu on the bank of the Euphrates above 
Sippar. The son of the king and the soldiers mourned three days. In the month 
Sivan there was mourning tor the king's mother in Akkad. 

In the month Nisan Cjrus, King of Persia, mustered his soldiers, and crossed 

the Tigris below Arbela and in the month lyyar went to the land of 

its king he killed, he took his possessions. His own governor (?) he placed in it 
afterward his governor (?) and a king (?) were there.^ 

2. Bearing on Biblical Statements Regarding Belshazzar. 

Similar chronicles are given by. the tablet for other years. It is 
stated each time what Nabuna'id was doing; where the king's son 
(Belshazzar) was, and what Cyrus was doing. Cyrus, who over- 
threw the Median king in 553 b. c, was occupied for several years 
m subjugating other lands before he attacked Babylon. He over- 
threw Croesus, King of Lydia, in 546. It would seem that it was 
well known in Babylonia what he was doing each year. Those 
scholars who believe that Isaiah 40—55 is the work of a prophet 
who lived during the Babylonian Exile, claim that this chronicle 
explains how that prophet could refer in Isa. 44 : 28; 45 : 1 to 
Cyrus as a weli-known figure. They see the exercise of the pro- 
phetic gift of the prophet in the faith which he had that Cyrus 
would release Israel from captivity. Those who believe that the 
whole of the book of Isaiah is the work of the son of Amoz, see in 
these verses pure prediction of the rise of Cyrus as well as of the 
release of the Jews. 

3. Account of the Capture of Babylon. 

From the chronicle just quoted we have the following state- 
ment for the 17th year of 'the reign of Nabuna'id: 

Nebo to go forth from Borsippa the king entered the 

temple of Edurkalama. In the month in the lower sea a revolt 

Bel came out; the feast of Akiti (Sept.-Oct.), according to the cus- 
tom the gods of Marad, Zagaga, and the gods of Kish. Beltis, and the 

gods of Harsagkalama entered Babylon. Unto the end of Elul (Aug.-Sept.) 
the gods of Borsippa, Cutha, and Sippar did not enter. In the month Tammuz 
(Sept.-Oct.) Cyrus, when he made battle in Opis, on the banks of the river 
Zalzallat, with the soldiers of Akkad, conquered the inhabitants of Akkad. 
WTien they assembled the people were killed. On the 14th Sippar was taken 
without a battle. Nabuna'id fled. On the 16th Gobryas. governor of the land 
of Gutium, and the soldiers of Cyrus entered Babylon without a battle. Later 
Nabuna'id was captured because he remained in Babylon. To the end of the 
month the shield-bearers of the land of Gutium assembled at the gates of Esagila. 
No weapon of any kind was taken into Esagila or the temples; nor was the 
standard raised. On the third day of Marcheswan (Oct.-Nov.) Cyrus entered 
Babylon. The walls (?) were broken down before him. Cyrus proclaimed 

' From Transactions of the Society of Biblical ArchcEology, VII, 157, f. 


peace to all of ]^'\l)ylon. He apjiointed Gobryas his satrap, and also prefects in 
Babylon. From Kisleu (Nov.-Dec.) unto Adar (Feb. -March), the gods of 
Akkad, whom Nabuna'id had brought to Babylon, returned to their cities. In 

the month Marchesvvan, on th-j night of the 11th, Gobryas unto the 

son of the king was killed. From the 27th of Adar to the 3rd of Nisan there was 
lamentation in Akkad. All the people bowed their heads. On the 4th day 
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, went to Eshajjakalama.^ 

4. Bearing of This Account on the Book of Daniel. 

This interesting text here becomes too broken for connected 
translation. It is clear that the document means to state that 
Nabuna'id was king of Babylon when it was captured, and not 
Belshazzar, as stated in Daniel 5 : 30. It states, also, that Cyrus 
captured Babylon and not Darius the Mede, as in Dan. 5 : 3L It 
is true that Gobryas took Babylon first, and occupied it about two 
weeks before Cyrus arrived. He was, however, Cyrus's officer 
and was acting in his name. Critical scholars, who believe that 
Daniel was written 168-165 b. c, find in these statements a con- 
firmation of their views. They think its author lived so far from 
the events that he confused their exact order. Those who defend 
the traditional date of Daniel think that Gobryas is meant by 
Darius the Mede, and see in the exalted position which Belshazzar 
held, as crown prince and commander of the army, sufficient ground 
for the Biblical statement that he was king. By such interpreta- 
tions they harmonize this chronicle with the Bible. 

Dr. Theophilus G. Pinches has recently published" some extracts 
from two tablets from Erech which are in the possession of an 
Englishmari, Mr. Harding Smith, which throw some additional 
light on these points. It was customary for Babylonians in con- 
firming a contract to swear by the name of the reigning king, and 
one of these tablets contains a contract, dated in the 12th year of 
Nabuna'id, in which a man bound himself by the oath of Nabuna'id, 
King of Babylon, and of Belshazzar, the king's son. As Belshazzar 
is here associated with the king, he must have been but slightly 
lower in rank and power than the king himself. 

This is confirmed by a tablet at Yale, recently published by 
Prof. Clay.^ The text contains the interpretation of a dream for 
the King Nabuna'id and for his son Belshazzar. It is dated in the 
seventh year of the reign of Nabuna'id. 

• From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaology, VII, 162, f., and Clay, Light on the 
Old TeUament from Babel. 374, f. 

' Sec Expository Times. Vol. XXVI, 297-299 (April, 1915). 
' Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection, No. 39. 


The other tablet quoted by Pinches shows that in the fourth 
year of Cambyses (/. c, 524 b. c), Gobryas was still governor of 
Babylon. If he is the man who in Daniel is called Darius the 
Mede, he exercised the powers of governor in Babylon for a consid- 
erable number of years. 

5. Inscription of Cyrus. 

The following is an inscription of Cyrus. The lines are much 
broken at the beginning, but it reads as follows •} 

begat (?) him [the four] regions 

of the world great coward was established as ruler over the land . . 

a similar one he set over them; like Esagila he made to Ur 

and the rest of the cities a rule not suitable for them he planned daily 

and in enmity he caused the established sacrifice to cease. He appointed 

he established within the city. The worship of Marduk, king of the 

gods he wrought hostility against his city daily his 

[people] all of them he destroyed through servitude, without rest. On account 
of their lamentation the lord of the gods was exceedingly angry and [left] their 
territory; the gods who dwelt among them left their dwellings. In anger because 
he brought [them] into Babylon, Marduk to return to all the dwell- 
ings, their habitations, which were overthrown. The people of Sumer and Ak- 

kad, who were like corpses, he brought back and granted them a 

return. Through all lands he made his way, he looked, he sought a righteous 
prince, a being whom he loved, whom he took by the hand. Cyrus, King of 
Anshan, he called by name and designated him to rule over all the lands. The 
land of Qutu, all the Scythian hordes, he made to submit to his feet. The 
black-headed people (/. e., the Babjdonians), whom he caused his hand to cap- 
ture, in faithfulness and righteousness he sought. Marduk, the great lord, 
looked joyfully upon the return of his people, his kindly deeds and upright heart. 
To his city, Babylon, he commanded him to go; he caused him to take the road 
to Babylon, going as a friend and companion at his side. His numerous army, 
the number of which was, like the waters of a river, unknown, marched at his 
side girded with their weapons. He caused him to enter Babylon without war 
or battle. He preserved his city, Babylon, from tribulation; he filled his 
(Cyrus's) hand with Nabuna'id, the king who did not fear him. All the people 
of Babylon, all of Sumer and .Akkad., the princes and governors, prostrated them- 
selves under him and kissed his feet. They rejoiced in his sovereignly; their 
faces shone. The lord, who by his power makes the dead to live, who from de- 
struction and injustice had saved them, altogether they blessed hun in joy; they 
revered his name. 

I am Cyrus, king of the world, the great king, the mighty king, king of Baby- 
lon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters of the world, son of 
Cambyses, the great king, king of Anshan, grandson of Cyrus, the great king, 
king of Anshan, great-grandson of Teispes, the great king, king of Anshan; an 
everlasting seed of royalty, whose government Bel and Nabu love, whose reign 
in the goodness of their hearts they desire. When I entered in peace into Baby- 
lon, with joy and rejoicing I took up my lordly dwelling in the royal palace, 
Marduk, the great lord, moved the understanding heart of the people of Babylon 
to me, while I daily sought his worship. My numerous troops dwelt peacefully 
in Babylon; in all Sumer and Akkad no terrorizer did I permit. In Babylon and 
all its cities in peace I looked about. The people of Babylon [I released] from 
1 From Rawlinson's Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 35. 


an unsuitable yoke. Hicir (Iwcllinj^s — their decay I repaired; their ruins I 
cleared away. Marduk, the f^rcat lord, rejoiced at these deeds and graciously 
blessed me, Cyrus, the king who worships him, and Cambyses, my son, and all 
my troops, while we in peace joyfully i>raised before him his exalted divinity. 
All the kings who dwel' in palaces, from all quarters of the world, from the 
upper sea to the lower sea, who live [in palaces], all the kings of the Westland 
who live in tents, brought me their heavy tribute in Babylon and kissed my feet. 

From to Ashur and Susa, Agade, Eshnunak, Zamban, Metumu, Deri, 

to the border of (Sutium, the cities [beyond] the Tigris, whose sites had been 
founded of old, — the gods who dwelt in them I returned to their places, and 
caused them to settle in their eternal shrines. All their peojile I assembled and 
returned them to their dwellings. And the gods of Sumer and Akkad, whom 
Nabuna'id, to the anger of the lord of the gods, had brought into Babylon, at the 
command of Marduk, the great lord, I caused in peace to dwell in their abodes, 
the dwellings in which their hearts delighted. May all the gods, whom I have 
returned to their cities, pray before Marduk and Nabu for the prolonging of my 
days, may they speak a kind word for me and say to Marduk, lord of the gods, 

"May Cjrus the king, who fears thee, and Cambyses, his son, their 

caused all to dwell in peace" 

6. Bearing on the Capture of Babylon and the Return of the Jews. 

This inscription confirms the statement of the chronicle already 
quoted that Cyrus conquered the city of Babylon without a blow. 
The most important feature of it for the student of the Bible is, 
however, its revelation of the reversal of the Assyrian policy of 
transportation. That policy had been inaugurated by Tiglath- 
pileser IV more than two hundred years before. In accordance 
with it the kingdom of Israel had first been stripped of its more 
prominent inhabitants who had been carried captive to distant 
lands, and then the kingdom of Judah. Cyrus determined to 
attach his subjects to himself by gratitude instead of terror, so he 
permitted, as he says here, those who had been transported to 
return to their several countries and rebuild their temples. It was 
in consequence of this general policy that the Jews were permitted 
to return from Babylonia and rebuild the temple at Jerusalem. 
This is referred to in Ezra, chapter 1. It is there implied that 
Cyrus made a special proclamation concerning the temple at 
Jerusalem. Some scholars infer from the above inscription of 
Cyrus, that the book of Ezra (chapter 1) has freely interpreted the 
general policy of Cyrus as a special permission granted to the Jews. 
It may be, however, as others have held, that a special edict was 
issued in favor of each individual nation in order that this general 
policy might be carried out without opposition. 

In any event, the inscription confirms the statement of Ezra that 
Cyrus permitted the Jews to return. 




Papyri Witness to the Existence of a Colony at Elephantine. Til\nslation 
OF a Petition Relating to Their Temple. Reply of Persian Governor. His- 
torical Bearings of these Documents. A Letter Relating to the Passover. 
A Letter Showing that the Jews were Unpopular at Elephantine. 

Numerous papyri found since 1895 at Elephantine, an island at 
the First Cataract of the Nile, reveal the existence of a Jewish 
community there. The documents are dated from the year 494 
B. c. to the year 400 b. c. They show that this Jewish community 
had at Elephantine a temple to Jehovah, that they were soldiers, 
and that som_e of them were engaged in trade. One document 
declares that when Cambyses conquered Egypt (525 b. c.) he then 
found the temple of Jehovah in existence there, and that it had been 
built under native Eg\'ptian kings. How came such a conmiunity 
of Jews to be established there? It is thought that they were a 
garrison placed there by Psammetik II, King of Egypt, 593-588 
B. c. This Psammetik endeavored to conquer Nubia, "^ and accord- 
ing to a confused statement in Josephus (Contra Apion, I, 26, 27) 
Rliampses (perhaps a corruption of PsammiCtik), employed some 
Jews in an expedition to that country.^ However, these Jews came 
to dwell at this point, and whensoever the settlement was made, the 
documents* are most interesting, and open to us a hitherto wholly 
unknown vista in the history of the Jews. 

1. Temple Papyrus from Elephantine. 

Unto our lord, Bagohi, governor of Judah, thy servants Jedoniah and his 
associates, the priests who are in Yeb, the fortress, health! May our Lord, the 
God of heaven, abundantly grant unto thee at all times, and for favors may he 
appoint thee before Darius, the king, and the princes of the palace more than at 
present a thousand times, and long life may he grant to thee, and joy and 

1 Herodotus, Book II, 161. 

' Josephus professes to be quoting Manetho, and puts the incident in the time of Ramses. 
Perhaps Aristeas in his letter refers to this colony, when he spealis of Jewish soldiers. (See 
Kautzsch. Apokryphen und Pseudepigraplien, II, 7.) 

' The documents have been published by Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at 
Assuart, London, 1906. and Sachau, Aramdische Papyrus und Ostraka aus Elephantine, Leipzig, 
191L Those translated here are Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 11 of Sachau's publicauoa. 



strength, at all times! Now thy servant, Jedoniah, and his associates thus speak: 
In the month Tanmiuz, year 14 of Darius, the king, when Arsames departed and 
went unto the king, tlic {)ricsts of tlic god Khnub, who were in Ycb, the fortress, 
made an agreement with Waidrang who was acting governor here; it was as 
follows: The temple of Vahu (Jehovah), the (Jod, which is in Yeb, the fortress 
they would remove from there. Afterward this Waidrang wickedly sent a letter 
unto Nephayan, his son, who was commander of the army at Sycne, the fortress, 
saying: "The temi)le which is in Yeb, the fortress they shall destroy." After- 
ward Ne[)hayan, mustering Egyptians with the other forces, came to the fortress 
Yeb with their t[uivers (?) ; they entered into this temple, they destroyed it to the 
ground, and the pillars of stone which were there they brake. Also it came to 
pass (that) five gates of stone, constructed of cut stone, which were in this 
temple, they destroyed, and their swinging doors and the bronze hinges of 
these doors. And the roof which was of cedar wood, a^U of it, together with 
the rest of the furnishings and the other things which were there, the whole 
they burned with fire. And the vessels of gold and silver and the things which 
were in this temple, the whole was taken, and they made it their own. 

Now from the days of the kings of Egypt, our fathers built this temple in Yeb, 
the fortress, and when Cambyses came to Egj^pt, this temple was found built, 
and the temples of the gods of Egypt were overthrown, but not a thing in this 
temple was harmed. And after they (i. e., Waidrang and the priests of Khnub) 
had done this, we and our wives and sons were clothed in sackcloth and were 
fasting and praying to Yahu, God of heaven, that he would show us this Waid- 
rang, the cur, with the anklets torn from his feet, that all the goods which he 
possesses might perish, and all the men who desired the pollution of this tem- 
ple — all might be killed, and we might see (our desire) upon them. Also for- 
merly, at the time this shameful deed was done to us we sent a letter to our 
lord, and unto Jehohanan, the high priest, and his associates, the priests who are 
in Jerusalem, and unto Ostan, the brother of Anani and the elders of Judah, but 
a letter they have not sent unto us. Also from the month Tammuz of the 14th 
year of Darius the king even unto this day we have worn sackcloth and fasted, 
our wives have been made like widows, we have not anointed ourselves with oil, 
wine we have not drunk; also from then unto the 17th year of Darius the king a 
meal-offering and incense and a burnt-offering they have not offered in this 
temple. Now thy servants Jedoniah and his associates and the Jews, all who are 
citizens of Yeb, thus speak: If unto our lord it seems good to think on this temple 
to rebuild it, because they will not permit us to rebuild it, look upon those who 
share thy favor and kindnesses who are here in Egypt^let a letter be sent unto 
them concerning the temple of Yahu God, to build it in Yeb, the "fortress, in the 
way it was built formerly, and meal-offerings and incense and burnt-offerings let 
them offer upon the altar of Yahu God in thy name, and we will pray for thee at 
all times, wc and our wives and our sons and the Jews, all who are here. If thus 
they do until this temple is built, then merit (righteousness) shall be thine before 
Yahu, God of heaven, more than (that of) the man who offers to him burnt- 
offerings and sacrifices of the value of a thousand [mcccs of silver. And concern- 
ing gold for this we have sent information. Also the whole is told in a letter we 
sent in our name to Dalajah and Shelemjah, sons of Sanballat, governor of 
Samaria. Also concerning this which is done to us, all of it Arsames does not 

On the 20th of Marcheswan, year 17 of Darius the king. 

To this letter Bagohi (Bagoas) sent the following reply: 

Memorandum of Bagohi and Dalajah. They spoke to me a memorandum for 
them: It shall be thine to say among the Egyptians before Arsames concerning 


the place of sacrifice of the pod of heaven, which was built in Ycb the 

fortress formerly before Cambyses, which this wicked Waidrang destroyed in 
the year fourteen of Darius the king, to build it in its place like as it was before, 
and meal-oflcrings and incense let them offer upon this altar in the manner it 
formerly was done. 

The first of these documents is dated in the 17th year of Darius 
II, i. c, the year 407 b. c. It states that the temple at Elephantine 
(Yeb) had been destroyed by Waidrang and had lain in ruins for 
three years. The community which worshiped in the temple had 
previously written to Jehohanan, high priest at Jerusalem, probably 
to ask that he intercede with the Persian governor Bagohi (Bagoses), 
but had written in vain. They now write to Bagohi himself, and 
also to the two sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria (cf. Neh. 
2 : 10, 19, etc.), with the result that the request is granted, and 
authority is given to rebuild the temple. 

The fact that there was a temple at Elephantine at all is new and 
startling. Its significance is differently interpreted by different 
scholars. More conservative scholars claim that it is opposed to the 
date which the critical school assign to the date of Deuteronomy, 
viz.: 621 B. c, because, if the law against more altars than one had 
been introduced then, Jews would not have so soon violated it by 
building this shrine. Critics, on the other hand, hold that it fits 
■well wuth their views, since they believe that Deuteronomy was 
accepted by Jews as a whole only gradually, and after considerable 

One thing is clear: at the time the temple at Elephantine was 
overthrown, the Jews at Jerusalem looked upon it with disfavor.^ 
They took no steps to lay the matter before the Persian governor. 
It was not till the aggrieved Eg\'ptian Jews wrote to the heretical 
Samaritans, Dalajah and Shclemjah, sons of Sanballat, who would 
naturally be glad to encourage another rival to the temple at Jeru- 
salem, that the matter was pushed and permission given to rebuild 
the temple. 

This appeal to Sanballat's family throws interesting light on the 
progress of the schism between the Jews and the Samaritans.^ 
(Compare Nehemiah 4 : 1, flf; 6 : 1, ff.; and 13 : 28.) 

The existence of this temple has an interesting bearing upon the 
date of Isa. 19. Some scholars have held that that prophecy, which 

' Perhaps this disfavor arose in part from the fact that, as a papyrus not translated here shows, 
two other deities were worshiped along with Jehovah. 

* It is possible that the Elephantine colony were taken from northern Israel. 


refers to a temple of Jehovah in the land of Egypt, is late and must 
refer to the temple built by Onias III, about 170 b. c. (Cf. Jose- 
phus, Anliquilies, xiii, 3 : 1, 6.) It is now possible to suppose that 
the reference may well have been to this hitherto unsuspected temple 
at Elephantine. 

2. Hananiah's Passover Letter. 

To my brethren, Jedoniah and his associates, the Jewish garrison, your brother 

Hananiah. The peace of my brethren may God And now this year, the 

year 5 of Darius the king, there was sent from the king unto Arsames 

Now ye thus shall count fourteen and from the 15th day unto the 

21st day [of Nisan] be ye clean and guard yourselves. Work ye shall 

not [do] ye shall not drink, and all which is leavened ye shall n[ot eat] 

from the going down of the sun unto the 21st day of Nisan 

take into your rooms and seal between the days of 

This letter is from some Hananiah who seems to have stood high 
in authority among Jewish communities. Several Hananiahs are 
mentioned in the post-exilic literature. One of them was a military 
commander in Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 7:2), but 
as that was at least twenty-five years before the date of our letter, 
it would be precarious to assert that that Hananiah was the writer 
of this letter, though it is possible that he was. 

From the letter it is clear that the writer is informing the Jewish 
garrison at Elephantine concerning the details of the provisions for 
the observance of the Jewish Passover, as they are laid down in 
Exod. 12 and Lev. 23. It seems strange that these Jews at Ele- 
phantine who were faithful enough to Jehovah to have a temple in 
his honor, should have needed to be informed of such details, if they 
had copies of the Pentateuch. Adherents of the modern school of 
criticism see in this fact a confirmation of their view, that the 
Levitical law had been introduced into the Jewish community at 
Jerusalem only in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, for, they urge, 
this letter shows that it was unknown to the garrison at Elephan- 
tine until the reign of Darius II. To this, conservative scholars 
reply that it was customary among the Jews to make yearly procla- 
mation of the approach of the festival, and that this may be simply 
such a i^roclamation. They also urge that ignorance of the law on 
the part of some Jews is no proof that it did not exist. 

3. Letter Showing that the Jews of Egypt were Unpopular. 

To my lords, Jedoniah. Uriah, and the priests of the God. Jehovah, Mattan, 
son of J()shil)iah and Neriah son of thy servant Mauziyah; the peace of 


my lords and be favored before the God of heaven. And now, when 

Waidrang, the chief of the garrison, came to Abydos, he imprisoned me on ac- 
count of a certain precious stone which they found stolen in the hands of the 
traders. At last Seha and Hor, who were known to Anani, exerted themselves 
with Waidrang and Hornufi, under the protection of the God of heaven, until 
they secured my release. Now behold they arc coming thither to j'ou. Do you 
attend to them whatever they may desire. And whatever thing Seha and Hor 
may desire of you, stand ye before them so that no cause of blame may they find 
in you. With you is the chastisement which without cause has rested upon us, 
from the time Hananiah was in Egypt until now. And whatever you do for Hor 
you do for yourselves. Hor is known to Anani. Do you sell cheaply from our 
houses any goods that are at hand; whether we lose or do not lose, is one to you. 
This is why I am sending to you: he said to me: "Send a letter before us." Even 
if we should lose, credit will be established because of him in the house of Anani. 
What you do for him will not be hidden from iVnani. To my lords, Jedoniah, 
Uriah, and the priests and the Jews. 

This is a letter sent by a member of the Jewish colony of Ele- 
phantine to his Jewish brethren there, highly recommending to 
them two men. He was especially anxious to make a good impres- 
sion upon these because they were acquaintances of a certain Anani. 
This Anani apparently was a man of influence at the Persian court. 
His name may be the same as Hanani, Nehemiah's brother (Neh. 
•7:2). It has been pointed out that the existence of two men of 
the same name who could have influence at the Persian court would 
be improbable. This letter shows that since Hananiah came to 
Egypt, the Jews have been in affliction, and the writer of this letter 
is anxious to make a good impression upon the friends of Anani, so 
that this affliction may be removed. 

Scholars of the critical school see in this letter a confirmation of 
their view that the Levitical law had but just been introduced into 
the Egyptian community. The reference to the "chastisement" or 
"affliction" which had rested on the community is thought by them 
to be, probably, the friction between Jews and Egyptians caused by 
the less friendly relations toward foreigners, which the Levitical 
law imposed on its devotees. It is, of course, possible that the 
"chastisement" may have been due to somethmg quite different. 
It should be said, too, that the papyrus is torn somewhat just where 
the word rendered chastisement occurs, so that the word itself is 
not certain. 


Translation of a Poem Relating to the Afflictions of a Good Man. Comparison 
WITH THE Book of Job. A Fragment of Another Similar Poem. 

1. Babylonian Poem Relating to Affliction. 

The following Babylonian poem treats of a mysterious afiliction 
which overtook a righteous man of Babylonia, and has been com- 
pared with the book of Job.^ 

1. I advanced in life, I attained to the allotted span; 

Wherever I turned there was evil, evil — 

Ojjpression is increased, uprightness I see not. 

I cried unto god, but he showed not his face. 
5. I prayed to my goddess, but she raised not her head. 

The seer by his oracle did not discern the future; 

Nor did the enchanter with a libation illuminate my case; 

I consulted the necromancer, but he opened not my understanding. 

The conjurer with his charms did not remove my ban. 
10. How deeds are reversed in the world! 

I look behind, oppression encloses me 

Like one who the sacrifice to god did not bring, 

And at meal-time did not invoke the goddess. 

Did not bow down his face, his offering was not seen; 
15. (Like one) in whose mouth prayers and supplications were locked, 

(For whom) god's day had ceased, a feast day become rare, 

(One who) has thrown down his fire-pan, gone away from their images, 

God's fear and veneration has not taught his people. 

Who invoked not his god, when he ate god's food; 
20. (Who) abandoned his goddess, and brought not what is prescribed, 

(Who) oppresses the weak, forgets his god, 

Who takes in vain the mighty name of his god; he says, I am like him. 

But I myself thought of prayers and supplications; 

Prayer was my wisdom, sacrifice, my dignity; 
25. The day of honoring the gods was the joy of my heart, 

The day of following the goddess was my acquisition of wealth; 

The praj^er of the king, — that was my delight. 

And his music, — for my pleasure was its sound. 

I gave directions to my land to revere the names of god, 
30. To honor the name of the goddess I taught my people. 

Reverence for the king I greatly e.xalted. 

And respect for the palace I taught the people; 

For I knew that with god these things are in favor. 

What is innocent of itself, to god is. evil! 

' Translated from the Procceilings of the Society of Biblical Archaotogy, X, 478, f., and Rawlin- 
son's Cuneiform Inscriptions, IV, 60*. 



35. WTiat in one's heart is contemptible, to one's god is Rood! 

Who can understand the thoughts of the gods in heaven? 

The counsel of god is full of destruction; who can understand? 

Where may human beings learn the ways of god? 

He who lives at evening is dead in the morning; 
40. Quickly he is troubled; all at once he is oppressed; 

At one moment he sings and plays; 

In the twinkling of an eye he howls like a funeral-mourner. 

Like sunshine and cloud^ their thoughts change; 

They are hungry and like a corpse; 
45. They are filled and rival their god! 

In prosperity they speak of climbing to Heaven; 

Trouble overtakes them and they speak of going down to Sheol. 

(At this point the tablet is broken. We do not know how many 
lines are wanting before the narrative is resumed on the back of the 


Into my prison my house is turned. 

Into the bonds of my flesh are my hands thrown; 

Into the fetters of myself my feet have stumbled. 

5. With a whip he has beaten me; there is no protection; 

With a