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IRLF 


B    3    Dfl3 


The  University  of  the  State  of  New,  York 

State  Museum,  February  18, 

Dr  John  H.  Finley 

President  of  the  University 

*:>    SIR  :     I  beg  to  transmit  to  you  herewith  and  recommend  for  pub-* 

Hrrujon    as    a    bulletin    of    the    State    Museum    the    accompanying 

"manuscript   of    an   "Archeological    History   of    the    State   of    Xew 

York  '"  which  has  been  prepare  1  by  Arthur  C.  Parker,  Archeologist. 

Very  respectfully 

JOHN  M.  CLARKE 

Director 
Approved  for  publication 


President  of  the  University 


no.  235- 

NewYork  State  Museum  Bulletin 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  November  27,  19*5,  at  the  Post  Office  at  Albany,  N.  Y.  under 
the  Act  of  August  24,  1912.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for 
in  section  1103,  act  of  October  3,  1917,  authorized  July  19,  1918 

Published  monthly  by  The  University  of  the  Stite  of  New  York 


Nos.  235,  236  ALBANY,  N.  Y.  JILY-AUGLST,  1920 

The  University  of  the  State  of  New  York 
New  York  State  Museum 

JOHN  M.   CLARKE,  Director 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL   HISTORY  OF  NEW  YORK 

BY    ARTHUR   C.    PARKER,    ARCHEOLOGIST 

Part  i 


FOREWORD 

This  bulletin  is  intended  as  a  general  guide  to  New  York  arche- 
ology. It  has  been  written  with  a  dual  obligation  in  mind, — an  obliga- 
tion to  science  and  to  the  interests  of  scientific  men,  and  also  to  the 
much  larger  body  of  amateur  archeologists  and  collectors.  Arche- 
ology owes  much  to  the  local  collector  who  has  gathered  his  specimens 
with  the  best  light  that  he  had.  Much  more  might  have  been  accom- 
plished if  a  manual  of  this  kind  had  been  prepared  many  years  ago. 
This  bulletin,  therefore,  is  intended  as  a  general  work  explaining: 
the  field  of  archeology  as  it  exists  in  this  State.  It  does  not  purport 
to  be  exhaustive  or  even  complete  in  any  of  its  parts.  Almost  any 
division  and  any  subject  herein  contained  and  described  might  form 
the  topic  of  a  separate  bulletin  or  an  even  larger  treatise.  Our  aim 
is  rather  to  afford  enough  light  to  enable  both  the  student  and  the 
professional  archeologist  to  understand  the  relation  of  New  York 
archeology  to  American  archeology  in  general.  Without  doubt  there 
is  enough  to  provoke  further  inquiry  and  to  open  up  new  channels  of 
endeavor. 

The  bulletin  is  arranged  in  parts  and  subsections  as  follows : 

Introduction 

I  Origin  of  Material  Culture  and  the  Distribution  of  the  Various 
Races  of  Man 

T   Importance  of  Archeological  Research 

2  Origin  of  Material  Culture  and  Human  Progress 

3  Origin  and  Distribution  of  Man  in  North  America 


0  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

II  The  Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York 

1  Physiographic  Features  Inviting  Occupation 

2  The  Field  of  Archeology  in  New  York 

3  The  Problems  of  New  York  Archeology 

III  Evidences  of  Various  Occupations 

1  The  Relative  Frequency  of  Artifacts 

2  The  Algonkian  Occupation  of  New  York 

3  The  Eskimo-like  Culture 

4  The  Mound-builder  Occupation  of  New  York 

5  The  Iroquoian  Occupation  of  New  York 

IV  Certain  Type  Sites  Intensively  Explored 

1  Burning  Spring  Prehistoric  Iroquoian  Site 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

2  A    Prehistoric    Iroquoian    Village    and    Burial    Site    in 

Chautauqua  County 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

3  A  Prehistoric  Iroquoian  Site  on  the  George  Reed  Farm, 

Richmond  Mills,  Ontario  County 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

4  A  Midcolonial  Seneca  Site  in  Erie  County 

By  M.  Raymond  Harrington 

5  Double  Wall  Fort 

By  M.  Raymond  Harrington 

6  The  Ripley  Erie  Site 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

7  Notes  on  An  Ancient  Semicircular  Earthwork  in  Chau- 

tauqua County 

By  M.  Raymond  Harrington 

8  The  LeRoy  Iroquoian  Earthwork,  Genesee  County 

By  Harrison  C.  Follett 

9  The  Shelby  Earthworks 

By  Frank  Hamilton  Gushing 

10  Prehistoric  Iroquoian  Sites  in  Northern  New  York 

By  M.  Raymond  Harrington 

11  The  Owasco  Algonkian  Site 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

12  Two  Characteristic  Coastal  Algonkian  Sites 

By  Arthur  C.  Parker 

V  Notes  on  Certain  Archeological  Subjects 
VI  Archeological  Localities  in  the  State  of  New  York 


INTRODUCTION 

For  many  years  New  York  State  has  been  a  prolific  field  for 
students  of  American  archeology.  Indeed,  large  collections  of 
aboriginal  artifacts  were  made  long  before  students  of  natural 
science  had  any  adequate  idea  of  the  cultural  significance  of  the 
objects  they  discovered.  To  the  early  collector  the  curious  implements 
of  the  Indians  were  simply  "  relics  "  and  no  special  effort  was  made 
to  record  anything  about  these  "  relics  "  except  to  give  the  name  of 
the  collector  and  the  date  of  the  finding,  both  facts  relatively  unim- 
portant. 

No  definite  scientific  value  was  attached  to  examples  of  aborigi- 
nal art,  and  specimens  from  every  locality  were  mixed  in  boxes  or 
scattered  over  shelves.  Large  collections  have  become  scattered 
and  lost.  The  hundreds  of  "  curious  relics  "  found  by  farmers  in 
plowing  or  by  amateur  mound  explorers  have  been  lost.  Mound 
after  mound  has  been  dug  and  destroyed. 

Today  most  collectors  are  better  informed,  and  the  cultural  remains 
of  the  race  that  formerly  occupied  this  continent,  are  careful  pre- 
served, cataloged  and  labeled.  Science  has  taken  the  lead  and  asks 
for  facts.  Today  the  pottery  pipe  and  engraved  gorget,  and  even 
the  humble  arrowhead  are  regarded  as  "  archeological  specimens." 
Definite  scientific  problems  have  arisen  and  challenge  us  to  solve 
them.  Every  artifact  left  in  the  soil  by  the  vanished  red  men  may  be 
of  importance,  if  the  associated  facts  are  properly  recorded.  The 
position  of  a  banner  stone  in  a  grave  may  unlock  some  secret;  the 
presence  of  pottery  'even  in  the  form  of  fragments  may  shed 
important  light  upon  a  knotty  problem  in  archeology.  A  conscientious 
collector  observes  and  records  everything  for  he  knows  that  a  care- 
less collector  is  a  destroying  vandal  who  merely  confuses  himself 
and  others,  and  ruins  the  field  of  inquiry  for  the  better  informed. 

New  York  State  for  a  full  century  has  been  systematically  hunted 
for  relics,  but  only  during  the  past  twenty  years  has  any  scientific 
method  been  pursued  on  any  considerable  scale.  Some  early  observa- 
tions were  made  by  H.  R.  Schoolcraft,  L.  H.  Morgan,  E.  G.  Squier, 
Franklin  B.  Hough,  Frank  H.  Gushing  and  T.  Apoleon  Cheney,  but 
most  of  these  authorities  did  4ittle  more  than  point  out  the  fertile 
field  that  existed  within  our  borders.  With  them  the  all-important 
problem  seems  to  have  been  "  Who  were  the  mound  builders  ?  " 


8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Observers  at  that  time  had  not  yet  recorded  the  fact  that  the  Iro- 
quois  did  not  use  or  make  banner  stones,  or  that  stamped  patterns 
characterized  Algonkian  pottery,  or  that  grooved  axes  were  found 
only  on  non-Iroquoian  sites.  It  remained  for  later  students  such  as 
\V.  M.  Beauchamp,  M.  R.  Harrington,  Alanson  Skinner,  Frederick 
Houghton  and  the  present  writer  to  differentiate  types  of  occupation, 
though  other  observers  working  in  other  localities  had  perhaps  cleared 
the  way  for  an  understanding  of  the  New  York  cultural  areas. 

New  York  archeology  owes  much  to  the  work,  of  Prof.  Frederic 
Putnam,  William  H.  Holmes,  Charles  C.  Abbott,  Cyrus  Thomas,  Wil- 
liam C.  Mills  and  Warren  K.  Moorehead,  and  in  later  days  to  Charles 
C.  Willoughby,  Christopher  Wren  and  Col.  George  E.  Laidlaw, 
all  of  whom,  working  in  the  areas  surrounding  New  York,  cleared  the 
way  or  contributed  information  for  a  more  adequate  understanding 
of  the  New  York  field.  It  was  Dr  William  Beauchamp,  however, 
who  did  most  to  draw  attention  to  certain  specific  problems  and  his 
pioneer  work  has  borne  abundant  fruit.  His  series  of  bulletins  on 
New  York  archeological  subjects,  published  by  the  State  Museum, 
did  much  to  stimuate  study.  Doctor  Beauchamp  was  one  of  the 
first  archeologists  to  point  out  the  evidences  of  Eskimoan  influence 
in  New  York. 

Interest  in  the  evidences  of  the  former  Indian  occupation  of  this 
area  has  grown  from  a  mere  idle  curiosity  to  a  serious  desire  to 
preserve  and  to  interpret  the  specimens  that  are  so  abundant.  Through 
the  efforts  of  Melvil  Dewey  in  1896  an  appropriation  of  $5000  was 
made  for  the  purchase  of  collections.  By  this  appropriation  bill  the 
State  Museum  was  given  an  "  Indian  department  "  charged  with  the 
duty  of  making  collections  and  of  studying  and  recording  the  facts 
of  Indian  culture.  In  the  fulfilment  of  this  obligation  A.  G.  Rich- 
mond of  Canajoharie,  a  collector,  was  given  the  duty  of  making 
the  first  purchases.  Later  the  cooperation  of  Doctor  Beauchamp 
was  obtained.  Mrs  Harriet  Maxwell  Converse,  whose  father,  Hon. 
Thomas  Maxwell,  had  been  adopted  by  the  Seneca  tribe,  became 
interested  and  donated  a  considerable  collection  of  ethnological 
specimens.  From  this  time  on  the  State  Museum  has  made  every 
endeavor  consistent  with  its  resources  and  other  duties  to  build  up 
its  archeological  collections.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however, 
that  the  "  Indian  department "  of  the  State  Museum  had  its  real 
origin  in  the  work  and  collections  of*  Lewis  Henry  Morgan  for  the 
Museum  as  early  as  1849.  Morgan's  work  was  ethnological  rather 
than  archeological,  but  as  the  two  sciences  are  interrelated  and 


THE    ARC'IIEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  9 

coordinated,  Morgan  must  be  recognized  as  the  fa'.her  of  New  York 
archeological  science.  Certainly  his  researches  and  publications 
stimulated  a  large  amount  of  interest  not  only  in  this  State  but 
throughout  America  and  to  an  equal  extent  in  Europe.  Frcm 
Morgan's  study  of  the  New  York  aborigines  and  their  antiquities 
came  the  inspiration  that  has  made  anthropologists,  sociologists  and 
political  economists  recognize  him  as  one  of  America's  foremost 
observers,  and  to  look  to  this  State  as  a  singularly  important  field 
of  research  and  the  place  of  valuable  source  material. 

Students  have  been  drawn  to  the  New  York  field,  some  moved 
to  research  by  a  study  of  the  Indians  still  living  in  our  midst; 
others  by  an  interest  in  the  prehistoric  remains  found  scattered 
through  valleys  and  over  terraces.  Many  other  men  and  women 
who  have  no  professional  interest  in  science  have  yet  been  vitally 
interested  in  the  study  of  various  branches  of  sociology  and  anthro- 
pology through  a  knowledge  of  the  cultural  relics  in  the  State. 
Even  successful  business  men  have  benefited  through  pursuit  of 
archeology  as  an  avocation.  One  keen-minded  young  man  employed 
by  a  corporation  of  experts  in  business  efficiency,  upon  the  inquiry 
of  the  executive  officer  as  to  how  he  developed  his  extraordinary 
powers  of  close  observation  answered,  "  By  the  experience  I  gained 
in  hunting  Indian  relics."  With  much  enthusiasm  he  confessed  to 
the  writer  the  secret  of  his  rapid  progress.  "  I  owe  all  my  success," 
said  he,  "to  that  first  snub  nose  little  arrow  point  I  found  when 
a  boy.  It  taught  me  how  to  look  for  things." 

Perhaps  it  is  because  the  search  for  archeological  specimens  and 
the  subsequent  effort  to  make  a  correct  interpretation  of  them  so 
develops  observation  and  clear  thinking,  that  business  and  pro- 
fessional men  manifest  so  keen  an  interest,  in  such  collecting.  Aside 
from  this  is  the  zest  of  out-of-door  exercise,  bringing  health  as  well 
as  wisdom.  There  are  many  factors  connected  with  the  study  of 
Indian  artifacts  that  make  American  archeology  an  attractive 
science.  It  is  a  human  science,  it  awakens  the  imagination  along 
logical  lines,  it  teaches  the  use  of  resources  nearest  at  hand,  thereby 
developing  ingenuity ;  it  cultivates  attention  to  small  details,  thereby 
stimulating  observation ;  and,  as  an  outdoor  study,  it  cultivates  a 
keen  appreciation  of  the  land  in  which  one  lives.  The  archeologist, 
dealing  with  what  early  men  made,  whether  flint  points  or  forti- 
fications with  earthen  walls,  comes  to  have  a  broader,  higher  per- 
spective of  humanity.  He  is  capable  of  understanding  men  better 
because  he  knows  more  of  man's  history.  Dealing  also  with  the 


IO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

earth  and  its  hidden  records  of  early  races,  the  archeologist  develops 
a  knowledge  of  geology  from  the  human  side.  To  the  arche- 
ologist both  geology  and  history  have  a  special  significance.  The 
archeologist  knows  how  primitive  man  literally  hewed  out  his 
material  culture  from  the  rocks  that  the  geologist  knows  as  schist, 
granite,  quartz  and  flint.  Civilization  grew  out  of  man's  pound- 
ing these  rocks  with  his  stone  hammers.  The  archeologist  thus 
builds  up  the  foundation  upon  which  history  rests  and  affirms  that 
history  can  not  be  understood  aside  from  the  knowledge  afforded  and 
the  light  shed  by  archeology. 

The  keen  interest  in  the  archeology  of  New  York  State  has 
resulted  in  a  growing  demand  for  explanatory  literature.  Essential 
facts  have  been  scattered  through  books,  departmental  bulletins, 
pamphlets  and  periodicals,  and  have  not  been  available  to  the  student 
or  collector  who  did  not  possess  a  considerable  library.  For  some 
time  it  has  been  apparent  to  the  writer  that  a  general  handbook  was 
needed.  Indeed,  the  announcement  that  one  was  in  course  of  pre- 
paration brought  forth  numerous  requests  that  copies  be  reserved. 

This  volume  is  a  response  to  a  need  expressed  by  many  collectors 
and  professional  archeologists.  It  is  a  brief  attempt  to  define  the 
various  cultures,  to  describe  certain  type  specimens,  certain  import- 
ant excavations,  and,  finally,  to  give  a  list  of  localities  showing 
evidences  of  aboriginal  occupation.  We  shall  not  here  discuss  the 
history  of  the  tribes  found  at  the  opening  of  the  colonial  period  or 
lo  describe  European  trade  articles. 

The  lists  of  sites  are  probably  incomplete.  New  places  will 
be  discovered  from  time  to  time.  Certain  errors  no  doubt  will  be 
found  in  the  lists,  for  our  citations  have  been  compiled  from  long 
lists  furnished  by  several  hundred  collectors,  or  drawn  from  his- 
torical works  and  county  histories.  We  are  deeply  grateful  to  those 
who  have  furnished  information,  lists  and  copies  of  maps.  With- 
out such  aid  this  volume  would  not  have  been  possible.  A  partial 
record  of  names  of  those  who  assisted  in  the  compilation  of  sites  will 
be  found  in  another  part  of  the  volume. 

From  the  beginning  great  interest  in  the  progress  of  this  work  has 
been  manifested  by  the  Director  of  the  State  Museum,  Dr  John  M. 
Clarke.  He  has  shown  a  real  appreciation  of  the  interests  of  students 
and  collectors,  and  has  not  only  liberally  supported  our  efforts  to 
acquire  illustrative  material  but  has  made  possible  the  acquisition  of 
the  thousands  of  archeological  specimens  that  make  up  the  State 
Museum  collections.  Special  thanks  are  also  due  to  Jacob  VanDeloo, 


THE  ARCHEOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  NEW   YORK  II 

secretary  of  the  Museum  for  his  painstaking  labors  in  forwarding* 
tliis  publication. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  work  special  credit  must  be  given  to 
those  who  supplied  extended  manuscripts  and  unusual  advantages 
for  studying  the  field  and  in  examining  large  collections.  Among 
these  have  been  Henry  R.  Rowland,  William  L.  Bryant,  Frederick 
Houghton  and  George  L.  Tucker,  all  of  Buffalo;  Everett  R.  Bur- 
master  and  Obed  Edson  of  Chautauqua  county;  M.  Raymond 
Harrington  and  Alanson  Skinner  of  New  York;  Alvin  H.  Dewey, 
Harrison  C.  Follett,  E.  Gordon  Lee,  E.  D.  Putnam  and  M.  L. 
Baxter,  all  of  Rochester;  David  R.  Dorn,  Adrian  A.  Pierson  and 
Willard  E.  Yager  of  Otsego  county;  W.  Max  Schrabisch  of  Pater- 
son,  N.  J.,  and  finally  to  the  dean  of  New  York  archeologists, 
Dr  William  M.  Beauchamp.  All  these  persons  have  rendered  a 
service  that  has  been  of  conspicuous  value  and  one  expensive  to 
themselves.  With  such  moral  and  material  backing  it  has  been  a 
pleasant  though  lengthy  task  to  prepare  this  bulletin. 

To  all  those  who  made  it  possible  and  to  those  who  need  the 
guidance  of  its  pages  "  The  Archeological  History  of  New  York " 
is  dedicated. 


I 

THE  ORIGIN  OF  MATERIAL  CULTURE  AND  THE  DIS- 
TRIBUTION OF  THE  VARIOUS  RACES  OF  MAN 

1  THE  IMPORTANCE  OF  ARCHEOLOGICAL  RESEARCH 

Since  the  remote  days  when  man  appeared  upon  earth,  he  has 
been  writing  his  own  history.  This  writing  has  been,  as  it  were,  a 
tattooing  of  the  brown  skin  of  the  earth  mother,  and  the  ages  have 
covered  the  tracings  with  layers  and  obscured  them.  It  is  the 
archeologist  who  locates  the  precise  spots  where  this  buried  history 
is  hidden  and  lifts  the  accumulated  debris  of  the  centuries  and  then 
translates  the  record  into  the  language  that  men  of  today  under- 
stand. This  story  of  ancient  man  and  his  activities  is  of  much 
importance  to  us  of  today,  for  what  man  has  been  helps  man  of 
today  understand  whence  he  came  and  why  he  is  as  he  is;  and 
what  man  is  has  a  most  important  bearing  on  what  man  may  be. 
Without  this  knowledge  history  is  without  a  basis,  and  many  impor- 
tant branches  of  science  are  incomplete. 

Primitive  peoples  everywhere  have  passed  through  a  succession 
of  similar  cultural  stages.  Thus,  the  earthen  pottery,  the  chipped 
arrow  points  and  bone  awls  of  the  British  Isles  are  so  similar  to 
those  found  in  America  that  one  can  scarcely  tell  them  from 
the  same  objects  found  on  the  sites  of  the  Indian  villages  of  New 
York  State.  This  means  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  York, 
England,  2500  years  ago  were  living  in  about  the  same  way  and 
making  the  same  things  that  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  New  York, 
made  at  the  same  time  and  even  two  thousand  years  later, 
though  one  race  was  white  and  the  other  red,  and  though  the 
Atlantic  intervened  and  the  two  peoples  had  never  seen  or  heard  of 
each  other.  This  fact  is  so  well  recognized  by  anthropologists  and 
historians  that  the  study  of  American  archeology  and  the  study  of 
the  methods  of  life  and  organization  of  the  American  Indians  — 
the  study  of  American  ethnology  —  are  accorded  close  attention 
by  students  of  human  evolution  and  cultural  history  everywhere. 

A  study  of  the  condition  of  the  American  aborigines  led  to  the 
solution  of  many  questions  that  had  previously  puzzled  students  of 
the  natural  sciences.  But  while  much  has  been  learned,  the  new 
world  yet  presents  several  important  problems  in  cultural  history. 
Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  problem  of  the  origin  of  man 

-[13] 


14        '   "vC  X£\Y    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

in  America,  Whether  the  race  is  homogenous  or  composite,  the  emigra- 
tions of  stocks  and  tribes,  the  origin  of  the  stocks,  the  cause  of  the 
great  diversity  in  languages,  and  the  relations  with  the  people  of  the 
old  world  in  ancient  times. 

We  are  confronted  with  evidences  of  diverse  forms  of  develop- 
ment and  many  interesting  forms  of  material  culture.  Before  us  we 
have  definite  problems  of  the  influence  of  climate,  of  food,  of 
environment  and  of  geographical  location  upon  large  groups  of  man- 
kind. Nowhere  else  upon  so  fresh  and  fertile  a  field  may  this  record 
of  human  development  be  studied  with  such  advantage  as  in 
America.  Here  we  may  learn  many  of  the  basic  facts  of  anthro- 
pology and  follow  them  a  long  way,  if  not  to  a  final  conclusion. 

Anthropology  embraces  several  coordinate  sciences,  each  of  which 
is  important  in  itself.  The  student  of  race  origin  and  development 
will  find  that  he  must  be  principally  concerned  with  somatology, 
ethnology  and  archeology,  though  there  are  other  important  branches 
which  must  be  understood,  if  facts  are  to  be  logically  correlated. 

It  is  to  local  archeology,  however,  that  in  this  work  our  attention 
is  directed.  Through  the  interpretations  made  by  archeological 
methods  our  specific  task  is  to  determine  what  races,  stocks  and  tribes 
occupied  this  State;  to  discover  what  they  made;  what  they  used; 
how  and  where  they  lived;  what  of  art  and  science  they  knew;  and, 
even  more  boldly,  to  discover,  perchance,  what  these  autochthones 
thought  and  desired. 

Archeology,  concerning  itself  with  man  before  the  time  of  letter- 
written  history,  must  find  its  records  amid  the  crumbling  debris  of 
former  ages.  It  must  bring  to  light  the  evidences  of  human  activity 
and  translate  these  evidences  into  written  records.  This  must  be 
done  with  exceeding  care  for  all  human  sciences  lead  back  to 
archeology  and  draw  data  from  it. 

2  THE  ORIGIN  OF  MATERIAL  CULTURE  AND  HUMAN  PROGRESS 

It  is  because  man  became  a  user  of  objects  external  to  his  own 
hands  as  tools  that  he  has  risen  above  beasts.  But  so  long  as 
man  only  employed  the  natural  objects  about  him  without  chang- 
ing their  form  he  was  only  one  step  in  advance,  though  that  was  a 
long  one.  It  was  when  the  first  groups  of  men  learned,  by  direction 
of  their  own  will,  through  the  guidance  of  their  experiences,  how 
to  shape  wood,  bone  and  stone  as  tools  and  ornaments,  that  the 
second  great  step  was  taken,  and  the  beast  world  was  left  behind 


THE   ARCIIEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  1 5 

forever.  Man  became  a  fabricator  and  an  artisan,  and  progress 
began,  With  tools  in  his  hands  he  could  make  things,  and  when 
the  making  of  these  things  was  difficult  or  impossible  with  the  tools 
he  had,  he  used  his  tools  to  make  other  tools  with  which  to  produce 
the  objects  he  desired,  With  the  spread  of  the  art  of  making  things 
man  became  the  master  of  the  beasts  about  him. 

The  first  tools  were  sharp  fragments  of  stones  broken  by  natural 
agencies.  Experience  taught  that  the  harder  the  stone  the  sharper 
its  edge,  and  finally  some  group  of  primitives  through  the  handling  of 
flinty  rocks  and  nodules  discovered  how  to  chip  them  with  other 
stones.  With  sharp  flints,  wood  and  bone  could  be  cut  and  worked, 
and  thus  industry  began.  So  clear  is  this  fact  that  almost  every 
process  in  the  development  of  tools  from  the  simple  sharp  chip  to 
finished  stone  knives  can  be  traced,  and  thence,  to  the  use  of  copper 
and  bronze,  and  so  on  until  the  present. 

Thus  the  germ  of  civilization,  of  material  culture  and  of  all  that 
flows  from  industry,  began  with  the  chipping  of  sharp  bits  of  flint 
and  quartz.  With  these  sharp  things  man  was  able  to  change  the 
world  about  him  to  suit  his  needs ;  no  longer  was  he  the  creature  of 
circumstance;  he  could  now  overcome  all  circumstances  with  which 
his  inventions  were  designed  to  cope. 

Early  in  his  career  man  made  a  captive  of  fire;  he  had  sticks 
with  sharpened  flints  at  the  end  —  the  spear;  and  he  had  chopping 
tools  made  of  sharpened  stones,  which  in  later  times  he  hafted;  and 
he  had  clubs.  Man  became  bold  and  fought  wild  beasts  with 
confidence.  Man  had  tamed  fire;  but  the  beasts  feared  it.  The 
hearth  fire  frightened  away  the  prowling  carnivora  and  at  the  same 
time  cooked  the  hunter's  food;  but  of  equal  value,  it  conquered  the 
darkness  and  warmed  his  woman  and  his  children.  Little  wonder 
the  wild  races  worshipped  fire  and  its  symbol  in  the  sky.  It  was 
fire  that  helped  awaken  gratitude  in  the  heart  of  man  for  the  unseen 
powers  and  that  aided  him  to  pray. 

Through  the  agency  of  flint  and  fire  man  walked  out  of  his 
beastdom ;  he  walked  upright  "  and  sought  out  many  inventions." 

Once  in  possession  of  these  means  of  conquest  little  bands  of  human 
creatures  began  to  wander  from  the  primitive  home.  Their  inventive 
proclivities  developed  with  every  hardship  and  every  change  of 
climate. 

In  almost  every  place  upon  the  earth  where  mankind  can  exist, 
there  will  be  found  implements  of  chipped  chalcedony,  jasper,  quartz 
or  flint.  To  some  extent  the  character  of  the  stone  guided  the  shape 


l6  NKYV    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

of  the  implement  made  from  it,  but  even  so,  chipped  stone  blades 
of  knives,  spears  and  arrows  found  anywhere  in  the  world  bear  a 
marked  resemblance.  The  flint  spear  of  prehistoric  France  is  like 
that  of  Arkansas;  the  knife  blade  from  Belgium  is  like  that  of 
Quebec ;  and  the  arrow  points  of  China  resemble  those  of  Egypt. 

This  general  similarity  of  chipped  implements  has  led  to  two 
divisions  of  opinion  among  archeologists.  One  contends  that 
the  branches  of  the  primitive  race  spreading  out  over  the  earth, 
independently  discovered  the  art  of  chipping  flint  and  of  making 
spears,  and,  finally  that  each  evolved  the  bow  and  its  flint  tipped 
projectile.  This  school  of  opinion  lays  down  the  doctrine  that  the 
human  mind  universal  is  constituted  in  such  a  manner  that 
its  primitive  impulses  react  in  the  same  way  when  an  identical 
stimulus  is  applied.  In  other  words,  it  teaches  that  under  identical 
circumstances  human  beings  of  like  cultural  stages  of  development, 
will  do  the  same  things.  Thus,  primitive  wanderers  lost  from  all 
others  of  their  tribe,  observing  the  action  of  a  bent  stick,  might  invent 
a  bow  and  finally  discover  its  usefulness  when  used  in  conjunction 
with  an  arrow.  This  use  might  take  one  or  it  might  take  five  thou- 
sand generations  to  discover,  but  at  length  the  discovery  would  be 
made,  and  from  that  point  the  tribe  would  advance  to  other 
discoveries. 

The  second  school  of  archeological  thought  says  that  the  great 
basic  discoveries,  as  the  use  and  control  of  fire,  the  art  of  shaping- 
flints  and  the  invention  of  the  spear,  were  made  while  the  race  was 
as  yet  not  greatly  subdivided  and  while  it  inhabited  a  limited  area. 
Familiar  with  these  inventions,  man  spread  over  the  surface  of  the 
globe.  When  new  inventions  such  as  the  bow  or  the  use  of  copper, 
were  made  by  one  division,  this  school  teaches  that  the  knowledge 
of  each  invention  was  transmitted  to  others  by  contact. 

Thus  the  two  forms  of  belief  stand ;  one  arguing  that  all  divisions 
of  humanity  have  like  capacity  to  respond  to  similar  needs  by  similar 
methods ;  and  the  other  protesting  that  similar  arts,  inventions  and 
practices  are  evidence  of  contact.  Both  forms  of  belief  are  plausible 
so  far  as  they  go,  but  each  makes  the  error  of  laying  down  a  fixed 
doctrine  and  raising  barriers  at  its  extremes. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  and  one  that  may  be  demonstrated  by  evi- 
dence, both  beliefs  are  right  and  both  are  wrong,  in  certain  particu- 
lars. Under  certain' circumstances  some  isolated  divisions  of  human 
beings  might  invent  flint  knives  with  notched  shoulders,  and  these 
notched  knives  might  resemble  those  made  by  another  division  of 


THE    ARCIIEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  1 7 

the  race  whom  they  had  never  seen.  This  is  entirely  within  range 
of  human  capacity.  Again,  another  band  of  primitives  might  live 
in  a  locality  where  food  and  security  are  so  assured  that  it  would 
never  think  of  making  flint  knives  until  strange  humans  who  made 
and  used  them  showed  it  how.  This  again  is  a  possibility. 

The  Patent  Office  records  in  Washington  show  that  identical 
inventions  are  frequently  submitted  by  inventors  for  patent  rights. 
Often  the  same  invention  will  be  sent  in  by  men  living  in  widely 
separated  parts  of  the  country,  at  practically  the  same  time.  Neither 
man  had  heard  of  the  other  or  had  known  that  another  mortal  was 
working  along  the  same  lines.  Even  poems,  sentences,  snatches  of 
music  and  systems  of  philosophy  all  quite  identical,  have  been  pro- 
duced by  persons  unknown  to  one  another. 

If,  then,  simple  things  easy  to  devise,  once  known,  remain  unknown 
until  some  individual  spreads  the  knowledge,  and  if  identical  com- 
plex things  like  designs,  engines  and  poems  are  produced  by  different 
persons,  unknown  to  one  another,  what  shall  we  say  of  human 
capacity  and  resourcefulness?  Consciousness  of  need  begets  inven- 
tion, arousing  consciousness  of  necessity.  Then  to  upset  any  theory 
as  to  which  takes  precedence,  accident  produces  consciousness  of 
need  as  often  as  it  supplies  the  invention. 

It  would  therefore  seem  entirely  within  the  range  of  possibility 
that  many  branches  of  the  human  family  learned  of  devices  and 
inventions  by  contact  with  other  more  advanced  branches ;  and 
equally  possible  that  certain  discoveries,  as  that  of  chipping  flint, 
might  have  been  independently  evolved. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  the  ancestors  of  the  human 
race  lived  in  some  restricted  geographical  area  until  such  a  time 
as  certain  initial  usages  had  become  fixed  parts  of  the  pan- 
human  material  culture.  These  were  the  use  of  fire,  the  use  of 
flint  knives  and  spears,  sharp  pointed  bones  and  hafted  stone 
hatchets.  With  these  things  man  was  ready  to  travel  afar  and  to 
cope  with  devouring  beasts  and  hostile  elements.  To  the  roaming 
bands  of  proto-men  who  departed  from  the  motherland  before  the 
primal  inventions  came,  one  of  three  things  happened ;  they 
became  exterminated  through  lack  of  means  to  cope  with  environ- 
ment, they  independently  discovered  the  primal  arts,  or  wandering 
back  to  offshoots  of  the  parent  stock  that  had  made  the  primal 
discoveries,  they  learned  to  make  and  apply  them. 

Endowed  by  the  primal  inventions  the  race  progenitors  wan- 
dered from  one  continent  to  another,  each  separate  division, 


1 8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

stimulated  both  by  hereditary  impulses  as  well  as  by  its  own 
.reasoning  from  cause  to  effect,  and  induced  to  actions  by  new 
experiences,  they  invented  identical  things,  because  the  identical 
needs  of  peoples  similarly  situated  require  identical  forms  of  relief. 
The  primal  inventions  made  others  possible  because  they  provided 
new  things  that  others  might  handle,  might  experience  and  might 
think  about.  A  right  combination  occurred,  and  a  new  device  was 
born.  The  same  combinations  of  need,  material,  reason,  incentive, 
impulse  and  action  were  quite  likely  to  occur  to  several  men.  One 
man  might  make  the  discovery  in  South  America  ten  thousand  years 
later  than  another  man  who  lived  in  a  cave  in  the  foothills  of  the 
French  Pyrenees.  Yet  ,in  time  the  need  would  have  been  met. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  to  find  the  same  types  of  implements 
the  world  over.  The  wonder  is  at  the  daring  of  primitive  man, 
the  spirit  of  adventure  that  caused  him  to  wander  over  seas  and 
deserts  and  to  occupy  every  considerable  body  of  land  on  the 
globe;  that  the  man-animal  could  adapt  himself  to  every  form  of 
climate,  and  with  his  few  inventions  could  fasten  himself  to  living 
conditions.  It  may  easily  be  believed  that  the  permanence  of  the 
biological  characteristics  making  up  the  species  man,  is  due  to  the 
early  discovery  of  tools  and  weapons,  exterior  to  his  own  person. 
As  a  permanent  memorial  of  this  belief,  the  chipped  flints  of  all 
the  various  periods  of  cultural  development  remain.  Man  fixed 
himself  as  man  when  first  of  his  own  free  will  he  chipped  out  an 
eolith. 

If  mankind  enlightened  ever  desires  to  pay  tribute  to  the  handi- 
work of  the  race,  and  by  monument  or  inscription  gratefully  to 
record  its  debt  to  the  cause  of  its  material  progress,  it  may  fittingly 
raise  the  eolith  to  view  and  say,  "All  that  we  know  of  art,  science, 
invention  and  industry,  and  even  the  unity  of  the  human  family,  we 
owe  to  the  man  or  men  who  first  flaked  stone  to  points  and  edges." 

3   THE  ORIGIN  AND   DISTRIBUTION   OF   MAN   IN   NORTH 

AMERICA 

Archeologists  deduce  the  former  presence  of  man  in  any  given 
area  by  the  discovery  of  human  skeletal  remains  and  by  the  finding 
of  cultural  artifacts,  such  as  chipped  flints.  In  Europe  and  in  Asia 
these  things  have  been  found  under  such  conditions  as  to  point  out 
a  remote  antiquity.  The  finding  of  chipped  stone  implements, 
mingled  with  the  cracked  bones  of  extinct  animals  in  the  caves  of 
France  and  Belgium  proved  that  man  had  lived  in  the  period  when 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


the  cave  bear,  hairy  rhinoceros,  mastodon  and  saber-toothed  tiger 
roamed  Europe.  The  original  association  of  the  artifacts  with  the 
animal  bones  can  not  be  questioned  for  the  deposits  have  never  been 
disturbed,  and  are  by  far  too  large  to  admit  any  other  interpretation 
than  that  man  lived  when  these  now  extinct  animals  lived.  If  there 
is  a  single  lingering  doubt,  our  minds  become  convinced  when  we 
are  shown  the  carvings  of  these  extinct  creatures  on  fragments  of 
bone  and  ivory.  These  carvings  are  the  work  of  human  hands.  In 
many  instances,  too,  the  walls  of  the  caves  are  painted  with  repre- 
sentations of  these  ancient  beasts.  The  location  of  these  deposits 


Fig.  i     Magdalenian  painting  from  the  cave  of  Altamira 

and  the  rock  paintings  make  their  preservation  possible.  Had  they 
been  made  in  the  open  nearly  every  evidence  would  have  been 
weathered  away.  Only  by  rare  chance  have  any  of  the  ancient 
deposits  been  preserved  and  discovered.  Enough,  however,  have 
been  examined  by  specialists,  to  demonstrate  that  Europe  was  one 
of  the  homes  of  mankind  while  it  was  yet  in  its  early  infancy. 

In  America  no  extensive  evidences  comparable  to  those  of  Europe 
have  been  found.  While  there  have  been  several  notable  discoveries 
of  supposed  very  ancient  human  remains  in  America,  there  is  as 
yet  not  evidence  that  any  possess  characteristics  differing  from  those 
of  Indians  today.  No  human  remains  found  in  America  as  yet 
approach  the  antiquity  of  European  or  of  Asiatic  discoveries.  If 
mankind  found  a  footing  in  America  at  the  age  when  the  caves  of 
Northern  France  were  inhabited  by  the  contemporaries  of  the  saber- 
toothed  tiger  and  the  hairy  rhinoceros,  we  have  not  the  slightest 
evidence  of  it.  From  a  careful  review  of  all  the  facts  placed  before 


2O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

anatomists,  geologists  and  anthropologists,  the  general  conclusion  is 
that  America  was  without  human  occupants  at  the  time  when  the 
old  world  had  a  considerable  population.1 

Biologists  take  a  similar  stand  in  the  conclusions  they  reach  con- 
cerning the  advent  of  man  in  America.  They  point  out  that  there 
are  no  skeletal  remains  of  the  higher  primates  reported  from  either 
continent.  From  this  they  conclude  that  the  proto-human  ancestors 
of  man  did  not  develop  in  the  new  world,  but  that  the  Hominidae 
attained  the  human  type  in  the  old  world,  very  likely  southern  Asia 
or  the  islands  to  the  south. 

The  problem  of  the  coming  of  man  to  America  is  thus  placed 
before  us  for  solution.  This  problem  has  occupied  the  attention  of 
thinkers  from  the  time  America  was  found  to  be  a  distinct  land 
area,  and  separated  from  the  old  world  by  vast  expanses  of  water. 
Various  theories  have  been  devised,  some  ingenious,  some  utterly 
absurd.  Writers  have  suggested  that  the  peoples  of  the  fabulous 
Atlantis  populated  America ;  others  that  the  Indians  are  descendents 
of  the  Ten  Lost  tribes  of  Israel,  or  the  survivors  of  a  Welsh  ship- 
wreck. Still  others,  ignoring  discoveries,  have  sought  to  make  us 
believe  that  the  original  cradle  of  the  human  race  was  in  America 
itself.  Against  these  arbitrary  theories  we  may  set  forth  definite 
facts.  There  is  no  proof  that  Atlantis  was  a  connecting  continent 
or  that  it  existed  in  the  accepted  sense ;  the  ten  "  lost "  tribes  were 
not  lost  until  a  time  when  America  had  a  considerable  population ; 
and  the  lost  tribes  were  never  actually  lost  but  number  their 
descendents  in  Asia  today ;  a  shipload  of  Welsh  men,  if  such  a  ship- 
load ever  reached  America,  could  never  populate  two  continents,  and 
for  that  matter,  when  Madoc  was  swallowed  by  the  sea  America 
was  already  occupied  by  men  of  a  ruddy  hue;  and  the  belief  that 
America  was  the  primitive  cradle  has  to  complicate  it  the  inquiry, 
why  the  old  world  then  had  so  great  a  population  that  all  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  two  Americas  scarcely  constitute  a 
respectable  fraction;  also  how  they  built  transports  large  enough  to 
cross  the  Pacific.  If  America  was  the  primal  cradle  there  would  be 
enough  to  prove  such  a  belief,  but  as  we  have  indicated,  geology, 
biology  and  anthropology  all  deny  that  any  sufficient  proofs  have 


1For  detailed  studies  of  the  problem  of  man's  antiquity  in  America,  see 
the  publications  of  George  Grant  McCurdy,  the  works  of  W.  H.  Holmes 
(e.g.,  Some  Problems  of  the  American  Race ;  American  Anthropologist, 
12:2),  and  Ales  Hrdlicka  (Skeletal  Remains  Suggesting  or  Attributed  to 
Early  Man  in  North  America;  Bureau  of  Ethnology  Bui.  33). 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  21 

been  submitted  to  this  end.  None  of  the  ingenious  attempts  to 
show  that  there  was  a  "  Garden  of  Eden  "  here  from  which  some 
Adam  or  some  Noah  went  forth,  would  stand  analysis.  The  new 
world,  compared  with  the  old  world,  so  far  as  the  age  of  man  is 
affected,  is  a  new  world  indeed. 

In  seeking  to  determine  how  America  was  populated  we  naturally 
examine  the  land  approaches  of  the  two  hemispheres.  The  route 
from  Asia  over  Bering  strait  seems  to  be  and  is  the  most  plausible 
one.  Here  under  ordinary  conditions  bands  of  primitive  (the 
word  being  used  in  a  relative  sense)  Asiatic  tribes  found  their  way 
from  one  continent  to  the  other.  At  the  time  that  migrations  of 
sufficiently  large  numbers  of  human  beings  were  a  possibility  in  this 
direction,  the  human  race  must  have  attained  a  considerable  cultural 
advance.  It  must  have  possessed  language,  fire,  stone  tools,  weapons 
and  warm  clothing.  If  we  assume  that  certain  Asiatic  groups  did 
press  northward  and  then  eastward  across  the  strait,  we  are  com- 
pelled to  account  for  the  motives  that  impelled  them.  Why  did  they 
leave  the  warmer  regions  to  the  south?  Certainly  the  routes  of 
migration  within  the  historic  period  have  not  been  from  the  warm 
or  the  temperate  regions  to  the  inhospitable  ice  fields  of  the.  north. 
If  man  originated  in  tropical  Asia  it  must  have  been  a  long  time 
before  any  stream  of  humanity  was  pressed  northward  to  escape 
the  competition  of  others  that  were  able  to  fasten  themselves  upon 
more  favorable  climes.  Yet  the  possibility,  and  indeed  the  probability, 
that  certain  groups,  either  voluntarily  or  under  compulsion, 
eventually  found  their  way  northward  must  be  admitted.  Man 
hunts  for  a  food  supply.  The  primitive  food  supply  was  drawn 
from  the  animal  and  the  plant  worlds.  Desirable  food  was  to  be 
found  only  in  limited  quantities  and,  thus,  when  the  population 
center  in  the  southlands  increased,  wandering  bands  pressed  out  in 
ever  widening  circles  that,  as  they  were  removed  from  the  center, 
were  deflected  in  streams.  There  were  natural  barriers,  and  there 
were  human  enemies  struggling  to  lay  hold  of  food  areas.  Man's 
social  nature  drew  groups  of  men  together  and  group  consciousness 
was  ever  present  in  the  individual.  The  man  of  one  group  to  the 
man  of  another  was  an  enemy  who  was  liable  to  steal  his  women, 
to  appropriate  his  shelter  beneath  the  rocks,  and  worst  of  all,  to 
come  with  other  out-group  enemies  to  appropriate  the  hunting  ground 
or  the  region  wfyere  edible  herbs,  roots  and  berries  grew.  As  the 
north  was  approached  competition  grew  keener.  With  these  wander- 
ings in  search  of  feeding  grounds  the  migratory  spirit  was  developed. 


22  XE\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Groups  pressed  upon  one  another  from  all  sides.  Group  conscious- 
ness developed  the  feeling  of  group  superiority.  Groups  not  allied 
in  any  way  believed  that  they  had  a  right  to  kill  off  all  other  groups. 
Thus  came  the  triple  struggle  for  food,  for  an  endurable  climate 
and  for  safety  from  other  predatory  groups.  As  the  colder  regions 
to  the  north  were  approached  there  must  have  been  an  increasing 
resistance  to  the  intrusions  of  other  north  and  east  pressing  groups. 

At  each  long  stage  of  the  northward  journey  great  changes  would 
take  place  in  the  life  of  the  group.  There  would  be  new  foods  to 
find  and  to  eat,  new  animals  to  deal  with,  new  climatic  conditions 
to  overcome.  These  things  would  modify  customs  and  even  language 
itself .  But  the  possession  of  flints  and  the  mastery  of  fire  remained. 
Eventually  the  region  about  the  northeast  coast  would  be  reached, 
the  coast  would  be  explored.  The  food  would  be  fish,  seals,  sea 
bird  eggs,  and  arctic  mammals.  Vegetable  food  would  be  practically 
unknown.  Clothing  would  be  of  the  skins  of  bears,  seals,  reindeer 
and  other  arctic  animals.  There  were  canoes  of  skin  in  which  for 
short  distances  the  venturesome  went  out  to  sea  or  journeyed  along 
the  coast. 

At  some  period  in  the  history  of  these  boreal  groups  would  come 
a  knowledge  of  more  land  beyond,  to  the  farther  east.  This 
knowledge  was  the  beginning  of  the  migrations  of  small  bands. 
There  may  have  been  a  long  period  of  passing  and  repassing,  before 
attempts  were  made  to  push  farther  south  in  the  new  land  across 
the  strait.  It  may  be  that  the  hunting  grounds  there  were  immeas- 
urably better,  that  there  was  some  better  food  supply,  or  that  once 
the  mysterious  region  became  generally  known  there  was  an  impulse 
to  go  to  it.  Then,  again  there  would  be  a  pressure  of  tribe  and 
group  pressing  the  vanguards.  The  smaller  number  would  always 
be  in  advance;  the  greater  number  behind,  to  drive  the  venturous 
before  them. 

In  presenting  a  hypothesis  of  this  kind,  it  is  well  to  remember 
that  the  first  groups  of  men  moving  from  a  common  center  toward 
an  inhospitable  climate  resisted  as  best  they  could  every  attempt  to 
force  them  into  what  they  considered  an  undesirable  region.  If  they 
were  unable  to  crush  their  foes  they  might  attempt  to  escape  to  the 
west  or  again  back  to  the  south.  Without  doubt  the  great  avenue 
•  of  migration  was  to  the  west.  Not  until  the  population  halted  and 
pressed  both  eastward  and  westward  would  there  be  a  progression 
northward,  into  the  subarctic  north.  We  must  also  believe  that 
very  many  groups  perished  long  before  they  were  driven  into  north- 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  23 

eastern  Asia.  Of  even  greater  importance  must  be  the  understand- 
ing that  the  journey  from  the  hypothetical  race  cradle  in  the  south 
was  not  a  deliberate  journey  made  by  one  single  tribe.  The  move- 
ments of  groups  to  the  north  were  by  slow  stages,  and  in  entering 
each  new  northward  area,  the  different  requirements  for  meeting 
the  new  environment  would  cause  a  considerable  change  in  the 
customs  and  the  material  culture  of  the  group.  The  group  that 
reached  rigorous  north  would  have  no  tradition  that  its  remote 
ancestors  to  the  south,  thousands  of  years  before,  lived  from  the 
fruits  of  the  trees  and  vines.  It  would  only  know  that  every  attempt 
to  reach  the  south  was  resisted  by  fighting  men.  In  time,  therefore, 
the  group  would  become  accustomed  to  its  environment  and  believe 
itself  the  most  favored  of  all.  Then,  as  stronger  and  more  southern 
or  western  bands  pressed  upon  it,  it  would  again  give  way  and  escape 
to  the  farther  north. 

By  a  theory  similar  to  this  anthropologists,  taking  full  account 
of  all  that  geological  science  says  concerning  the  subject,  point  out 
the  probable  route  of  man  into  America.  The  subsequent  distribu- 
tion of  the  various  bands  of  mankind  throughout  the  continent  is 
another  question,  perhaps  easier  to  deal  with,  but  yet  fraught  with 
many  difficulties. 

The  wide  distribution  of  the  aboriginal  American  race  and  its' 
fairly  uniform  physical  characteristics  indicate  its  essential  uni- 
formity. It  is  one  race.  The  difference  between  the  American  race 
and  the  nearest  true  Asiatics  also  has  much  significance.  The  Ameri- 
can race  has  developed  as  such  in  America  though  it  took  root  in 
Asia.  No  longer  is  it  Asiatic  so  far  as  trunk  and  branch  are  affected. 
The  only  possible  vestiges  may  be  the  intensification  of  the  pigmenta- 
tion of  the  skin,  giving  the  red-brown  hue,  and  certain  mental  traits. 
None  of  the  American  languages  is  like  the  Asiatic,  except  remotely, 
as  any  language  might  be. 

The  ancient  period  when  the  distribution  of  the  race  was  complete, 
from  the  icy  northlands  of  Alaska  through  the  Central  and  South 
American  tropics  to  the  bleak  snow-covered  tundras  of  Patagonia, 
was  one  far  back  in  point  of  time,  and,  it  may  be,  followed  the 
subsidence  of  the  last  glaciation  in  the  north.  Again  there  must 
have  been  cradle  lands  in  which,  affected  by  food,  climate  and  the 
changed  surroundings,  the  descendents  of  the  wanderers  from  Asia 
developed  distinct  racial  traits,  both  mental  and  physical.  With  the 
increase  of  the  populations  there  would  be  another  spreading,  the 
currents  being  deflected  by  mountain  ranges,  great  bodies  of  water, 


24  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

arid  regions  and  other  factors.  "But  the  distribution  would  take 
place,  following  lines  of  least  resistance. 

The  natural  course  of  migration  would  be  southward  along  the 
coast  of  Alaska  and  British  Columbia.  Food  would  become  more 
abundant  as  the  more  southern  climes  were  approached.  The  entire 
Pacific  coast  has  been  a  cradle  land  of  various  linguistic  stocks 
of  the  continent  and  the  seat  of  many  complex  cultures.  There 
many  different  stocks  lived,  learning  from  experience  the  necessity 
of  establishing  rules  for  fishing,  hunting  and  gathering  nut  and  root 
foods.  The  Pacific  coast  area  is  narrow  and  hemmed  in  the  tribes 
between  the  mountains  and  the  ocean.  The  population  was  relatively 
congested.  In  time  some  of  the  most  highly  distinctive  culture  traits 
and  specialized  forms  of  carving  and  decoration  developed  in  this 
area. 

West  of  the  Sierra  Nevadas  another  condition  is  to  be  noted. 
Instead  of  congestion  there  is  a  wide  sweeping  distribution  of 
linguistic  stocks.  The  entire  interior  of  Alaska  and  of  western 
•'Canada  was  held  by*the  various  divisions  of  the  Athapascan  stock. 
'Once  it  may  have  occupied  the  coast  and  later  lost  it  to  the  Eskimo. 
But  observation  indicates  that  the  Athapascan  stock  held  the  coast 
only  about  Cook  inlet.  Even  Hudson's  Bay  became  shut  to  them 
when  the  Eskimo  intruded.  Southward  the  Athapascans  pushed  down 
the  Rocky  mountain  foothills  and  occupied  some  of  the  most  arid 
and  most  inhospitable  regions  of  what  we  now  know  as  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  western  Texas  and  Chihuahua.  In  a  few  isolated  spots 
they  found  small  tracts  along  the  Pacific  in  Oregon  and  northern 
California.  Several  interesting  observations  may  be  made  upon  the 
Athapascan  stock.  It  occupied  the  least  desired  lands  —  the  bleak 
rigorous  north  and  the  arid,  sun  blistered  deserts  of  the  south,  always 
shut  away  from  the  coasts.  In  the  north  its  culture  was  limited,  in 
the  south  it  was  far  more  complex,  as  a  survey  of  the  Navaho  and 
Apache  divisions  of  this  stock  will  demonstrate.  The  entire  stock 
is  peace  loving,  most  industrious,  fits  itself  to  its  several  occupational 
areas  and  quickly  assimilates  the  culture  of  any  superior  tribe  or 
stock  surrounding  it. 

While  the  Athapascan  stock  swept  from  the  north  to  the  south, 
the  great  Algonkian  stock  spread  out  like  a  triangular  fan,  from 
the  Rockies  to  the  interior  of  all  Labrador  and  to  the  New 
England  coast.  Holding  back  the  Eskimo  and  the  northern  Athapas- 
cans on  the  north  it  held  the  southwestern  shores  of  Hudson's  Bay, 
most  of  the  region  north  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  spread  down  the 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  25 

Atlantic  coast.  On  the  west  side  it  occupied  most  of  the  Mississippi 
valley  from  the  source  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  being  checked 
there  by  the  Siouan  stock,  and  a  little  eastward  in  Tennessee  by  the 
Muskhogean. 

West  of  the  Algonkian  stock  and  held  like  an  island  between 
other  stocks,  including  the  Cheyenne-Arapahoe  tribes  of  Algonkian 
blood,  were  the  tribes  of  the  Sioux,  extending  from  eastern  Assini- 
boia  southward  into  southern  Arkansas.  The  area  resembles  a  large 
headed,  short  winged,  large  tailed  bird  flying  with  its  short,  blunt 
bill,  to  the  north-northwest.  Its  head  and  shoulders  press  into  the 
Algonkian  area,  its  right  wing  pushes  into  Minnesota  and  northern 
Iowa,  and  its  clipped  left  wing  between  two  Algonkian  divisions  to 
the  >west,  and  into  the  area  of  the  great  Shoshonean  stock.  Oddly 
enough  in  the  very  middle  of  its  back  along  the  boundaries  of  North 
and  South  Dakota  there  rests  an  isolated  band  of  the  Caddoan  stock, 
but  the  Caddoes  also  push  into  the  thunder  bird  from  the  west  and 
nearly  sever  the  tail,  through  the  base  of  which  the  Missouri  flows 
(between  Iowa  and  Nebraska). 

The  Shoshonean  stock  occupied  the  Rocky  mountain  region, 
pushed  across  to  the  Sierras  and  thence  southward  into  California, 
where  in  the  southern  end  it  held  a  strip  of  sea  coast.  A  long  pro- 
jection pushes  southward  through  southwestern  Wyoming,  all  of 
Utah,  Nevada  and  the  western  half  of  Colorado,  into  northeastern 
New  Mexico  and  northwestern  Texas.  Still  southward  other  traces 
of  this  stock  are  found  until  we  learn  from  a  number  of  authorities 
that  the  Shoshoni  are  related  to  a  greater  division  known  as  the  Uto- 
Aztekan  family,  which  of  course  includes  the  Aztec  or  Nahuatl 
people.  Thuo  the  Shoshoni,  the  Paiute,  the  Bannock,  the  Comanche 
and  the  Hopi  are  but  northern  kinsmen  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  Caddoan  stock,  we  have  mentioned.  Its  most  northern  loca- 
tion is  along  the  borders  of  North  and  South  Dakota.  Pushing 
across  the  prairies  we  find  in  southern  Nebraska  another  and  larger 
group,  then  southward  among  the  Kiowa  several  small  groups,  per- 
haps later  comers  from  the  north.  South  of  the  Kiowan  stock 
between  the  Shoshonean  stock  on  the  west,  the  Muskhogean  on  the 
east  and  the  Siouan  to  the  north  is  the  third  and  largest  division  of 
the  Caddo  people,  while  south  and  east  of  them  are  several  small 
stocks,  the  Natchesan,  Tonican,  Attacapan  and  Chittemachan. 

While  the  Muskhogean  stock  was  east  of  the  Caddo,  these  small 
barrier  stocks  above  mentioned  actually  occupied  a  small  strip,  pre- 
venting close  contact.  The  Muskhogean  people  were  dwellers  of 


26  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the  eastern  south  lands,  occupying  most  of  Mississippi,  most  of 
Alabama,  most  of  Georgia,  northern  Florida,  and,  to  the  north, 
they  extended  like  a  wedge  through  western  Tennessee  into  Ken- 
tucky, along  the  south  bank  of  the  Ohio.  The  Algonkian  stock 
lay  to  the  north.  The  Muskhogean  people  were  a  stock  of  consider- 
able intellect  and  a  well-defined  material  culture.  The  important 
place  they  have  occupied  in  the  cultural  development  of  the  tribes  to 
the  north  is  perhaps  underestimated. 

The  Iroquoian  stock,  which  includes  the  Cherokee,  the  Wyandot- 
Huron,  the  confederated  Five  Nations,  the  Erie,  the  Neutral, 
the  Tuscarora,  and  a  number  of  smaller  tribes,  drove  itself 
like  a  wedge  into  the  very  heart  of  the  eastern  Algonkians.  On  the 
north  they  held  the  St  Lawrence  valley,  the  shores  north  of  Ontario 
and  Erie,  the  southern  tip  of  Huron,  pressed  into  a  corner  of 
Indiana,  all  of  northern  Ohio,  all  of  New  York  except  the  triangle 
running  from  Lake  George  to  the  Delaware,  and  all  of  Pennsylvania 
except  a  small  strip  on  the  eastern  border.  Then  there  was  a  hiatus, 
'but  again  there  was  a  long  strip,  like  a  wrist  laid  through  western 
Virginia,  broadening  into  the  shape  of  a  gloved  hand  grasping 
eastern  Tennessee,  western  North  Carolina  and  reaching  over  into 
northern  Alabama  and  Georgia.  A  thumblike  extension  pressing 
southeastward  into  South  Carolina  held  a  small  band  of  the  Algonkin 
and  the  Uchean  stock  (if  it  was  a  stock)  against  the  Muskhogeans. 
An  isolated  division  of  the  Iroquois  lived  in  eastern  North  Carolina 
and  southern  Virginia,  where  the  eastern  Sioux  cut  them  off  from 
their  kinsmen  over  the  mountains  to  the  west. 

There  are  other  small  but  important  stocks  but  these  need  not  be 
specially  mentioned  except  when  they  shed  light  on  the  question  of 
distribution.  In  a  general  treatise  they  would  need  detailed  attention. 

A  second  great  division  of  the  American  race  is  the  Eskimoan.  The 
Eskimo  were  and  still  are  a  circumpolar  people  occupying  the  Arctic 
shores  wherever  a  foothold  is  provided  by  nature.  They  extend 
from  the  Aleutian  islands  and  the  very  tip  of  Cape  Prince  of  Wales 
clear  across  the  continental  expanse,  holding  the  shores  of  Hudson's 
Bay,  except  a  small  strip  held  by  the  Cree,  but  still  cling  to  the  east 
side  of  the  bay  from  the  Nottaway  river  back  to  the  Hudson  strait 
and  then  fringe  the  coast  of  Labrador,  circling  it  to  a  point  about 
opposite  the  western  end  of  Anticosti  island.  They  occupy  many  of 
the  frigid  wastes  of  the  Arctic  circle,  including  much  of  the  coast 
of  Greenland.  The  Eskimo  show  a  close  cultural  affinity  to  other 
boreal  people  and  are  a  distinct  division  of  the  American  race.  So 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  27 

far  as  it  has  been  possible  to  enumerate  them,  they  are  less  than 
30,000  in  number. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  areas  here  described  as  the 
bounds  of  certain  linguistic  stocks  were  fixed  or  even  entirely 
agreed  upon  by  the  native  peoples.  In  certain  regions  boundaries 
were  definitely  fixed  and  there  were  patrols  who  marched  back  and 
forth  from  one  landmark  to  another  to  prevent  any  outer  tribesman 
from  trespass.  In  other  places  certain  boundaries  were  regarded  as 
the  proper  limitations  of  tribal  hunting  grounds  and  any  foeman  who 
ventured  into  these  limits  did  so  at  the  risk  of  his  life  and  perhaps 
at  the  risk  of  an  intertribal  war.  With  the  Iroquois  each  tribe 
occupied  a  definite  area,  the  bounds  of  which  were  agreed  upon  in 
council.  By  these  agreements  one  tribesman  might  not  hunt  in 
another's  territory,  and  if  through  the  chance  of  the  chase  a  deer 
was  pursued  from  the  Onondaga  country,  for  example,  into  the 
land  of  the  Oneida,  it  might  be  slain  but  its  pelt  must  be  left  hanging 
conspicuously  near  the  trail  and  marked  in  such  a  way  to  show  that 
a  person  without  the  group  had  killed  it.  The  meat  being  more 
perishable  might  be  taken  away  by  the  hunter,  but  not  if  very  near 
a  settlement,  without  permission. 

In  general,  however,  the  boundaries  between  stocks  were  flexible 
and  gave  way  to  the  pressure  of  the  stronger  group.  Agreements 
and  the  possession  of  force  might  even  permit  fragments  of  some 
stocks  to  live  surrounded  by  others.  Stocks  have  ebbed  and  flowed. 
Some  have  grown  and  others,  no  doubt,  have  become  entirely 
exterminated.  Many  tribes  belonging  to  certain  stocks  have  adopted 
the  customs  of  other  stocks  and  finally  become  entirely  absorbed.  It 
may  be  that  changes  in  dialects  to  some  extent  came  in  this  way. 

Great  stocks  and  highly  specialized  culture  did  not  develop,  as  a 
rule,  where  warfare  continually  raged.  Development  came  during 
times  of  peace.  Peace  was  the  result  of  several  factors,  among 
which  may  be  mentioned  isolation,  abundance  of  food,  satisfaction 
with  territory,  agreement  with  other  tribes.  Natural  barriers  had 
much  to  do  with  cultural  development.  The  Pueblo  peoples  of  the 
southwest  were  safe  enough  in  their  desert  region,  and  during  times 
of  peace  they  were  able  to  build  up  their  fortified  pueblos  that 
afforded  protection  against  raids. 

In  aboriginal  times  there  seems  to  have  been  little  extended  war- 
fare. Indians  were  not  always  fighting.  Such  wars  as  occurred,  gen- 
erally speaking,  were  more  of  the  nature  of  local  skirmishes  in  which 
n  few  warriors  were  engaged.  The  greater  wars  were  waged  by 


Plate   2 


Outline  map  showing  the  distribution  of  the  principal  tribal  groups  in  North 
America.     (Map  by  The  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.) 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  2Q 

tribes  that  had  built  up  their  material  culture  during  long  periods  of 
peace.  Indeed,  also,  these  peace-loving  peoples,  having  larger  stores 
of  pelts,  corn,  dried  food,  utensils  and  other  valuable  movable 
property,  were  subject  to  raids  by  other  more  predatory  tribes.  The 
more  peaceful  and  sedentary  tribes,  therefore,  built  fortifications  and 
stockades,  some  of  them  of  considerable  dimensions.  Probably  the 
greatest  wars  of  which  we  have  any  means  of  knowing  were  those 
in  which  the  mound-building  peoples  were  reduced  and  expelled 
from  their  country  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  A  later 
war  of  importance  was  that  of  the  Huron-Iroquois,  in  which  they 
pushed  aside  the  Algonkian  tribes  and  established  themselves  in  the 
areas  where  they  wrere  found  at  the  opening  of  the  historic  era. 
AYars  of  this  kind  did  occur  in  ancient  times,  but  it  is  to  be  doubted 
that  the  loss  by  killing  was  ever  very  heavy,  except  in  rare  instances. 
Like  the  European,  however,  the  Indian  was  war-loving,  but  the 
Indian  was  equally  fond  of  great  councils  in  which  matters  of  dis- 
pute were  peacefully  settled. 

Stock  and  tribes  thus  pushed  out  as  their  needs  and  impulses 
dictated.  The  country  was  vast  and  there  was  room  for  many,  but 
when  the  hunting  grounds  were  depleted  and  food  became  scarce, 
each  group,  and  indeed  each  individual,  fought  first  for  individual 
survival.  In  a  measure,  therefore,  the  tribes  that  developed  a  form 
of  social  organization  suited  to  its  environment  survived.  How 
these  tribes  and  stocks  were  distributed  at  the  opening  of  the 
colonial  period  we  have  already  outlined. 

In  any  consideration  of  the  displacement  of  tribes  and  stocks  we 
must  give  weight  to  the  possibilities  of  migrations  due  to  the 
encroachments  of  wild  animals.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  buffalo 
herds  or  other  ruminants  invaded  the  mound-builder  territory  and 
made  agriculture  so  precarious  that  it  was  necessary  to  press  farther 
south  and  east.  In  so  doing  there  would  be  an  intrusion  of  the 
Muskhogean  and  Algonkian  area  and  subsequent  wars  for  read- 
justment. 


II 

THE  ABORIGINAL  OCCUPATION  OF  NEW  YORK 


i        PHYSIOGRAPHIC    FEATURES    INVITING    OCCUPATION 

The  area  embraced  by  the  State  of  New  York  seems  always  to 
have  been  designed  as  a  great  natural  empire.  Its  geographical 
position,  its  physical  features  and  its  natural  resources  have  from 
early  times  been  favorable  and  inviting  to  human  occupation.  Per- 
haps no  other  area  upon  the  continent  presents  such  variations  in 
type  of  landscape.  The  soil  in  its  different  forms  affords  the  grow- 
ing bed  for  numerous  types  of  vegetation,  especially  food  plants,  and 
the  great  valleys  and  alluvial  plains  are  covered  by  heavy  deposits 
of  fertile  soil,  easily  cultivated  and  capable  of  sustaining  immense 
fields  of  vegetables  and  grain. 

To  a  large  extent  the  superiority  of  this  region  is  due  to  the 
Great  Lakes  to  the  north,  to  the  smaller  interior  lakes  and  to  the 
numerous  river  systems  that  are  fed  by  a  vast  number  of  secondary 
streams  and  tributaries.  A  large  number  of  the  streams  are 
navigable  by  canoe  to  their  very  headwaters.  Because  of  this  fact 
it  was  possible  for  the  early  Indians  to  travel  from  one  drainage 
system  to  another  by  means  of  short  carrys.  The  Hudson  from  its 
source  affords  access  to  a  considerable  area.  Over  the  divide  near 
Fort  Edward,  the  Champlain  drainage  system  could  be  reached. 
There  were  two  general  routes,  one  that  touched  Lake  George  and 
the  other  Lake  Champlain.  These  points  from  remote  times  were 
of  strategic  importance.  During  colonial  days  these  portages  were 
well  fortified  by  Fort  Edward  at  the  point  of  debarkation  on  the 
Hudson,  by  Fort  Ann  on  Wood  creek  (the  direct  Champlain  route), 
and  by  Fort  William  Henry  at  the  southern  point  of  Lake  George. 
The  Hudson-Champlain  portage  was  1 1  miles  in  length. 

Westward  along  the  Mohawk  there  was  an  all- water  route  to  the 
Oneida  portage  near  the  present  site  of  the  city  of  Rome.  A  carry 
of  8  miles  here  brought  the  waters  of  the  Finger  Lakes  drainage 
basin  within  range  of  the  boatsman.  Here  on  the  divide  the  colonists 
erected  Fort  Stanwix  to  guard  the  route.  Through  Wood  creek  and 
Oneida  lake  all  the  central  New  York  lakes  could  easily  be  reached. 
The  Genesee  country  was  tapped  either  through  Irondequoit  bay 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Genesee  or  through  tributaries  of  its  lower 

[30] 


THE    AK(   1 1  KOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  3 1 

streams.  Tonawanda  creek,  Cattaraugus  creek  and  other  mixed 
land  and  water  routes  brought  the  Niagara  peninsula,  the  fertile 
Cattaraugus  region  and  the  great  overland  trails  within  reach  and 
led  the  way  down  the  Allegheny  to  the  Ohio.  Indeed,  the  Mohawk 
valley  route  is  the  great  natural  trail  from  the  east  to  the  west  that 
led  to  remote  wildernesses  beyond. 

Other  important  water  routes  were  the  Susquehanna  and  the 
Delaware  leading  to  the  south  country.  The  Susquehanna  through 
its  headwaters  could  be  reached  from  the  Mohawk  trail  and  afforded 
a  convenient  though  tortuous  trail  into  the  Pennsylvania  wildernesses 
and  still  farther  on  into  the  Chesapeake  country  and  the  southern- 
most portions  of  Virginia.  A  little  study  of  the  river  systems  and 
watersheds  will  demonstrate  to  the  student  the  great  bearing  they 
have  on  the"  routes  of  travel. 

Of  almost  equal  importance  are  the  natural  overland  trails  that 
follow  the  ancient  shore  and  beach  lines  of  the  greater  lakes.  These 
beaches  or  ridges  afforded  natural  road  beds  over  which  ran  the 
Indian  trails,  later  the  wagon  roads  and  finally  the  railways.  The 
entire  region,  it  will  be  seen,  is  united  by  natural  agencies,  that  also 
put  it  in  touch  with  other  areas,  north,  south,  east  and  west.  This 
fact  is  most  important  so  far  as  either  the  native  Indian  was  con- 
cerned or  the  white  race  today  is  concerned.  It  makes  travel  easy 
and  transportation  of  heavy  loads  possible.  With  both  the  Indian 
and  the  modern  American  the  water  routes  and  the  portages  are  of 
utmost  importance  and  are  carefully  conserved.  The  colonists  erected 
forts  at  all  portages  to  guard  them  against  the  French  and  Indians. 
Suitable  landing  places  and  the  portage  forts  grew  into  thriving 
towns  and  cities.  The  archeoiogist  will  find  that  nearly  all  these 
places  are  built  directly  over  the  older  village  sites  of  the  Indians. 

A  region  easily  traversed  might  not  invite  settlement,  if  its  climate 
and  vegetation  were  unsuitable.  Both  these  factors  must  be  reckoned 
with  in  studying  physiography  as  affecting  human  occupation. 
But  here  was  an  abundance  of  food.  In  the  spring  the  ground 
was  covered  by  succulent  verdure,  tempting  to  vast  herds  of  rumin- 
ants from  the  Virginia  deer  to  the  bison.  For  human  consumption 
there  were  numerous  plants  that  could  be  cooked  as  "  greens  "  and 
the  heavy  rains  and  stream  overflows  washed  out  plenty  of  edible 
roots.  Certain  springtime  barks  were  also  edible,  and  then,  there 
was  the  sap  of  the  maple  and  the  birch.  All  these  edible  vegetable 
foods  were  employed  with  the  Indians.  Of  the  animal  food  there  was 
plenty.  The  grazing  grounds  attracted  the  big  game,  the  waters 


32  XE\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

teemed  with  fish  and  the  forests  were  filled  with  pigeons,  partridges 
and  squirrels.  The  red  man  had  only  to  use  his  arrows  and  snares 
skilfully  to  supply  all  his  needs  for  food.  From  the  barks  of  trees, 
as  the  elm  and  basswood,  ropes  and  cords  could  be  made ;  the  bark 
of  the  elm  supplied  material  for  houses,  canoes  and  numerous 
utensils  for  the  household.  There  were  many  sweet  herbs  like  the 
sassafrass,  and  valuable  medical  plants  like  boneset  and  golden  seal. 
Beside  the  native  plants  certain  vegetables  were  cultivated,  such  as 
maize,  varieties  of  beans,  squashes  and  tobacco.  The  summer  time 
supplied  many  kinds  of  berries  and  small  fruits;  the  autumn  the 
cultivated  plants  and  many  kinds  of  nuts  and  seeds.  By  carefully 
preserving  and  drying  both  animal  and  vegetable  foods,  therefore, 
it  was  possible  for  human  beings  to  subsist  in  the  forests  with  a 
large  degree  of  comfort,  and  at  the  same  time  to  find  game  for 
animal  food  in  case  stored  supplies  fell  short. 

This  area,  as  we  have  suggested,  teemed  with  animal  life.  Pass- 
enger pigeons  moved  in  mighty  flocks  that,  according  to  early  settlers, 
"  flew  like  clouds  and  darkened  the  sun,  and  when  they  alighted 
broke  down  the  branches  of  trees  beneath  their  weight."  The  ruffed 
grouse,  wild  turkeys,  a  score  of  species  of  wild  ducks  and  geese 
bred  here  or  had  their  range  over  this  territory.  There  were  large 
numbers  of  bears,  wolves,  beaver,  panthers  and  other  large  forest 
animals  and  many  other  varieties  of  four-footed  creatures  that  were 
valuable  for  their  furs.  The  lakes  were  filled  with  fishes  and  eels; 
in  the  salt  water  country  clams  and  oysters  were  abundant.  But  the 
most  valuable  of  all  game,  to  the  Indians,  were  the  herds  of  elk, 
deer,  moose  and  bison  that  lived  and  roamed  in  the  open  lands  and 
in  the  timbered  areas.  These  were  the  big  game.  To  the  big  game 
the  Indians,  and  later  the  early  white  settler,  owed  much.  They 
supplied  the  bulk  of  the  meat  supply  and  their  skins  when  tanned 
served  for  leather  and  clothing.  Very  few  textile  garments  could 
be  better  suited  for  the  forest  dweller,  either  for  warmth  or 
durability,  than  those  of  elk  or  buckskin.  Skin  robes,  as  those  of 
the  bison,  furnished  warm  bedding. 

The  big  game  animals  bestowed  upon  man  another  important  g;ft, 
and  one  seldom  considered.  In  their  seasonal  migrations  they  tracked 
into  the  earth  deeply  worn  paths.  These  trails  up  the  Ohio,  along 
the  Allegheny  and  up  the  Genesee  or  cross  country  at  well-chosen 
spots  became  the  trails  of  the  red  men  also,  and  we  may  easily  believe 
that  the  Indians  followed  them  in  reaching  the  territories  that  they 
came  to  occupy.  The  reason  is  easy  to  find.  The  animals  first 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  33 

found  the  lands  that  would  provide  them  with  food,  water  and  salt. 
Man  wanted  the  animals  for  food  and  followed  their  trails,  found 
the  country  without  human  occupants  and  took  possession. 

New  York  State  lies  in  a  portion  of  the  thermal  belt  surrounding 
the  globe  that  supports  the  most  energetic  peoples  of  the  world.  This 
may  be  due  to  the  reaction  of  the  wide  variations  between  summer 
and  winter  temperatures  upon  the  physical  constitutions  of  the 
occupants.  In  winter  there  are  portions  of  New  York  as  cold  as 
portions  of  Alaska  or  Labrador;  in  summer  the  temperature  equals 
that  of  the  Mediterranean  countries  and  even  northern  Africa. 
Coincident  with  the  existence  of  human  energy  is  intellectual  activity 
in  this  isothermal  belt.  What  is  true  today  of  the  white  races 
occupying  this  zone  was  also  true  in  aboriginal  times.  The  Indians 
of  this  region  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  were  the  most  able 
mentally  in  all  North  America.  Not  only  did  they  possess  keen 
minds  but  they  were  able  in  many  ways  to  match  with  the  white 
invaders.  This  has  so  far  been  true  that  today  New  York  State 
has  within  its  borders  more  than  six  thousand  Indians,  most  of  them 
branches  of  the  Iroquois,  and  living  on  tracts  of  land  that  they 
have  held  from  very  early. time.  Notwithstanding  the  severe  tem- 
perature of  winter  here,  many  of  the  Indians  of  this  area  wore 
what  would  now  be  considered  scanty  clothing  and  frequently  parts 
of  their  bodies  were  bared  to  the  elements.  One  Jesuit  father  living 
among  the  Mohawk  people  states  that  he  saw  one  warrior  braving 
a  storm  with  the  upper  part  of  his  body  bare  and  only  protected  by 
a  wild  cat  skin  through  which  he  had  thrust  his  arm,  holding  it  on 
the  windward  side.  The  bark  houses,  likewise,  were  •  cold  and 
unheated  in  winter,  save  for  the  floor  fires  that  were  used  for  cook- 
ing rather  than  for  heat.  Instead  of  discouraging  settlement  by 
human  beings  the  cold  winters  had  the  contrary  effect,  for  to 
acclimated  individuals  and  groups  there  was  a  certain  zest  in  battling 
with  the  cold,  not  enjoyed  by  the  people  farther  south.  The  summers 
and  autumns  were  warm,  on  the  other  hand,  and  provided  for  the 
food  that  was  most  sustaining  to  life. 

The  coming  of  the  white  settlers  did  much  to  modify  the  landscape. 
The  first  colonists,  however,  relied  upon  the  same  natural  resources 
as  did  the  Indians,  using  native  plants  and  forest  game  for  food, 
and  wearing  buckskin  and  furs  when  they  did  not  have  cloth  in 
abundance.  The  colonists,  coming  from  Europe  and  from  another 
cultural  horizon,  understood  certain  facts  that  the  native  Indians 
did  not  and  soon  made  use  of  these  facts  to  enlarge  their  resources. 


34  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  whites  had  iron,  copper  and  tin;  they  had  glass,  certain 
chemicals,  and  many  manufactured  articles,  strange  to  the  aborigines. 
But  the  greatest  possessions  of  the  colonists  were  not  these  things, 
unless  we  except  iron ;  their  most  valuable  assets  were  three  ani- 
mals—  the  sheep,  the  cow  and  the  horse  —  animals  not  found 
indigenously  upon  the  American  continents. 

The  sheep  provided  durable  fabric  as  well  as  food,  the  cow  gave 
milk,  valuable  fats  and  furnished  one  of  the  most  edible  of  meat 
staples,  and  the  horse  was  an  animal  able  to  carry  or  draw 
heavy  loads  with  greater  swiftness  than  human  beings.  Speed  of 
transportation,  ability  to  haul  raw  and  manufactured  goods  was 
thus  placed  within  range  of  the  white  man.  The  horse  promoted 
both  industry  and  exploration  and  thus  became  a  valuable  energizing 
factor  promoting  invention  and  political  progress.  The  cow,  sheep, 
pig  and  domestic  fowl,  together  with  the  horse,  stimulated  agri- 
culture, provided  the  means  of  wealth,  constituted  personal  property, 
and  furnished  an  incentive  to  peaceful  interchange  of  commodities. 
All  these  things  were  natural  advantages  or  the  immediate  out- 
growths of  them,  that  gave  the  colonist  great  superiority  over  the 
native  red  man. 

The  white  man  finding  this  region  suitable  for  his  herds,  flocks  and 
horses,  took  possession  of  the  land  and  held  it  by  means  of  his 
superior  tools,  and  his  ability  to  transform  the  raw  materials  of  the 
forest  and  the  earth.  With  the  passage  of  time  and  the  continued 
application  of  labor  this  area  has  become  the  Empire  State  of  a 
great  Nation.  Though  one  of  the  small  states  in  acreage  it  has 
attracted  to  itself  one-tenth  of  the  population  of  the  country  and 
become  the  most  flourishing  agricultural,  industrial  and  financial 
center. 

The  white  man  is  here  for  the  same  reason  that  the  Indian  was 
here  in  former  days;  because  of  the  natural  physical  advantages  of 
the  land.  From  the  days  of  its  first  discovery  by  wandering  red 
men  until  now  it  has  afforded  a  homeland  for  all  people  who 
chose  to  avail  themselves  of  its  advantages. 

2  THE  FIELD  OF  ARCHEOLOGY  IN  NEW  YORK 
New  York  State  presents  an  inviting  field  for  archeological  inves- 
tigation. It  is  not  the  most  prolific  field,  to  be  sure,  but  among  the 
many  areas  where  specific  problems  may  be  studied  our  field  has  at 
least  an  important  place.  In  Ohio  the  mound  culture  may  be 
studied  with  great  advantage,  in  Tennessee  the  stone  grave  culture 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  35 

may  best  be  examined,  but  in  New  York  State  the  prehistory  of  the 
Iroquois  may  be  studied  with  greater  advantage  than  in  any  other 
region  we  now  know,  not  even  excepting  the  province  of  Ontario. 

The  Iroquois  were  and  are  still  the  most  recent  aborigines  to 
occupy  this  region;  but  they  are  late  comers.  Before  them  were 
other  peoples.  Our  investigations  show  that  long  before  the  Iroquois 
came,  the  Algonkian  tribes  occupied  at  various  times  almost  every 
portion  of  the  State.  There  were  also  bands  of  the  mound-building 
people,  and  at  an  earlier  time,  wandering  tribes  of  people  who  made 
implements  like  the  Eskimo. 

Sources  of  Information 

In  making  a  systematic  examination  of  the  field,  information  may 
be  expected  in  certain  definite  areas  and  particular  places.  We  must 
go  where  the  evidences  are  in  order  to  discover  our  data.  In  pursuing 
investigations  and  in  making  records,  the  following  sources  should 
always  be  kept  in  mind : 

I  General  areas 

1  Inhabited  areas 

a  Village  sites 

b  Camp  sites 

c  Shell  heaps 

d  Hunting  grounds 

2  Defensive  works 

a  Fort  rings 

b  Fort  hills  or  points 

3  Places  of  industry 

a  Workshop  sites 
b  Quarries 
c  Garden  beds 
d  Fishing  places 

4  Places  for  disposing  of  the  dead 

a  Cemeteries  or  burial  grounds 
b  Ossuaries 

5  Places  of  conflict 

a  Battlefields 

6  Routes  of  traffic  and  travel 

a  Trails 
b  Stream  beds 
c  Fording  places 
3 


36  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

7  Occasional  or  rare  places 
a  River  gravels 
b  Drift  deposits 
c  Swamps 

d  River  and  lake  bottoms 
c  River  and  lake  shores 
/  Ceremonial  districts  and  areas 

II  Particular  places 

1  Sites  of  dwellings 

a  Lodge  sites 

b  Caves  and  rock  shelters 

2  Refuse  deposits 

a  Fire  pits 

b  Refuse  pits 

c  Refuse  heaps 

d  Shell  heaps 

e  Signal  light  ash  deposits 

3  Monuments 

a  Mounds 

b  Cairns 

c  Inscribed  rocks 

d  Council  rocks 

4  Burials 

a  Graves 
b  Ossuaries 

5  Places  of  industry 

a  Kilns 

b  Individual  work  shops 

c  Fish  weirs 

d  Clay  pits 

6  Places  for  storing  or  hiding  things 

a  Caches  of  implements  finished,  general 
b  Caches  of  raw  material,  general 
c  Individual  caches 

7  Ceremonial  places 

a  Springs 
b  Spots 
c  Rocks 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  3/ 

3     PROBLEMS    IX     XE\V    YORK    ARCHEOLOGY 

While  great  strides  have  been  made  in  the  study  of  the  archeology 
of  this  geographical  area,  there  are  yet  many  problems  to  engage  our 
attention,  things  to  do  in  the  way  of  excavation  and  research  before 
we  may  know  even  a  portion  of  what  we  should  know  about  the 
activities  and  cultural  conditions  of  the  aborigines.  In  order  that  we 
may  study  with  purpose  and  pursue  our  field  work  with  intelligence, 
we  ought  to  bear  in  mind  constantly  what  the  problems  are. 

1  Our  first  problem  is  to  determine  what  people  or  peoples  lived 
in  this  area,  and  what  aboriginal  tribes  lived  in  it  when  the  country 
was  first  invaded  by  white  men.    It  is  not  enough  to  make  a  general 
guess,  for  there  may  have  been  isolated  tracts  held  by  several  tribes, 
some    of    different    stocks,    instead    of    the    generally    known    tribe 
mentioned  in  history  and  popular  recital. 

2  From  what  locality  or  region  did  each  tribe  and  stock  come? 
W'hat  direction  did  they  take  to  reach  this  region?    What  did  they 
bring  with  them  that  was  distinctive? 

3  Whom  did  they  find,  and  did  they  drive  out   or  exterminate 
the  older  occupants?     Did  they  amalgamate  with  them? 

4  At  what  date  approximately  did  each  people  arrive,  and   for 
how  long  a  time  did  they  occupy  the  region  ? 

5  What  precise  sites  did  each  people  occupy?     W^hat  area  did 
they  cover  ? 

6  Where   are   the   oldest   sites   of   each   culture,    where   are   the 
intermediate  and  where  the  most  recent  ? 

/  What  are  the  characteristics  of  the  village,  camp  and  burial 
sites  of  each  culture? 

8  What  are  the  characteristic  implements  of  each  and  what  are 
correlated  ? 

9  Determine  what  each  implement  was  used  for,  if  possible,  but 
do  not  guess.    Experiment  and  try  the  implement  in  the  several  ways 
that  suggest  themselves  to  you,  but  unless  you  are  positive,  do  not 
give  a  use-name  to  an  implement.     Until  you  know  the  use  of  an 
object,  give  it  a  descriptive  name. 

10  To  what  extent  was  each  culture  modified  as  time  went  on? 
Illustrate  the  modification. 

11  What  tribes  of  the  same  or  other   stocks  surrounded  them? 

12  Whom  do  they  seem  to  have  influenced  culturally? 

13  By  whom  do  they  seem  to  have  been  influenced? 

14  What  are  the  salient  features  of  each  culture? 


38  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

15  What  finally  became  of  each  occupying  tribe? 

1 6  If  living  today,  what  do  they  yet  retain  of  their  native  material 
culture,  customs  and  language  ? 

17  What  are  the  physical  characteristics  of  each  occupying  people? 
What  are  the  skull  indices,  skeletal  measurements  ? 

1 8  How  do  the  implements,  pottery,  ornaments  etc.  of  each  culture 
seem  to  have  been  made  ? 

19  What  documents   exist   describing  the  tribes  that  lived  here 
when  the  country  was  first  opened?     How  much  may  be  learned 
from  these  documents  and  books  concerning  the  material  culture  and 
customs  of  these  people? 

20  What  persons  have  made  collections  of   specimens   from  the 
various  sites  of  aboriginal  occupation,  and  in  what  condition  are 
these  collections? 

Questions  like  these  might  be  multiplied,  but  these  will  suffice. 
Others  will  quickly  suggest  themselves,  according  to  the  subject  upon 
which  light  is  sought. 


Ill 

EVIDENCES  OF  VARIOUS  OCCUPATIONS 

As  suitable  as  the  New  York  region  is  and  in  former  times  was 
for  human  occupancy,  there  is  little  evidence  that  there  were  any 
human  beings  here  in  very  remote  times.  So  far,  no  one  has 
produced  satisfactory  proofs  of  man's  presence  during  the  glacial 
periods.  We  have  never  known  of  any  implements  from  this  State 
that  may  be  known  as  paleoliths,  as  these  things  are  known  in  Europe 
and  elsewhere.  The  rock  shelters  and  caves  examined  up  to  this 
time,  while  yielding  some  rude  flints,  do  not  indicate  any  remarkable 
antiquity. 

We  do  not  wish  to  imply  that  man  was  not  here  or  to  lay  stress 
upon  a  mere  theory  of  his  recent  appearance.  What  we  do  wish  to 
state  is  that  up  to  this  time  competent  observers  have  not  seen  in 
the  ancient  gravel  deposits  or  in  the  glacial  till  any  articles  that  look 
as  if  indubitably  made  or  used  by  human  hands.  It  may  be  that  some 
time  such  evidences  will  be  found  and  that  man  in  this  region  will 
be  shown  to  have  lived  here  during  and  immediately  after  the  last 
glacial  period.  We  have  no  sympathy  with  a  dogmatic  theory  that 
would  seek  to  limit  in  an  arbitrary  way  the  time  of  man's  first 
appearance  upon  the  earth.  Man  certainly  was  on  earth  fifty  thou- 
sand years  ago ;  he  may  have  an  antiquity  of  five  hundred  thousand 
or  more  than  a  million  years,  if  the  evidence  presented  by  the 
geologists  is  conclusive.  Our  contention  is  that  man  left  no  traces 
here  by  which  we  may  know  of  his  occupation  in  the  immediate 
postglacial  times.  Where  upon  this  continent  he  was,  we  do  not 
know.  It  is  apparently  true  that  certain  Asiatic  tribes  in  the  periods 
following  the  last  glaciation  found  their  way  over  Bering  strait  and 
dividing  and  subdividing  became  the  parent  stems  that  later 
developed  into  the  great  linguistic  families  of  the  two  continents. 
The  first  groups  we  should  expect  would  push  southward  along  the 
Pacific  coast  with  comparative  rapidity.  The  slower  pressure  would 
be  from  west  to  east. 

Indeed  all  the  rest  of  North  America  north  of  Mexico  had  a  popu- 
lation in  aboriginal  times  scarcely  equal  to  that  of  the  Pacific  coast 
states.  The  densest  Indian  population  followed  the  west  coast  south 
through  the  desert  lands  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  into  Central 
Mexico,  Yucatan  and  Central  America. 

[29] 


4O  XE\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  pressure  sent  more  into  South  America.  Time,  climate  and 
food  and,  of  equal  if  not  primary  importance,  the  original  race 
color  and  mental  impulses  caused  these  scattered  units  of  the  race 
to  develop  along  similar  physical  lines.  But  while  we  think  of  the 
similarity  of  the  branches  of  the  red  race  we  ought  not  expect  them 
to  be  any  more  similar  than  the  various  branches  of  the  Aryan  or 
white  race. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  many  parts  of  North  and  South  America 
had  long  been  settled  and  that  there  were  several  millions  of  the 
red  race  before  any  large  number  of  them  crossed  the  Rocky 
mountains  and  the  great  plains  to  begin  a  migration  by  slow  stages 
to  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  earliest  comers  seem  to  have  had  no 
habits  that  wrote  a  record  into  the  soil.  Perhaps  they  were  nomadic 
and  had  no  settlements  that  endured  longer  than  a  year. 

The  oldest  evidences  of  man's  presence  seem  to  be  on  some  of 
the  upper  terraces.  In  western  New  York  we  have  found  several 
strange  sites  where  the  artifacts  were  crude  and  all  osseous  matter 
completely  absent.  The  presence  of  carbonized  material  in  the  pits, 
however,  proved  that  fire  had  been  used.  Along  the  headwaters  of 
the  Hudson  similar  old  sites  have  been  found.  It  would  be  mere 
guessing  to  say  how  old  these  places  are  or  even  that  they  are 
demonstrably  the  oldest. 

As  occupation  becomes  more  evident,  through  the  relics  one  finds, 
it  is  patent  that  the  occupation  is  more  recent.  Thus,  we  may  trace 
the  historic  Algonkian  people  by  their  artifacts  to  their  prehistoric 
sites  of  occupation  and  these  back  to  very  rude  sites  that  fade  into 
others  that  may  or  may  not  be  Algonkian. 

On  some  of  the  sites  that  may  be  considered  old  the  relics  are 
greatly  weathered.  Certain  sites  near  Oneida  lake  and  others  on 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Hudson  yield  many  crude  flints  and  hatchet 
heads  of  stone  that  have  plainly  been  weathered  for  centuries.  But 
even  in  this  case  we  can  only  say  the  relics  appear  to  be  among 
the  oldest. 

To  the  writer  the  first  definite  occupation  seems  to  have  been  by 
a  people  influenced  by  the  Eskimo.  They  may  have  been  Eskimoan, 
they  may  have  been  Algonkian  tribes  intermarried  with  the  Eskimo, 
or  they  may  have  been  Algonkian  tribes  culturally  influenced  by  the 
Eskimo.  The  Algonkian  people  at  length  came  to  possess  most  of 
this  area  and  in  almost  every  portion  of  the  State  one  may  find 
Algonkian  artifacts.  For  a  considerable  period  wave  after  wave  of 
Algonkian  tribes  came  this  way,  one  of  the  last  being  the  Delaware. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  4! 

The  Algonkian  stock  at  length  spread  from  the  Rocky  mountains 
between  the  55th  parallel  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  occupied  an 
irregular  territory  as  far  south  as  the  35th,  even  pushing  wedges 
above  and  below  these  points.  Their  east  and  west  range,  measured 
in  longitude,  spread  from  the  55th  parallel  to  the  n8th  parallel, 
giving  them  a  palmate  shaped  region  many  times  greater  in  extent 
than  that  occupied  by  any  other  linguistic  stock  in  North  America. 

The  great  original  stocks  of  this  period  seem  to  have  been  the 
Athapascan,  Shoshonean,  Siouan,  Algonkian  and  the  Muskhogean, 
Caddoan  and  Iroquoian.  It  may  be  that  the  last  three  stocks  were 
originally  one.  There  were  fifty  other  linguistic  stocks,  according  to 
Powell,  north  of  Mexico.  Time  and  research  may  condense  these 
to  ten. 

After  the  Algonkian  people  had  established  themselves  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  and  the  country  back  of  it,  some  of  the  mound-build- 
ing tribes  of  the  Ohio  region  pushed  into  New  York,  and  thereafter 
followed  several  waves  of  the  Iroquois. 

The  Algonkian  tribes  left  traces,  especially  along  the  coast,  but 
within  the  State  their  traces,  while  distinguishable,  are  feeble;  the 
mound-building  people  did  not  occupy  so  much  of  this  region  but 
where  they  did  leave  any  evidence  of  themselves  it  is  startlingly 
plain  to  the  archeologist,  but  the  Iroquois  who  came  last  and  who 
lived  here  for  the  shortest  period  of  all,  have  left  such  abundant 
traces,  such  thick  refuse  deposits,  and  so  many  relics  of  their  material 
culture  that  they  appear  to  have  not  only  lived  on  the  land  but  to 
have  actually  used  it.  In  viewing  the  remains  of  their  occupation  no 
anthropologist  would  make  a  mistaken  estimate  of  their  mental  or 
moral  energy. 

Many  untrained  observers  have  sought  to  identify  archeological 
specimens  found  in  a  given  locality  as  the  products  of  the  tribe  that 
last  lived  in  the  locality,  perhaps  in  historic  times.  In  view  of  the 
several  occupations  we  have  mentioned  it  will  be  seen  how  mistaken 
this  notion  may  be  in  some  cases.  In  certain  places,  such  as  the 
Genesee  valley,  there  may  be  as  many  as  four  types  of  occupation. 
Thus  it  would  be  highly  erroneous  to  say  that  the  Seneca  were 
responsible  for  all  the  relics  found.  Amateur  collectors  must  avoid 
such  erroneous  conclusions,  though  even  certain  advanced  students 
have  made  them  through  lack  of  means  fully  to  identify  cultures. 

It  would  be  presumption  to  say  that  we  have  named  all  the  peoples 
that  have  lived  within  the  borders  of  our  present  Empire  State.  It 
is  possible  that  some  other  tribe  contemporaneous  with  the  early 


42  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Algonkian  peoples  lived  here,  also,  and  that  they  were  similar  to  the 
"  red  paint,"  people  best  represented  in  certain  Maine  sites.  It  is 
possible  that  some  of  the  eastern  Sioux  have  left  traces  here;  it  is 
possible  that  Muskhogean  bands  came  up  the  Susquehanna  and 
roamed  the  State.  It  is  possible  that  several  or  many  stocks  now 
unknown  and  perhaps  impossible  to  know  left  traces  behind. 
Certainly  there  are  many  sites  that  are  puzzling  and  that  sug- 
gest an  occupation  by  people  the  nature  of  which  we  now  have  no 
means  of  determining. 

i  THE  RELATIVE  FREQUENCY  OF  ARTIFACTS 
In  describing  the  cultural  intensity  of  a  single  site,  of  a  cultural 
horizon  or  of  a  large  geographical  area,  it  is  useful  to  know  how 
frequently  certain  types  of  artifacts  occur.  Relative  terms  have 
been  used  with  great  carelessness,  so  much  so  that  records  to  a 
large  extent  are  unreliable.  Thus,  we  may  never  be  quite  sure  what 
is  meant  by  the  term  rare,  because  different  persons  may  not  have 
the  same  idea  of  what  rarity  means.  The  same  is  true  of  such  terms 
as  common  or  abundant.  One  observer  may  say  that  six  bone  combs 
from  a  site  mean  that  they  are  common;  another  may  construe  this 
number  to  mean  rarity.  A  single  observer  basing  his  estimates  upon 
different  standards,  or  even  upon  impulse,  may  use  different  com- 
parative terms  at  different  times,  making  his  statements  contradictory. 
These  loose  methods  of  estimating  are  to  be  deplored,  for  they 
delay  the  emergence  of  archeology  into  a  statistical  science.  To  a 
large  extent,  also,  our  knowledge  of  the  relative  number  of  objects 
prevailing  on  sites  is  made  difficult  by  the  fact  that  collectors  have 
seldom  gathered  every  specimen  showing  the  handiwork  of  the 
aborigine.  Only  a  few  observers  not  on  museum  staffs  have  had  the 
forethought  to  do  this.  On  the  other  hand,  all  archeologists  employed 
for  field  research  in  New  York  by  reputable  institutions,  since  1900 
have  been  careful  to  collect  every  object,  from  flint  chip  to  pottery 
vessel,  not  neglecting  any  complete  or  incomplete  object  of  what- 
ever nature.  For  this  reason  the  expeditions  of  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History,  the  Peabody  Museum  of  Archeology 
and  Ethnology,  the  New  York  State  Museum,  the  Museum  of  the 
American  Indian  and  the  Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Sciences  may- 
be relied  upon.  To  the  lasting  credit  of  some  private  collectors  this 
course  has  also  been  pursued. 

Comparative  lists  are  valuable  in  that  they  show  not  only  what 
implements  were  used  most  or  least,  but  also  what  new  forms  arose, 
what  changes  occurred  and  what  forms  became  obsolete.  These  are 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


43 


valuable  facts  in  the  study  of  cultural  stages,  and  enable  us  to  trace 
and  perhaps  identify  the  factors  influencing  cultural  growth,  trans- 
formation or  decadence.  Lists  are  not  difficult  to  tabulate  if  a  com- 
plete collection  has  been  made,  or  if  a  good  catalog  record  has  been 
kept.  It  is  when  -we  begin  to  estimate  the  relative  frequency  of 
material  that  errors  are  most  likely  to  occur.  This  is  because  no 
system  has  been  generally  agreed  upon  by  archeologists  and  col- 
lectors. 

In  considering  methods  of  comparison,  we  find  that  there  is  one  V- 
general  form  that  may  be  used  with  advantage,  for  statistical  informa-  / 
tion  and  for  ascertaining  percentages. 

By  this  we  enumerate  all  classes  of  articles  from  a  site  or  region, 
and  divide  the  total  by  the  number  of  thousands  or  fraction  of 
thousands.  Thus  we  obtain  a  factor  for  determining  the  num- 
ber of  given  objects  that  occur  in  a  thousand  of  all  kinds.  We 
also  do  two  other  things:  (a)  provide  the  means  of  estimating  the 
probabilities  of  finding  other  similar  objects;  (b)  provide  the  means 
for  describing  the  relative  frequency  of  the  article.  Thus,  if  among 
2500  artifacts  found  in  a  site  there  are  15  bone  fishhooks,  we  may 
divide  15  by  2.5  (the  number  of  thousands)  and  as  a  result 
determine  that  6  fishhooks  occur  to  every  1000  specimens  found. 
Thus  we  may  state  that  .6  per  cent  of  all  articles  collected  are  fish- 
hooks. On  the  other  hand,  among  the  2500  specimens  there  may  be 
250  hammerstones  of  all  classes.  This  would  give  hammerstones  a 
frequency  of  10  per  cent. 

As  an  example  of  how  to  lay  out  a  specific  site  frequency  table 
let  us  take  a  certain  number  of  representative  articles  from  the  Rich- 
mond Mills  site,  where  about  2500  specimens  are  enumerated  in 
the  census  made  by  Mr  Dewey. 


OBJECT 

NUMBER 
FOUND 

PERCENT- 
AGE 

NOTE 

Triangular  arrow  points.  .  . 
Notched  points  

I    iSj 

8 

47-5 
•32 

Comparisons  based  on  2500 
objects  enumerated  from 

Celts  

40 

1.6 

Richmond     Mills.       Pre- 

Hammerstones   

365 

14.6 

historic    Iroquoian,    prob- 

Bone beads 

7OO 

28  o 

ably  Seneca. 

Bone  draw  shaves  

10 

•  4 

By  this  means  we  can  name  an  article  by  its  specific  cultural  fre^ 
quency  and  state  it  as  i  or  10  per  cent  as  the  facts  bring  out,  and 
arbitrarv  terms  need  not  be  used. 


44 


XE\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


So  far,  the  artifacts  of  a  single  culture  have  been  considered.  In 
larger  areas  where  there  is  a  mixture  of  cultures  a  second  plan 
will  be  to  determine  the  relative  number  of  artifacts  found  on 
(A)  Algonkian  sites,  (M)  mound  builder  sites,  (/)  Iroquois  sites, 
(E)  Eskimoan  sites,  (U)  indeterminate  sites.  For  the  purposes 
of  this  paper  we  will  grant  that  most  of  the  articles  considered  are 
all  from  known  sites,  or  that  they  may  otherwise  be  identified. 

Again  everything  is  counted  this  time  without  regard  to  cultural 
origin.  All  specimens  are  massed  together  in  one  grand  aggregate 
and  then  sifted  for  their  cultural  place.  In  a  collection  of  20,000 
specimens1  we  should  expect  to  find  the  articles  falling  into  groups 
in  the  following  way: 


ARTICLE 

ALGONKIAN 

IROQUOIS 

MOUND 

ESKIM- 
OAN 

UNDE- 
TERMINED 

TOTAL 

•  Hammerstones  .  .  . 
•  Anvils  
k    Mullers 

I    000 
100 

KO 

I    OOO 

75 

CQ 

IOO 
20 

10 

5 

40 

25 

2    150 
225 
I  IO 

•    Celts......  
•  Gouges  
.    Adzes  
v   Grooved  axes  .... 

100 

50 
60 

20 

150 

5 

15 

5 

20 
2 

2 

3 
5 

23 
25 
10 

290 

83 
IOO 
22 

1  Grooved  weights.  . 
Net  sinkers 

100 
8OO 

20 

7  CQ 

5 

2  5 

5 
20 

10 

140 

'  Sinew  stones 

14. 

j 

1  Bannerstones  

20 

15 

1    / 

^S 

•   Bird  stones  

15 

5 

20 

•  Gorgets  

35 

15 

so 

Plummets  

C 

c 

•  Other  ceremonials 
,    Stone  pipes  

10 
10 

25 

5 
10 

5 

5 

E 

25 

so 

•    Bone  implements  . 

200 

I    000 

5° 

so 

I    300 

.  Shell  beads  
*  Stone  tubes  
•  Notched  flints  .... 
1  Triangular  flints  .  . 

50 
I 

5  ooo 

200 

2    000 

50 
2    OOO 

50 

2 
I    000 

SO 

150 

5 
800 
so 

2    IOO 

8 
17  ooo 

2    T.QO 

'  Pottery  vessels  .  .  . 

I 

2O 

I 

22 

'  Steatite  vessels  .  .  . 
•  Copper  articles  .  .  . 
'    Pestles 

2 

25 
IOO 

2 

5 

2 

"i 



2 
31 

•  Other  articles  .... 

800 

I    OOO 

200 

10 

200 

IO5 

2    210 

8  763 

8   147 

I    608 

267 

I    215 

20   000 

From  a  table  of  this  kind  we  may  estimate  the  degree  of  cultural 
wealth,  the  duration  of  occupation,  the  presence  or  absence  of  certain 

aThis  tabulation  is  based  on  a  careful  estimate  of  artifacts  from  the 
heart  of  New  York  State  extending  from  Oneida  lake  to  the  Genesee.  A 
tabulation  of  the  entire  State  or  for  other  areas  in  the  State  would  change 
these  figures. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  45 

articles,  and  thus  establish  other  tables  defining  culture  traits.  By 
this  means,  also,  we  may  find  a  convenient  method  of  stating  the 
degree  of  rarity  or  frequency  of  any  articles.  Remembering  that 
we  have  analyzed  20,000  specimens  of  all  kinds,  we  can  easily 
determine  the  percentage  of  the  whole  number  or  of  the  cultural 
number.  Thus,  we  find  that  to  determine  the  cultural  frequency 
of  hammerstones  we  divide  the  number  by  the  total  number  of  all 
objects  of  the  culture  enumerated  and  obtain  these  percentages : 

Hammerstones         "1 

~  ,-          ,  \-A  11.4;  /  12.27;  M  6.21 

Culture  frequency  J 

\Yhen  hammerstones  as  type  objects  are  compared  with  all  ham- 
merstones we  get  another  figure,  that  of  type  frequency ;  in  other 
words  we  are  able  to  say  what  percentage  of  hammerstones  selected 
from  a  large  series  gathered  from  representative  sites  of  all  cultures, 
may  be  expected  to  be  of  any  one  culture.  Compared  with  the 
grand  total  wre  would  then  read : 

Hammerstones       ~\    A    <•       T    ^       **     /-      r     *•      Tr     o^ 
Class  frequency     \  A  ^=  '•I^'M  4*5  '  E~  ^5  ;  U  1 .86 

There  is  considerable  difference  between  the  general  frequency  of 
a  specimen  and  the  cultural  frequency  and  if  such  tables  as  these  are 
ever  used  care  must  be  taken  to  mention  the  standard  of  comparison 
whether  general,  cultural,  specific  site  or  class.  Comparing  our  tables 
we  see  that  Iroquois  hammerstones,  for  example,  have  a  general  fre- 
quency of  5,  a  cultural  frequency  of  11.4  and  in  the  site  named  a 
specific  frequency  of  14.5,  while  the  class  frequency  is  46.5. 

General  frequency,  therefore,  may  not  be  regarded  as  a  guide  to 
specific  frequency.  As  an  example,  the  general  frequency  of  ham- 
merstones of  the  mound  culture  is  .5  per  cent.  Compared  with  all 
objects  from  a  specific  mound  site  in  New  York,  the  percentage 
would  probably  rise  to  6.25  or  even  more. 

To  clarify  our  comparisons  by  percentages  let  us  recapitulate  our 
hammer  stone  data. 

1  Out  of  20,000  specimens  of  all  kinds,  2150  are  hammerstones. 
Hammerstones  therefore  form  10.7  per  cent  of  all  articles  found. 
This  is  the  type  frequency. 

2  But  these  hammerstones  came  from  various  sites  and  we  are  able 
to  sort  out  A  1000,  /  looo,  M  TOO,  E  10,  U  40,  which  gives  us  the 
means  for  determining  the  fraction  of  all  specimens  in  our  collection 
that  each  culture  takes.    Our  1000  Algonkian  hammerstones  are  one- 


46  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

twentieth  of  the  whole  20,000  specimens.  It  is  therefore  5  per  cent 
of  the  total.  Continuing  we  find  that  the  general  frequency  is :  A  5  ; 
/  5 ;  M  .5 ;  E  .05 ;  U  .2.  This  gives  us  a  means  of  indicating  the 
comparative  rarity  or  frequency  of  any  specimen. 

3  We  may  wish  to  know  how  frequent  a  specimen  is  in  a  certain 
cultural  area ;  that  is,  what  per  cent  of  all  articles  from  a  culture,  a 
given  class  of  object  forms.  We  have  only  to  determine  that  8763 
specimens  in  the  20,000  are  Algonkian  and  by  taking  our  1000  ham- 
merstones  find  our  decimal  number,  which  is  10.35.     Going  through 
the  list  we  find  the  cultural  frequency  to  be:  A  11.4,  I  12.27,  M  6.21, 
E  .04,  U  .033. 

4  By  taking  the  number  of  hammerstones  from  each  culture  and 
comparing  them  with  all  the  hammerstones  found  in  our  collection, 
we  get  our  class  frequency  which,  to  repeat,  is:    A  46.5,  /  46.5,  M 
4.65,  E.  465,  U  1.86. 

5  By  totaling  all  the  specimens  of  all  kinds  from  one  specific  site, 
and  finding  out  how  many  of  each  kind  compose  this  total,  we  can 
determine  what  percentage  of  the  total  any  group  forms.    This  is  the 
specific  frequency. 

2  THE  ALGONKIAN  OCCUPATION  OF  NEW  YORK 

Previous  to  the  coming  of  the  Iroquoian  tribes  to  this  region,  it 
seems  to  have  been  largely  in  the  control  of  the  Algonkian  tribes.  It 
is  quite  possible,  however,  that  portions  were  held  by  tribes  not  of  this 
stock,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  an  examination  of  the  field 
shows  traces  of  Algonkian  occupation  and  influence  from  one  end  of 
the  State  to  the  other  and  from  north  to  south.  We  may  safely 
assert  that  when  the  Iroquois  first  entered  this  geographical  area 
their  chief  opponents,,  if  any,  were  some  of  the  Algonkian  bands, 
though  it  is  probable,  also,  that  there  were  outpost  settlements  of 
tribes  of  the  mound  builder  culture. 

The  Algonkian  occupation  of  New  York  stretches  back  into  com- 
paratively remote  times.  There  must  have  been  wave  after  wave  of 
these  peoples,  coming  in  band  after  band  to  hunt  over  the  territory  or 
to  make  settlements.  Very  likely  the  inviting  regions  south  of  Lake 
Erie  and  the  Ontario— St  Lawrence  basin  were  as  much  occupied  by 
Algonkian  tribes  as  was  New  England  at  the  time  of  the  discovery. 

The  Algonkian  occupation  appears  to  consist  of  several  periods, 
each  of  which  so  merges  into  the  other  that  we  can  not  tell  when  or 
where  one  commences  and  the  other  leaves  off.  Even  when  we  do 


48  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

distinguish  differences  in  the  cultural  artifacts  we  find  it  is  not  always 
possible  to  say  that  the  difference  is  due  to  the  lapse  of  time  and  the 
change  of  pattern,  or  to  the  influence  of  another  tribe  that  came  to 
supplant  an  older  tribe.  Our  best  clues  are  found  along  the  lakes  and 
rivers  where  there  have  been  fishing  camps  and  settlements.  On 
the  St  Lawrence,  for  example,  there  are  sites  along  the  banks  that 
are  deep  with  the  refuse  of  the  centuries  and  where  one  may  find 
early  Algonkian  material  near  the  bottom  and  in  the  body  of  the 
layer,  and  Iroquoian  potsherds  on  top.  As  a  general  thing  few 
individuals  have  had  the  time  or  patience  to  make  a  thorough  study 
of  the  Algonkian  occupation  except  along  the  sea  coast.  For  solving 
the  riddles  of  migrations  and  occupations,  however,  this  difficult  and 
perhaps  unproductive  work  must  be  done.  The  collector  who  desires 
to  get  relics  only  and  the  museum  that  only  desires  to  fill  its  display 
cases  are  both  neglecting  an  obligation  to  science.  Research  work, 
alone,  will  solve  the  problem  of  the  Algonkian  occupation. 

Periods  of  occupation.  The  earliest  type  of  occupational  evidence 
that  we  may  assume  to  be  Algonkian,  yields  crude  implements,  large, 
clumsy  spears,  steatite  pottery,  some  rough  and  poor  grade  clay  pot- 
tery, occasionally  a  polished  stone  implement,  net  sinkers,  large  flakes 
of  chert  or  stone  notched  at  the  top  for  choppers,  and  now  and  then 
a  grooved  axe  and  celt.  Only  in  very  rare  instances  are  any  imple- 
ments of  bone  found.  Probably  no  graves  of  this  period  have  ever 
been  found.  This  period  seems  to  have  been  influenced  by  the 
Eskimo. 

A  second  or  intermediate  period  of  the  Algonkian  occupation  is 
characterized  by  a  larger  number  of  grooved  axes,  roller  pestles,  a 
greater  abundance  of  crude  pottery,  the  surface  of  which  is  scratched 
or  stamped  with  fabric  or  cord  marks,  steatite  pottery,  by  pits  filled 
with  crumbling  and  almost  completely  disintegrated  refuse  and  espe- 
cially by  the  great  abundance  of  drills,  of  notched  arrowheads  and 
spears  of  chert  and  other  stone.  Many  of  the  finest  ceremonial  stones 
from  New  York  belong  to  this  intermediate  period.  The  sites  are 
generally  along  the  waterways,  on  the  banks  or  upon  the  high  level 
fields  near  creeks,  lakes  and  rivers.  To  some  extent  the  early 
Algonkian  sites  are  found  in  such  places  also,  but  most  generally  on 
the  slopes  and  terraces  far  above  the  present  river  beds. 

The  later  Algonkian  occupation  is  more  definite  in  character  and 
covers  almost  the  entire  area  of  the  State.  It  is  characterized  by 
numerous  flints,  by  steatite  pottery,  clay  pottery,  notched  choppers, 
grooved  axes,  celts,  adzes,  hoes,  some  copper  implements,  gouges. 


THE    ARCHKOLOC.irAL     HISTORY    OF    NK\V     YORK  49 

gorgets,  birdstones,  banner  stones,  cord-marked  and  pattern-stamped 
clay  pottery,  mediocre  clay  pipes,  roller  pestles,  numerous  net  sinkers, 
and  a  considerable  amount  of  bone  implements,  as  awls,  harpoons, 
needles  and  beads.  The  siies  are  generally  on  lowlands  near  streams 
and  lakes,  none  of  importance  being  on  hilltops.  The  later  Algonkian 
peoples  were  agricultural  as  is  proved  by  the  numerous  instances  in 
which  charred  maize  and  beans  have  been  found  in  refuse  pits.  The 
later  Algonkian  tribes  were  more  sedentary  than  their  predecessors 
and  their  settlements  presumably  larger.  This  seems  to  be  indicated 
bv  the  presence  of  deposits  of  refuse,  by  refuse  pits  and  heaps  and 
by  large  areas  of  ground  rilled  with  carbonized  matter,  fire-burned 
stone  and  calcined  bone. 

Graves  of  this  middle  period  are  found,  the  skeletons  being  doubled 
up  on  one  side  (flexed).  There  are  seldom  any  artifacts  in  the 
graves,  the  skeletons  alone  remaining  to  tell  the  story.  A  typical 
burial  site  of  this  period  is  that  on  the  Markham  site,  near  Avon, 
excavated  by  Mr  Harry  Follett.  A  typical  village  site  of  this 
})eriod  was  found  on  the  outlet  of  Owasco  lake,  south  of  Auburn, 
and  was  excavated  by  Mr  E.  H.  Gohl  and  the  writer  (see  page  340). 
The  Owasco  lake  site  differs  in  culture,  however,  from  that  of  the 
Markham  site. 

The  Algonkian  peoples  of  the  tide  water  and  Long  Island  present 
a  slightly  different  problem,  but  the  type  of  the  culture  is  unmis- 
takable. The  most  abundant  traces  are  found  in  the  refuse  layers 
and  shell  heaps  on  Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  the  Westchester  coast 
and  the  northern  end  of  Manhattan  island.  The  coastal  Algonkins 
differed  only  from  their  inland  kinsmen  through  the  immediate  influ- 
ence of  environment.  For  example,  they  frequently  stamped  their 
pottery  with  the  edge  of  a  scalloped  shell  instead  of  a  cord-wrapped 
paddle,  and  they  used  shellfish  to  a  large  extent  for  food. 

Typical  coastal  Algonkian  sites  were  found  and  excavated  by  Mr 
M.  Raymond  Harrington,  at  Port  Jefferson,  Oyster  Bay,  Matinicock 
and  Shinnecock,  on  Long  island ;  Throgg's  Neck,  Eastchester  and 
Westchester,  on  the  Westchester  coast ;  and  by  Mr  Alanson  B. 
Skinner  on  Manhattan  and  Staten  Islands. 

One  is  led  to  believe  that  the  later  Algonkin  copied  to  a  large 
extent  the  material  culture  of  a  more  advanced  division  of  the  race 
that  came  from  the  south  and  the  west,  but  which  after  a  certain 
time  was  either  absorbed  or  unable  to  maintain  itself  in  the  eastern 
section.  That  the  eastern  Algonkin  received  a  great  cultural 
impetus  from  the  intruding  strangers  can  not  be  doubted.  We  have 


5°  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

some  realization  of  this  when  we  note  the  thinning  out  of  the  polished 
slate  objects  in  eastern  New  England,  southern  New  York,  Pennsyl- 
vania and  the  region  north  of  the  St  Lawrence  basin,  including  the 
Erie-Ontario  slopes,  in  Canada.  On  the  contrary,  these  articles 
appear  in  the  greatest  abundance  west  of  the  Mohawk  headwaters, 
westward  into  Ohio  and  down  the  Allegheny  to  the  Ohio  river  and 
southward  to  Tennessee.  The  St  Lawrence  basin  all  along  the  Great 
Lakes  also  yield  the  "  problematical  "  slates,  but  there  the  cultural 
stimulus  in  other  ways  seems  to  be  from  the  north. 

Definite  traces  of  what  is  recognizable  as  an  Algonkian  occupation 
occur  from  the  Genesee  valley  throughout  its  length  in  New  York, 
Wyoming  and  Monroe  counties  containing  many  camp  sites  and  a 
considerable  number  of  villages  of  this  culture.  Evidences  are  found 
eastward  through  the  Finger  Lakes  district,  southward  along  the  val- 
leys of  the  Chemung,  Susquehanna  and  Chenango,  through  various 
portions  of  Chenango,  Otsego  and  Oneida  counties.  In  Jefferson 
county  to  the  north  along  the  St  Lawrence  are  also  abundant  traces. 
Southward  along  the  Delaware  river  through  the  counties  of  Dela- 
ware, Ulster,  Sullivan,  Orange  and  Rockland  the  relics  of  occupation 
seem  almost  entirely  Algonkian.  The  Hudson  valley  shows  an 
Algonkian  occupation  as  evidenced  by  the  forms  of  pottery  and 
other  artifacts.  In  some  places  Algonkian  articles  are  found  directly 
beneath  Iroquoian  deposits,  as  at  the  mouth  of  Honeoye  creek  and 
along  the  shores  of  the  St  Lawrence  river. 

An.  Outline  of  Algonkian  Cultural  Artifacts 

Methods  of  identification.  In  any  endeavor  to  determine  the  cul- 
tural significance  of  any  artifact  there  must  be  a  certain  and  definite 
means  of  comparison.  To  fix  the  characteristics  of  a  culture  we 
must  have  before  us  the  results  of  actual  excavations  and  collections 
made  in  and  on  a  site.  In  other  words,  we  must  reason  from  the 
known  to  the  unknown.  Once  we  know  the  characteristics  of  an 
Algonkian  site  we  may  look  elsewhere  and  say  with  some  degree  of 
positiveness  what  is  Algonkian.  But  to  know  in  the  beginning  what 
is  Algonkian  we  must  find  a  site  actually  known  to  have  been  occu- 
pied by  some  Algonkian  tribe  and  after  examination  we  must  find 
what  the  objects  are,  how  they  look,  how  they  are  decorated ;  and, 
what  is  equally  important,  we  must  determine  what  objects  are  asso- 
ciated. Not  only  must  we  study  the  ash  pit  and  refuse  heap,  but  the 
house  site,  the  village  site,  the  camp  site  and  the  fishing  grounds. 

Once  we  know  the  characteristics  of  a  historical  site,  which  may 
have  within  it  European  artifacts,  we  may  look  for  older  sites  in 


Plate   4 


Certain  types  of  knifelike  blades,  wherein  the  outcurved  edge  is  thin  and 
sharp.      x%.      From  New  York  Algonkian  sites. 

i,    waxy    chalcedony    from    Lysander;    2,    ivory    chalcedony,    Lysander;    3, 
banded  chert,   Lysander;   4,  gray  chert,   Rush;   5,   gray  chert,  Jefferson  co. ; 
6,    drab    chert,    Seneca   river;    7,    dark   orange   jasper,    Perch   lake;    8,    light 
chert,   Seneca   river;   9,   light   chert,   Seneca   river. 
4 


52  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

which  traces  of  the  white  man  are  absent.  Then,  when  the  general 
characteristics  of  the  Algonkian  culture  are  known  we  may  say  with 
some  degree  of  assurance  that  a  specimen  is  or  is  not  Algonkian.  If 
it  is  not  Algonkian,  what  is  it  ?  Does  it  belong  to  the  later  Iroquois 
or  does  it  belong  to  another  culture  altogether? 

An  examination  of  the  numerous  Algonkian  sites  in  New  York, 
and  indeed  elsewhere,  demonstrates  that  the  Algonkian  culture  was 
not  uniform.  This  is  not  strange  when  we  remember  that  the  great 
Algonkian  stock  embraced  many  tribes  and  influenced  this  geographi- 
cal area  from  comparatively  remote  times.  It  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  certain  tribes  varied  in  minor  particulars  from  others  and  that 
in  the  process  of  time  tribes  may  have  changed  some  of  their 
customs.  There  is  an  abundance  of  proof  that  this  process  of  cul- 
tural change  took  place  among  tribes  observed  since  the  advent  of 
the  European.  Changes  took  place,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  in 
the  eras  before  the  white  man  came. 

While  it  is  true  that  our  knowledge  of  the  various  occupations  is 
incomplete,  enough  sites  have  been  examined  by  competent  observers 
to  afford  some  basis  for  comparison  and  identification.  The 
description  which  follows  is  a  brief  attempt  to  outline  the  character- 
istics of  the  Algonkian  culture. 

Chipped* Points  and  Blades 

Chipped  implements.  Nearly  all  the  periods  of  the  Algonkian 
occupation,  where  there  was  any  considerable  population,  are  char- 
acterized by  innumerable  chipped  implements  of  chert,  quartz,  horn- 
stone  and  other  flinty  rocks.  The  material  to  some  extent  varies 
with  the  location,  the  local  rocks  predominating,  but  favorite  mate- 
rials are  not  lacking;  thus,  even  on  the  seashore  where  nearly  all 
the  chipped  implements  are  of  pebble  quartz,  there  are  to  be  found 
jasper  and  chert  points  also. 

Spear  points  occur  in  abundance  and  vary  in  size  from  3  inches  to 
10  inches  with  occasional  specimens  below  and  even  above  these 
measurements.  Not  only  do  these  implements  vary  in  size  but  in 
degree  of  workmanship,  some  being  crude  and  clumsy,  others 
revealing  the  skilled  hand  and  eye  of  an  expert.  With  the  possible 
exception  of  some  knife  blades  and  unfinished  blank  forms  that  if 
necessary  could  have  been  used  as  spear  points,  all  Algonkian  spear 
points  and  javelin  heads  are  notched  or  barbed. 

Arrow  points  are  numerous  on  all  Algonkian  village  and  camp 
sites  and  along  trails  of  this  occupation.  Like  the  larger  points  con- 
sidered as  spears,  Algonkian  arrowheads  are  barbed,  or  at  least  have 


Plate   5 


14 


Certain  types  of  New  York  arrow  points,     xj/s.      From  Algonkian  sites. 

i,  dark  chert,  Livingston  co. ;  2,  chert,  Livingston  co. ;  3,  chert,  Livingston 
co. ;  4,  dull  chert,  Seneca  river ;  5,  marble  quartz,  Long  Island ;  6,  gray 
chert,  Seneca  river ;  7,  slaty  chert,  Seneca  river ;  8,  slaty  chert,  Jefferson  co. ; 
9,  serrated  rotary  or  beveled,  Seneca  river ;  10,  dark  chert,  Seneca  river ; 
ii,  orange,  red  and  black  jasper  with  white  bands,  Seneca  river;  12,  gray 
chert,  Seneca  river ;  13,  gray  chert,  Seneca  river ;  14,  waxy  chalcedony, 
Oneida  lake;  15,  light  gray  chert,  bifurcated  stem,  Rush;  16,  chert,  Living- 
ston co. ;  17,  Monroe  co. 


54  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


distinct  necks  and  shoulders.  No  less  than  40  distinct  forms  of 
these  arrowheads  are  recognizable,  and  into  these  forms  are  types 
of  variants  that  in  some  particulars  resemble  one  form  or  another, 
or  several.  The  sorting  of  a  large  collection  of  points  becomes  a 
most  perplexing  problem,  and,  for  a  time  it  seems  that  one  is  pur- 
suing an  impossible  task.  While  many  arrow  points  seem  to  be 
individual  and  without  previous  or  similar  pattern,  a  close  examina- 
tion and  comparison  will  usually  fit  the  specimens  into  one  or  more 
classes,  to  be  determined  by  the  shape  of  the  neck,  barbs,  shoulders, 
point  or  bevel. 

Frequently  in  sorting  a  large  collection  of  arrowheads  two  or 
more  may  be  found  that  are  so  similar  in  size,  shape  and  technic  as 
to  suggest  having  been  made  by  the  same  hands  or  gauged  by  the 
same  pattern. 

The  Algonkian  tribes  used  triangular  points,  popularly  termed 
"  war  points,"  but  as  a  general  rule  did  not  make  them  with  the  same 
degree  of  skill  as  the  later  Iroquois.  In  most  cases,  too,  the  Algon- 
kian point  is  larger  than  the  Iroquois.  Certain  Algonkian  sites,  as  at 
Owasco  lake  and  Castleton-on-the-Hudson,  yield  triangular  points 
almost  to  the  exclusion  of  other  types,  but  these  sites  seem  to  have 
belonged  to  the  period  of  Iroquoian  influence. 

Knives.  Chipped  stone  knives  are  commonly  found  on  Algonkian 
sites.  Frequently  knives  are  confused  with  spearheads,  and,  indeed, 
many  knife  blades  might  have  been  employed  as  spear  points  and 
vice  versa.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  a  knife  is  its  curved  edge. 
Most  knives  are  thinner  than  spearheads  and  have  a  more  even  edge, 
which  when  tried  by  the  thumb  feels  sharp.  A  spear  may  have  a 
rough  or  an  irregular  edge.  Many  knife  blades  have  no  notched 
shoulders,  and  many  of  them  are  small ;  some  are  oval,  some  round, 
some  lanciform  and  some  petaloid.  One  type  of  the  double-pointed 
blade  has  one  of  the  pointed  tips  slightly  notched  on  either  side,  but 
on  unmixed  sites  these  are  very  rare  and  seem  to  be  the  products  of 
another  culture.  Algonkian  knife  blades  are  made  from  better 
material  than  spearheads  and  arrow  points.  The  material  is  better 
chosen  and  free  from  defective  spots.  Some  very  fine  specmens  of 
knift  blades  are  made  from  jasper,  chalcedony,  quartz  and  fine 
grades  of  chert.  Many  are  of  unusual  length,  from  6  to  10  inches 
or  more. 

Scrapers.  Scrapers  are  commonly  found  on  sites  of  the  Algon- 
kian occupation.  Several  forms  occur,  due  in  some  measure  to  the 
different  ways  in  which  scrapers  were  used,  as  with  or  without 


Plate    6 


Certain  types  of  New  York  drill  points,  x  9/10.  From  Algonkian  sites. 
I,  shouldered  drill  of  yellow,  orange  and  red  jasper,  Onondaga  co. ;  2, 
mottled  chert  drill,  Ontario  cp. ;  3,  black  chert,  Livingston  co. ;  4.  waxy  black 
chert,  Livingston  co. ;  5,  drill  pointed  blade,  Schoharie  co. ;  6,  shouldered 
drill,  Albany  co. ;  7,  waxy  light  gray  chert,  Xunda ;  8,  gray  chert,  Monroe 
co.;  9,  Oneida  co. ;  10,  Monroe  co. ;  ir,  Schenectady  co. ;  12,  Genesee  co. 


56  NEW    YORK    STATE   MUSEUM 

handles.  One  common  form  of  the  scraper  is  that  having  one  side, 
the  under,  a  smooth  curved  surface,  and  the  other  humped  or 
"  turtle  backed."  Scrapers  of  this  kind  may  or  may  not  have  been 
employed  in  handles,  but  very  few  of  them  are  notched  at  the 
handle  end.  A  second  form  is  chipped  on  both  surfaces  but  the 
scraping  edge  is  beveled  one  way,  to  give  a  chisel-like  surface.  Many 
of  this  type  are  stemmed  and  notched.  A  third  form  is  made  from 
abruptly  broken  arrow  or  spearheads.  The  fractured  edge  is  simply 
chipped  back  from  one  side  to  provide  the  chisel  edge  for  scraping. 
Scrapers  are  also  made  from  flakes  and  many  were  formed  from 
larger  blades,  the  sides  of  which  were  used  for  scraping  and  not 
the  ends.  Some  knife  blades  show  that  the  upper  or  handle-end  was 
used  as  a  scraper.  Of  course  not  all  scrapers  were  made  of  chipped 
flint,  chert  and  similar  materials.  Some  were  made  of  tough  slates, 
granites  and  sandstones,  and  ground  down  in  the  form  of  small 
adzes.  These  come  under  the  head  of  polished  stone  implements. 

Perforators  or  drills.  Perforators  are  found  on  Algonkian  sites 
but  probably  none  have  been  found  on  Iroquoian  sites  that  are 
original.  Several  types  of  perforators  are  found  on  sites  of  the 
Algonkian  occupation.  Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  long 
slender  shafts  of  flint  or  jasper  that  are  of  nearly  uniform  diameter. 
These  may  or  may  not  have  shoulders  and  necks.  The  usual  type 
may  have  been  fastened  to  a  shaft  so  as  to  permit  its  use  on  a 
rotating  spindle  driven  by  a  bow  string  or  by  the  motion  of  a  pump 
drill.  Another  type  has  a  very  rough  and  massive  top,  as  if  this 
were  a  handle  to  be  used  without  a  spindle.  Not  all  so-called  per- 
forators were  in  reality  drills ;  at  least  not  all  were  constantly  used 
as  such,  for  both  human  and  animal  bones  have  been  found  pierced 
by  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  indicate  their  use  as  arrow  points. 

Other  chipped  implements.  Algonkian  sites  yield  several  chipped 
forms  not  to  be  classed  as  projectile  points.  Among  these  may  be 
mentioned  chipped  hoes  of  shale,  chipped  celts,  choppers,  disks  and 
sinkers. 

The  implements  termed  hoes  may  or  may  not  be  hoes,  but  the 
shape  of  the  broad  blade  has  suggested  this  use-name.  Hoes  are 
usually  chipped  into  shape  from  layers  of  shale  or  sandstone  and 
usually  have  a  noticed  neck  and  a  broad  chopping  end  chipped 
sharp.  Very  few  show  much  evidence  of  having  been  used  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  end  is  polished  through  friction  in  the  soil.  Not 
many  hoes  are  to  be  found  in  collections,  perhaps  for  the  reason 
that  the  form  is  unattractive  to  the  amateur  collector  and  farmer. 


Plate   7 


Certain  types  of  New  York  spear  points,     x^. 

I,  Seneca  river ;  2,  weathered  chert,  Lysander ;  3,  coarse  chert,  Lysander ; 
4,  dull  gray  chert,  beveled,  Lysander;  5,  waxy  gray  chert,  Seneca  river; 
6  coarse  dull  chert,  Lvsander. 


58  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  greater  number  known  to  and  found  by  the  writer  are  from 
the  Susquehanna  valley,  the  Chenango  valley  and  the  Genesee  val- 
ley. A  simple  illustration  (see  plate  8)  is  sufficient  for  the  purpose 
of  identifying  these  objects. 

Hoes  are  sometimes  chipped  from  flat  pieces  of  shale.  They  are 
celt-shaped  and  the  cutting  edge  may  or  may  not  appear  to  be 
sharpened  by  rubbing  and  grinding.  The  average  specimen  is  simply 
chipped. 

Choppers  are  generally  made  from  thin,  flat,  waterwashed  peb- 
bles of  a  size  larger  than  an  adult  hand.  One  end  js  chipped 
acutely  for  the  working  edge.  The  greater  portion  of  choppers, 
which  may  or  may  not  be  notched,  come  from  littoral  sites,  either  on 
Long,  Staten,  or  Manhattan  islands  or  from  the  Westchester  coast. 
Some  have  been  found  along  the  Hudson  and  even  on  inland 
Algonkian  sites. 

Disks  of  various  sizes  have  been  found  along  the  Susquehanna. 
A  considerable  number  come  from  the  Chenango  and  Chemung  val- 
leys but  specimens  from  the  tributaries  of  all  these  streams  are  to  be 
found.  As  a  rule  these  disks  are  chipped  from  flat  layers  of  sedi- 
mentary rock,  except  slate,  and  in  thickness  are  from  one-fourth  to 
one-half  of  an  inch.  Many  have  been  found  down  the  Susquehanna 
as  far  as  below  Wilkes-Barre.  These  disks  are  sometimes  termed 
"  pot  covers  "  perhaps  because  they  are  round,  are  notched  in  many 
instances  and  because  the  larger  specimens  are  about  the  size  of  the 
top  of  a  small  pottery  vessel.  Those  who  use  this  term,  however, 
forget  that  the  greater  number  are  much  too  small  to  be  pot  covers, 
unless  all  pots  with  three  inch  tops  have  "  crumbled  into  dust  upon 
exposure  to  the  air."  It  seems  far  from  improbable  that  notched 
disks  were  simply  a  local  form  of  the  common  net-sinker. 

Stone  Tools 

Hammerstones.  Nearly  all  Algonkian  sites  are  characterized 
by  the  abundance  of  hammerstones.  Several  types  are  to  be  found, 
ranging  from  a  naturally  formed  pebble  or  small  cobble  to  an  arti- 
ficially formed  grooved  head,  symmetrically  shaped  and  polished. 
The  commoner  types  are  ordinary  cobbles  that  show  evidence  of 
impact ;  discoidal  pebbles  with  pits  in  the  center  on  either  flattened 
side  (the  ordinary  pitted  hammerstone)  ;  and  chunks  of  chert  and 
quartz  that  have  been  battered  into  spheroids  by  much  use.  There 
is  nothing  more  distinctive  in  Algonkian  hammerstones  than  these 
battered  ball-like  hand  hammers  (see  fig.  127). 


Plate    8 


.  .  ^   .,ji 


Stone  chopper  or  hoe,  from  Chenango  Forks 


60  NEW    YORK    STATE    Ml'SMl.*}] 

Pestles.  The  ordinary  Algonkian  pestle  is  cylindrical  in  form 
and  long.  The  diameter  varies  from  i]/2  inches  to  4  inches.  A  few 
pestles  are  as  short  as  6  inches  but  the  average  form  is  approxi- 
mately 14.  Exceptional  pestles  have  been  found  with  lengths  above 
1 8  inches  and  ranging  up  to  24.  Along  the  Hudson  river  from 
Catskill  to  Glens  Falls,  and  along  the  Seneca  river,  pestles  have  been 
found  with  the  effigies  of  animal  heads  at  the  upper  or  handle  ends. 
In  most  cases  the  head  bends  at  a  slight  angle.  Along  the  Seneca 
river  some  pestles  seem  to  be  phallic.  These  may  have  been  used 
as  clubs  (see  plate). 

Stone  mortars.  Stone  mortars  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  com- 
mon, though  one  should  not  consider  them  rare.  In  proportion  to 
the  number  of  stone  pestles,  however,  mortars  are  exceedingly 
scarce.  Most  of  them  are  made  from  small  boulders  hollowed  out, 
apparently,  by  a  considerable  expenditure  of  time  and  energy.  The 
cavities  vary  from  mere  hollows  to  cups  3  to  5  inches  deep.  A  few 
New  York  specimens  are  double  faced. 

Metates.  Most  of  the  grinding  or  mealing  stones  found  in  Algon- 
kian sites  are  flat  pieces  of  shale  or  sandstone,  of  convenient  size  and 
thickness.  One  surface  usually  shows  that  it  has  been  depressed 
and  smoothed  by  the  rubbing  of  a  muller,  and  the  reverse  generally 
is  pitted  and  scarred  as  if  used  as  an  anvil  in  the  breaking  of  chert 
or  other  hard  stones.  It  is  quite  likely  that  earthen  pigments, 
burned  stone  and  other  hard  mineral  substances  were  reduced  in 
mortars  and  metates,  and  that  they  were  not  merely  used  in  the 
preparation  of  vegetable  meals  and  hominy. 

Mullers.  For  cracking  and  grinding  substances  on  the  mealing 
stones,  mullers  were  used.  Mullers  are  fairly  common  on  sites  of 
this  culture  and  may  be  recognized  by  the  smooth  and  slightly 
curved  underside.  The  more  finished  types  are  discoid  and  well 
shaped.  In  many  instances  the  edges  seem  to  have  been  used  for 
hammering,  and  thus  many  of  the  finest  specimens  have  a  rough- 
ened circumference.  Some  mullers  are  polished  on  both  sides  and 
so  nearly  circular  as  to  resemble  quoits  or  game  disks  that  might  be 
rolled  over  the  ice  in  contests  of  skill.  For  certain  forms  of  mullers, 
see  plate  130. 

Celts.  Stone  hatchet  heads,  frequently  called  celts,  are  commonly 
found  on  Algonkian  sites.  There  is  much  difference  between  the 
roughest  of  these  specimens  and  the  best.  Some  of  the  finest  are 
highly  polished  and  balanced  with  great  nicety.  The  Algonkian 
people  liked  to  bring  out  the  grain  of  the  stone  and  to  reveal  by 
polishing  the  mottling  or  the  banded  layers.  Some  of  the  best  speci- 
mens are  of  granitic  rock,  many  are  of  diabase  and  a  few  are  of 


Plate  9 


Algonkian  stone  mortar  and  pestle.     Onondaga  county. 


62  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

sandstone.  There  are  very  few  specimens  of  polished  flint  or  chert. 
Celts  reveal  all  the  processes  of  manufacture  from  the  first  rough 
chipping  to  the  pitting  process  and  the  final  polishing.  There  are 
some  localities  where  celts  appear  to  have  been  better  made  than  in 
others.  The  Seneca  River  region  is  noted  for  its  beautifully  formed 
celts.  There  are  more  than  two  hundred  in  the  Otis  M.  Bigelow 
collection. 

In  the  ordinary  symmetrical  celt  used  by  the  Algonkian  tribes 
there  is  little  or  nothing,  save  the  site  upon  which  it  is  found,  to 
distinguish  it  from  specimens  made  and  used  by  Iroquoian  or 
mound-building  peoples.  In  other  words,  the  celt  is  common  to 
nearly  all  forms  of  aboriginal  culture  and  variations  are  only  local, 
unless  we  except  extreme  forms.  The  size  of  Algonkian  celts  varies 
from  a  length  of  I  inch  to  II  or  12.  The  average  length  is  approxi- 
mately 5  to  6  inches.  (For  forms  see  plate  115.)  Consult  Skinner; 
Coastal  Algonkin. 

Adzes.  A  celt  with  one  side  more  flattened  than  the  other  may 
be  regarded  as  an  adz.  This  is  easily  determinable  when  the  cutting 
blade  is  flattened  on  one  side  and  beveled  on  the  other.  Some  adzes 
have  a  slightly  concaved  underside  and  closely  approach  gouge 
forms.  Adzes  in  general  are  finished  with  more  care  than  celts.  An 
interesting  form  of  adz  is  that  having  beveled  sides,  that  is  to  say 
with  a  cross  section  an  approximate  oblong  with  the  upper  corners 
groumd  off.  Most  beveled  adzes  are  made  with  great  care,  the  plain 
surfaces  are  smooth  and  the  entire  blade  is  well  polished.  It  is  not 
yet  definitely  established  whether  beveled  adzes  are  original  with  the 
Algonkian  culture  or  belong  to  the  mound  area  in  New  York.  They 
are  not  widely  distributed  and  do  not  seem  to  be  found  on  the 
coast. 

Gouges.  Gouges  were  made  and  used  by  the  Algonkian  tribes. 
There  are  several  types  of  gouges  and  as  many  variations  of  types 
as  the  individual  makers  could  produce.  All  have  curved  cutting 
edges  and  are  concaved  on  the  underside.  The  backs  may  be  round, 
flat  or  beveled.  The  types  are  those  having,  first,  a  short  scoop, 
leaving  the  remainder  of  the  implement  ungrooved ;  second,  the 
trough  or  channel  running  the  entire  length  of  the  implement ;  third, 
the  type  with  knobs  or  a  groove  on  the  back  for  fastening  the 
handle.  Some  gouges  have  the  butt  end  sharpened  as  a  chisel. 
Gouges  when  hafted  were  fastened  much  as  adzes,  to  a  T  handle. 

Many  Algonkian  gouges  are  finely  formed  and  polished.  They 
are  not  so  common  as  celts  and  as  specimens  are  considered  more 
valuable  than  adzes  or  celts. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW   YORK 


Fig.   2   Gouge 


Fig.  3     Grooved  axe 


Grooved  axes.  The  grooved  axe  is  typical  of  the  Algonkian 
culture.  The  Iroquois  did  not  use  it,  but  mound-building  Indians 
did.  In  New  York  grooved  axes  are  larger  and  heavier  than  any 
other  form  of  hafted  cutting  blade,  though  small  specimens  are  not 
wanting.  So  far  as  our  knowledge  goes,  nearly  all  New  York 
forms  have  the  groove  at  right  angles  to  the  medial  line  of  the 
object,  that  is,  straight  across  and  not  slanted.  New  York  grooved 
axes  are  not  fluted  like  some  western  forms. 

Grooved  axes  in  New  York  may  be  considered  rare  but  they  have 
been  found  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  State  where  there  are  Algon- 
kian sites.  Some  of  the  largest  specimens  come  from  the  valley  of 
the  Hudson,  Long  island,  Westchester  county  and  Staten  island. 
(See  plate  125.) 

Grooved  club  heads.  These  are  considered  rare  objects.  The 
State  Museum  has  a  number  of  spec;mens,  some  of  which  are  made 
from  natural  pebbles  of  granite  or  other  hard  material,  and  some  of 
hard  rock  dressed  to  shape  and  grooved.  Some  club  heads  show  no 
rough  usage,  the  rounded  ends  being  quite  smooth.  Others  seem 
to  have  been  used  as  mauls  or  hammers.  Club  heads  are  always 
grooved  on  the  short  diameter.  (See  plate  126.) 


64  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Grooved  weights.  In  certain  localities  naturally  formed  ovate 
pebbles  of  quartz  or  other  water-washed  stone  are  grooved  around 
the  long  diameter.  The  grooves  are  distinct  and  are  picked  or 
beaten  in  by  percussion.  Just  what  these  objects  are  is  not  certain 
for  they  may  have  been  used  as  bola  stones,  as  net  weights,  or 
inclosed  in  rawhide  envelopes  as  loose  heads  of  small  war  clubs. 
They  are  found  in  western  New  York  sparingly,  along  the  Genesee, 
about  Irondequoit  bay,  in  the  Mohawk  valley  (rarely),  in  the 
Schoharie  valley,  about  Otsego  lake  and  along  the  Hudson.  Many 
specimens  have  been  found  on  Algonkian  sites  near  Coxsackie. 
Skinner  illustrates  some  from  coastal  sites  in  New  York. 

Sinew  stones.  Sandstone  pebbles  are  sometimes  found,  having 
the  surfaces  and  edges  abraded  and  worn  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
resemble  large  pieces  of  beeswax  upon  which  cords  or  shoemaker's 
thread  had  been  rubbed.  Many  of  these  implements  are  neatly  made 
and  the  grooves  are  regular.  They  are  commonly  called  sinew  stones 
from  the  idea  that  they  were  used  for  smoothing  thongs  and  sinew 
cords.  This  seems  to  be  a  possible  use.  A  surprisingly  large 
number  are  abruptly  broken  so  that  complete  specimens  are  com- 
paratively rare.  Complete  sinew  stones  are  rarer  than  bird  stones  in 
New  York.  (See  plate  136.) 

Plummets.  Stone  plummets  are  among  the  rarer  of  the  prob- 
lematical objects  found  within  the  State.  A  number  of  specimens 
have  been  found  along  the  Seneca  river  and  near  Oneida  lake, 
others  northward  along  Lake  Champlain.  Two  fine  specimens  found 
by  Prof.  D.  F.  Thompson  are  of  picked  limestone.  They  were 
found  at  Green  Island,  N.  Y.,  and  are  similar  to  specimens 
from  Maine.  Other  specimens  of  this  variety  have  been  found 
along  the  Hoosick  river  which  flows  as  a  boundary  between  Wash- 
ington and  Rensselaer  counties.  Two  specimens  from  Brewerton 
have  necks  less  well  defined  with  a  groove  running  over  the  top. 
Another  variety  of  plummets  made  of  polished  talc  comes  from 
Jefferson  county.  One  specimen  is  cigar-shaped  with  a  knob 
formed  at  the  blunt  end  probably  as  a  means  of  suspension.  One 
from  Lysander  made  from  a  natural  pebble  slightly  worked  has 
this  same  characteristic,  but  with  the  addition  of  tally  marks  on  one 
side.  A  finely  finished  specimen  is  from  Caughdenoy,  Oswego 
county.  None  of  the  plummets  from  this  area  are  polished.  Plum- 
mets do  not  occur  on  all  Algonkian  sites,  and  indeed  it  is  a  question 
whether  or  not  some  of  them  do  not  belong  to  another  culture  quite 
different  from  that  which  we  recognize  as  Algonkian.  Ungrooved 
axes,  gouges,  wide  arrow  points  and  spears  are  associated  with 
plummets.  (See  plate  10.) 


Plate   10 


Bola  stones,  "  plummets  "  and  spool-shaped  stones 

i,  Bola  stone  from  Patagonia;  2,  North  Troy;  3,  Genesee  co. ;  4  Brew- 
erton;  5,  Brewerton;  6,  Lysander;  7,  8,  spool  shaped  stone,  Coxsackie;  9, 
grooved  spool,  Coxsackie. 


66 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Spool-shaped  objects.  Stone  spools  picked  from  tough  stone 
have  been  found  along  the  Hudson  river  from  Catskill  to  Glens 
Falls.  They  are  simple  cylinders  concaved  and  are  not  more  than  2 
inches  in  length.  The  ends  do  not  show  usage.  (See  plate  10.) 

Steatite  vessels.  Fragments  of  soapstone  pottery  are  found  in 
nearly  all  parts  of  New  York.  Complete  vessels  in  this  State  are 
extremely  rare,  only  two  specimens  being  in  the  State  Museum.  The 
great  abundance  of  the  fragments  in  certain  localities  shows  a  wide 
and  prolonged  use  of  this  type  of  dish.  Many  fragments  have  lugs 
or  projecting  handles  and  some  show  perforations  as  if  cracks  had 
been  tied  by  cords  passed  through  holes  on  either  side  of  the  fracture. 

One  complete  specimen  was  found  in  Saratoga  county.  It  is  a 
thick,  heavy,  ellipsoidal  dish  with  lugs,  and  was  used  as  a  mortar 


Fig.  4  Steatite  mortar  found  at  Saratoga.  The  interior  is  encrusted  with 
pulverized  iron  oxide,  x^ 

for  crushing  red  iron  oxide.  The  pigment  thickly  encrusts  the 
interior  of  the  vessel.  A  second  specimen  is  a  small  thin  vessel 
shaped  like  a  shallow  ovate  bowl.  Unlike  the  first  specimen,  it  is 
smoothly  finished  throughout. 

The  Iroquois  did  not  use  steatite  dishes,  and  fragments  are  found 
only  on  Algonkian  and  on  Eskimo-like  sites.  A  few  fragments  have 
been  found  in  the  Genesee  valley  associated  with  bell  pestles. 

Faces  or  heads  of  stone.  On  certain  Algonkian  sites,  particularly 
those  influenced  by  the  Delaware,  effigies  of  human  faces  or  heads 
are  found.  At  least  two  such  faces  from  the  State  are  good  pieces 
of  aboriginal  sculpture.  The  human  features  on  these  specimens 
are  well  modeled.  Other  specimens  are  more  or  less  grotesque  or 


'So 


68 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


conventionalized.  Some  are  merely  indicated  by  incised  lines  and 
others  by  dots  or  drilled  depressions.  The  Delaware  used  faces  of 
stone  or  wood  in  their  ceremonies.  (See  plate  n.) 

Pipes.  Stone  pipes  have  been  found  on  Algonkian  sites,  but  they 
are  not  numerous.  There  are  several  forms,  ranging  from  rude 
bowls  to  beautifully  formed  platform  monitors.  One  typical  form 
is  that  having  a  tubular 'bowl  bent  at  a  slight  angle  from  a  flattened 
or  beveled  stem.  This  form  is  sometimes  copied  in  clay,  though  the 
stem  is  thicker  and  the  bowl  shorter.  The  material  of  the  stone 
pipes  is  usually  steatite,  or  some  allied  substance. 

Micmac  pipes,  so-called,  have  a  barrel-like  bowl  resting  upon  a 
rather  slender  short  stem  which  sets  upon  a  flattened  rectangular 


Fig.    5      Micmac   pipes    found    in    central    New    York 


projection.  This  may  be  decorated  with  incised  lines  and  have  a 
hole  drilled  through  it.  Micmacs  are  found  in  northern  New  York 
but  may  be  considered  fairly  modern,  some  showing  the  marks  of 
steel  tools.  They  are  the  most  ornamental  forms  of  Algonkian  stone 
pipes,  some  having  animals  carved  in  relief  on  the  bowl.  (See 
ngure  5.) 

Polished  stone  articles.  On  most  Algonkian  sites  one  or  several 
forms  of  polished  slate  articles  are  found.  Among  these  are  banner 
stones,  boat  stones,  bird  stones,  bar  amulets  and  gorgets.  Other  minor 
fonns  are  found,  as  pendants  and  perforated  discoids.  That  these 
articles  were  used  by  the  Algonkian  tribes  is  proved  by  finding  them 
in  process  of  manufacture  on  village  sites  and  in  "  workshops." 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  69 

Such  specimens  are  usually  made  of  local  stone,  but  finished  articles 
may  be  and  frequently  are  of  extralimital  materials,  as  Huronian 
slate.  The  polished  slate  culture  is  described  in  the  chapter  on  the 
mound-building  people  (see  page  83). 


Fig.   6     Horned   banner   stone   of   striped   or   "  Huronian "   slate,   from   the 
Seneca    river   near   Baldwinsville.      x2A 


I 


It  may  be  well  to  keep  in  mind  that  none  of  the  polished  slate 
"  problematical  forms  "  seems  to  be  complete  in  itself,  but  appears 
rather  to  be  parts  of  other  and  more  complex  objects.  This  makes 
the  problem  of  determining  their  use  all  the  more  difficult.  It  is 


Fig.  7    One  holed  gorget  from 
Baldwinsville.     x^4 


7O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

significant  that  polished  slates  were  used  by  both  Algonkian  and  by 
the  mound-building  tribes.     The  Iroquois  did  not  use  them. 

Pottery.  Algonkian  pottery  in  its  fully  developed  form  is  dis- 
tinctive, and  an  experienced  collector  soon  learns  to  recognize  it  at 
a  glance.  Its  characteristic  features  include  both  form  and  decora- 
tion, though  in  a  measure  the  texture  of  the  clay  may  also  serve  as 
a  guide.  Many  Algonkian  vessels  are  ovoid,  with  the  small  end 
down  and  the  large  end  open  for  the  mouth  of  the  jar.  There  is 
considerable  variation  as  the  accompanying  illustration  shows.  The 
Iroquois  exercised  a  considerable  influence  upon  the  Algonkian  pot- 
ters and  it  may  be  readily  believed  that  the  Algonkian  people  acquired 


Fig.  8     Algonkian  pots.     I    from  Shinnecock  Hills,  L.  I.     2  from  Susqiie- 
hanna  valley.     Shows  Iroquoian  influence,     x^. 

. 

by  trade  or  otherwise  many  Iroquois  pots.  In  numerous  instances 
potsherds  and  even  completed  vessels  show  how  the  Algonkian  potter 
endeavored  to  imitate  Iroquois  decoration,  but  in  most  cases  Algon- 
kian technic  betrays  itself.  (See  plate  12.)  The  Iroquois  made  bold 
free  strokes  and  his  patterns  were  striking;  the  Algonkian  imitator 
made  fine  uncertain  lines  and  his  attempts  at  patterns  were  "  fussy." 
In  its  external  markings,  however,  the  true  Algonkian  pottery  was 
of  three  general  sorts:  (i)  cord  marked,  as  if  the  entire  surface 
of  the  plastic  clay  had  been  wrapped  in  a  coarse  bag  made  of 
loosely  woven  fabric,  or  had  been  patted  over  by  pads  of  coarse 
fabric;  (2)  stamped  with  wooden  dies  or  impressed  with  notched 
or  checkered  sticks;  (3)  marked  over  the  body  by  natural  objects 


Plate    12 


Types  of  coastal  Algonkian  pottery,  Alanson  Skinner,  collector.  Xos.  I 
and  2,  Old  Place;  3,  4,  10,  Tottenville;  5,  6,  7,  8^  9,  Wachogue.  Only  the 
first  four  sherds  are  true  to  type,  all  others  show  Iroquois  influence,  except 
possibly  10. 


Plate   13 


Algonkian  clay  vessel  from  Chenango  Valley.      Otis  M.  Bigelow  collection, 
State  Museum,    x^. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL     HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  73 

such  as  sea  shells,  as  by  the  edge  of  a  scallop  shell,  bark  reed, 
fingernail  etc.  Nearly  all  true  Algonkian  forms  show  impressed 
patterns,  as  opposed  to  the  general  Iroquois  method  of  drawn  pat- 
terns that  dug  into  the  clay  and  left  the  markings. 

As  a  rule  Algonkian  pots  not  influenced  by  the  Iroquois  have  no 
overhanging  rims,  and  no  collars.  A  vast  number  of  Algonkian  pots- 
herds show  that  the  decoration  was  carried  over  the  rim  and  down 
into  the  neck  of  the  pot. 

Complete  Algonkian  vessels  are  not  common  and  few  museums 
have  more  than  three  or  four  specimens.  Some  found  in  fragments 
have  been  restored. 


Fig.  9     Pottery     vessel     of     Algonkian     type     from 
Ouaquaga.     Yager  collection.     x>i 

Pottery  pipes.  Algonkian  pottery  pipes  in  New  York  seldom 
approach  the  beauty  of  form  or  finish  of  either  their  own  stone 
pipes  or  of  Iroquois  clay  pipes.  The  earlier  Algonkian  clay  pipes 
are  crude,  some  being  almost  childish  in  modeling.  In  later  sites 
there  is  considerable  improvement  until  in  some  inland  sites  pipes 
have  arrived  at  a  definite  form  and  are  well  made.  Decoration  is 


Plate   14 


Pipe  fragments  of  pottery  from  Staten  island  localities.  Staten  Island 
Arts  and  Science  Association  collection,  i,  2,  4,  5,  8,  9,  10,  from  Mariners 
Harbor;  3,  7,  Watchogue;  6,  Tottenville. 


Plate    15 


TYPES     OF     ALGONKIAN     PIPES     FROM     NEW     YORK 

I    and   2   are    from    a   single   grave   in    Madison   county 
3   and   4   are   typical    Cayuga    county    Algonkian    forms 


76  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

both  by  modeling  and  by  impressed  designs.     Modeled  ornamenta- 
tion seems  late  and  the  result  of  external  influence.      (See  plates 

14,  I5-) 

In  shape,  the  Algonkian  pipe  takes  several  forms :  ( I )  the  long, 
straight,  conical  tube  with  the  bowl  but  slightly  expanded,  decorated 
and  undecorated;  (2)  the  bent  tube,  with  the  bowl  having  a  slight 
upward  turn;  (3)  the  flat  or  thin  beveled  stern  having  a  bowl  at  a 
slight  angle,  imitating  stone  forms;  (4)  the  bowl  at  nearly  right 
angles,  the  stem  either  round  or  slightly  flattened,  the  whole 
resembling  a  bent  human  arm,  the  stem  being  the  arm  to  the  wrist 
and  the  bowl  a  portion  of  the  upper  arm.  The  elbow  bend  and 
the  tip  are  copied  in  most  instances.  The  real  prototype  may  have 
been  a  bark  tube  or  cornucopia  with  one  end  bent  slightly  upward 
for  the  bowl  and  the  longer  portion  flattened  out  as  a  stem  that 
could  be  conveniently  held  in  the  mouth.  A  little  experimentation 
with  a  piece  of  birch  bark  will  demonstrate  the  possibility  of  this. 

Copper  implements.  Articles  of  native  copper  are  sometimes 
found  on  Algonkian  sites ;  indeed,  wherever  polished  slates  are  found 
copper  objects  may  be  expected.  These  include  spearheads  and 
arrowheads,  gouges,  chisels  and  adzes,  small  hatchets,  mattocks,  awls, 
fishhooks  and  bead  ear  ornaments.  Copper  articles  are  among  the 
rarest  of  New  York  specimens.  Most  have  been  found  on  the 
surface  but  a  number  have  been  taken  from  mounds  and  from 
graves.  Not  all  are  Algonkian  by  any  means ;  indeed  it  is  doubtful 
if  the  New  York  Algonkins  ever  made  copper  implements.  Those 
that  they  had  were  probably  acquired  from  extralimital  sources 
through  trade  or  otherwise.  They  are  probably  of  mound  culture 
origin,  the  material  coming  either  from  Virginia  or  from  the  Lake 
Superior  region.  No  native  copper  implements  are  tempered,  the 
hardness  that  they  do  possess  being  due  to  the  hammering  and 
annealing  process. 

Bone  and  antler  implements.  Algonkian  bone  implements  in  New 
York  may  be  considered  relatively  numerous  and  some  sites, 
especially  on  the  coast,  along  the  St  Lawrence  and  about  Oneida 
lake,  have  yielded  several  thousand  good  specimens  and  many  more 
fragments.  These  articles  include  awls,  beads,  blades,  harpoon  heads, 
tubes,  perforated  teeth,  arrowheads,  antler  punches,  needles,  shuttles, 
turtle  shell  cups,  etc.  Articles  of  walrus  ivory  are  sometimes  found 
along  the  St  Lawrence  and  pieces  of  cut  whalebone  have  been  found 
on  Long  island. 

Village  sites  and  fortifications.  Coastal  Algonkian  sites  cover 
fairly  large  areas  and  are  characterized  by  more  or  less  extensive 


Plate    16 


Implements  of  bone  and  ivory  from  Jefferson  county.  Many  of  the  speci- 
mens in  the  R.  W.  Amidon  collection  (State  Museum),  from  which  these 
objects  are  selected,  show  a  marked  similarity  to  those  of  the  Eskimo. 


Plate    17 


Implements  of  walrus  ivory  and  bone  from  the  R.  W.  Amidon  collection 
(State  Museum),  Jefferson  county,  N.  Y. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  79 

refuse  deposits  of  marine  shells  intermingled  with  animal  bones  and 
•other  waste  material  and  occasional  specimens  of  ornaments  and 
implements.  Some  of  these  shell  heaps  are  as  deep  as  8  or  10  feet, 
though  most  have  a  depth  of  4  feet  and  less.  Some  coastal  sites 
have  good  occupational  layers  with  refuse  pits  and  fire  holes.  Cen- 
tral New  York  village  sites  are  near  lakes  or  large  streams  and 
spread  out  over  a  considerable  acreage,  as  if  the  village  or  camp 
was  either  not  compact  or  that  it  was  moved  about  in  the  same 
general  spot.  Very  few  sites  away  from  the  coast  have  the  thick 
deposits  of  solid  refuse  found  in  places  of  Iroquois  occupation, 
which  may  have  resulted  from  the  Algonkian  custom  of  throwing 
refuse  on  the  surface,  to  be  destroyed  by  rodents  and  the  elements, 
and  thus  preventing  the  accumulation  of  intrusive  debris  in  the 
ground. 

There  were  several  Algonkian  sites  near  Plattsburg  on  Lake 
Champlain,  others  near  Coxsackie  and  at  Croton  point  on  the 
Hudson;  in  Central  New  York,  at  Owasco  and  Oneida  lakes. 
Coastal  sites  have  been  described  by  Skinner  and  Harrington  in 
American  Museum  publications,  and  in  this  work,  pages  340-48. 

The  Algonkins  built  their  villages  on  the  flat  land  near  navigable 
streams,  and  while  they  did  have  fortified  refuges  in  the  form  of 
stockades,  the  remains  of  these  are  few  and  not  impressive. 

3    THE    ESKIMO-LIKE    CULTURE 

In  various  localities  throughout  the  State  there  are  sites  that 
seem  to  have  been  occupied  at  a  very  early  period.  The  implements 
found  are  few  and  crude,  with  now  and  then  the  anomaly  of  some 
wonderfully  fine  specimen.  The  fire  pits  show  little  refuse  and 
almost  no  bone,  save  fragments  calcined  by  heat.  In  some  of  these 
sites  fire-cracked  stones  are  abundant.  Graves  are  shallow  and  show 
no  trace  of  osseous  substance. 

So  far  we  have  described  nothing  especially  characteristic,  but 
when  we  discover  on  sites  like  these  semilunar  knives  of  slate  and 
rubbed  slate  double-edged  knives  and  projectile  points,  we  have 
something  as  a  guide  (see  plate  18).  Associated  with  these  objects 
are  found  fragments  of  soapstone  pottery.  Chert  arrowheads  are 
broad,  large,  and  have  sloping  shoulders.  Some  are  almost  lozenge- 
shaped  and  many  have  thick,  wide  necks  as  if  used  as  lance  or  har- 
poon heads.  Celts  and  polished  stone  scrapers  are  found  on  these 
sites  as  also  are  chert  scrapers  and  perforators.  On  a  few  of 
these  sites  bone  harpoons  have  been  found  in  ashy  deposits  (see 
plate  17).  Dr  O.  C.  Auringer  found  a  beautiful  walrus  ivory  dirk 


Plate    18 


Slate  knives  and  semilunar  chopper   from   central   New  York  sites,     x-^5 
i,  2,  VauBuren,  Ononclaga  co. ;  3,  Lysander;  4,  Brewerton;  5,  Glens  Falls; 
6,  Hudson. 


THE    ARCIIEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  8l 

in  a  fire  pit  near  Troy  and  associated  with  it  on  the  site  crude  and 
much  weathered  flints.  In  some  sites  of  this  general  cultural  horizon 
will  be  found  gouges,  hemispheres  of  hematite,  figurines,  ornaments 
of  unusual  shapes,  and  many  other  unfamiliar  artifacts. 

It  is  evident  that  sites  of  this  character  are  not  Iroquoian,  that 
they  are  not  of  the  clay  pot  using  Algonkian  tribes,  and  that  there 
is  little  distinctive  in  them  resembling  the  mound-building  people, 
except  for  an  occasional  bird  stone.  A  study  leads  to  the  con- 
clusion that  sites  of  this  character  were  once  occupied  by  a 
people  influenced  by  the  Eskimo,  if  not  actually  by  the  Eskimo 
themselves.  Our  investigation  points  out  that  the  influence  came 
from  the  north,  especially  the  northeast. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  indicate  any  special  center  in  this  State 
from  which  this  culture  radiated.  The  area  showing  traces  of  this 
Eskimoan  influence  are:  (i)  the  St  Lawrence  basin  to  Clayton; 
(2)  the  east  and  south  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  from  Clayton  to 
Irondequoit  Bay;  (3)  the  Genesee  valley;  (4)  the  Finger  Lakes 
region,  including  the  entire  drainage  basin;  (5)  the  Champlain  val- 
ley; (6)  the  Hudson  valley  to  Albany.  Scattered  relics  are  found 
in  \Yestern  New  York  and  in  the  valleys  of  the  Susquehanna  and 
Delaware  with  their  tributaries.  The  culture  thins  out  as  it  ranges 
south,  but  it  may  be  expected  to  appear  in  Vermont  on  the  east  and 
even  in  Massachusetts.  Not  much  may  be  expected  in  either  Penn- 
sylvania or  Ohio. 

Many  of  these  so-called  Eskimoan  sites  appear  to  be  of  great 
antiquity,  while  others  seem  closely  to  approach  the  period  of  the 
middle  Algonkian  tribes.  Indeed  certain  Algonkian  sites  that  date 
to  the  opening  of  the  colonial  period  seem  in  some  ways  to  have 
been  influenced  by  this  northern  culture.  It  is  quite  likely,  therefore, 
that  the  period  of  influence  was  a  lengthy  one.  We  may  even  be 
permitted  to  ask  several  questions  concerning  the  people  who  left 
these  evidences,  these  questions  to  constitute  the  problem  set  forth 
for  solution  by  students  of  archeology.  First,  we  may  ask  were 
the  people  characterized  by  this  culture  Eskimoan?  Second,  if  they 
were  not  of  Eskimo  stock,  who  were  they?  \Yere  they  Boethuck 
or  Algonkin?  Third,  did  not  some  undetermined  people  copy  cer- 
tain features  of  Eskimoan  culture?  Fourth,  were  these  people 
exterminated,  driven  back  to  the  north,  or  were  they  absorbed  by 
later  comers  to  perpetuate  some  of  their  arts? 

It  is  possible  that  some  time  a  painstaking  student  may  discover 
and  open  up  a  site  that  will  answer  some  if  not  all  of  these  inquiries. 


a\ 


rt 

s 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  ^ 

Until  then  we  may  only  point  out  the  differences  that  we  observe 
between  these  sites  and  others  and  cautiously  state  that  culturally 
they  resemble  those  of  the  Eskimo. 

4  THE  MOUXD-BUILDER  OCCUPATION  OF  NEW  YORK 

There  was  a  time  when  western  New  York  was  regarded  as 
peculiarly  the  domain  of  a  mysterious  Preindian  race  known  as  the 
"  mound  builders." 

Observers,  astonished  by  the  existence  of  earthworks  and  other 
prehistoric  tumuli,  have  written  elaborate  descriptions  and  devoted 
considerable  space  to  more  or  less  melancholy  speculation.  The  term 
"mound  builder"  became  quite  as  romantically  wonderful  in  the 
new  world  as  that  of  Druid  did  in  the  old. 

The  mounds  and  earthworks  of  Ohio  early  attracted  interest,  and 
especially  as  the  colonists  pushed  westward  and  cleared  new  land 
for  settlement  or  agriculture.  Thus  we  find  such  early  authorities  as 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Benjamin  Franklin,  President  Ezra  Stiles  of  Yale 
and  Noah  Webster  advancing  theories  about  the  builders  of  the 
mounds.  The  first  extended  discussion  of  the  subject  was  written 
by  Dr  Benjamin  S.  Barton,  who  in  1797  published  his  work  on 
"  Xew  Views  on  the  Origin  of  the  Tribes  in  America."  In  this 
work  he  advanced  the  theory  that  the  mounds  were  not  built  by 
Indians  but  by  "A  people  of  higher  cultivation,  with  established  law 
and  order  and  a  well-disciplined  police."  Doctor  Barton  seems  to 
have  been  the  first  writer  to  advance  the  notion  of  a  "  lost  race." 

Soon  after  Doctor  Barton's  book  appeared  two  other  writers  dis- 
cussed the  subject,  Bishop  Madison  of  Virginia  and  the  Rev.  T.  M. 
Harris  of  Massachusetts.  Mr  Harris  thought  the  mounds  proved 
their  builders  possessed  superior  skill  and  were  of  higher  civiliza- 
tion, but  Doctor  Madison,  who  had  traveled  widely  and  studied  the 
mounds  and  their  antiquities,  saw  nothing  in  the  evidence  to  con- 
vince him  that  the  mounds  were  not  the  product  of  the  Indians. 
Each  of  these  observers  was  a  pioneer  of  different  schools  of  belief, 
but  for  more  than  half  a  century  those  who  believed  in  "  a  lost  race 
of  civilized  men  whom  the  Indians  displaced  or  annihilated  "  con- 
trolled public  opinion  on  the  subject.  Even  today  there  are  many 
who  puzzle  over  the  "  mysterious  race  now  departed."  J.  P.  Mc- 
Lean, for  example,  who  in  1879  published  his  book  on  "  The  Mound 
Builders  "  commenced  his  first  chapter  thus :  "An  ancient  race, 
entirely  distinct  from  the  Indian,  possessing  a  certain  degree  of 

6 


84  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

civilization,  once  inhabited  the  central  portion  of  the  United  States." 
In  his  preface  he  sums  up  the  popular  idea  in  the  following :  "  The 
mystery  surrounding  these  lost  people  creates  a  fascination  which  is 
greatly  increased  in  the  mind  of  the  student  of  nature  as  he  lingers 
among  the  ruins  which  invite  his  attention  and  rivet  his  eye.  Stand- 
ing upon  one  of  the  monuments  the  lover  of  the  mysterious  will  lose 
himself  in  mediation.  .  .  ." 

Beside  the  many  local  antiquarians  and  historians  in  New  York 
such  men  as  Henry  Schoolcraft,  E.  G.  Squier  and  Dr  E.  H.  Davis, 
Franklin  B.  Hough,  T.  Apoleon  Cheney  and  Dr  Frederick  Larkin,1 
described,  surveyed  and  speculated  upon  the  earthworks  of  New 
York. 

Wonderful  things  are  ascribed  to  this  ancient  race,  which  is  de- 
scribed by  the  early  writers  as  highly  civilized,  as  making  implements 
better  than  the  Indians  possibly  could  and  as  erecting  earthworks 
that  proved  them  quite  familiar  with  geometry.  One  writer  even 
pretends  to  have  discovered  how  the  mounds  were  erected.  He 
claimed  to  have  found  a  copper  tablet  having  engraved  upon  it  a 
mastodon  in  harness.1  This  is  said  to  have  been  sent  to  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  but  it  seems  never  to  have  reached  that  place. 

Archeologists  who  have  spent  many  years  in  excavating  mounds 
and  who  have  studied  the  problem  of  the  mounds  and  the  builders 
of  the  mounds  have  discovered  many  facts  that  prove  the  fallacy  of 
the  old  fancies  concerning  them.  Among  those  who  have  explored, 
observed  and  written  in  the  modern  methodological  way  are  Cyrus 
Thomas  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  Dr  William  H.  Holmes, 
Prof.  Lucien  Carr,  Prof.  F.  W,  Putnam  of  Harvard,  Prof.  William 
O.  Mills  of  Ohio  State  University,  Prof.  Warren  K.  Moorehead  of 
Andover  and  Dr  Clarence  B.  Moore.  Many  other  investigators 
have  studied  the  question  in  the  field  and  after  extended  scientific 
observations  and  by  careful  comparison  have  drawn  their  conclu- 
sions. From  a  lengthy  consideration  of  a  wide  range  of  facts  we 
now  are  warranted  in  believing  the  following  facts  fully  established : 

1  The  builders  of  the  mounds  were  Indians  of  certain  tribes  whose 
descendants  still  live. 

2  The  aboriginal  artifacts  found  in  the  mounds  were  made  by 
Indians  and  no  native  object  found  in  the  mounds  differs   from 
objects  that  Indians  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  made  or  were  able 
to  make. 

3  Many  true  mounds  of  considerable  size  are  not  very  old,  but; 

1  Larkin,  Frederick,  in  "Ancient  Man  in  America,"  Randolph,  N.  Y.,  1888.. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  5 

contain  in  inclusive  deposits  objects  acquired  after  the  coming  of 
the  Europeans  but  such  objects  are  not  found  in  New  York  State. 

4  Early  explorers  saw  mounds  in  the  course  of  erection.    They 
have  preserved  accounts  taken  from  the  Indians  explaining  why  and 
how  the  mounds  were  erected. 

5  The  mounds  were  not  all  erected  by  the  same  tribe,  but  by 
different  tribes  according  to  locality. 

6  The  links  connecting  the  Indians  with  the  mound  builders  are 
so   firmly   established    by   historic   and    archeologic    evidence   that 
archeologists  now  know  them  to  have  been  one  and  the  same  people. 

7  All  these  conclusions  with  others  are  sustained  by  the  explora- 
tions conducted  by  trained  observers  employed  by  scientific  institu- 
tions.    The  best  summary  of  results  is  contained  in  the  Twelfth 
Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  a  department  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution. 

The  earthworks  of  aboriginal  origin  in  New  York  are  broadly 
divisible  into  two  classes:  (i)  walled  and  trenched  inclosures,  (2) 
mounds. 

With  very  few  exceptions  all  the  fortifications  or  walled  inclosures 
in  New  York  may  be  ascribed  to  the  Iroquoian  tribes.  These  earth- 
works outline  retreats  or  strongholds,  and  the  earthen  walls  were  the 
bases  for  stockades.  In  no  sense  are  these  banks  and  earth  walls  to 
be  regarded  as  mounds.  None  of  them  was  erected  by  mound  build- 
ers unless  we  include  the  Iroquoian  tribes  as  mound-building  Indians, 
since  the  Iroquois  did  occasionally  build  low  mounds. 

In  New  York  the  mound-builder  culture  is  not  always  coincident 
with  the  presence  of  mounds.  Scattered  relics  of  this  culture  in  the 
form  of  monitor  pipes,  gorgets,  banner  stones,  stone  tubes  and  even 
isolated  burials  and  stone  graves  indicate  the  one-time  presence  or 
cultural  influence  of  the  "  mound-building  "  Indians. 

For  the  purposes  of  our  analysis  it  is  our  intention  to  treat  the 
mounds  of  New  York  as  one  phase  of  an  ethnic  culture.  We  are 
enabled  by  this  method  to  treat  other  evidences  of  that  culture  with- 
out necessarily  confining  our  descriptions  and  facts  to  an  immediate 
association  with  mounds,  though  we  take  our  datum  from  them. 

It  is  not  easy  to  define  the  boundaries  of  this  culture  because  the 
implements  and  ornaments  that  it  produced  are  in  many  respects 
similar  to  some  of  those  made  by  both  the  Algonkian  and  Iroquoian1 
peoples  in  New  York  and  the  adjacent  territory,  but  an  examination 
of  the  mounds  in  the  western  portion  of  the  State  gives  us  certain 
facts  upon  which  to  base  our  observations.  Even  in  a  larger  way  the 
Ohio  mounds  afford  us  a  basis  for  comparison. 


'86  XE\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

New  York  mounds  and  the  occupied  sites  contiguous  to  them, 
particularly  those  in  Cattaraugus,  Chautauqua,  Erie  and  Livingston 
counties,  indicate  that  the  people  of  the  mound  culture  used  (i) 
platform  pipes,  (2)  grooved  axes,  (3)  celts,  (4)  adzes,  (5)  gouges, 
(6)  gorgets,  (7)  banner  stones,  (8)  boat  stones,  (9)  bird  stones, 
(10)  stone  tubes  of  several  varieties,  (n)  native  copper  implements 
and  ornaments  such  as  chisels,  celts,  spearheads  and  arrowheads, 
beads,  ear  ornaments,  etc.,  (12)  numerous  flint  drills  or  perforators, 
(13)  shell  beads,  (14)  pearl  beads,  (15)  mica  ornaments,  (16) 
bone  and  antler  implements,  (17)  notched  and  triangular  arrow- 
heads and  spearheads,  (18)  hematite  articles,  (19)  pottery,  (20) 
discoid  stones,  (21)  concaved  disks,  (22)  cylindrical  and  bell  pest- 
les, (23)  were  a  village-dwelling  people,  (24)  that  they  buried  in 
small  mounds,  (25)  cultivated  corn  and  other  vegetable  foods  and 
tobacco,  (26)  made  woven  fabrics. 

The  evidences  of  the  mound  culture  are  more  numerous  in  extreme 
western  New  York  than  east  of  the  Genesee  river.  The  culture  seems 
to  have  entered  the  State  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie  and  up  from 
the  Allegheny  river.  Chautauqua,  Erie  and  Cattaraugus  counties 
thus  contain  a  larger  number  of  mounds  than  do  other  portions  of 
the  State,  though  certain  other  sections,  as  the  Genesee  valley,  have 
yielded  relics  in  abundance. 

The  regions  showing  the  greatest  evidence  of  the  mound  culture 
are:  (i)  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie  from  Westfield  to  the  mouth 
of  Cattaraugus  creek,  (2)  the  valley  and  terraces  of  the  Cattaraugus 
to  Gowanda,  (3)  the  Allegheny  valley,  (4)  the  valley  of  Chautau- 
qua lake  and  the  Chadekoin  river,  (5)  the  Connewango  valley,  (6) 
the  Cassadaga  valley,  (7)  Clear  Creek  valley,  (8)  the  valley  of  Buf- 
falo creek,  (9)  the  valley  of  Tonawanda  creek  eastward  to  the 
overland  trails  to  the  Genesee,  (10)  eastward  along  the  Allegheny 
valley  from  Bradford  northward  along  the  tributaries,  thence  over- 
land to  the  Genesee  valley,  (u)  the  Genesee  valley  from  Portage- 
ville  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  (12)  Irondequoit  creek,  (13)  Canan- 
daigua  Lake  valley,  (14)  the  region  of  the  Finger  Lakes,  to  the 
Seneca  river,  (15)  the  valley  of  the  Seneca  river,  (16)  southward 
and  about  the  southern  shores  of  Oneida  lake,  (17)  scattering  relics 
along  the  Oswego  river,  (18)  Jefferson  county  along  the  shores  of 
Ontario  and  the  lower  waters  of  the  neighboring  creeks,  (19)  the  St 
Lawrence  valley,  (20)  south  of  the  Finger  Lakes,  especially  along 
the  headstreams  of  the  Susquehanna  and  of  the  Delaware  are 
scattering  relics,  (21)  portions  of  the  Hudson  valley,  as  near  Athens.1 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  j 

Mound-culture  Sites 

Mounds  in  New  York  have  had  no  systematic  examinations  de- 
spite the  large  amount  of  work  done  by  amateurs  in  excavating  them. 
Jt  is  safe  to  say  that  the  possibility  of  making  a  methodical 
examination  is  now  reduced  by  two-thirds,  through  the  vandalism  of 
inexperienced  relic  hunters.  Many  mounds  have  been  scraped  down 
merely  to  level  the  ground  and  others  have  been  scraped  into  by 
spade  and  horse  scraper  to  find  what  "  valuables  "  they  m'.ght  con- 
tain. Few  records  have  been  kept  and  not  all  that  have  been  made 
are  reliable.  An  examination  of  the  most  reliable  records  available 
makes  possible  the  descriptions  of  the  typical -mound-culture  sites 
given  below : 

i  Mound  on  a  terrace  above  the  Conewango  valley  at  Poland 
Center,  Chautauqua  county.  This  mound  was  first  described  by  T. 
Apoleon  Cheney  in  the  i8th  Report  of  the  New  York  State  Cabinet 
of  National  History  for  1860. 

\Yhen  examined  in  1905  the  mound  appeared  to  have  been  con- 
siderably demolished  by  excavations,  but  in  size  it  still  remained  one 
of  the  t\vo  highest  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge  writhin  the 
State.  It  stands  several  rods  back  from  the  edge  of  the  terrace  and 
amid  the  gloom  of  a  thick  forest  growth.  It's  still  9  or  10 
feet  in  height  and  with  a  diameter  of  about  64  feet.  There  seem  to> 
be  the  remains  of  an  outer  wall  and  trench  surrounding  the  moundr 
but  the  debris  from  excavations,  the  deep  leaf  mold  and  fallen  trees 
make  this  difficult  to  determine.  Some  fragments  of  notched  flints 
are  to  be  found  in  the  soil  about  the  mound  and  it  seems  to  lie  in 
what  \vas  once  a  village  site  but  on  account  of  the  character  of  the 
ground  this  is  not  easy  to  establish.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that  the 
flat  land  immediately  below'  the  terrace  shows  signs  of  occupation. 
Numerous  celts,  notched  spears,  soapstone  pipe  fragments,  a  beauti- 
fully formed  stone  tube  and  several  gorgets  have  been  found.  The 
culture  represented  seems  similar  to  that  of  the  Ohio  mound  area. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Cheney  claims  that  eight  skeletons  bur- 
ied in  a  sitting  posture  were  excavated  from  this  mound.  Cheney's 
plan  is  shown  in  plate  20.  Many  of  his  speculations  are  specious. 

Cheney's  report  on  this  site  is  as  follows : 

The  tumulus,  represented  upon  plate  III,  from  the  peculiar  construc- 
tion of  the  work  and  the  character  of  its  remains,  appears  to  belong  to  a 
class  of  mounds  different  from  any  others  embraced  in  this  exploration.  It 
is  located  upon  the  'brow  of  a  hill,  still  covered  by  the  ancient  forest,  and 
overlooking  the  valley  of  the  Conewango.  This  work  has  some  appearance 
of  being  constructed  with  the  ditch  and  vallum  outside  of  the  mound,  as 


a;  *   I 


* 


S* 

If    -^ 

*-  ^. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL     HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  89 

in  the  Druid  Barrows,  but  perhaps  more  accurately  belongs  to  the  class  com- 
posed of  several  stages,  as  the  Trocalli  of  the  valley  of  Anahuac.  The  form 
of  the  tumulus  is  of  intermediate  character  between  an  ellipse  and  the 
parallelogram;  the  interior  mound,  at  its  base,  has  a  major  axis  of  65  feet, 
while  the  minor  axis  is  61  feet,  with  an  altitude  above  the  first  platform  or 
embankment  of  10  feet,  or  an  entire  elevation  of  some  13  feet.  This  embank- 
ment, with  an  entrance  or  gateway  upon  the  east  side  30  feet  in  width,  has 
an  entire  circumference  of  170  feet.  As  previously  remarked,  the  work  itself, 
as  well  as  the  eminence  which  it  commands,  and  the  ravine  upon  either  side, 
are  overshadowed  by  the  dense  forest.  The  remains  of  a  fallen  tree,  imbedded 
in  the  surface  of  the  mound  and  nearly  decomposed,  and  which  from  appear- 
ance, had  grown  upon  the  apex,  measured  nearly  3  feet  in  diameter,  and 
heavy  timber  was  growing  above  the  rich  mold  it  had  formed.  Thus  we 
had  some  indicia  of  the  age  of  this  work.  The  mound  indeed,  from  the 
peculiar  form  of  its  construction,  as  well  as  from  the  character  of  its  con- 
tents, has  much  resemblance  to  the  Barrows  of  the  earliest  Celtic  origin, 
in  the  Old  World.  In  making  an  excavation,  eight  skeletons,  buried  in  a 
sitting  position  and  at  regular  intervals  of  space,  so  as  to  form  a  circle  within 
the  mound,  were  disinterred.  Some  slight  appearance  yet  existed,  to  show 
that  framework  had  inclosed  the  dead  at  the  time  of  interment.  These 
osteological  remains  were  of  very  large  size,  'but  were  so  much  decomposed 
that  they  mostly  crumbled  to  dust.  The  relics  of  art  here  disclosed  were 
also  of  a  peculiar  and  interesting  character  —  amulets,  chisels  &c.,  of  elabor- 
ate workmanship,  resembling  the  Mexican  and  Peruvian  antiquities. 

2  Burial  mound  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Cattaraugus  creek  in 
Chautauqua  county,  near  Little  Indian  creek.  This  is  just  above 
the  Gold  diggings  in  Indian  Mill  gulf.  The  mound  is  one  of  the 
largest  in  the  State  but  not  more  than  8  or  9  feet  in  height,  though  it 
shows  evidence  of  having  been  plowed  considerably. 

It  is  about  30  feet  in  diameter.  The  fields  about  the  mound  show 
evidence  of  early  occupancy,  notched  points  of  flint  and  chalcedony 
have  been  found.  Several  skeletons  have  been  taken  from  the 
mound  and  E.  R.  Burmaster  in  1914  sent  the  State  Museum  a  fine 
skull  from  it.  Accompanying  relics  are  recorded  to  be  four  notched 
spears  or  knives,  a  copper  chisel  and  a  knobbed  end  lunate  banner 
stone.  The  pottery  is  cord  marked.  During  a  visit  to  this  mound 
with  G.  L.  Tucker  and  E.  R.  Burmaster,  the  latter  found  half  of  a 
fish  effigy. 

The  mound  stands  on  the  edge  of  the  bluff  and  a  portion  has 
fallen  over.  Almost  exactly  north  and  across  the  Cattaraugus  on 
the  opposite  and  corresponding  terrace  are  two  other  mounds.  They 
are  reached  from  the  horseshoe  bend  of  the  Irving  road  by  taking 
the  road  up  the  hill  at  this  point.  Doctor  Benedict  of  Buffalo  made 
some  excavations  here  during  1901.  The  ground  about  the  mound 
is  strewn  with  flint  chippings,  and  a  number  of  arrow  points,  celts 


9C  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

and  a  pestle  have  been  found.  The  excavation  from  which  the 
earth  was  taken  for  building  the  mound  is  still  visible  to  the  north. 
3  Near  the  mouth  of  the  Cattaraugus  on  the  north  side  are  sev- 
eral large  sites  each  covering  from  50  to  100  acres.  Several  occupa- 
tions are  apparent,  but  the  influence  of  the  mound  culture  is  plainly 
evident.  On  the  site  nearest  the  mouth  of  the  creek  was  a  mound 
since  removed  by  the  local  sand  company.  Skeletons  and  portions  of 
a  buffalo  skull  were  found  by  E.  R.  Burmaster  in  1914. 


( George  L.  Tucker,  photo). 

Fig.  10     View   of  the  mound  on  the  south  side  of   the  Cattaraugus,  near  gold  mill 
gulf 

The  adjacent  village  site  has  yielded  innumerable  notched  sinkers, 
several  bird  stones,  banner  stones,  celts,  gouges,  grooved  and  notched 
axes.  Several  broken  monitor  pipes,  one  complete  form  and  one 
clay  pipe  and  several  fragments  of  thick  cord-stamped  pottery  were 
found  by  Mr  Burmaster.  Chipped  flints  are  numerous.  The  forms 
are  notched  arrow  points  of  several  types,  scrapers,  dr<lls,  spears 
and  knives.  Long  flakes  of  chalcedony  and  jasper  are  also  found. 

4  A  mound  on  a  hilltop  near  Napoli,  Cattaraugus  county,  had 
within  it  a  stoned-up  vault.     Some  of  the  flat  stones  yet  remain  but 
the  mound  has  been  nearly  destroyed.     Several  gorgets,  spears  and 
celts  were  found  within  the  vault  by  Dr  Frederick  Larkin  early  in 
the  seventies  of  the  last  century.    Doctor  Larkin  described  the  mound 
to  me  in  1905.    He  found  human  remains  in  the  vault. 

5  A  mound  burial  near  Tonawanda  creek  excavated  by  Jacob 
Doctor  contained  a  banner  stone,  a  bird  stone,  a  bar  amulet  and  two 


Plate   21 


TulK-s  and  pipes  from  Mound  Builder  sites  in  New  York 


92  NEW   YORK   STATE    MUSEUM 

gorgets.  The  mound  is  about  4  feet  high,  25  feet  in  diameter  and 
situated  on  a  gentle  slope  on  the  Tonawanda  reservation,  near  Indian 
Falls,  Genesee  county.  The  neighboring  fields  yield  numerous 
notched  flint  spearheads  and  arrow  points. 

6  An  isolated  burial  near  Athens,  Greene  county,  and  near  the 
Hudson,  contained  a  pendant  gorget,  more  than  one  hundred  native 
copper  beads,  globular  shell  beads  and  pendant  columella.     Burials 
here  have  yielded  banner  stones. 

7  On  the  John  F.  White  estate  at  Squawkie  hill,  Mount  Morris, 
are  three  low  mounds.    All  contained  graves,  boxed  by  stone  slabs, 
the  upper  edges  of  which  projected  above  the  surface  of  the  ground. 
These  graves   contained   two   highly   polished   and   finely    formed 
monitor  pipes,  many  perforated  pearls,  two  copper  chisels,  a  copper 
double  cymbal  ear  ornament  held  by  hollow  copper  rivets,  two  gor- 
gets, two  celts  and  several  finely  chipped  notched  spears  or  knives. 
In  the  fields  about  the  mounds  have  been  found  numerous  flints, 
many  celts  and  several  grooved  axes,  cylindrical  and  bell  pestles, 
notched  choppers,  broken  and  complete  monitor  pipes,  and  one  stone 
pipe  bowl.     There  are  numerous  other  objects,  as  broken  imple- 
ments, hammerstones,  anvils  and  notched  sinkers. 

8  Several  graves  have  been  found  in  a  gravel  bank  near  Vine 
Valley  on  Canandaigua  lake.     None  of  the  graves  was  opened  by 
experts  and  hence  there  was  no  opportunity  for  close  observation. 
The  specimens  found  in  the  graves,  however,  are  of  exceptional 
interest.    From  one  grave  was  taken  a  large  tablet  gorget  (see  plate 
22),  a  copper  chisel  blade,  a  segment  of  a  mastodon  ivory  dagger, 
an  antler  awl,  a  pendant  gorget  of  bone,  a  bar  amulet,  a  broken 
bar  amulet  and  two  stone  tubes  (see  plate  24).   From  another  grave 
was  taken  a  stone  tube,  two  long  strings  of  shell  beads,  and  a  chip- 
ped knife,  10  inches  in  length.     Fragments  of  a  large  cord-marked 
pottery  jar  were  found  similar  to  the  Irving  pottery  found  by  Mr 
Burmaster. 

Most  of  the  objects  above  described  are  in  the  New  York  State 
Museum  collections,  though  Mr  John  F.  White  has  most  of  the 
Mount  Morris  material.  Unfortunately  the  finding  of  the  skeletons 
in  mounds  and  on  mound  sites  in  New  York  is  usually  done  by  those 
who  fail  to  observe  the  relation  of  the  specimens  to  the  skeleton. 
At  other  times  the  skeleton  is  far  too  greatly  decayed  to  permit  any 
knowledge  of  the  relative  position  of  the  object,  and  therefore  a 
proper  conjecture  as  to  the  use  of  the  so-called  problematical  forms. 

We  are  able  to  state,  however,  that  some  of  these  burials  would 
be  considered  ordinary  in  Ohio.  The  pottery  resembles  Ohio  mound 


Plate   22 


Articles  from  the  Middlesex  site.      Bone  pendant,  antler  awl,  slate  gorget, 
copper  chisel  and  portion  of  ivory  dagger  blade. 


94  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

pottery,  though  no  complete  vessels  have  been  found.  The  culture 
is  plainly  derived  from  the  Ohio  reg'on  and  southward.  Numerous 
sites  along  the  central  Finger  Lakes  and  along  the  Seneca  river  have 
yielded  an  abundance  of  polished  slates  similar  to  Ohio,  Indiana, 
Michigan  and  other  areas  in  the  mound  area.  The  region  about 
Oneida  lake  is  especially  rich.  One  site  near  Brewerton  has  yielded 
more  than  twenty  copper  objects,  many  gorgets  and  several  banner 
stones.  The  Bigelow  collection  in  the  State  Museum,  embracing 
more  than  ten  thousand  articles,  has  numerous  polished  slates  from 
this  vicinity. 

If  we  were  to  trace  the  route  taken  by  the  people  of  the  mound 
culture  we  should  follow  both  the  lake  shore  of  Erie  and  the  valley 
of  the  Allegheny.  Perhaps  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie  was  also 
a  route  for  we  find  abundance  of  polished  slates  in  the  sites  upon 
which  the  Huron  and  the  Neutral  and  the  Iroquois  later  intruded. 
The  southernmost  division  in  New  York,  we  would  say,  dwelt  about 
Chautauqua  lake  and  the  valley  of  the  Allegheny,  with  its  tributaries. 
We  thus  find  true  mounds  in  Chautauqua,  Cattaraugus  and  Erie 
counties.  The  southern  bands  along  the  Allegheny  and  the  Catta- 
raugus perhaps  found  a  portage  or  a  short  overland  trail  to  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Genesee,  and  the  more  northerly  along  the 
Tonawanda  creek  to  the  lower  Genesee.  The  Genesee  valley 
throughout  most  of  its  length  is  rich  in  artifacts  of  this  culture,  and 
the  routes  we  have  pointed  out  pass  over  and  through  sites  where 
such  objects  have  been  found. 

Apparently  the  presence  of  mounds  and  the  artifacts  of  the 
mound  culture  represent  the  expansion  of  the  parent  culture  beyond 
the  limits  of  its  home.  Whether  this  was  due  to  simple  migratory 
movements,  to  exploring  bands,  to  expatriated  tribesmen  or  the 
pressure  of  warring  enemies  it  is  difficult  to  state.  Perhaps  alt 
these  factors  contributed  to  the  expansion  of  the  mound  culture. 

European  articles  have  not  been  found  in  undisturbed  mounds  or 
sites  of  this  culture  in  New  York.  There  are,  it  is  true,  occasional 
intrusive  burials  in  these  sites,  but  all  of  them  appear  to  be  precol- 
onial  and  pre-Iroquoian.  Whether  some  of  them  were  contem- 
poraneous with  an  Algonkian  culture  is  another  problem.  The 
weight  of  evidence  seems  to  be  that  this  is  the  case.  Certainly  the 
material  culture  of  the  eastern  Algonkins  seems  to  have  been  con- 
siderably modified  by  this  culture,  just  as  the  later  New  England 
tribes  were  modified  by  the  Iroquois.  It  is  quite  possible,  there- 
fore, that  the  mound  culture  people  intruded  into  the  hunting 
grounds  of  certain  Algonkian  bands  and  established  themselves. 


Plate    23 


String  of  shell  beads,  elk  teeth  and  shell   disk  from  a  site   in   Middlesex 
on  Canandaigua  lake 


96  NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  accompanying  map  (plate  19)  indicates  the  area  occupied  or 
influenced  by  the  mound  culture.  It  may  be  well  to  compare  it  with 
the  map  of  the  Algonkian  occupation. 

The  mound-building  people  seem  to  have  disappeared  from  New 
York  at  or  before  the  time  of  the  coming  of  the  Iroquois  into  their 
recognized  area  of  occupation.  We  can  not  be  entirely  sure,  how- 
ever, that  all  were  driven  out  or  exterminated.  A  survey  of  the 
earliest  Iroquoian  sites,  especially  in  western  New  York,  leads  U3  to 
believe  that  the  earliest  Iroquoian  immigrants  were  measurably  influ- 
enced by  the  mound-building  culture.  This  is  so  appreciable  that 
one  is  led  to  consider  three  propositions  as  within  the  bounds  of 
possibility:  first,  that  the  Iroquois  were  originally  a  part  of  the 
mound-building  peoples  who  had  separated  themselves  from  the 
main  cultural  body ;  second,  that  the  Iroquois  in  entering  this  region 
absorbed  large  numbers  of  the  mound  people  and  adopted  certain 
of  their  culture  traits  and  rejected  others;  third,  that  the  early 
Iroquois  were  merely  influenced  at  their  early  entrance  by  the  mound; 
culture. 

Our  present  knowledge  would  lead  us  to  conjecture  that  the  Iro- 
quoian hordes  pushing  up  the  Ohio  came  into  conflict  with  the  mound 
people  and  finally  overcame  them.  We  may  then  inquire  whether 
or  not  the  Catawba,  Tutelo  and  Saponi  do  not  represent  the  sur- 
vivors of  the  vanquished  peoples.  We  also  pause  to  compare  cer- 
tain artifacts  of  the  Muskhogean  and  early  Cherokee  with  such 
mound  objects,  as  the  platform  pipe.  The  earlier  Iroquois  sites  fre- 
quently yield,  especially  in  the  graves,  objects  similar  to  those  found 
in  the  mounds,  but  not  gorgets,  bird  stones  or  related  forms.  To  be 
explicit,  the  points  of  similarity  between  certain  Iroquois  forms 
and  mound  area  forms,  as  between  those  of  Ripley,  N.  Y.,  and 
Madisonville,  Ohio,  are  certain  pipes  and  certain  pottery  vessels.  A 
prehistoric  Iroquois  site  at  Richmond  Mills,  N.  Y.,  known  as  "  The 
Old  Indian  Fort,"  has  yielded  metapodal  scrapers,  similar  in  every 
way  to  those  found  in  Ohio  mound  sites.  From  these  facts  and 
from  an  examination  of  the  entire  field  of  the  earlier  Iroquoian 
occupation  in  New  York  and  Ontario,  we  are  led  to  believe  that  the 
Huron-Iroquois  were  the  immediate  successors  of  the  mound-build- 
ing people  in  this  area.  Our  belief  is  confirmed  by  the  abundance  of 
polished  slates  in  Ontario  in  close  proximity  to  the  later  Huron- 
Neutral  sites.  This  fact  has  confused  some  archeologists,  and  led 
to  the  statement  that  the  polished  slates  are  Huron  or  Neutral 
artifacts,  but  the  graves  of  the  two  peoples  tell  different  stories. 


Plate   24 


Articles  from  Middlesex  site.     Stone  tubes,  broken  amulet,  crude  clay  pipe, 
bar  amulet,  stone  tube. 


98  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  Iroquois  once  established  culturally,  did  not  copy  mound 
artifacts.  Indeed,  they  seem  to  have  deliberately  avoided  the  use 
of  the  distinguishing  badges  of  their  vanquished  foes.  Just  as  the 
conquerors  of  the  first  mound  people  of  Ohio  beat  up  the  mica  orna- 
ments and  hammered  into  shapeless  masses  the  copper  tools  and 
gorgets  of  their  despised  victims,  so  did  the  Iroquois  taboo  or  avoid 
with  deliberateness,  the  banner  stone  and  the  gorget  and  similar 
artifacts  of  polished  slate. 

Thus  we  may  account  for  the  difference  between  the  pottery, 
decorative  art,  implements  and  earthworks  of  the  Iroquois  and  their 
predecessors.  This  difference  likewise  makes  it  possible  for  us  to 
define  the  polished  slate  area  and  at  the  same  time  to  fix  the  limits  of 
the  Iroquoian. 

One  final  observation  remains  to  be  made  about  the  mound  build- 
ers as  a  people.  We  are  induced  to  believe  that  the  period  during 
which  they  occupied  this  region  was  a  longer  one  than  generally 
estimated.  It  appears  as  characteristic  of  a  certain  cultural  develop- 
ment and  then  totally  disappears. 

5  THE  IROQUOIS   OCCUPATION   OF   NEW  YORK 

The  origin  of  Iroquoian  material  culture  is  a  subject  of  pertinent 
interest  to  every  student  of  aboriginal  American  archeology.  This 
particular  racial  stock,  characterized  by  so  many  striking  features, 
has  long  held  the  attention  of  historians  and  archeologists,  but 
hitherto  no  one  has  attempted  an  analytical  study  of  Iroquoian 
archeology  or  sought  to  correlate  its  salient  facts.  Much  remains 
to  be  discovered,  it  is  true,  but  we  believe  that  we  may  now  safely 
attempt  to  define  the  material  culture  of  the  Iroquois,  so  far  as 
we  may  know  it  through  archeology,  and  to  make  some  intelligent 
inquiry  into  the  origin  of  the  culture  as  well  as  of  the  stock  itself. 
By  making  this  start,  however  faulty  it  may  be,  we  hope  to  suggest 
lines  of  inquiry  that  may  lead  others  to  the  discovery  of  facts  that 
will  point  out  a  full  solution. 

Most  writers  have  observed  that  there  are  few  places  where  Iro- 
quoian artifacts  are  found  unmixed  with  evidence  of  contact  with 
the  European.  The  few  early  sites,  of  precolonial  occupation,  there- 
fore are  most  instructive  to  the  investigator,  but,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  purely  aboriginal  material  found  in  such  sites  differs  but 
slightly  from  those  of  later  date,  except  those  of  a  very  recent 


1  From  the  author's  article  in  The  American  Anthropologist,  v.  18,  no.  4, 
Oct.— Dec.  1916. 


TOO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

period.  The  archeology  of  the  Ouendat  or  Huron  is  apparently 
quite  similar  to  that  of  the  confederate  Iroquois. 

In  pursuing  our  inquiry  it  is  soon  discovered  that  there  are  definite 
centers  in  which  material  known  to  be,  or  termed,  iroquoian  may 
be  found.  In  scattered  spots  edging  these  centers  are  isolated  Iro- 
quoian specimens,  as  on  Manhattan  island.  But  the  fact  remains 
that  Iroquoian  artifacts  are  found  in  numbers  only  within  cerlain 
definite  centralized  localities,  and  that  these  objects  are  not  seem- 
ingly more  than  500  or  600  years  old.  Many  sites  show  an  age  of 
less  than  150  years.  At  most,  let  us  say  tentatively,  that  within  the 
well-recognized  areas,  objects  recognized  as  Iroquoian  seem  only 
to  indicate  a  period  of  cultural  fixedness  of  less  than  600  years. 

The  centers  of  prehistoric  Iroquoian  occupation,  recognized  as 
such  by  the  objects  known  to  archeologists  as  Iroquoian,  are  :  (i)  the 
St  Lawrence  basin  with  Montreal  as  a  center,  (2)  the  region  between 
Georgian  bay  and  Ontario  with  Lake  Simcoe  as  a  center,  (3) 
the  Niagara  peninsula  in  Ontario  following  the  Grand  river,  (4)  the 
Genesee  river-Finger  Lakes  region,  (5)  Chautauqua  county,  stretch- 
ing across  the  Pennsylvania  neck  into  Ohio,  (6)  the  highlands  east 
of  Lake  Ontario  in  Jefferson  county,  (7)  Oneida,  Madison  and 
Onondaga  > counties,  (8)  the  Susquehanna  about  Elmira,  £9)  the 
Mohawk  valley  and  highlands  to  the  north,  and  (10)  Niagara,  Erie, 
Chautauqua  and  Genesee  counties.  Circles  of  various  circumference 
may  be  drawn  from  these  centers,  and  intercept  smaller  centers. 
This  plan  of  approximating  the  areas  is  only  a  scheme  to  fix  the 
localities  in  our  minds,  and  no  attempt  is  made  to  make  them  inde- 
pendent localities  with  definite  boundaries.  The  contour  of  the  land, 
streams,  lakes,  lines  of  travel  and  danger  from  enemies  largely 
determined  the  early  limitations. 

We  wish  now  to  inquire  which  of  these  centers  are  the  oldest  and 
if  there  is  any  possible  means  of  determining  the  causes  that  made 
Iroquoian  material  culture  differ  from  the  surrounding  Algonkian. 
We  wish  to  inquire,  as  others  have  before  us,  whence  the  Iroquois 
stock  came  into  these  centers  and  what  clue  may  be  found  showing 
a  migration  from  earlier  centers.  We  wish  to  inquire  just  how 
definitely  valuable  Iroquoian  objects,  as  they  are  now  recognized, 
are  in  determining  a  migration  from  other  regions. 

Perhaps,  then,  we  ought  first  to  inquire  just  how  permanent  any 
form  of  material  culture  is  and  whether  there  have  been  any  revolu- 
tions, not  to  say  modification,  in  the  material  culture  of  a  stock.  We 
ought  to  consider  that  there  are  Algonkian  tribes,  for  example,  that 
are  Siouan  in  culture  and  Siouan  tribes  that  are  Algonkian,  as  the 
Blackfeet  and  Winnebago  respectively. 


Plate    26 


Types  of  shell  objects  from  New  York 

i,  tubular  beads,  Honeoye  Falls,  Dann  site;  2,  shell  pins,  Dann  site;  3, 
runtee,  Onondaga  co. ;  4,  perforated  disk,  5,  runtee,  West  Bloomfield ;  6, 
pendant,  Dann  site;  7,  8,  g,  ornaments,  Dann  site;  10,  triangle,  West 
Bloomfield.  Warren  site;  n,  discoid  beads,  Young  farm  site,  Ripley;  12, 
heavy  bead,  Dann  site;  13,  crescent;  14,  spherical  bead;  15,  ornamented  disk, 
Seneca  river;  16,  disk  from  Ithaca. 


IO2  NEW   YORK   STATE    MUSEUM 

The  writer  at  one  time  showed  some  of  the  Lafitau  drawings  of 
Iroquoian  villages  to  Edward  Cornplanter,  a  Seneca  Indian,  who  was 
a  tribal  authority  on  the  modern  religious  ceremonies  of  his  tribe. 
"  Our  people  never  lived  that  way,"  he  said.  In  this  it  is  seen  that 
the  Iroquois  of  today  have  totally  forgotten  their  early  fortifications 
and  architecture,  though  Cusick  in  1825  wrote  of  "  forts."  Of 
another  native  authority  the  writer  asked  the  date  when  the  Iroquois 
confederacy  originated ;  "  With  the  teachings  of  our  great  ancestor, 
Handsome  Lake,  I  think,"  he  said.  Then  he  added  after  hesitation, 
f<  No,  it  was  before  that,  I  remember  now  it  was  in  the  time  of 
Dekanawida." 

In  these  answers,  incorrect  or  uncertain  as  they  are,  may  be 
found  material  for  serious  consideration.  They  point  out  two  men 
with  whose  names  are  linked  two  distinct  periods  of  cultural  revolu- 
tion. Each  blotted  out  the  memory  of  a  former  period.  The  people 
of  each  period  systematically  forgot  the  history  of  the  preceding- 
periods.  Today  the  Iroquois  of  New  York  base  nearly  all  of  their 
tribal  ceremonies  on  the  doctrines  of  Handsome  Lake,  who  flour- 
ished between  1800  and  1816.  So  great  was  the  influence  of  his 
teaching  that  he  practically  created  and  crystallized  a  new  system  of 
tribal  thought  and  a  new  plan  of  action.  His  earlier  predecessor  was 
"Dekanawida  to  whom,  with  the  aid  of  Hiawatha,  is  ascribed  the 
•origin  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy.  Dekanawida  so  crystallized 
the  things  of  the  older  period  with  his  own  devices,  teachings  and 
admonitions  that  the  methods,  beliefs  and  thought-ways  of  the  pre- 
ceding period  lost  their  identity  in  the  minds  of  the  Iroquois  people. 
All  civic  and  much  of  the  religious  thought  centered  in  Dekanawida. 
That  which  preceded  was  either  blotted  out  or  swallowed  up.  The 
Iroquois  took  on  a  new  mantle.  Now  it  does  not  seem  impossible 
that  before  the  time  of  Dekanawida  and  Hiawatha,  other  seers 
had  risen  to  change  or  revolutionize  the  thought-ways  of  this  stock. 

The  inquiry  comes  quite  naturally,  therefore,  as  to  whether  a  like 
revolution  could  not  come  in  the  material  culture  of  a  people.  Might 
not  the  older  systems  of  decorative  art  have  been  gradually  aban- 
doned and  new  ones  taken  on?  Preceding  the  period  beginning 
about  600  or  650  years  ago,  might  not  Iroquois  art  and  artifacts  have 
"been  different?  Or  if  there  were  no  Iroquois  in  this  region  then 
might  not  they  have  had  differently  decorated  pottery,  for  example, 
when  they  came  than  that  later  developed  and  now  known  as  Iro- 
quoian? This  is  a  question  archeology  may  some  day  answer.  Our 
present  knowledge  gives  us  only  the  Iroquois  potsherd  and  does  not 
tell  us  why  it  is  as  it  is. 


Plate   27 


Clay  vessel  from  Theresa,  Jefferson  county.     Found  in  a  rock  crevice  by 
Percy  Purdy. 


104  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

There  are  certain  Iroquoian  traditions  that  seem  to  have  good 
foundation,  relating  that  at  a  certain  period  all  the  Iroquois  were 
one  people,  living  together  and  speaking  the  same  tongue.  Indeed 
so  positive  were  the  •Iroquois  of  this  that  they  could  point  out  a 
certain  woman  and  say  that  she  represented  the  lineal  descendent  of 
the  first  Iroquoian  family.  Yet  the  confederate  Iroquois  knew  that 
she  did  not  belong  in  the  five  tribes.  She  was  a  Neuter  woman. 
"  When  the  bands  divided/'  the  tradition  runs,  "  it  was  found  that 
the  family  of  Djigonsase  (Fat  Face  or  Wild  Cat)  fell  to  the  Neuter 
Nation."  She  was  called  Ye-gowane,  The  Great  Woman,  and  she 
was  "  the  mother  of  the  nations."  In  the  Dekanawida-Hiawatha 
tradition,  a  woman  with  this  title  is  represented  as  being  constantly 
consulted  by  both  Hiawatha  and  Dekanawida.  The  latter  was  a 
Wyandot  (Ouendat)  from  the  Bay  of  Quinte,  at  the  head  of  Lake 
Ontario.  This  points  to  an  early  recognition  of  blood  relationship 
and  a  recollection  of  the  time  when  the  Erie,  Neuter,  Huron,  Seneca 
and  Mohawk— Onondaga  were  of  one  common  tribe,  a  fact  that 
archeology  and  philology,  of  course,  definitely  prove. 

In  this  original  tribe  any  culture  revolution  would  definitely 
influence  the  various  subdivisions  and  be  carried  by  each  as  it  sepa- 
rated eventually  from  the  parent  body.  Constant  intercourse  would 
serve  to  preserve  the  culture  until  it  became  fixed.  Now,  assuming 
for  the  sake  of  argument  that  there  was  an  "  original  tribe  "  and 
that  a  revolution  did  take  place  in  the  decorative  art  of  the  Huron- 
Iroquois,  whence  did  that  tribe  come  and  when  did  its  arts 
change?  Traditions,  again,  point  to  a  migration  from  the  "south- 
west. Ethnologists  are  familiar  with  the  Delaware  Walum  Olum, 
but  few  are  familiar  with  Iroquois  migration  myths  for  the  reason 
that  they  are  few  and  those  brief  and  difficult  to  recognize  as  such.1 
So  many  of  the  Iroquois  (confederated)  myths  point  to  the  south- 
west country,  however,  that  we  must  pause  to  consider  just  why 
they  have  been  handed  down.  We  must  ask  why  the  "  tree  of  the 
long  swordlike  leaves,"  is  mentioned  so  often  in  the  Dekanawida 
epic,  and  why  so  learned  an  Iroquois  as  Dr  Peter  Wilson  called  it  a 
"  palm  tree."  We  must  consider  why  so  many  Iroquois  expeditions 
were  directed  against  enemies  down  the  Ohio  and  on  the  Mississippi. 
We  must  consider,  too,  a  certain  alleged  grammatical  resemblance 
between  the  Caddoan  languages  and  the  Iroquoian.  Perhaps  all 
these  considerations  will  be  termed  fanciful  and  lacking  serious 


1  We  place  no  credence  in  the  Ctisick  account  as  embraced  in  his  "  Sketches 
of  the  Ancient  History  of  the  Six  Nations." 


Plate    28 


THE    SACANDAGA    VALLEY    POT 

Iroquoian  pottery  vessel  from  the  Sacandaga  valley.  Found  in  a  rock 
shelter.  Size:  ioj^  inches  high.  An  interesting  feature  is  the  presence 
of  three  raised  points  instead  of  the  four  usually  found  on  Iroquois  pottery. 


IO6  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

value,  but  even  if  this  is  admitted  they  do  have  the  certain  virtue  of 
stimulating  inquiry. 

The  older  theory  that  the  Iroquois  originated  or  had  their  early 
home  along  the  St  Lawrence,  about  Montreal,  is  not  entirely  without 
serious  flaws.  I  believe  from  archeological  evidence  that  certain 
Iroquoian  tribes  never  came  from  the  St  Lawrence  region;  for 
example,  the  Seneca.  The  Seneca  and  Erie  divisions  seem  to  have 
been  as  closely  allied  in  western  New  York  as  the  Onondaga  and 
Mohawk  were  in  northern  and  eastern  New  York.  The  Mohawk 
(or  Laurentian  Iroquois)  never  agreed  with  the  Senecan  division 
and  there  indeed  seems  to  have  been  a  long  period  of  separation  that 
made  these  two  dialects  more  unlike  than  all  the  others  of  the  five. 
It  would  seem  that  the  early  band  of  Iroquois  had  divided  at  the 
Detroit  or  the  Niagara  rivers,  one  passing  over  and  coursing  the 
northern  shores  and  the  other  continuing  on  the  southern  shores  of 
Erie  and  Ontario ;  and  that  the  northern  branch  became  the 
Huron  and  Mohawk-Onondaga ;  that  those  who  coursed  south 
of  these  lakes  became  the  Seneca-Erie,  the  Conestoga  (Andaste) 
and  the  Susquehannock.  It  also  appears  that  the  Cherokee  and 
Tuscarora  separated  earlier  than  the  Seneca  and  Huron-Mohawk 
divis;ons  and  perhaps  absorbed  other  non-Iroquoian  bands,  still  fur- 
ther modifying  their  vocabularies. 

In  the  analysis  that  follows  we  shall  briefly  consider  the  material 
culture  of  the  Iroquois.  In  the  topical  discussion  we  have  repeated 
certain  facts  mentioned  elsewhere,  not  for  the  sake  of  emphasis 
only  but  to  obtain  another  view  of  the  same  facts,  when  differently 
correlated. 

An  Outline  of  Iroquoian  Material  Culture,  Based  on  Archeologi- 
cal Evidence 

In  considering  the  origin  of  the  Iroquois,  their  migration  and  their 
connection  with  and  similarity  to  other  tribes  or  stocks,  it  is  of 
importance  to  know  just  what  is  typically  Iroquoian;  that  is  to  say, 
what  implements  or  ornaments  may  be  regarded  as  distinctive. 

Arrowheads.  The  first  object  which  a  field  investigator  learns  to 
know,  as  the  sign  of  Iroquoian  occupation,  is  the  thin,  triangular 
arrowhead  of  chert.  Nearly  all  Iroquois  arrow  points  seem 
to  have  been  of  this  type.  On  village,  on  camp  site,  or 
in  graves  the  delicately  chipped  triangle  is  found  almost  to  the 
exclusion  of  all  other  forms.  It  may  not  be  regarded,  therefore. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    VoKK  IG/ 

as  only  a  "  war  point  "  but  also  as  a  hunting  point.  Plenty  of  knives 
are  found  on  Iroquoian  village  sites,  but  only  a  few  chipped  imple- 
ments that  may  be  regarded  as  spearheads.  Very  few  flint  drills 
are  found  in  comparison  with  other  occupations.  The  same  remark 
is  also  true  of  scrapers,  although  these  are  found  occasionally.  The 
Iroquois  were  not  flint  workers  as  were  their  predecessors  in  this 
region ;  they  used  other  material  in  place  of  flint  wherever  possible. 

Polished  stone  implements.  The  celt,  better  termed  the  un- 
grooved  axe  and  the  flat-bellied  adz,  were  used  by  the  Iroquois  who 
seem  never  to  have  used  the  grooved  axe.  Their  ungrooved  axes, 
however,  are  well  made  and  both  types  are,  in  many  instances,  care- 
fully polished.  The  small  celts  and  adzes  are  common  and  seem  to 
have  been  used  as  chisels  and  scrapers  rather  than  as  axes.  In  many 
instances  these  are  simply  waterwashed  stones  suitably  shaped  by 
nature  and  rubbed  to  a  cutting  edge.  The  Iroquois  seem  never,  or 
rarely,  to  have  used  gouges.  They  had  perforated  polished  stone 
beads  but  no  gorgets,  stone  tubes,  bird  stones  or  banner  stones.  This 
is  so  common  an  observation  on  the  part  of  the  archeologist  that  it 
may  be  safely  said  that  no  ancient  polished  stone  implement  with  a 
hole  drilled  straight  through  it  is  Iroquoian.  There  were,  indeed, 
polished  stone  pipes  but  no  straight  pipes.  We  except  also  stone 
beads  and  occasional  small  stone  faces. 

Stone  tools.  The  Iroquois  along  the  Susquehanna  may  have  used 
stone  hoes  but  the  various  overlapping  occupations  render  this 
doubtful.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  Iroquois  did  not  generally 
use  the  long  cylindrical  roller  pestle,  but  some  have  been  found  on 
early  sites.  They  did  use  a  flattened  muller  and  a  shallow,  flattened 
mortar  or  meal  stone,  and  these  are  common  on  nearly  all  Iroquoian 
sites  (see  plate  8). 

Notched  sinkers  are  very  common  and  generally  were  made  of  a 
flattened  water-washed  stone,  about  the  size  and  shape  of  the  palm 
of  the  hand,  though  various  sizes  larger  or  smaller  are  found. 

Pitted  stones  are  abundant.  Some  appear  to  have  been  hammers, 
judging  from  the  battered  edges,  but  others  are  pitted  on  either  side 
and  show  no  battering  on  the  edges.  Some  of  the  pits  are  neatly 
and  symmetrically  drilled,  others  roughly  picked  in  as  if  a  flint  had 
been  pounded  against  the  stone.  This  is  especially  noticeable  in  the 
softer  stones.  Other  hammers  are  of  diabase,  granite  or  other  hard 
rock  and  have  no  pits.  Their  battered  sides,  some  in  flattened  planes 
or  faces,  others  rounded,  give  evidence  of  hard  and  prolonged 
usage. 


io8 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Anvils,  that  is  flat  stones  upon  which  stone  was  hammered,  are 
fairly  common.  Now  and  then  an  arrow  shaft  rubber  is  found  and 
plenty  of  scratched  stones,  or  "  awl  sharpeners,"  are  in  evidence  and 
an  occasional  "  sinew  stone  "  comes  to  light. 

Shell  ornaments.  The  later  Iroquois  loved  shell  ornaments,  such 
as  beads,  perforated  shells,  runtees  and  disks,  masketts  and  variously 


Fig.   ii     Pitted  hammerstone  and  small  anvil 

formed  effigies,  but  they  did  not  have  them  in  any  abundance  until 
the  coming  of  the  white  man.  Shell  beads  of  spherical  shape, 
cylindrical,  or  even  discoidal  appear  on  early  sites,  most  of  them 
made  from  the  columella  of  the  conch.  Perforated  periwinkles  also 
were  used  but  only  a  few  beads  small  enough  to  be  similar  to  the 
wampum  of  the  colonial  period  have  been  found,  compared  with 


Plate  29 


Types  of  pottery  vessels  from  the  Eric  burial  site  at  Ripley,  Chautauqua 
county 


IIO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the  abundance  that  later  appeared.  Large  conch  shells  have  been 
found  on  certain  Neuter  sites,  especially  in  Erie  and  Genesee  coun- 
ties. Now  and  then  a  clam  shell  is  found  used  possibly  as  a  potter's 
tool.  The  fresh- water  Unio  valve  was  frequently  employed  for  this 
purpose  and  they  are  sometimes  found  in  pits  filled  with  clay 
scraped  in  shaping  a  pot. 

Pottery.  The  most  strikingly  characteristic  product  of  Iroquoian 
manufacture  is  pottery.  Both  in  form  and  decoration,  generally 
speaking,  Huron-Iroquois  pottery  differs  from  that  found  in  other 
regions.  At  the  same  time  we  must  qualify  a  statement  of  an  abso- 
lute difference  from  all  others,  for  on  certain  sites  pottery  is  found 
that  resembles,  in  many  respects,  the  pottery  of  the  Ohio  village 
sites,  and  even  certain  pottery  of  Tennessee,  but  this  is  the  exception 
and  not  the  rule. 

Typical  Iroquoian  pottery. is  known  both  by  its  shape  and  by  its 
decoration.  The  typical  pot  has  a  globular  body  which  as  it  turns 
inward  toward  the  top,  turns  upward  and  outward  into  a  con- 
stricted neck,  and  a  flaring  or  overhanging  collar.  The  width  of 
the  neck  at  its  base  is  about  one-sixth  of  the  circumstance  of  the 
body  and  it  rises  as  if  from  the  top  of  an  imaginary  hexagon  drawn 
inside  the  globe.  From  the  top  of  the  neck,  which  turns  outward 
like  the  bell  of  a  trumpet,  rises  a  collar,  sometimes  round  but  as 
often  four-sided  and  having  an  upward  turn  at  each  corner.  This 
collar  is  nearly  always  decorated  by  a  series  of  triangles  within  which 
have  been  drawn  lines  close  together  and  parallel  with  one  side  of 
the  triangle.  These  triangles  contrast  with  one  another  as  the 
parallel  lines  slant  obliquely,  either  right  or  left,  in  the  adjacent 
space.  At  the  corners  pentagonal  figures  are  often  drawn  having 
three  round  dots  punched  in  to  make  a  conventional  human  face 
(eyes  and  mouth).  In  a  few  instances  the  face  stands  out  in  effigy 
or  an  entire  human  figure  more  or  less  conventionalized  is  drawn. 
(See  plate  27.)  There  are  instances  where  these  triangular  parallel 
lines  are  absent  and  where  the  overhanging  collar  is  rare.  Certain 
of  the  earlier  forms  of  Iroquois  pottery  have  very  little  of  this 
lined  decoration,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Ripley  site.  In  other  cases,  as 
at  Burning  Springs,  the  Gerry  village  and  at  the  Reed  fort,  the 
incised  lines  appear  but  they  run  in  wider  patterns  and  far  down  the 
wide  neck,  which  is  not  so  constricted  as  in  the  Mohawk  valley 
forms.  Another  variation  is  that  of  a  globular  squatty  bowl  with  a 
short  neck  that  turns  outward  in  a  rim  that  is  notched,  indented, 


Plate   30 


POTTERY    VESSELS    FROM     THE    DAXX     SITE,     MONROE     COUNTY 

The  handles  on  these  pots  are  similar  to  lower  Ohio  forms.  There  are 
two  explanations  for  this  occurrence,  one  that  the  vessels  were  found  during 
an  excursion,  and  second,  that  they  were  made  by  captives.  It  does  not 
seem  probable  that  pots  of  this  form  were  made  by  the  Seneca  who  occu- 
pied the  Dann  site,  circa  1660-90. 


Plate   31 


Animal  effigy  pipes   from  the  Dann  collection,   Honeoye   Falls.      The  two 
larger  pipes  at  the  top  have  brass  or  copper  eyes. 


THI-:    ARCHEOLOGIQAL     HISTORY    OF     NKW     YORK  113 

Knobbed  or  scalloped.  This  type  is  found  on  the  Silverheels  site, 
the  Gus  Warren  site  and  at  White  Haven,  Pennsylvania.  A  few 
Iroquois  pots  had  pitcher  noses.  Some  of  these  have  been  found 
near  Buffalo,  at  Ripley  and  in  Jefferson  county  near  Watertown. 
The  pitcher  nose  may  or  may  not  be  a  development  from  one  of  the 
four  corners  of  the  square-topped  type  i^see  plate  27).  Other  pots 
have  small  handles  that  unite  the  collar  with  the  neck  or  body  of 
the  vessel.  Such  have  been  found  on  certain  sites  near  Buffalo,  at 
Ripley  and  in  Jefferson  county.  More  have  been  found  in  the  last 
place  than  elsewhere.  Now  and  then  seemingly  aberrant  forms  are 
found.  At  Ripley  bowls  were  found  that  differed  in  no  way  from 
those  in  the  mound-builder  villages  of  Ohio.  They  bear  no  resem- 
blance to  any  known  Iroquois  type  but  have  a  rather  long  oval 
body  with  a  wide  flaring  mouth.  Some  are  low  and  like  a  modern 
bowl.  The  surface  was  scratched  and  roughened  in  pseudo-fabric 
lines  or  scratched  with  a  twig  brush.  Two  or  three  peculiar  bowls 
were  found  on  the  Dann  site  that  approximate  certain  Missouri 
forms.  The  bowls  are  squat  and  a  wide  flaring  mouth  rises  from 
just  above  half  the  diameter.  Three  or  four  flattened  handles  unite 
the  underside  of  the  lip  with  the  body  of  the  vessel.  The  flattened 
handle  is  unique  on  this  site,  which,  however,  yields  European 
objects.  (Plate  30.) 

Pottery  pipes.  Equally,  if  not  more  striking  than  the  pottery 
vessel,  are  clay  pipes.  These  are  usually  gracefully  modeled  and 
have  stems  from  3  to  10  inches  in  length.  The  general  base  line  of 
these  pipes  is  one  that  follows  the  line  formed  by  the  forefinger 
and  thumb  when  the  thumb  is  extended  at  right  angles  to  the  hand 
and  the  ball  turned  back.  This  is  the  lower  line  of  the  trumpet 
pipe.  Iroquois  pipes  sometimes  have  bowls  imitating  the  tops 
of  pots.  In  other  instances  the  bowls  imitate  the  bodies  or  heads 
of  birds,  animals  or  snakes.  Many  have  the  chevron  pattern 
of  parallel  lines  arranged  in  triangles  about  the  bowl  top.  Some  of 
the  patterns  widely  found  throughout  the  Iroquoian  area  are  the 
trumpet  form,  the  square-topped  flaring  bowl,  the  cylindrical  bowl 
having  a  wide  collar  decorated  with  parallel  rings,  the  bird  body, 
with  the  bowl  in  the  bird's  back,  the  effigy  of  a  man  with  his  hands 
to  his  mouth  blowing  through  his  lips,  animal  heads,  as  of  the  bear, 
racoon  or  fox,  and  pipes  having  a  human  head  modeled  on  the 
bowl.  Certain  types  are  shown  in  plates  31  and  32. 


Plate   32 


Types  of  effigy  pipes  from  the  Dann  collection,  Honeoye  Falls 


Till-.    Ala  IIF.Ul.oiiK  AL    HISTORY    OF    XE\V    YORK  115 

Pipes  of  stone  sometimes  have  stems  carved  with  the  bowl,  but 
these  form  the  minority  in  collections.  Some  resemble  the  outlines 
of  simple  clay  pipes,  others  do  not. 

Some  bowls  are  oval,  some  are  vase  or  urn-shaped.  More  elabor- 
ate forms  resemble  bird  bodies,  as  the  owl,  or  represent  a  lizard  or 
other  creature  crawling  over  an  oval  or  bowl.  None  of  the  Iro- 
quios  stone  pipes  are  tubular  and  none  have  the  monitor  base, 
common  in  the  mound-builder  region.  Many  are  so  unlike  their 
clay  pipes  that  they  bear  no  suggestion  of  having  been  made 
by  the  same  people.  The  outline,  decoration,  modeling  and  size 
differ,  even  though  found  in  the  same  grave  or  village  site  with  clay 
pipes.  Stone  pipes  of  all  the  forms  mentioned  are  found  in  pre- 
historic Iroquoian  sites  as  well  as  those  of  the  late  colonial  period  so 
that  their  form  and  use  may  be  regarded  as  stable  and  widely  known. 

Bone  implements.  Among  the  most  common  bone  articles  are 
bone  awls  and  awl  forms  and  cylindrical  bone  heads.  The  latter  are 
usually  made  of  hollow  bird  bones  and  many  are  beautifully  pol- 
ished. There  were  bone  needles  and  shuttles.  Bone  phlanges,  cut 
or  ground  on  one  side,  or  shaped  as  cone-pendants,  are  found  in 
abundance.  The  canine  teeth  or  tusks  of  bears  and  wolves  per- 
forated for  suspension  seem  to  have  been  favorite  decorations,  and 
the  much  prized  elk  tooth  is  found.  Bear  teeth  wrere  ground  sharp 
for  knive?  or  scrapers,  and  beaver  teeth  were  shaped  for  scrapers. 
The  molars  of  the  bear  were  ground  down  and  with  one  root  cut 
off,  were  shaped  like  a  human  foot.  Perforated  disks  cut  from  the 
human  skull  were  also  used,  but  aside  from  this  human  bones  were 
seldom  employed. 

In  certain  early  sites,  as  on  the  Reed  farm,  near  Richmond  Mills, 
bone  scrapers  or  beaming  tools  are  found  made  from  metapodial 
bones  of  deer  or  elk.  These  are  similar  in  every  way  to  those  found 
in  certain  Ohio  sites  not  Iroquoian. 

Bone  implements  are  commonly  found  in  Iroquoian  village  sites, 
r-jn'cially  in  ash  and  refuse  heaps  or  pits.  The  ashes  seem  to  have 
acted  as  a  special  preservative. 

Miscellaneous  bone  objects.  Among  the  more  striking  imple- 
ments of  bone  are  bone  combs,  the  earlier  forms  resembling  a 
modern  fork  and  having  only  three  or  four  large  teeth,  perhaps  one- 
sixteenth  of  an  inch  in  diameter  or  more.  The  tops  are  usually 
plain,  although  in  a  few  instances  there  is  a  simple  perforation.  As 
the  colonial  period  is  approached  the  combs  become  wider  and  have 


Plate    33 


CERTAIN    BONE    ARTTCI ES    FROM     NEW    YORK.       X  7~IO 

i,  notched  end  punch,  Watertown;  2,  perforated  awl,  Watertown;  3, 
antler  punch  or  plug,  Jefferson  co. ;  4,  bone  spear  head,  Rutland,  Jefferson 
co. ;  5,  antler  cylinder,  Monroe  co. ;  6,  bone  whistle,  Seneca  river ;  7,  fish- 
hook, Watertown ;  8,  raccoon  bone  worked  as  an  awl,  Jefferson  co. ;  9, 
notched  end  bead,  Richmond  Mills ;  10,  typical  bone  bead,  Jefferson  co. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


I  I 


more  teeth.     Decoration  at  the  top  is  at  first  simple  and  generally 

quite  lacking.     With  the  coming  of  cutting  implements  of  steel, 

combs  take  on  an  entirely  new  form,  resembling  in 

general  motive  a  lady's  back  comb  of  modern  times. 

These  have  from  fifteen  to  forty  teeth,  generally  2 

inches  long,  above  which  rises  a  decorative  top  or 

handle  upon  which  are  fretted  out  the  effigies  of 

various  birds  or  the  human  figure.     Combs  of  this 

character  are  found  in  many  of  the  sites  of  the 

middle  colonial  period. 

Small  effigies  of  animals  were  sometimes  cut  out 
of  flat  bone  and  larger  effigies  of  the  human  figure 
were  carved  from  heavier  bone.  Some  of  these  are 
apparently  precolonial.  The  modern  Seneca  say 
that  their  ancestors  carved  small  images  of  the 
human  figure  to  represent  a  witch  and  by  placing 
them  in  a  bag  or  other  receptacle  were  able  to  pre- 
vent the  evil  influence  of  the  witch  after  which  the 
effigies  were  named  (see  figure  12). 

The  carapace  of  the  tortoise  or  box  turtle  is  com- 
monly found  in  graves  and  fragments  are  sometimes  found  in  refuse 
pits.     Sometimes  the  shell  is  perforated  with  seven  or  eight  holes. 


Fig.  12  Antler 
image  from  Fac- 
tory Hollow 


Fig.  13.    Tortoise  rattle  from  Silverheels  site 

These  may  have  been  used  either  as  knee  rattles  or  as  hand  rattles 
carried  in  some  of  the  ceremonies  (see  figure  13). 

It  is  not  uncommon  to  find  arrowheads  of  both  bone  and  antler 
and  it  is  quite  likely  that  the  Iroquois  used  projectile  tips  of  this 
material  wherever  possible.  It  is  said  bv  the  modern  Seneca  that 


Plate    34 


Certain  forms  of  precontact  antler  combs.    Iroquoian.    x  1/1 
i,  Atwell   site,   Madison   co.;   2,   Elbridge,   Onondaga  co. ;    3,   Pompey;   4, 
McArthur    farm,    Le   Roy.      All    are    Iroquoian. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


119 


>ome  of  their  arrows  were  headed  only  with  a  sharp  point  formed 
directly  on  the  shaft  and  hardened  by  semicharring.  Harpoons  were 
inade  of  bone  and  sometimes  there  are  several  barbs,  quite  unlike, 
however,  the  barbs  in  the  European  spear. 

Fishhooks   were   of    the   simple  hook   type   without  a   barb   and 
resemble  in  every  way  the  fish  hooks  found  in  the  Ohio  village  sites, 


Fig.  1.4     Types  of  bone  fishhooks   from   Richmond  Mills,  Ontario  County. 
Dewev  coll.     State  Museum,     xi. 


Fig  15  Heaver  tooth  with  bone  handle  found  by  C.  B.  Moore,  Kentucky. 
This  suggests  how  worked  beaver  teeth  found  in  New  York  may  have  been 
employed, 


as  at  Madisonville  (see  figure  14).  Occasionally  bone  whistles  are 
found  made  from  the  long  leg  bone  of  some  bird  or  the  wing  bone 
of  a  wild  turkey  (see  plate  33). 

Earthworks.  No  adequate  idea  of  the  prehistoric  Iroquois  can  be 
had  without  some  description  or  mention  of  their  earthworks.  Scat- 
tered through  the  western  and  northern  portion  of  the  State  of  New 
York  are  more  than  100  earth  embankments,  ditches  and  circular 
inclosures.  Most  of  these  were  probably  not  erected  in  any  sense 


I2O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

as  earthworks  but  simply  as  the  bases  for  a  stockaded  wall.  Tree 
trunks  from  15  to  20  feet  high  were  trimmed  off  and  placed  from  6 
inches  to  a  foot  in  a  shallow  ditch  in  the  top  of  the  wall  and  the 
earth  was  packed  in  about  them.  The  tops  were  further  secured  by 
being  tied  together  with  bark  ropes  and  withes.  There  are  good 
historic  descriptions  of  these  palisaded  inclosures.  The  area  within 
them  ranges  from  one-eighth  of  an  acre  to  more  than  7  or  8 
or  even  16  and  it  is  supposed  that  they  contained  fortified  villages  or 
were  places  of  refuge  against  both  human  and  beast  enemies.  They 
do  not  differ  in  any  way  from  the  stockaded  inclosures  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Ontario,  in  the  Huron-Iroquois  area.  In  spme  instances 
they  do  not  materially  differ  J;rom  the  earth  inclosures  found 
throughout  Ohio.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  none  of  them  are 
so  extensive  in  size  as  such  works  as  Fort  Ancient,  nor  are  the 
embankments  more  than  3  or  4  feet  high,  except  in  rare  instances. 

There  are  three  general  forms  of  the  stockaded  inclosure,  the 
first  being  the  hilltop  stronghold  which  was  naturally  fortified  on 
all  sides  and  the  narrow  neck  that  connected  the  out- jutting  hill  with 
the  general  terrace  of  which  it  formed  a  part  shut  off  with  a  pali- 
saded wall.  Deep  ravines  on  either  side  brought  natural  protection 
from  the  sudden  onslaught  of  enemies  and  the  places  were  rendered 
further  secure  by  having  the  neck  protected  by  a  stockaded  wall  and 
perhaps  an  outer  ditch.  The  ditch  served  two  purposes.  It  afforded 
the  material  out  of  which  the  wall  was  erected  and  it  made  it  more 
difficult  for  the  enemy  to  climb  the  stockade  or  to  set  fire  to  its  base. 
Typical  hilltop  strongholds  are  those  at  Ellington,  Chautauqua 
county,  the  Reed  fort  near  Richmond  Mills,  Ontario  county,  the 
fort  near  Portage  in  Wyoming  county  and  the  prehistoric  Mohawk 
site  at  Garoga. 

A  second  form  of  protected  inclosure  is  irregular  in  form  and 
follows  somewhat  the  natural  line  of  the  ground.  It  may  or  may  not 
be  upon  a  hilltop.  Examples  of  this  form  are  found  on  Indian  hill 
near  Ellington,  the  stockade  near  Livonia,  Livingston  county,  known 
as  the  Tram  site,  and  near  Macomb,  St  Lawrence  county,  on  the 
farm  of  William  Houghton,  near  Birch  creek,  and  Fort  hill.  Auburn. 

A  third  form  ,is  in  inclosure  more  or  less  circular  in  form  with  a 
low  wall  and  shallow  outer  ditch.  Examples  of  these  are  such 
inclosures  as  are  found  at  Oakfield,  Ge^esee  county;1  at  Elbridge, 
Onondaga  county,  where  there  is  a  circular  inclosure  covering  about 


1  These   inclose    about    TO   acres    of    land    and    were    described    by    Squier, 
figure  8,  in  his  plate. 


Plate    35 


Antler   combs.     Later   Iroquois    types,    from   the    Dann   site,    Honeoye    Falls. 


122  NK\V    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

3  acres  of  ground ;  or  the  circular  fort  on  the  Lawrence  farm  in  the 
Clear  creek  valley,  near  Ellington. 

Usually  within  these  inclosures  pits  are  found  in  which  refuse 
had  been  deposited  or  corn  stored.  The  soil  shows  more  or  less 
trace  of  occupation  and  occasionally  graves  are  found  in  one  por- 
tion. Besides  the  choice  of  the  spot  as  a  natural  defense  there  were 
other  considerations,  such  as  proximity  to  good  agricultural  land 
which,  for  primitive  people  with  inadequate  tools,  must  be  a  light 
sandy  loam;  a  plentiful  supply  of  water,  nearness  to  the  proper 
kind  of  timber  and  a  location  near  a  trail  or  stream  navigable  for 
canoes.  It  is  not  easy  to  determine,  however,  why  some  localities 
were  chosen,  for  they  are  overlooked  by  hills  from  which  the  enemy 
could  assail  the  fortification  or  are  situated  in  swamp  lands.  There 
were  probably  many  considerations  that  attracted  the  Indians  to  these 
spots  that  have  been  obliterated  with  the  destruction  of  the  forests. 

The  earlier  sites  of  this  character  in  the  Iroquois  district  in  New 
York  were  upon  the  hilly  lands  south  of  the  Great  Lakes.  It  does 
not  appear  that  the  Iroquois  came  down  from  their  hilltop  strong- 
holds except  in  few  remote  localities  until  about  the  beginning  of 
the  historic  period  when  they  began  to  build  their  towns  on  the 
lowlands  nearer  the  shores  of  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario.  This  obser- 
vation is  especially  true  in  western  and  central  New  York  but  does 
not  fully  apply  to  the  Iroquoian  area  in  Jefferson  county.  It  is  quite 
likely  that  the  Iroquois  did  not  drive  out  all  their  enemies  or  take 
full  possession  of  this  territory  until  a  short  period  before  the 
opening  of  the  colonial  epoch.  An  example  of  village  sites  or  earth- 
works upon  or  near  the  lake  shores  is  that  found  at  Ripley,  Chautau- 
qua  county.  Most  villages,  however,  were  from  2  to  20  miles  back 
from  the  shores  of  Lakes  Erie  or  Ontario. 

Mortuary  customs.  There  seems  to  have  been  several  mortuary 
customs.  Many  human  remains  are  found  buried  beneath  the 
ground,  indicating  that  the  body  was  intact  when  interred.  Tradi- 
tions and  historical  evidence  point  out  also  the  custom  of  placing  the 
body  wrapped  in  blankets  or  skins  in  the  branches  of  large  trees, 
and  there  are  preserved  in  the  Seneca  tongue  the  various  terms 
employed  to  describe  the  details  of  this  type  of  burial.  Burial  houses 
were  also  erected  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  placed  until 
decay  had  reduced  them  to  bones.  For  the  disposal  of  these  bones 
research  shows  that  they  were  gathered  up  and  buried  in  bundles  in 
separate  graves.  Sometimes  several  skeletons  are  found  in  bundles 


Plate   36 


8 


CKRTA1X   FORMS   OF  WORKED  TKETH    FROM    EARLY   IROOUOIAN   SITES   IN  ONTARIO   AND 
JF.FFFRSON    COUNTIES.       X% 

I,  bear  teeth,  Richmond  Mills;  2,  bear  tusks  neatly  cut,  Brevverton;  3, 
various  canine  teeth ;  4,  Morse  farm,  Watertown ;  5,  elk  teeth,  Richmond 
Mills ;  6,  imitation  elk  tooth,  Richmond  Mills ;  7,  worked  bear  molars,  the 
last  being  carved  to  resemble  a  human  foot ;  8,  split  and  edged  beaver 
incisors,  Rodman,  Jefferson  co. 


124  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

in  a  single  grave,  with  or  without  accompanying  reiics,  as  pots, 
flints,  pipes  etc. 

The  Iroquois,  especially  the  Neuter  nation,  the  Huron  and  per- 
haps the  Erie,  also  had  ossuaries  in  which  from  ten  to  fifty  or  one 
hundred  remains  were  placed.  Few  relics  are  ever  found  in  ossua- 
ries of  the  earlier  period.  In  the  individual  burial,  where  the  body 
was  placed  intact  in  the  grave,  the  position  of  the  remains  is  almost 
invariably  on  one  side  with  the  knees  drawn  toward  the  face  and  the 
hands  placed  near  the  face,  this  fixed  position  being  that  assumed  by 
a  sleeping  person,  drawn  up  to  keep  warm  (see  plate  38). 

In  the  earlier  graves  there  are  few  material  objects,  but  as 
the  time  ranged  into  the  colonial  period  more  durable  relics  are 
found,  showing  the  gradual  growth  of  prosperity,  and  a  greater 
abundance  of  material  property.  The  burial  objects  that  have  sur- 
vived the  elements,  are  clay  pots,  clay  and  stone  pipes,  flint  objects, 
as  knives,  triangular  points,  celts,  bone  objects,  shell  objects,  etc. 
These  are  usually  found  near  the  chest,  hands  or  head.  Among  the 
hundreds  of  Iroquois  graves  and  skeletons  found  by  the  writer  not 
one  has  been  found  "  sitting  up  "  and  among  the  thousands  or  more 
of  all  cultures  discovered,  none  was  sitting  up  nor  did  the  bones 
"  crumble  upon  exposure  to  the  air/'  The  Iroquois  had  no  definite 
orientation  for  the  grave,  no  special  side ;  the  only  general  rule 
being  the  flexed  position  reclining  on  one  side. 

The  predecessors  of  the  Iroquois  had  also  this  rule  though  the 
makers  of  the  stone  graves  sometimes  placed  their  dead  lying 
straight  and  on  the  back. 

Miscellaneous  observations.  The  Iroquois  did  not  use  vessels  of 
steatite,  but  their  carved  wooden  bowls  of  the  longer  type  were 
fashioned  like  them  in  the  sense  of  having  handles  or  lugs  at 
each  end. 

Iroquois  textiles  have  never  received  a  careful  study,  for  they  are 
little  known,  but  the  people  wore  nets,  bags,  belts  and  even  shoes. 
Their  corn-husk  sandals  differ  a  little  from  the  sandals  or  mocas- 
sins found  in  the  caves  of  Missouri/  Small  fragments  of  cloth  and 
woolen  bags  prove  that  they  early  understood  weaving  and  basketry. 

The  Iroquois  carved  wood  and  indeed  the  confederate  Iroquois 
law  required  that  the  national  feast  bowl  should  represent  a  beaver. 
The  idea  of  making  receptacles  resembling  animals  with  their  backs 
or  heads  hollowed  out  was  common.  Their  wooden  spoons  had 
bowls  shaped  like  clam  shells  and  at  the  top  of  the  handle  was 


Plate   37 


Antler  combs.     Later  Iroquois   type.     Dann   site,  Honeove  Falls. 


Plate    38 


**£>' 


Typical   flexed  burial   in   the    Silverheels   site.     There   is   a   pottery 
vessel  and  a  pipe  before  the  face. 


Plate   39 


Cache  of  charred   acorns   found  at  the   Silverheels    site.      Below  this  pit 
were  found  the  scattered  bones  of  a  disturbed  burial. 


128 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


carved  a  bird  or  animal  strikingly  like  those  they  modeled  on  pipes 
(see  figure  16). 

The  Iroquois  were  an  agricultural  people  of  village  dwellers. 
Early  Iroquois  villages  were  on  hills  overlooking  valleys  and  were 
stockaded.  The  early  villages  had  earth  rings  about  them  and  some- 
times an  outer  ditch.  Upon  the  ring  or  wall  of  earth  the  palisades 
were  erected.  Later  villages  were  in  the  valleys  beside  lakes  and 


Fig.  16    Wooden  spoon   from  Belvidere.     Found 
by   George   L.   Tucker   in   a    Seneca   grave. 

streams  and  were  not  stockaded.  The  Iroquois  towns' of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  were  increasingly  without  such  a  wall. 
The  Iroquois  did  not  build  mounds,  of  the  character  known  through- 
out Ohio  or  Wisconsin,  at  least  when  they  used  the  pottery  and 
pipes  we  have  described. 

Iroquois  houses  were  of  bark  and  there  were  large  communal 
dwellings.    Many  of  them  held  from  five  to  twelve  families  or  more. 


Plate   40 


LOXE      ARROWHEADS      AND     WORKED      PHALANGES.        X  Q-IO 

I,  2,  flat  projectile  points,  Jefferson  co. ;  3,  5,  hollow  bone  points;  4,  6, 
antler  points;  7,  n,  worked  phalanges;  12,  15,  worked  phalanges  perforated 
at  smaller  end;  16,  inscribed  phalangeal  bone,  Onondaga  co. 


I3O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

They  had  either  a  rounded  or  pitched  roof  with  openings  at  the  top, 
as  vents  for  each  fire  beneath.  The  Iroquois  did  not  ordinarily 
employ  the  conical  skin  tepee. 

The  permanency  of  their  village  life  is  indicated  in  a  measure  by 
their  vast  fields  of  corn  and  other  vegetables.  Agriculture  exercised 
an  immense  influence  over  their  national  life  and  it  was  pursued 
with  method  and  on  a  large  scale.  There  are  accounts  of  expedi- 
tions'sent  out  to  procure  new  seeds  and  vegetable  foods.  Corn  pits 
are  often  found  in  village  sites. 

Iroquois  consanguinity  was  matriarchal.  There  were  various 
clans,  having  animal  symbols  and  names.  The  women  nominated 
the  civil  sachems  and  could  veto  the  acts  of  the  tribal  council. 

The  Iroquois  cosmogony  relates  that  a  pregnant  woman  fell  from 
the  heaven  world.  She  fell  upon  the  back  of  a  great  turtle  and 
gave  birth  to  a  female  child.  This  child  grew  quickly  to  maturity 
and  gave  birth  to  two  sons,  good  minded  and  evil  minded,  or  more 
properly,  Light  one  and  Dark  one.  The  Light  or  shiny  one  molded 
man  after  seeing  his  own  reflection  in  the  water.  He  found  his  father 
dwelling  on  the  top  of  a  mountain  that  rose  from  the  sea  "  to  the 
east  "  and  begged  certain  gifts  from  him,  which  were  given,  tied  up 
in  bags.  Reaching  his  homeland  again,  the  Light  one  opened  them 
and  found  animals  and  birds  of  all  kinds,  trees  and  plants.  The 
mother  of  the  two  boys  died  in  giving  them  birth,  killed  by  Dark 
one  or  the  Warty  (Flinty),  who  insisted  in  emerging  through  her 
armpit.  The  grandmother  nursed  the  boys  and  bade  them  watch 
their  mother's  grave.  The  food  plants  and  tobacco  sprang  from  her 
grave.  The  sun  and  moon  in  other  versions  were  made  from  her 
face,  eyes  and  limbs. 

Nearly  all  Iroquois  legends  relate  to  incidents  of  the  southwest. 
Many  expeditions  are  told  about,  that  relate  to  the  country  down  the 
Ohio  river.  Few  stories  of  the  north  are  related.  The  north  was 
only  the  land  of  great  terrors  and  savage  giants. 

Comparison  of   the   Iroquoian   Culture  With  That  of  Surrounding 

Tribes 

As  has  been  seen  in  the  foregoing  description,  outlining  the  mate- 
rial culture  of  the  Iroquois,  there  are  certain  definite  things  which 
characterize  their  handiwork.  The  Algonkian  tribes,  in  some 
instances,  erected  earthworks  or  stockaded  inclosures  but  apparently 
far  less  in  extent  than  the  Iroquois.  In  this  respect  the  Iroquois 
more  greatly  resemble  the  Indians  of  Ohio  and  the  southern  states. 
With  the  exception  of  the  size  and  height  of  the  walls  their  earthen 
wall  inclosure  do  not  greatly  depart  from  certain  Ohio  forms.  The 


132  NEW     YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

. 

huquois,  however,  in  no  :•  cnse  erected  mounds  of  the  character 
found  in  Ohio,  neither  does  it  appear  that  they  were  numerous 
enough  to  require,  or  to  be  able  to  erect,  such  extensive  earthworks. 
A  greater  number  of  these  inclosures  are  found  in  New  York,  west 
of  the  Finger  Lakes  district  and  on  the  hilly  regions  of  Chautauqua, 
Cattaraugus,  Erie,  Wyoming,  Genesee,  Livingston  and  Ontario 
counties.  A  few  are  found  eastward,  as  in  Jefferson  county,  but  a 
great  majority  are  in  the  localities  we  have  mentioned. 

The  Iroquois  w^ere  an  agricultural  people  like  those  of  the  south, 
as  of  Virginia  and  Georgia  or  in  the  mound' district  in  Ohio  and  the 
Ohio  valley.  Corn  cobs  and  other  vegetables  are  frequently  found 
in  ash  pits  and  refuse  heaps  in  Iroquois  village  sites  and  the  use 
of  tobacco  may  be  deduced  from  the  prevalence  of  numerous 
smoking  pipes. 

Unlike  the  Indians  of  Ohio,  who  built  the  mounds  and  fortifica- 
tions, or  the  southern  Indians,  as  those  of  Georgia  and  Alabama,  or 
the  Algonkins  east  and  north  of  them,  the  Iroquois  did  not  use 
implements  or  ornaments  of  copper  or  mica,  nor  did  they  use  orna- 
ments of  polished  slate  as  gorgets,  stone  tubes,  bird  stones,  boat 
stones,  and  banner  stones.  They  did  not  use  the  bell-pestle  or  cylin- 
drical pestle  nor  as  a  rule  did  they  ornament  their  pottery  with  fab- 
ric marks,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  wove  fabrics  similar  to 
the  impressions  found  on  baked  pottery  in  the  Algonkian  area.  They 
did  not  use  the  grooved  axe,  common  among  all  the  peoples  about 
them,  nor  did  they  have  the  monitor  pipe  commonly  found  in  Ohio, 
Kentucky,  the  southern  states  and  throughout  New  England.  Only 
in  rare  instances  did  they  use  flints  having  barbs  and  stemmed 
necks.  The  absence  of  these  forms  of  implements  is  s:gnificant  and 
is  the  result  of  something  more  than  mere  accident.  The  Iroquois 
had  every  opportunity  for  knowing  of  such  objects  and  they  were 
fully  capable  of  making  them  had  they  so  desired.  It  appears  from 
these  facts  that  the  Iroquois  deliberately  choose  not  to  use  these 
things  and  tabooed  them  from  being  employed  in  any  w7ay.  Appar- 
ently there  was  a  d:rect  attempt  to  banish  such  articles  beyond  the 
pale  of  their  culture.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Iroquois  did  use  stone 
tomahawks  or  celts  and  apparently  mounted  them  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  contiguous  nations.  They  did  use  the  ball-headed  wooden 
war  club  such  as  is  videlv  found  throughout  the  continent  and  their 
shallow  mortars  and  millers  did  not  greatly  differ  from  those  used: 
by  the  Algonkins. 

Their  dwellings  were  houses  of  bark  formed  much  like  an  arbor, 
some  with  round  and  some  with  p:tched  roofs.  Under  normal  con- 
ditions these  houses  were  communal  dwellings  and  large  in  size.-. 


134  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

There  were  no  permanent  dwellings  circular  in  form,  and  mud  huts 
or  hogans  were  not  used.  It  is  quite  apparent  that  from  the  earliest 
times  they  were  an  agricultural  people,  and  neither  archeology  nor  the 
testimony  of  early  explorers  or  travelers  indicates  any  wide  differ- 
ence in  their  village  life  from  that  of  the  Indians  of  Virginia  and 
the  Carolinas,  for  example.  They  relied  very  largely  upon  vegetable 
foods  for  their  sustenance  and  .the  cultivation  of  the  ground  was 
regulated  by  certain  customs.  It  appears  that  the  Iroquois  were 
far  more  like  these  Indians  of  the  middle  south  in  their  village  life 
than  the  Indians  of  the  north,  the  Mictnae  or  the  Malecite. 

Of  considerable  importance  in  the  study  of  comparative  archeol- 
ogy, and  we  believe  in  the  study  of  the  origin  of  the  Iroquois,  is 
testimony  of  implements  of  pottery  and  smoking  pipes.  Iroquois 
pottery  is  perhaps  the  most  durable  and  striking  material  found  on 
their  village  sites  or  in  their  graves,  and  in  both  decoration  and 
form  is  distinctive  from  most  forms  of  pottery  used  by  Algonkins. 
Before  discussing  this  subject  further  it  may  be  well  to  state  there 
are  two  general  forms  of  Iroquois  pottery,  that  is  to  say,  there  are 
two  archeologic  districts  which  yield  pottery,  which  may  be  com- 
pared. The  first  and  westernmost  is  the  Huron-Erie  area  and  em- 
braces the  Iroquoian  sites  on  the  Niagara  peninsula  in  Ontario  and 
the  adjacent  land  to  the  west  of  it  and  north  of  Lake  Erie,  including 
also  the  territory  in  New  York  along  the  southern  border  of 
Lake  Erie  to  the  hilly  land  south  of  it.  The  second  area  is  the 
Mohawk-Onondaga,  and  takes  in  the  region  of  the  St  Lawrence 
basin,  the  east  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  the  south  shore  of  the  Oswego 
river,  southward  along  the  Seneca  river,  southward  through  the 
Susquehanna  valley  and  eastward  through  the  Mohawk  valley.  In 
the  first  district  the  outline  of  the  pot  does  not  show  the  high 
collar  projecting  so  far  from  the  neck  as  is  common  in  the  second  dis- 
trict. In  many  cases  the  collar  is  a  very  narrow  band  and  ornamented 
by  parallel  lines  or  by  simple  oblique  lines  or  none  at  all.  In 
another  variety  the  lines  are  formed  in  chevron  patterns  but  in  larger 
plats.  In  this  form  the  collar  does  not  project  very  much  from  the 
body  of  the  pot  and  the  decoration  is  carried  down  well  on  to  the 
neck  (see  figure  34).  There  are  instances  where  the  triangular  pat- 
terns and  short  Imes  follow  a  line  of  oblique  lines  drawn  around  the 
body  of  the  pot  below  the  rise  of  the  neck.  Such  patterns  are  found 
on  the  vessels  from  Ontario  and  figured  by  Doctor  Boyle,  and  by 
myself  from  Ripley,  Chautauqua  county.  In  the  second  district  the 
wide  overhanging  collar  becomes  almost  a  fixed  characteristic.  Here 
it  reaches  the  highest  form  of  its  special  development  and  arche- 
ologists  usually  describe  one  of  these  pots  for  their  ideal  Iroquoian 


Plate   43 


Erie  pottery  similar  to  Ohioan.  Figures  i,  2  and  3  are  of  cord-marked 
pottery  vessels.  The  surface  of  the  pot  shown  in  figure  4  seems  to  have 
been  marked  with  a  brush  of  twigs.  Figures  5  and  6  are  of  plain  pottery. 


rt 
£ 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  137 

form.  The  pots  in  the  first-named  district  usually  have  the  more 
squat  body  and  bulging  sides.  A  careful  comparison  between  the 
pottery  vessels  found  by  the  writer  at  Ripley,  N.  Y.,  and  those 
pictured  by  David  Boyle  as  having  been  found  by  the  Laidlaw 
brothers,  in  the  sites  along  Balsam  lake,  Ontario,  Canada,  will  show 
that  while  a  general  outline  and  form  of  the  body  is  similar  to  the 
pottery  of  the  Mohawk-Onondaga  area,  there"  are  differences  enough 
to  warrant  placing  each  district  in  a  place  by  itself. 

Certain  forms  of  the  Iroquoian  pottery,  as  in  western  New  York, 
does  not  greatly  differ  from  those  discovered  in  the  mounds  of  Ohi/j. 
especially  certain  pottery  forms  described  by  Professor  Mills  of 
Ohio  State  University  (see  plate  43).  The  forms  to  which  we  refir 
are  those  having  a  globular  body  and  short  neck  and  a  wide  flaring 
mouth,  the  entire  surface  of  the  body  being  decorated  with  the 
marks  of  a  paddle  wrapped  with  grass  stems  or  brushed  while  still 
plastic  with  the  same  material.  Large  fragments  of  such  pottery 
were  found  by  the  writer  in  the  prehistoric  site  at  Burning  Springs 
where  they  were  intermixed  with  sherds  of  more  conventional 
Iroquoian  types.  Some  of  this  pottery  does  not  differ  materially 
from  certain  forms  of  Algonkian  pottery  except  in  the  matter  of 
shape.  None  of  the  pointed  bottoms  is  found  in  the  Iroquoian  dis- 
trict in  New  York.  Many  Iroquoian  vessels  are  small,  containing 
not  more  than  two  quarts,  while  others  are  larger  and  have  a 
capacity  of  several  gallons.  Complete  vessels  of  the  larger  type  are 
very  rare  but  many  hundreds  of  sherds  of  large  vessels  are  found 
throughout  Jefferson,  Ontario,  Erie,  Montgomery  and  Chautauqua 
counties. 

In  the  study  of  the  design  found  on  the  typically  Mohawk  pottery 
it  seems  apparent  that  the  parallel  lines  arranged  in  triangles  repre- 
sent porcupine  quill  work  such  as  is  found  on  the  rims  of  bark 
baskets.  There  are  certain  other  features  of  Iroquoian  pottery  that 
lead  one  to  believe  that  potters  in  making  their  vessels  had  in  mind 
bark  baskets.  The  square-topped  collar  is  not  dissimilar  in  form  to 
the  square  top  of  the  bark  basket  and  the  dots  placed  around  th^ 
upper  edge  seem  to  imitate  the  binding  of  the  wooden  rim  of  the 
basket.  Oftentimes  dots  around  the  center  of  the  body,  at  the 
beg:nnmg  of  the  neck,  seem  like  the  stitch  marks  seen  on  bark- 
basketry.  This  idea  was  first  advanced  by  Frank  dishing,  who  gives 
a  figure  of  an  Iroquois  basket  which  he  says  was  copied  in  clay  by 
potters.  We  believe  that  the  idea  is  correct  but  the  Troquois  of 
historic  times  did  not  use  bark  baskets  or  vessels  of  this  character. 
All  their  baskets  that  we  have  seen  have  had  flat  bottoms  and  in 
outline  were  more  or  less  oval  at  the  top. 


Plate  45 


Grave    and    pottery    vessel.      Silverheels    site. 


TI1K    AKCI1EOLOG1C  .\1.    HISTORY    <  >F    NEW    YokK 


139 


Other  pottery  patterns,  such  as  those  found  throughout  the  Seneca 
district  and  western  New  York,  have  a  narrow  rim,  on  the  lower 
>ide  of  which  is  a  series  of  notches  or  projecting  teeth.  Sometimes 
this  rim  is  devoid  of  these  projections  and  has  oblique  parallel  lines 
drawn  at  distances  to  the  edge  of  the  rim. 
This  form  is  similar  to  the  ordinary  bark 
basket  simply  bound  with  an  ash  splint  and 
an  elm  bark  tape.  It  is  of  value  to  note 
for  comparative  purposes  that  the  quilled 
or  chevron  pattern  is  far  more  prevalent  in 
the  Mohawk-Onondaga  district  than  it  is 
in  Western  Xew  York  or  in  the  Seneca- 
Erie  region. 

It  is  of  great  importance  to  note  that  Iro- 
quois  pottery  never  has  a  circular  or  scroll- 
like  design  such  as  is  found  upon  the  pots 

of  the  south  and  upon  certain  Ohio  village  sites.  The  absence  of  any 
curved  decorations  or  scroll  designs  is  significant  and  is  one  of  the 
things  which  points  out  a  deliberate  attempt  to  avoid  the  distinctive 
art  of  certain  other  tribes. 


Fig.  17.  Rare  Iroquois 
pottery  design,  Jefferson, 
county 


Fig.  18     Effigy  of  seated  human  figure,  terra  cotta  pipe  from  Jefferson  county, 
robably  near  \\~aterto\vn.     Collected  by  W.  L.  Stone,     y.7/% 

All  Iroquoian  pottery  seems  to  have  been  built  toy  the  coil  process, 
that  is  to  say,  it  was  formed  by  coiling  ropes  of  clay  upon  a  base 
and  then  worked  into  the  desired  shape  by  continuing  the  coiling 
process.  Very  few  pots  wrere  blackened  by  pitch  smoke  although 
some  pipes  were  treated  writh  this  process. 


Plate    46 


TV  11  i '  »1 1 1 I  i  1 1 1 H Yl'ifl  i 


Decorative  motifs  from  Iroquois  pot  rims 


THK   ARCHEOLOGICAL   HISTORY   OF   NEW   YORK  14! 

Smoking  pipes.  Smoking  pipes  of  both  stone  and  clay  are  numer- 
ous in  the  Huron-Iroquois  area.  There  are  several  general  forms 
but  all  bear  striking  resemblance  to  one  another. 

Iroquois  pipes  seem  much  different  from  those  found  in  any 
other  archeological  area,  and  it  does  not  appear  at  first  thought  that 
they  were  derived  from  any  other  forms  except  perhaps  the  small 
tubular  form  with  its  end  bent  upward  at  an  angle.  There  are  cer- 
tain features,  however,  of  Iroquois  pipes  that  remind  one  of  pipes 
of  contiguous  tribes.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  monitor  pipe  of 
the  mound-builder  region  has  a  bowl  which  resembles  an  oval  vase 
with  a  flaring  rim.  The  bowl  is  set  down  into  the  platform,  the 
whole  pipe  of  course  being  monolithic.  The  Iroquois  did  not  use 
the  platform  pipe,  as  we  have  previously  remarked,  but  they  did 
employ  every  form  of  the  stone  bowl  used  on  platform  pipes.  The 


Fig.     19     Monitor  pipe  of  stone,  showing  the  resemblance  to  a  vaselike 
bowl  sunken  in  a  stemmed  base 

bowl,  however,  was  built  in  all  its  lines  much  like  the  monitor  type 
but  submerged  into  the  platform  stem.  The  same  remark  applies  to 
certain  forms  of  effigy  pipes  where  the  bowl  has  an  animal  head 
projecting  from  it.  Certain  forms  of  Iroquois  clay  pipes  have  simi- 
lar bowls  but  w:th  a  stem  of  the  same  material  projecting  from  it. 
The  Iroquois  did  not  have  anything  identical  with  the  mound  types 
with  beautifully  formed  effigies  of  complete  birds,  toads,  frogs 
and  small  mammals,  such  as  are  featured  by  Squier  and  Davis.1 


1  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Iroquois  effigy  pipes  were  mostly  of  modeled 
clay  and  the  mound  effigy  nipes  of  Carved  stcn\  Compare  the  effigies  of 
these  pipes,  one  with  the  other,  and  it  will  be  seen  how  startlingly  similar 
they  arc,  where  the  same  life  forms  have  been  imitated. 


Typical    collar    decorations    on    Jefferson    county    Iroquoian,    (Onondaga) 
pottery.     The   faces  on  2,  3,  4  are  at  the  upturned   corners. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGHAL    HISTORY   OF   NEW   YORK 


143 


There  is  just  one  important  exception  to  this  statement,  and  it  is  that 
relating-  to  the  cruder  form  of  effigies  found  on  platform  stems.  On 
early  Iruquois  sites  effigies  of  this  kind  are  found  in  the  so-called 


Fig.  20     Diagram  showing  how  a  pipe  bowl  might  be  sunken  in  a  stemmed 
base,  thus  becoming  the  prototype  of  the  monolithic  monitor  pipe 

lizard  or  panther  pipes.  The  platform,  however,  has  disappeared 
and  the  bowl  and  the  effigy  have  a  different  orientation.  The  effigy 
seems  to  have  clung  to  a  narrow 
strip  of  the  platform  which  appears 
in  the  shape  of  a  small  stem,  and 
the  stem  hole  is  drilled  in  the  back 
of  the  effigy,  the  bowl  of  the  pipe 
being  drilled  down  through  the  top 
of  the  shoulders  into  the  body  of 
the  effigy.  The  drilling  shows  in 
most  cases  a  large  conical  or 
beveled  hole.  Other  effigy  forms 
show  no  traces  of  the  platform  or 
rod,  as  in  the  case  of  the  lizard 
pipes  which  perch  upon  their 
own  tails,  but  are  conventionalized 
forms  of  birds,  generally  an  owl, 
having  the  body  at  the  shoulders 
drilled  for  a  bowl  and  the  stem 
hole  drilled  in  the  lower  part  of 
the  back  (see  plate  48).  Often- 
times in  the  front  of  the  pipe  a  con- 
ventionalized projection  is  made  to  resemble  the  feet.  These  bear 
a  perforation  from  which,  no  doubt,  were  suspended  ornaments. 


Fig.  21  Typical  lizard  or  otter 
pipe  with  vaselike  bowl.  From 
an  Iroquoian  site.  x7/£ 


144  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Other  forms  of  mound  pipes  used  by  the  Iroquois  without  any 
alteration  are  those  from  the  Erie  region  resembling  animal  claws 
and  those  modeled  along  cubical  lines  with  a  short  stem  base  for  the 
insertion  of  a  reed.  Iroquois  and  mound  pipes  interpreted  and 
compared  in  the  light  of  these  observations  show  in  general  con- 
cept a  remarkable  similarity.  They  are  more  alike  than  are  the  pipes 
from  the  southern  states  or  the  Atlantic  seaboard. 


Fig.  22     Iroquoian      slare      pipe      from      Otsego      county. 
W.   E.   Yager   collection. 

The  stone  owl  pipe  and  the  lizard  pipe,  which  have  been  described 
best  by  Col.  George  E.  Laidlaw  of  the  Provincial  Museum  of 
Ontario,  are  found  in  the  early  Iroquois  sites  in  New  York  and 
undoubtedly  sites  in  the  same  period  throughout  the  entire  Iroquois 
area.  The  Province  of  Ontario  has  yielded  many,  numbers  of  them 


Plate    48 


Owl  or  bird  pipe  of  stone.     x^5 


146  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

have  been  found  in  New  York,  still  others  have  been  found  through 
Maryland,  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.  Others  have  been  found 
elsewhere,  but  only  occasionally. 

These  effigy  pipes  of  the  iroquois  in  some  ways  remind  one  of 
the  Cherokee  p:pes  which  have  the  effigy  standing  on  the  front  part 
of  the  stem.  In  the  Iroquois  pipe,  however,  the  stem  has  been 
abandoned  and  the  effigy  has  either  sprung  upon  or  grasped  the 
bowl  or  made  it  a  part  of  itself.  It  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  that 
this  type  might  have  been  derived  from  either  the  Cherokee  or 
mound  pipes.  A  single  dream  of  an  old  woman  of  the  early  tribe 
widely  recounted  among  the  people  as  a  necessary  provision 
demanded  by  the  spirits  might  cause  a  modification  in  any  line  of 
material  culture.  We  have  only  to  examine  the  history  of  the  mod- 
ern drum  dance  of  Ojibway  and  middle  plains  tribe  to  discover  how 
a  dream  can  institute  a  custom  that  becomes  widely  known  and 
followed. 

Pottery  pipes.  Iroquois  pottery  pipes  are  among  the  most  inter- 
esting forms  of  their  ceramic  art  and  some  of  the  best  modeling  is 


Fig.  23  The  "  blowing  mask  "  pipe.  This  is 
a  typical  Seneca  pipe.  Found  in  Silverheels 
site.  Similar  pipes  come  from  Ontario  county, 
N.  Y.  and  from  Brant  county,  Ont. 

found  in  them.  They  bear  upon  their  bowls  the  effigies  of  birds  and 
mammals,  animal  heads,  human  heads,  and  representations  of 
earthen  pots  and  other  objects.  They  are  far  more  complex  and 
made  with  greater  care  than  are  the  Algonkian  pipes  (see  plate  54). 


10 


148  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Iroquois  clay  pipes  in  fact  are  the  most  carefully  made  and  best 
modeled  clay  pipes  made  'by  the  aborigines  of  North  America  north 
of  Mexico.  There  are  certain  features  about  them  that  give  a  hint 
of  the  customs  and  costumes  of  the  people  who  made  them;  for 
example,  they  show  that  the  skin  robe  with  the  animal  head  still 
upon  it  was  worn  as  a  blanket  and  headpiece;  they  give  an  idea  of 
facial  decoration ;  they  represent  masked  figures  with  their  hands  to 
their  lips  blowing,  (see  figure  23)  as  in  the  false  face  ceremony,  or 
they  reveal  their  totemic  animals.  Some  of  them  have  numerous 
human  faces  modeled  upon  the  stem  and  bowl  and  both  the  form  of 
the  face  and  the  concept  is  still  carried  out  by  some  of  the  Iroquois 
today,  especially  the  Cayuga,  who  carved  these  faces  upon  gnarled 
roots  as  charms  against  witches. 

The  most  common  type  of  pipe  among  the  Mohawk-Onondaga 
group  is  that  having  a  flaring  trumpet  mouth.  The  Seneca-Erie,  on 
the  other  hand,  including  the  Hurons  of  the  north,  commonly  used 
pipes  having  a  cylindrical  bowl  upon  which  was  a  long  collar  decor- 
ated by  parallel  rings  (see  figure  24). 


Fig.  24  Three  typical  Iroquoian  pipe  bowls.  I,  the  trumpet  bowl;  2,  the 
raised  point  square  top;  3,  the  ringed  bowl.  The  last  appeared  more  recently 
than  the  other  two. 

Early  types  of  both  clay  and  stone  pipes  made  by  the  Iroquois 
show  a  type  of  decoration  made  by  rectangular  slots  arranged  in 
series.  These  slots,  it  has  been  suggested,  were  inlaid  with  pieces  of 
colored  wood  or  shell.  None  so  arranged,  has  yet  been  found,  so  far 
as  we  are  able  to  state.  This  slotting  is  a  characteristic  feature  in 
certain  early  pipes.  (Compare  9  in  plate  50  and  I  and  2  in  plate  48.) 

Certain  -forms  of  pipes  show  how  widely  prevalent  certain  con- 
cepts prevailed  among  the  Huron-Iroquois.  Briefly,  there  are  the 
owl-faced  pipe,  the  blowing  pipe  with  the  human  face,  the  ring 
collar  pipe,  the  square  top  pipe  with  the  flaring  collar,  the  trumpet 
bowled  pipe  and  others.  It  appears  that  Iroquois  pipes  are  a  unique 


Plate   50 


CERTAIN    HUMAN    FACE    EFFIGY    PIPES    FROM    EARLY    IROQUOIAN    SITES.       X^j 

I,  3,  Stull  site,  mouth  of  Honeoye;  2,  4,  6,  7,  8,  9,  Richmond  Mills; 
5,  a  two-faced  pipe  from  Belmont,  (G.  L.  Tucker  coll.)  Note  that  6  has 
no  eyes.  A.  H.  Dewey  found  specimens  from  Richmond  Mills  with  scars 
showing  the  remnants  of  shell  eyes. 


Plate   51 


Fragments  of  pipes  showing  various  forms  of  effigies  of  the  human  face. 
Onondaga  area.     x?4 


THE   ARCHEOLOG1CAL   HISTORY   OF   NK\V    YORK  151 

part    of    their    culture.      Further    description    of    these    is    given 
elsewhere  in  this  bulletin. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  methods  by  which  the  stem  holes  of 
Iroquois  pipes  were  produced.  Probably  the  majority  have  had  the 
hole  punched  through  the  stem  while  the  clay  was  yet  plastic  but 
there  are  many  specimens  that  show  that  the  clay  was  rolled  or 
modeled  over  a  small  reed,  straw  or  a  wisp  of  twisted  grass. 
\\  hen  the  clay  was  burned  the  reed  or  grass  burned  out  and  left  the 
stem  hole.  Hundreds  of  broken  and  split  specimens  from  western 
and  central  New  York  reveal  this  ingenious  method  of  making  the 
hole.  Very  likely  this  usage  added  to  the  strength  of  the  modeled 
form  and  prevented  the  danger  of  cracking  the  stem  by  punching, 
and  insured  an  unobstructed  passage  to  the  bowl. 


Plate   52 


Typical  Iroquoian  clay  pipes  from  New  York.  I.  Trumpet-shaped  pipe, 
common  to  early  Onondaga  and  Erie  sites ;  2.  Moon  pipe,  prehistoric  Onon- 
daga;  3.  Seneca  pipe  with  bird  head  effigy;  4.  Face  from  an  Oneida  pipe; 
5.  Animal  effigy  pipe,  broken  stem,  Ontario  county ;  6.  Effigy  pipe,  Leroy, 
typical  prehistoric  Seneca  of  the  Genesee  valley ;  7.  Typical  early  colonial 
Seneca  and  Neutral  pipe,  Erie  county. 


Plate   53 


CLAY    PIPES,    IROQUOIAN,    FROM    CENTRAL    AND    NORTHERN    NEW 

I,  Pompey;  2,  Jefferson  co. ;  3,  Cicero;  4,  Lima;  5,  Pompey ;  6,  Jefferson 
co.;  7,  Oneida  co. ;  8,  Dann  site,  Monroe  co. ;  9,  Ellisburg,  Jefferson  co. 
7  appears  to  be  of  obdurated  clay  and  the  carving  resembles  certain  Ross 
co.,  O.  mound  pipes. 


Plate    54 


Iroquoian  clay  pipes   from  Jefferson   county. 
Museum. 


Loveland  collection,   State 


Iroquois  Migration  Hypothesis 

For  the  sake  of  a  working  hypothesis  and  for  the  benefit  of  future 
discussion.  we  wish  to  advance  a  theory  explaining  the  presence  of 
the  Iroquois  in  this  particular  area. 

Let  us  suppose  that  the  one,  two  or  more  related  tribes  of  early 
Iluron-Iroquois  lived  in  a  portion  of  a  region  embraced  within  a 
circle  having  a  radius  of  200  miles  and  with  its  center  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio  river,  ere  they  were  in  contact  with  the  Caddo, 
the  Muskhogee,  the  Sioux  and  some  of  the  Algonkin.  They  were 
more  or  less  agricultural  and  sedentary  and  familiar  with  village 
life.  They  knew  how  to  erect  stockades  and  build  earthen  walls  for 
their  inclosures. 

Some  movement  of  intruding  immigrants  or  other  influence  caused 
them  as  a  body  to  push  northward  up  the  Ohio  river.  Some  went 
eastward  into  the  Carolinas,  but  the  main  body  migranted  in  a  north- 
easterly direction.  The  tribes  of  the  Cherokee  were  the  'first  to 
lead  the  way  and  crowded  upon  the  mound-building  Indians  of 
Ohio,  whom  they  fought  for  a  long  period  of  time.  They  finally 
overcame  the  Mound  Builders 1  and  absorbed  a  large  number  into 
their  own  tribal  divisions,  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  Mound- 
Builder  country.  Very  likely  they  were  assisted  in  this  conquest  by 
bands  of  Choctaw,  Algonkins  and  by  some  of  their  own  cognate 
kinsmen. 

They  then  took  upon  themselves  some  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
Mound  Builders,  but  endeavored  to  blot  out  some  of  their  arts,  to 
the  extent  of  mutilating  objects  they  regarded  as  symbolic  of  their 
former  enemies. 

Other  Iroquoian  tribes  then  pushed  northward  and  endeavored  to 
pass  through  the  Cherokee  Mound-Builder  country.  Jealousies  arose 
and  the  newcomers  with  the  Delaware  began  a  general  war 
against  them,  finally  driving  them  southward  and  across  the  Appa- 
lachian ranges.  This  estranged  the  two  branches  and  led  to  wars 
up  to  v:cll  into  the  historic  period. 

The  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  country  attracted  settlement,  but 
the  Cherokee  constantly  raided  their  villages.  Bands  then  began  to 


1  \Ye  use  this  term  only  as  a  convenient  expression  to  describe  the  Indian 
trills   of  the  region  under  discussion. 


156  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

cross  the  Detroit  river  and  push  their  way  into  the  peninsula  between 
Lakes  Huron,  Erie  and  Ontario.  A  band  now  known  as  the  Huron 
established  themselves  near  and  southward  of  Lake  Simcoe.  An 
allied  tribe,  the  Attiwandaronk  or  Neuter,  possessed  the  region 
south  and  east  of  them,  taking  the  Grand  River  country  and  pushing 
eastward  across  the  Niagara.  Still  other  bands  pushed  over  the 
northern  shores  of  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario  and  fought  their  way  t< 
the  mouth  of  the  St  Lawrence. 

Powerful  bands  established  themselves  about  the  St  Lawrence, 
with  the  site  of  Montreal  as  a  center.  They  were  the  Mohawk- 
Onondaga,  though  the  Onondaga  soon  pushed  southward  to  the  hilly 
region  east  of  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario,  in  the  present  Jefferson 
county. 

Certain  bands  continued  on  the  south  shores  of  the  lakes  and 
pushed  their  way  eastward.  One  division,  the  Erie,  claimed  nearly 
the  entire  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  while  the  Seneca,  pushing 
eastward  laid  hold  of  the  country  from  the  Genesee  river  to 
Canandaigua  lake. 

The  Conestoga  or  Andaste  took  northern  Pennsylvania,  especially 
the  region  embraced  by  the  two  branches  of  the  Susquehanna, 
including  the  Chemung  river  and  southward,  perhaps  as  far  as 
Harrisburg.  From  thence  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Chesapeake 
the  Susquehannock  claimed  dominion.  Still  southward  but  east  of 
the  Cherokee  pushed  the  Tuscarora  and  it  is  possible  that  bands  of 
them  earlier  lived  there. 

There  was  constant  intercourse  between  the  various  tribes  who 
were  well  aware  of  the  seats  of  one  another.  Often  the  various 
bands,  were  at  war  and  often  there  were  loose  alliances,  as  of  the 
Tuscarora  with  the  northern  Iroquois.  The  Cherokee  and  Iroquois, 
especially  the  Seneca,  were  constantly  at  war.  To  the  north  the 
chief  enemies  of  the  Iroquois  were  the  Adirondack,  who  later  allied 
themselves  with  the  Huron. 

The  Huron-Iroquois  pushed  the  eastern  Algonkin  to  a  narrow 
strip  along  the  coast  and  so  separated  them  from  their  western 
kinsmen  that  they  exercised  a  dominant  influence  over  their  material 
culture  and  to  some  extent  their  social  organization.  The  Delaware, 
who  were  closely  associated  with  the  Iroquois,  were  always  more  or 
less  friendly  with  them,  and  indeed  in  the  historic  period  at  least 
acknowledged  the  supreme  authority  of  the  confederated  Iroquois 
over  them. 


Plate   55 


12 


Fragments  of  Iroquoian  pottery  from  an  Iroquoian  site  near  South  Bend, 
Ind.     x%     Ernest  Young   collector. 


I5«  NEW    YORK    STATE    AH'SKl'M 

The  raids  of  the  Adirondack  or  Abenaki  of  the  north,  and  the 
hostility  of  the  southern  Iroquois  at  length  compelled  the  Lauren- 
tian  Iroquois,  the  Mohawk,  Onondaga  and  Oneida  tribes,  to  form 
a  compact  which  later  took  in  the  Cayuga  and  then  the  Seneca. 

The  Onondaga  early  had  pushed  farther  south,  leaving  their  east 
Ontario  (Jefferson  county)  strongholds  and  occupying  the  hilly 
country  south  of  Onondaga  lake,  in  the  present  Onondaga  county. 
The  incursions  of  the  Abenaki  made  this  necessary.  The  Mohawk 
soon  followed  owing  to  disagreements  with  the  Laurentian  Huron. 
In  their  southern  migration  they  came  upon  the  Mohawk  valley 
country  where  they  established  themselves  first  on  the  highlands 
north  of  the  river,  in  the  present  Fulton  and  Montgomery  counties, 
and  later  on  the  southern  side  of  the  river.  The  Oneida  band,  long  a 
separate  body,  moved  westward  into  the  highlands  of  Madison 
county.  Still  west  and  on  the  hills  near  Limestone  creek  were  the 
Onondaga  and  beyond  them  the  Cayuga  living  along  the  Seneca 
river  and  southward  about  Cayuga  lake. 

Between  these  divisions  of  Iroquois  in  spite  of  a  common  origin 
and  common  stock  dialects  there  were  frequent  feuds  and  much 
jealousy.  In  general  their  southern  neighbors  gave  them  too  much 
trouble  to  leave  much  time  for  war  between  themselves.  The 
Mohawk  sent  war  parties  north  to  harass  their  foes,  the  Huron  and 
Abenaki  and  even  the  Micmac,  but  in  turn  were  disturbed  by  the 
Conestoga  or  Andaste,  whose  Chemung  valley  settlements  made  war 
on  the  Cayuga  also.  The  Seneca  and  Erie  tribes  in  the  Genesee 
country  and  along  Lake  Erie  were  in  constant  intercourse  and  per- 
haps allied  for  defensive  purposes.  The  westernmost  Seneca  set- 
tlements were  especially  friendly  with  the  Erie.  On  both  sides  of 
the  Niagara  river  were  the  villages  of  the  Attiwandaronk  or  Neu- 
tral, considered  an  old  and  parent  body  of  all  the  Huron-Iroquois. 
Within  one  of  their  villages  near  the  Niagara  lived  Ji-gon-sa-seh, 
'  The  Mother  of  Nations,"  a  woman  who  was  a  lineal  descendant  of 
"  the  first  woman  of  earth." 

The  Neutral  had  a  series  of  eastern  settlements  occupied  by  a 
band  calling  themselves  the  Wenro. 

The  pressure  of  the  eastern  Iroquois  and  the  additional  power 
their  friendship  would  give,  made  the  idea  of  a  confederacy  to  the 
Seneca  an  inviting  one  and  a  large  portion  of  the  nation  subscribed 
to  it.  The  Erie  were  not  kindly  disposed  to  the  idea  and  the  south- 
ern Iroquois  were  not  at  all  attracted  by  it.  The  Neutral  sawr  no 
need  of  entering  the  league  since  they  made  no  local  war  and  since 


I  Hi:    ARC  HEOLOG1CAL    HISTORY    OF    NK\V    YORK  159 

both  their  Huron  and  Iroquois  kinsmen  respected  their  ancient 
authority  and  the  prestige  given  them  by  the  "  Mother  of  Nations." 
Thus,  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  or  Long  House  came  to  embrace 
only  the  Mohawk,  Oneida,  Onondaga,  Cayuga  and  Seneca.  The 
fact  that  some  of  their  kinsmen  would  not  join  the  confederacy  was 
displeasing  to  the  Five  Nations,  who  though  dedicating  their  league 
to  the  establishment  of  peace  saw  grave  danger  in  their  neighbors 
who  refused  to  subscribe  to  the  articles  of  friendship.  The  new 
confederacy  was  soon  beset  with  enemies  on  all  sides  who  saw  in  its 
rising  influence  a  general  danger.  But  the  confederacy  developed 
certain  mental  qualities  within  its  leaders  who  were  not  to  be  over- 
whelmed. They  became  astute  statesmen  as  well  as  ferocious  war- 
riors. They  learned  the  advantage  of  concerted  action,  of  com- 
promise among  themselves  and  of  organizing  mass  onslaughts.  Thus 
nation  after  nation  fell  before  them, —  the  Erie,  the  Neutral,  the 
Huron,  the  Wenro,  and  the  Conestoga.  The  Cherokee  were  too  far 
away  to  reach  effectively.  Although  the  Five  Nations  lost  thou- 
sands of  warriors  their  foes  lost  more  and  the  surviving  enemy 
were  made  captives,  led  into  the  Iroquois  villages  and  adopted.  This 
swelled  their  ranks  enormously  and  virtually  united  by  blood 
mixture  all  the  Iroquois. 

The  triumph  did  not  come  to  them,  however,  until  the  middle  of 
the  colonial  period,  and  with  this  triumph  came  the  golden  age  of  the 
Five  Nations.  This  was  from  about  1650  to  1755.  Before  the 
earlier  date  their  foes  had  been  Indians ;  after  that  date  they  battled 
with  the  white  man,  it  is  true,  but  they  lost  no  power.  By  1755. 
however,  the  colonists  had  come  in  such  numbers  that  the  Five 
Nations  saw  the  end  of  their  ascendancy  as  a  dictatory  power. 
They  had  come,  they  had  conquered  and  now  they  became  engulfed 
in  a  complex  of  cultural  elements  of  which  their  ancestors  had  never 
dreamed. 

"When  one  considers  how  many  captives  were  taken  by  the  Iro- 
quois tribes,  and  how  extensive  their  trade  and  their  raids  were,  it 
seems  little  short  of  marvelous  that  so  few  non-Iroquoian  articles 
are  found  on  the  sites  of  their  former  habitation.  Nearly  every- 
thing we  find  is  unmistakably  Iroquois,  as  if  among  all  the  tribes 
that  they  met  and  conquered  nothing  that  they  made  was  worth 
taking  or  copying  by  the  Iroquois.  They  even  rejected  certain 
objects,  as  we  have  already  seen,  that  ordinarily  must  have  been 
attractive  to  them.  It  is  true  that  some  non-Iroquoian  articles  may 
have  been  found,  but  these  are  very  few  and  may  have  been  lost 


l6o  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

by  the  wandering  enemy  or  concealed  by  captives.  We  are  thus 
compelled  to  believe,  since  the  preponderance  of  evidence  supports 
it,  that  the  Iroquois  held  their  material  culture  a  crystallized  thing,  a 
possession  that  must  not  be  adulterated  or  violated.  They  must  have 
deliberately  stripped  their  captives  of  everything  distinctively  non- 
Iroquoian  and  prevented  them  from  making  distinctive  objects  of 
other  tribes.  Historically  we  know  that  the  Iroquois  removed  the 
moccasins  of  their  captives  and  placed  upon  their  feet  those  of  the 
Iroquois  pattern.  In  all  this  there  is  an  interesting  suggestion  for 
the  study  of  American  Indian  folk  belief. 

With  the  coming  of  the  European  many  of  these  older  beliefs 
began  to  crumble.  The  white  man's  goods  were  desirable  to  a 
degree  that  broke  down  all  resistance.  They  were  rilled  with  the 
potent  magic  of  the  white  man  and  gave  power  and  speed  to  those 
who  used  them.  Thus  on  all  Iroquois  sites  that  were  occupied  when 
the  European  traders  tracked  their  way  through  the  forests,  Euro- 
pean articles  may  be  found.  The  number  of  implements  of  the 
white  man's  manufacture  found  on  sites  increases  as  time  goes  on, 
until  in  midcolonial  times  the  sites  of  Iroquois  towns,  as  at  Bough- 
ton  Hill  and  Rochester  Junction,  are  strewn  with  scraps  of  brass 
and  bits  of  iron.  Even  the  graves  contain  guns,  scissors,  copper  and 
brass  kettles,  and  glass  beads  are  shoveled  up  by  the  quart.  In  late 
colonial  sites  European  articles  predominate  and  as  the  nineteenth 
century  advanced,  distinctively  Indian  things  all  but  disappear. 

Only  in  a  few  places  today  do  the  Iroquois  tribes  make  any  dur- 
able thing  that  is  similar  to  their  old  manufactures,  though  they  do 
have  a  few  ceremonial  articles  of  bark,  wood,  husk  and  skin.  They 
make  nothing  more  of  stone,  clay  or  flint.  They  still  make  —  at 
least  some  non-Christian  Iroquois  do  —  turtle  shell  rattles.  Their 
rarly  belief  told  how  the  earth  rested  on  the  back  of  a  turtle.  It  was 
the  first  permanent  thing ;  likewise  the  shell  of  the  turtle,  empty  save 
for  a  few  kernels  of  corn  or  small  pebbles,  is  the  last  characteristic 
thing  of  their  culture  that  when  buried  in  the  earth  will  survive  the 
action  of  the  elements.  The  white  man's  goods  and  the  white  man's 
way  of  living  have  all  but  obliterated  the  Iroquois.  The  so-called 
"  pagans  "  have  a  few  ceremonies,  make  a  few  ceremonial  and  use- 
ful articles  and  remember  a  few  legends  yet,  but  outwardly  the 
bronze-skinned  Iroquois  is  dressed  as  a  white  man  who  gains  his 
livelihood  as  white  men  do,  by  working  as  a  section  hand,  upon  the 
farm  or  in  the  shop,  or  perchance  by  writing  treatises  upon  arche- 
ology. There  arc  few  things  he  can  not  now  do  that  other  races 


Till-:   ARCHEOI.OG1CAL   HISTORY   OF   NK\V    YORK  l6l 

do.  And  it  should  be  recorded  that  several  hundred  of  the  younger 
men  volunteered  for  the  late  war  as  soldiers  of  the  American  and 
Canadian  expeditionary  forces  and  went  overseas  in  almost  every 
capacity  from  private  to  captain,  thereby  in  the  most  effective  manner 
strengthening  the  bonds  that  unite  them,  the  Iroquois,  with  the  com- 
mon brotherhood  of  nations.  Thus  we  may  see  whither  they  go,  but 
our  problem  has  been  to  determine  whence  they  came.  Our  infor- 
mation as  we  have  seen,  points  to  a  source  to  the  west,  and  down  the 
Ohio.  We  ought  to  find  plain  evidences  of  early  Iroquois  sites  all 
along  the  Ohio  river  and  westward  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie 
r.nd  even  as  far  as  Wisconsin,  thence  southward  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Ohio. 


IV 

CERTAIN  TYPE  SITES  INTENSIVELY  EXPLORED 
BURNING  SPRING  PREHISTORIC  IROQUOIAN  SITE 

NEAR   VERSAILLES,    CATTARAUGUS    COUNTY 

BY  ARTHUR  C.  PARKER 

Burning  Spring  fort  is  a  precolonial  Iroquoian  stronghold  in  the 
township  of  Perrysburg,  Cattaraugus  county,  New  York.  It  is 
situated  on  the  point  of  a  ridge  jutting  out  from  the  superior  terrace 
on  the  southeast  side  of  Cattaraugus  creek,  southeast  of  the  mouth 
of  Big  Indian  creek. 

The  earth  wall  that  forms  the  breastworks  of  the  fort  is  locally 
supposed  to  have  been  beyond  the  powers  of  Indians  to  erect  and  is 
therefore  credited,  for  no  apparent  reason  beyond  this,  to  the 
French,  and  the  place  has  therefore  been  called  the  "  Old  French 
Fort."  The  name  of  "  Burning  Spring  fort  "  has  been  substituted 
in  this  account  as  more  descriptive  of  its  location  and  as  more  con- 
sistent with  fact. 

The  "  burning  spring "  is  found  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  upon 
which  the  fort  is  located  and  takes  its  name  from  the  gas  that 
bubbles  from  the  rocks  beneath  the  water  at  the  base  of  Burning 
Spring  falls,  a  stone's  throw  from  the  mouth  of  Big  Indian  creek. 
The  gas,  up  to  some  twenty  years  ago,  issued  in  considerable  volume, 
and  once  lighted  continued  burning  until  extinguished  by  a  heavy 
freshet  or  by  high  winds.  At  present  the  gas  is  emitted  in  small 
quantities  from  a  crevice  in  the  slate  rock  and  supports  but  a  feeble 
flame.  Still,  the  picturesque  falls,  the  wide  slate-bottomed  creek, 
the  sulphur  spring,  the  ancient  fort  above  and  the  romantic  sur- 
roundings have  for  many  years  made  the  spot  an  ideal  one  for 
picnics. 

The  fort  proper  embraces  an  area  of  about  one  acre.  The  site 
is  one  admirably  adapted  by  its  natural  surroundings  for  a  fortified 
refuge,  the  swift  treacherous  Cattaraugus  on  the  north  preventing 
easy  access  from  that  direction  and  the  high,  almost  perpendicular, 
slate  cliffs  of  Big  Indian  creek  on  the  west  forming  effective  bar- 
riers there.  The  eastern  hillside  is  less  steep  but  is  protected  by  a 
series  of  trenches,  shielded  by  walls  of  earth,  dug  into  the  hill  at 
intervals  from  top  to  bottom.  These  outposts  are  found  at  all  easilv 
accessible  parts  of  the  bank.  They  were  possibly  intended  as  vantage 

[162] 


11 


164  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

places  from  which  an  enemy  could  be  fought  and  driven  down  the 
slope.  Plate  58  is  a  cross  section  of  the  eastern  hill  near  the  gateway 
of  the  fort  and  shows  two  of  the  outposts.  Plate  59  gives  the 
outline  of  one  looking  down  and  into  it. 

That  these  walls  and  trenches  are  artificial  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  potsherds,  fire-broken  stones,  chipped  flints,  and  stone  imple- 
ments were  found  below  the  modern  bottoms  of  the  trenches  behind 
them.  This  indicates  that  they  were  occupied.  The  earth  of  which 
the  walls  are  composed,  upon  examination,  proves  to  have  been 
thrown  up  by  men  because  the  strata  of  soil  are  reversed  and 
intermixed. 

The  fort  is  separated  from  the  point  of  which  it  is  a  part  by  a 
wall  200  feet  in  length  that  curves  irregularly  from  bank  to  bank. 
That  this  wall  is  of  artificial  origin  is  evident  at  a  glance  and  this 
is  confirmed  by  an  examination  of  the  earth  of  which  the  wall  is 
built.  The  late-washed  sand  is  found  on  top  while  the  yellow  sand 
and  top  soil  are  found  beneath.  The  base  of  the  wall  is  14  feet  in 
thickness  while  the  ditch  from  the  crest  of  the  wall  to  the  outer  edge 
of  the  excavation  is  16  feet  wide.  The  average  height  of  the  wall 
from  the  bottom  of  the  trench  is  5  feet.  Near  the  eastern  side  of 
the  fort  where  the  hill  is  not  steep  the  wall  as  it  approaches  it  is 
higher  and  steeper  and  the  trench  deeper.  A  depression  in  the  top 
of  the  wall  at  this  point  seems  to  indicate  the  ancient  gateway.  A 
log  probably  bridged  the  ditch  at  this  place  over  the  deep  pit. 

That  the  site  was  anciently  occupied  by  man  is  to  be  judged  not 
only  from  the  wall  but  from  the  pottery  fragments,  flint  chips,  flint 
articles,  stones  showing  signs  of  use  and  fire-broken  stones  found 
scattered  over  the  surface  of  the  ground  within  the  wall-'nclosed 
area.  Such  objects  always  constitu  e  good  evidence  of  aboriginal 
occupation. 

In  view  of  the  interesting  location  of  the  Burning  Spring  site,  its 
remarkable  features  and  pronounced  evidence  of  aboriginal  occupa- 
tion it  was  chosen  as  a  site  most  worthy  of  archeological  research, 
the  object  being  to  discover  if  possible  the  tribal  identity  of  the 
one-time  occupants  and  builders  of  the  fort,  and  to  find  as  many 
specimens  of  their  manufactured  implements,  etc.  as  possible,  the 
former  to  be  deduced  from  the  latter. 

The  owner  of  the  'fort,  an  Indian,  never  permitted  anyone  to 
excavate  in  it  and  before  his  death  in  1902  he  instructed  his  two 
daughters  to  see  that  no  white  man  should  ever  touch  it  if  they 
could  prevent  it.  Many  people,  however,  at  various  times  surrep- 
titiously dug  holes  in  the  wall  hoping  to  find  relics  therein  and  a  few 


' 

*• 

, 


. 

• 


I 


ex 
in 


l66  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

more  experienced  than  the  rest  dug  pits  near  it.  Beyond  this  no 
systematic  effort  has  ever  been  made  to  excavate  the  site. 

A  lease  was  secured  August  20,  1905,  and  excavations  begun  in 
a  narrow  strip  that  lay  on  the  southern  end  near  the  wall,  all  other 
portions  at  the  time  being  under  cultivation.  Between  August  2Oth 
and  October  I5th  twenty-five  trenches  8  to  10  feet  wide  were  dug 
through  the  stratum  showing  signs  of  disturbance,  crops  having 
been  removed  about  September  2Oth,  permitting  free  use  of  the 
ground.  In  the  trenches  were  found  thirty-five  pits  while  fifteen 
others  were  discovered  by  the  "  post  holing  "  method.  These  pits, 
with  few  exceptions,  were  fireplaces.  Fifty  inches  was  the  maxi- 
mum depth  to  which  disturbed  earth  extended  and  30  inches  was 
the  average.  Usually  the  pits  contained  several  layers,  the  bottom 
being  composed  of  a  deposit  of  charcoal  and  ash  intermixed  with 
fragments  of  broken  pots,  flint  chips,  etc.  A  layer  of  stained 
yellow  sand  covered  this  and  above  it  another  stratum  of  charcoal 
and  ash,  while  above  all  was  the  top  soil  that  gave  no  clue  to  the 
pit  beneath. 

Nearly  all  the  objects  in  the  collection  of  archeological  material 
were  discovered  in  these  pits. 

Pits  of  this  kind  are  common  on  most  Indian  sites ;  as  is  commonly 
known  fires  were  built  within  them  for  heat,  light  and  for  cooking 
purposes.  A  deposit  of  charcoal  and  ash  thus  accumulated  in  the 
bottoms  of  the  excavations.  To  extinguish  the  fire  loose  dirt  or 
sods  were  thrown  in,  covering  the  embers  and  smothering  the 
flames.  Sweepings  from  the  wigwam  floor  were  also  thrown  in. 
This  refuse  consisted  of  broken  earthenware,  bones  of  animals, 
shells  of  shell  fish,  waste  food,  discarded  stone  implements  and 
other  similar  things.  Often  by  accident  or  intent  objects  of  value, 
such  as  perfect  flints,  bone  implements,  trinkets  etc.  were  swept  or 
thrown  in.  A  new  fire  was  built  and  the  process  repeated  until 
the  pit  was  filled  and  abandoned.  Pits  are  therefore  places  in  which 
one  may  find  many  things  of  interest  bearing  on  the  life  and  arts 
of  the  ancient  people  whose  history  he  is  endeavoring  to  discover. 

Much  of  the  vegetable  matter  thrown  upon  the  fire  in  pits 
became  carbonized,  thus  preserving  its  form.  In  the  Burning  Spring 
pits  were  found  charred  walnut  and  butternut  shells,  corn  and  wild 
plum  pits.  We  may  be  fairly  sure  therefore  that  the  occupants  of 
the  site  ate  such  things  though  they  probably  ate  many  other  things 
besides. 

The  bones  in  Burning  Spring  fort  pits  were  so  far  decomposed 
that  only  a  few  were  discovered,  a  few  bones  of  bear,  deer  and  fish 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL   HISTORY   OF   NEW    YORK  l6/ 

being  the  only  ones  found.  In  almost  all  sites  in  the  vicinity  the 
bones  are  almost  as  tough  and  hard  as  when  the  meat  was  stripped 
from  them  several  hundred  years  ago. 

The  pottery  from  Burning  Spring  is  in  most  ways  similar  to  all 
early  Iroquoian  pottery  in  composition  and  design.  A  critical  study 
and  comparison  does  not  show  it  to  be  different  in  any  essential 
respect.  The  pipe  pottery  is  somewhat  different  in  form  and 
design  from  any  Erie  pipe  pottery  from  sites  in  which  European 
articles  are  found.  The  bowls  are  thinner  and  more  capacious. 
The  designs  on  the  earthen  pots  are  numerous  and  a  great  deal  of 
ingenuity  is  displayed  in  ornamentation  by  means  of  dots,  single 
lines,  parallel  lines,  oblique  lines  and  dashes.  Specimens  showing 
fabric  markings,  those  showing  imprints  made  by  a  cord  wound 
stick,  and  also  those  on  which  there  are  imitation  cord  marks  are 
numerous.  Pottery  tempered  by  mixing  with  the  clay,  pulverized 
flint,  quartz  mica  schist  and  shell  and  coarse  sand  are  among  the 
specimens.  A  number  of  sherds  perforated  on  either  side  of  a 
fracture  were  discovered.  Sinews  or  bark  cords  were  probably 
passed  through  these  holes  to  bind  the  break  which  was  cemented 
by  pitch. 

The  stone  implements  are  most  numerous  and  varied.  Many 
hammerstones  were  found.  These  were  usually  of  natural  discoidal 
pebbles  pitted  or  picked  on  either  side  to  afford  a  better  hold.  The 
collection  contains  a  number  of  anvils  bearing  the  marks  of  flints 
that  have  been  chipped  upon  them.  Two  grinding  stones  and  two 
mullers  were  found.  Specimen  177  is  a  good  example  of  a  smooth 
shallow  matete  while  132  is  a  rough  one  which,  when  reversed, 
served  as  an  anvil.  Three  cylindrical  pestles  were  discovered  in 
pits.  Specimen  22  is  a  good  example  of  a  chipped  pestle.  Specimen 
108  is  a  pestlelike  object  made  from  some  soft  stone.  It  is  so  soft 
that  it  could  hardly  have  been  used  for  heavy  pounding.  The  stone 
axes  or  celts  were  among  the  interesting  specimens  of  the  polished 
stone  implements.  They  are  interesting  because  they  are  dissimilar. 
That  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  site  were  fishermen  seems  evi- 
dent from  the  number  of  net-sinkers  found.  They  are  of  the  usual 
type  found  on  all  sites  ancient  or  modern.  Specimen  115  is  a  good 
illustration  of  the  average  form  of  a  net-sinker. 

Flint  objects  were  fairly  abundant  and  include  scrapers,  a  few 
perforators,  knives,  spears,  triangular  arrow  points,  a  few  notched 
points,  blank  or  cache  blades,  rejects,  broken  points  and  chips  —  in 
fact,  a  complete  collection  of  flint  objects  and  the  waste  and  acci- 
dents incident  to  their  manufacture. 


Plate   58 


•       DOTHO   LINES  5>«OW    PRO0ABLE 
ORIGINAL  HEIGHT  OrWALU  AND 
DEPTH     Or    TRENCH 


Outline  of  the  Burning  Spring  fort  showing  cross  section 


Plate   59 


SCALE;   ONE  INCH*r/r7Y  TCET 


MEADOW- 


Notebook  sketch  of  the  area  within  the  Burning  Spring  fortification.     The 
wall  and   ditch  are   indicated  and  the   trenches   outlined. 


I7O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEl'M 

The  flint  articles  found  at  Burning  Spring  are  of  a  different  type 
from  those  found  in  the  site  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cattaraugus  creek 
and  were  made  by  a  different  people.  The  material  is  also  different, 
no  jasper  or  fine  quality  of  flint  being  found.  The  material  with- 
out exception  is  the  local  flint  and  chert. 

Three  disintegrated  skeletons  were  found  in  pits  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  fort,  but  these  were  so  far  decomposed  that  they  would 
have  resisted  every  artifice  to  restore  them.  .v 

Each  grave  pit  contained  a  smaller  intrusive  pit  and  a  quantity  of 
charred  straw  or  grass.  Grave  pit  I  contained  a  large  broken  pot- 
tery vessel,  pit  2  a  broken  pipe  bowl  and  pit  3  a  rude  axe  or  celt. 

Nothing  of  the  positions  of  skeletons  could  be  determined.  That 
no  complete  skeletons  could  be  found  is  to  be  regretted. 

No  metallic  articles  were  discovered,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  Bulletin  32,  The  Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York,  contains 
a  paragraph  on  the  site  in  which  it  is  stated  that  explorers  in  1838 
discovered  skeletons  and  iron  axes  within  it.  Such  articles  may  have 
been  found  near  the  site  near  the  mouth  of  Castile  or  Indian  creek 
2  miles  above  Burning  Spring  and  been  credited  by  mistake  to  Burn- 
ing Spring  fort. 

The  character  of  the  objects  found  here  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  site  is  one  occupied  by  a  branch  of  some  early  Iroquoian 
tribe.  It  can  not  have  been  the  Seneca  for  it  antedates  the  Seneca 
occupation.  It  is  probably  Erie,  but  if  so,  seems  very  early.  The 
vessel  pottery  is  similar  to  the  early  Iroquoian ;  for  example,  Jeffer- 
son or  Onondaga  counties.  The  pipe  bowls  are  early  Iroquoian 
but  the  bowls  are  thinner  and  of  greater  capacity.  They  are  Iro- 
quoian but  not  of  an  ordinary  type. 

A  PREHISTORIC   IROQUOIAN  VILLAGE  AND   BURIAL 

SITE  IN  CHAUTAUQUA  COUNTY 

BY  ARTHUR   C.    PARKER 

Early  in  the  month  of  May  1907,  a  preliminary  examination  was 
made  by  the  writer  of  some  of  the  earthworks  in  that  part  of 
Chautauqua  county  lying  south  of  the  Chautauqua  range  of  hills  in 
the  Allegheny-Ohio  watershed.  The  outlook  seemed  a  promising 
one,  judging  from  the  abundance  of  earthworks  visited  and  reported. 
The  Cassadaga  valley  was  of  special  interest  and  a  season's  cam- 
paign of  investigation  was  planned  for  this  region.  Upon  the 
uneven  stream-cut  hills  that  rise  from  the  ancient  lake  bottoms  were 
found  everywhere  traces  of  an  early  people  which  seemed  eminently 


Plate    60 


Fig.  I     The   central   pit   in   the    M 


Fig.  2    View  looking  over  the  burial  knoll.     Ossuary  5  was  found  near  the 
stump   shown   in   the   left-hand   corner   of    the   picture. 


172  NEW    YORK    STATE    Ml'SEU.M 

worthy  of  study.  How  numerous  are  the  fort  sites  may  be  sug- 
gested when  it  is  stated  that  from  a  hill  just  over  the  town  line  in 
Charlotte  are  to  be  seen  the  sites  of  seven  and  possibly  eight  fort 
and  camp  sites. 

One  of  the  sites  to  which  considerable  attention  was  devoted  is 
situated  in  a  sugarbush  on  the  Martin  McCullough  farm,  lot  38, 
Gerry  township.  Here  surrounded  by  a  swamp  from  which  rise 
sloping  hills  is  a  rise  of  land  some  3  feet  above  the  swamp  level. 
Upon  this  rise  of  ground  is  an  oval  or  rather  kite-shaped  earthwork 
1297  feet  in  circumference.  The  wall  is  now  from  22  to  24  inches 
in  height  and  is  composed  of  the  earth  which  was  scooped  from  an 
outer  ditch  bordering  the  wall.  This  earthen  ridge  first  attracted 
the  attention  of  Obed  Edson  who  some  fifty  years  ago  was  engaged 
in  running  the  lot  lines.  Some  mention  of  it  is  contained  in  the 
various  county  histories  to  which  he  has  contributed  or  written. 
Numbers  of  men  distinguished  in  archeologic  science  have  visited 
the  place  and  more  than  a  dozen  years  ago  representatives  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution  made  some  investigations  there.  To  the 
west  of  the  earth  wall  rises  a  small  knoll  which  appeared  to  be 
composed  of  glacial  sand  and  to  the  north  running  through  a  little 
valley  is  a  brooklet.  Within  the  wall  are  numerous  pits  or  depres- 
sions 5  or  6  feet  in  diameter  and  3  to  9  inches  deep.  These,  upon 
examination,  proved  to  be  shallow  refuse  pits  with  an  original 
depth  of  from  i  to  2^2  feet.  A  rather  remarkable  pit  is  situated 
almost  in  the  center  of  the  inclosure  and  measures  157  feet  in  cir- 
cumference with  a  depth  of  5  feet.  The  earth  wall  is  surrounded  on 
its  outer  side  by  a  ditch  which  is  at  present  but  little  more  than  a 
foot  below  the  normal  level  of  the  surface.  The  wall  at  present  is 
on  the  average  8  or  9  feet  through  at  the  base  and  the  crest  of  the 
ridge  rises  2  feet  in  places.  The  ditch  and  wall  are  entirely  visible 
in  lot  38  and  the  wall  may  be  traced  in  lot  30  where  the  ground  has 
been  cultivated  for  several  years.  An  enormous  white  pine  stump 
stands  on  the  northwestern  side  of  the  wall.  A  cross-section  of 
this  stump  was  made  by  Hon.  Obed  Edson  and  more  than  400 
rings  were  counted.  At  the  northwest  corner  of  the  earthwork 
where  the  stump  stands,  the  surface  of  the  ground  is  20  feet  higher 
than  the  brook  bed,  which  lies  to  the  north  25  feet  distant.  At  the 
lot  line  on  the  east  the  earth  wall  takes  an  abrupt  turn  almost  at 
right  angles  and  runs  about  parallel  to  the  line  for  450  feet. 

Within  the  inclosure  at  about  its  mid  point  is  the  bowl-shaped 
depression,  previously  mentioned.  The  pit  is  5  feet  deep  and  50  feet 
in  diameter.  In  area  the  inclosure  is  about  3  acres. 


Plate   61 

LONG    SLOPE 


SKETCH  MAP 
OF 

t  THE  Me   CULLOUGH  FARM  SITE 

GERRY 
Swampy 

Sketch  map  of  the  McCnlloch  Farm  site,  Gerry,  Chautauqua  county 


174  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

It  was  found  after  some  expenditure  of  time  that  very  little 
movable  material  data  bearing  on  the  original  inhabitants  could 
be  hoped  for.  Specimens  of  the  arts  and  manufactures  were 
few  and  fragmentary.  However,  bearing  in  mind  that  the  problem 
was  to  discover  the  identity  and  characteristics  of  the  builders  of  the 
earthworks,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  continue  until  they  could  be 
thoroughly  studied  and  every  important  fact  obtainable  brought  to- 
light.  Since  the  area  within  the  inclosure  refused  to  divulge  all  the 
desired  information,  it  was  sought  to  discover  the  burials  and  wring 
from  the  crumbling  bones  of  these  swamp  dwellers  some  word  or 
fact  to  dispel  the  mystery. 

Post  holes  were  dug  in  the  ridge  to  the  west  of  the  earth-walled 
inclosure  to  discover,  if  possible,  whether  or  not  there  were  any 
burials,  it  being  the  spot  most  suited  for  graves,  in  point  of  accessi- 
bility. The  surrounding  ground  was  swampy  and  the  loam  but  a 
few  inches  in  depth  when  a  stiff  clay  or  hardpan  was  encountered. 
The  knoll,  on  the  other  hand,  was  dry  and  sandy. 

After  forty  tests  had  been  made,  running  from  the  brook  on  the 
north  in  a  southerly  direction,  an  area  of  disturbed  earth  was  found 
and  a  trench  staked  out  for  systematic  excavation.  Following  the 
rule  the  trench  was  one  rod  wide.  Trench  i  was  run  over  the  crest 
of  the  ridge  from  south  to  north. 

Burial  i,  was  found  at  16  feet  in  the  middle  of  the  trench  20 
inches  below  the  surface.  A  root-eaten  skeleton  of  a  young  female 
was  discovered.  The  skull  was  crushed  at  the  top.  Only  the  skull 
and  upper  ribs  and  upper  arm  bones  were  found.  The  head  lay  to 
the  northeast,  face  northwest.  Twenty-eight  inches  southeast  and 
above  the  head  was  an  ash  pit  18  inches  deep.  It  was  filled  with 
white  ashes.  The  superincumbent  soil  was  sandy  and  intermixed 
with  bits  of  charcoal. 

Burial  2.  At  16  feet  on  the  west  side  of  the  trench,  36  inches 
below  the  surface  and  opposite  burial  i,  burial  2  was  discovered. 
The  skeleton  was  that  of  an  adult  male  and  lay  in  a  flexed  position. 
Measurements  of  the  skeleton  as  it  lay  led  to  the  following  data: 
33  inches  from  top  of  skull  to  heel ;  knee  to  back,  9  inches ;  pelvis  to 
top  of  head,  33  inches.  The  soil  was  strewn  with  charcoal  bits  and 
potsherds.  A  black  fibrous  phosphate  was  noticeable  in  the  grave 
soil. 

Two  empty  graves  were  found  between  this  burial  and  the  next 
(no.  3).  Their  character  as  graves  was  shown  by  the  soft,  loose 
and  disturbed  soil  which  lay  surrounded  by  the  hard,  undisturbed 
grit.  It  was  an  easy  matter  to  shovel  out  the  grave  soil  because  of 


Plate    62 


rrave  6.  McCullough  farm  site,  Gerry,  N.  Y 


Fig.  2    Ossuary  5,  McCullough  site,  Gerry,  containing  14  skeletons 


176  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

its  looseness,  without  disturbing  the  wall  of  the  grave.  Only  a  few 
fragments  of  bones  were  discovered  in  these  empty  graves. 

Burial  3.  Discovered  at  34  feet  on  the  west  side  of  trench  i,  26 
inches  down.  Skeleton  was  that  of  an  infant  8  or  9  years  old.  The 
skull  was  crushed.  The  body  lay  in  a  grave  outlined  by  a  row  of 
flat  stones  placed  upright  on  edge.  Orientation:  head,  east-south- 
east ;  face  north-northwest ;  right  side,  flexed.  Body  lay  east-south- 
east by  north-northwest.  From  top  of  head  to  end  of  toes  2  feet 
3  inches.  Black  substance  in  grave.  Ash  pit  south  of  skull  at  18 
inches.  Grave  soil  much  disturbed. 

Burial  4  was  found  at  33  feet  on  the  east  side  of  the  trench.  The 
depth  was  25  inches  and  the  grave  outline  60  by  35  inches.  A 
decayed  male  skeleton  lying  in  the  usual  flexed  position.  Orienta- 
tion :  head,  south-southeast ;  face  west-southwest,  left  side.  The 
skeleton  as  it  lay  measured  36  inches  from  top  of  head  to  heel  and 
15  inches  from  knee  to  back.  The  superincumbent  grave  soil  was 
much  disturbed.  An  ash  pit  2^2  feet  in  diameter  and  I  foot  deep 
was  found  just  south  of  the  grave. 

Between  graves  3  and  4  there  was  a  streak  of  disturbed  earth  30 
inches  deep,  as  if  the  entire  ground  had  once  been  turned  over  to  this 
depth.  There  was  a  thin  separating  wall  as  if  there  had  been  two 
other  graves  here. 

Burial  5.  At  40  feet  on  the  east  side  of  trench  i  the  tops  of  two 
boulders  were  struck  and  a  few  inches  north  of  them  a  heavy  bed 
of  white  ashes.  Beneath  the  ash  bed,  n  inches  from  the  surface 
of  the  ground,  the  tops  of  several  skulls  were  touched.  Careful 
excavation  revealed  a  small  ossuary  containing  the  remains  of  parts 
of  fourteen  skeletons. 

The  bones  were  placed  in  a  rectangular  heap  measuring  north- 
east to  southwest,  2  feet  4  inches,  by  northwest  to  southeast,  i  foot 
8  inches.  The  large  bones,  femora,  tibiae  etc.,  lay  northwest  and 
southeast.  Six  skulls  were  arranged  around  the  top  of  the  ossuary 
and  beneath  them  were  four  others,  all  broken.  '  When  the  bones 
were  removed  twenty-seven  femora  were  found  which  would  indi- 
cate parts  of  fourteen  individuals.  The  earth  had  packed  about  the 
outer  bones  and  had  not  fallen  into  the  interstices  of  the  bone  heap 
below.  The  area  of  the  disturbed  earth  was,  in  diameter  4  feet 
6  inches.  The  two  boulders  south  of  the  ossuary  had  probably  been 
placed  as  hidden  markers.  Large  stones  had  not  been  encountered 
before  in  the  sand  of  the  knoll. 

Just  beyond  the  ossuary  to  the  south  was  a  large  ash  pit  48  inches 


T1IK   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  177 

in  diameter.  In  depth  the  ossuary  was  16  inches,  or  from  the  top 
of  the  ground  to  the  bottom,  27  inches. 

Burial  6.  This  grave  was  discovered  at  37  feet  outside  of  trench 
I,  on  the  west  side.  It  was  36  inches  deep,  36  inches  wide  and  55 
inches  long. 

This  grave,  unlike  the  others,  seems  to  have  been  an  original 
burial,  that  is  to  say,  the  earth  had  not  been  overturned  more  than 
once.  The  other  graves  seem  to  have  been  used  several  times,  the 
bones  being  removed  for  ossuary  burial  or  other  disposition,  and 
a  new  body  interred  therein. 

The  skeleton  was  that  of  an  adult  male  of  mature  years  (about 
60).  A  heron's  lower  mandible  was  found  at  the  forehead  as  if  it 
had  been  used  as  a  hairpin.  The  earth  had  packed  about  the  limbs 
and  neck  and  left  in  the  clay-mixed  sand  a  cast  of  the  body.  A 
black  phosphate  surrounded  the  bones,  the  remains  of  the  animal 
tissue  and  burial  wrappings. 

Measurements  of  position  gave  the  following  data:  knee  to  back, 
17  inches;  atlas  to  os  innominata  2  feet  5  inches;  atlas  to  end  of 
tarsus,  3  feet  2  inches.  Orientation:  head  east;  face,  south;  left 
side  flexed.  Bones  in  good  condition  except  those  of  the  two  lower 
arms. 

Burial  7.  Another  grave  was  opened  at  44  feet  on  the  west  side. 
It  was  30  inches  deep  and  contained  only  a  few  decayed  vertebrae 
and  a  deposit  of  grave  dirt.  The  larger  bones  had  probably  been 
removed  for  ossuary  burial. 

Burial  8.  At  49  feet  on  the  west  side,  grave  8  was  found.  It 
was  19  inches  deep  and  contained  a  few  decayed  bones,  part  of  a 
femur  and  the  crushed  remains  of  a  child's  skull.  Over  this  grave 
was  a  layer  of  thin  slabs.  At  the  south  end  of  the  grave  was  a 
boulder  12  inches  in  diameter.  It  was  18  inches  below  the  surface. 
The  skull  lay  with  the  top  east.  A  large  piece  of  shale  lay  directly 
beneath  the  pelvis.  Between  this  grave  and  the  next  was  an  ash 
bed  7  inches  deep. 

Burial  9.  At  50  feet  in  trench  i  touching  the  line  on  the  east  side, 
20  inches  below  the  surface,  the  top  of  another  ossuary  was  un- 
covered. Excavation  disclosed  a  bone  pile  48  inches  from  north  to 
south  and  33  inches  from  east  to  west. 

Unlike  burial  5,  the  first  ossuary,  this  was  a  promiscuous  heap 
of  bones  cast  without  order  upon  a  group  of  twenty  skulls  arranged 
in  an  oval.  Four  inferior  maxillae,  six  broken  femora,  five  humeri, 
a  number  of  ulnae,  radii,  vertebrae,  an  astragalus,  tarsus,  ribs  and 
pelvis  were  found  in  the  heap  over  the  skulls.  Of  the  twenty  skulls, 


178  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

ten  were  male  and  nine  female.  Parts  of  another  skull  were  found, 
but  the  sex  could  not  be  determined. 

Over  the  ossuary  was  a  glacial  boulder  about  18  by  18  inches 
and  a  covering  of  shale  and  fossiliferous  Chemung  rock. 

Four  craniums  from  the  ossuary  were  in  good  condition  and  four 
others  in  condition  for  measurements.  All  are  interesting  for  the 
characters  they  exhibit. 

Burial  10.  At  50  feet  on  the  west  side  of  trench  i  was  an  empty 
grave  24  inches  deep.  Over  it  had  been  cast  a  quantity  of  broken 
stone.  From  the  north  wall  of  the  ossuary,  running  north  for  a 
foot,  was  a  top  layer  of  burned  stone.  The  earth  here  had  not  been 
disturbed. 

Trench  I  was  temporarily  abandoned  at  54  feet  and  a  parallel  and 
adjacent  trench  run  on  the  west  side. 

Burial  n.  At  5  feet  in  the  middle  of  trench  2  burial  n  was  dis- 
covered. The  grave  area  was  4  by  4  feet  and  the  depth  2  feet.  The 
skeleton  was  that  of  a  female.  The  skull  was  crushed.  The  arms 
were  flexed  to  face,  the  left  hand  being  under  the  left  cheek. 

Orientation:  head,  east;  face,  south;  left  side  flexed.  Head 
thrown  back. 

Burial  12.  Burial  12  was  at  10  feet  in  the  middle  west  side  of 
trench  2.  It  was  an  empty  grave  with  disturbed  earth  to  the  depth 
of  48  inches. 

Burial  13.  Grave  13  was  on  the  east  side  of  trench  2  at  31  feet. 
It  was  28  inches  deep  and  contained  the  decayed  root-eaten  skeleton 
of  an  adult  female.  Area  of  grave,  3  by  4  feet.  Orientation :  head, 
east ;  face,  north ;  flexed.  There  was  a  small  ash  pit  at  the  head  of 
the  grave. 

Burial  14.  Found  at  43  feet  in  the  middle  of  trench  2.  This 
grave  was  28  inches  deep  and  3  by  3  feet  in  area  and  contained  a  male 
skeleton  in  a  poor  state  of  preservation.  The  tibiae  were  noticeably 
platycnemic. 

Trench  3  ran  parallel  with  2  on  the  west. 

Burial  15.  Grave  15  at  4  feet  on  the  west  side  of  trench  3  was 
19  inches  deep,  19  inches  wide  and  30  inches  long.  There  were  no 
bones  except  the  broken  skull  and  the  neck  vertebrae. 

Orientation:  head,  east-southeast;  face,  south-southwest. 

Burial  16.  Burial  1 6  at  44  feet  on  the  east  side  of  trench  2  was 
36  inches  deep  and  contained  the  pelvic  bones  and  sacrum  of  a  young 
adult.  No  other  bones  were  in  the  grave.  This  fact  seems  to  point 
to  a  removal  of  the  skull  and  larger  bones  for  reburial. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGK   \I.    HISTORY   OF   NEW   YORK  179 

Burial  17.  At  36  feet  in  trench  3,  18  feet  south  of  ossuary  I, 
pit  5,  the  third  ossuary  was  discovered.  Six  skulls  were  arranged  in 
the  form  of  an  ellipse  and  the  other  bones  thrown  in  the  opening. 
These  bones,  besides  arm  and  leg  bones,  included  ribs,  pelvises, 
phalanges,  astragali,  tibiae  and  vertebrae.  There  were  two  female 
skulls. 

Burial  18.  This  burial  was  in  the  middle  of  trench  3  at  19  feet 
and  18  feet  south  of  the  ossuary  (17).  On  the  bottom  of  the  grave 
a  few  potsherds  \vere  discovered  but  no  visible  trace  of  bone. 

The  problem  of  the  many  empty  graves  in  the  burial  knoll  was  at 
first  a  puzzling  one.  Some  graves  contained  a  few  ribs,  some  a 
pelvis,  one  or  two  arm  bones  and  teeth  and  others  were  entirely 
empty  except  for  traces  of  bone  dust.  As  an  hypothesis  the  theory 
was  then  advanced  that  the  parts  of  skeletons,  the  larger  limb  bones 
and  skulls  had  been  removed  from  the  graves  and  deposited  in  the 
ossuaries ;  that  the  graves  had  been  left,  open  or  filled,  for  use  again. 
The  ossuary  burial  is  a  Huron,  or  perhaps  more  properly  a  Huron- 
Iroquois  custom,  and  has  usually,  perhaps  entirely,  been  held  a  mere 
matter  of  superstition  or  ceremonial  custom.  The  presence  of  empty 
graves  and  overflowing  ossuaries  suggested  the  theory  of  the 
economic  utility  of  the  ossuaries.  The  virgin  earth  being  difficult 
to  dig,  but  once  disturbed  never  packing  as  hard  as  before,  it  would 
have  been  a  matter  of  labor,  time  and  space  saving  to  exhume  the 
remains  of  the  dead  and  reinter  them  in  an  ossuary,  and  to  use  the 
empty  graves  again  as  burial  places. 

Those  theories  are  only  tentative  and  not  to  be  regarded  as  estab- 
lished until  numbers  of  other  places  shall  have  shown  the  same 
characteristics. 

Excavations  within  the  inclosure.  The  ground  within  the  earth 
wall  had  not  been  disturbed  since  its  aboriginal  occupation  except 
in  places  where  sugar  boilers  had  been  erected. 

Over  one  hundred  and  twenty  basinlike  depressions  were  scattered 
over  the  surface  and  varied  in  diameter  from  3  to  10  feet,  and  in 
depth,  from  6  inches  to  a  foot.  These  pits  were  examined  to  dis- 
cover their  purport.  Only  six  yielded  anything  in  the  way  of 
relics.  These  consisted  of  flint  chips,  fire-broken  stones,  pottery 
fragments  and  arrowheads.  The  earth  was  not  disturbed  in  any 
case,  except  in  that  of  the  deep  middle  pit,  for  a  depth  of  more  than 
30  inches,  the  underlying  soil  being  hard  and  impenetrable  by  crude 
implements. 

Middle  pit.  This  pit  was  carefully  excavated.  The  soil  was  dis- 
turbed for  about  9  inches  below  its  modern  surface  except  at  the 
12 


ISO  NEW.  YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

bottom  where  there  was  an  ash  pit  4  feet  in  depth  and  4  feet  in 
diameter.  Mingled  through  the  soil  of  the  large  pit  was  found  a 
quantity  of  pottery,  flint  and  jasper  chips,  heat-cracked  stones  and 
a  number  of  triangular  flint  points.  In  the  ash  pit  at  the  bottom, 
objects  of  the  same  character  were  found. 

The  presence  of  this  large  central  excavation  presents  the  problem 
of  its  purpose.  To  solve  this  question  a  number  of  hypothetical 
answers  are  adduced  for  consideration :  first,  it  may  have  been  a 
central  refuse  pit ;  second,  it  may  have  been  a  place  of  assembly,  its 
gradual  slope  affording  a  seating  place;  third,  it  may  have  been  an 
inner  stockade;  fourth,  it  may  have  been  a  reservoir  into  which 
water  was  conducted  from  the  spring  on  the  hillside  to  the  east; 
fifth,  it  may  have  been  excavated  to  obtain  earth  for  filling  in  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  inclosure,  which  is  low  and  sloping  toward 
a  small  gully  which  drains  a  spring  marsh. 

A  careful  examination  of  the  ground  showed  that  the  northwest 
corner  had  been  filled  in,  presumably  with  the  soil  excavated  from 
the  central  pit.  This  examination  also  led  to  the  several  considera- 
tions. That  the  pit 'was  not  a  reservoir  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
ashes  and  refuse  matter  were  found  within  it,  though  not  in  large 
quantities.  That  it  was  not  a  reservoir  is  also  indicated  by  the  fact 
that  no  ditch  or  outlet  could  be  discovered.  One  may  have  existed, 
however,  and  the  pit  been  a  reservoir  previous  to  its  use  as  a  refuse 
dump,  if  such  it  was.  The  refuse  matter  in  the  pit  did  not  occur  in 
such  quantities  that  it  would  be  differentiated  from  "  occupied  soil  " 
elsewhere,  so  that  it  may  have  been  an  inner  stockade  or  place  of 
assemblage. 

Articles  of  stone  were  not  numerous  and  at  the  Gerry  site  only 
three  celts  were  found  and  these  outside  the  inclosure  on  the  higher 
ground. 

No  hammerstones  or  anvils  were  found,  but  arrow  chippings  and 
triangular  flint  points  were  fairly  numerous. 

No  bone  implement  or  object  of  any  description  was  found  in 
the  village  site  and  the  only  bone  object  found  whatever  was  the 
heron  bill  near  the  forehead  of  the  male  skeleton  in  grave  6. 

Extent  and  character  of  occupation.  There  is  evidence  enough 
to  point  out  that  there  was  no  long  occupation  of  the  site,  the  sur- 
face soil  being  but  slightly  disturbed  to  any  depth.  This  evidence 
also  suggests  a  settled  occupation  only  in  winter.  The  shallow  pit 
seems  to  have  been  dug  during  the  frozen  season  by  alternately 
thawing  and  digging.  If  animal  bones  had  been  buried  some 
would  have  remained,  as  human  bones  did  elsewhere  in  the  site. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGK  A  1 .    HISTORY    OF    X  K\V    YORK  l8l 

This  suggests  that  they  were  cast  on  the  surface  and  afterward 
devoured  by  animals  or  lost  by  decay. 

Purpose  of  tlic  cartli  ivall.  The  earth  wall  and  trench  are  pal- 
pably parts  of  a  fortification.  From  the  crest  of  the  wall,  without 
doubt,  rose  a  line  of  palisades  which  surrounded  the  inclosure. 
Indeed,  traces  of  these  post  holes  were  discovered  all  along  the 
ridge. 

One  of  the  strange  facts  which  at  once  appears  a  curious  anomaly 
is  that  if  this  inclosure  had  been  a  fortification  why  such  a  position 
should  have  been  selected,  when  from  the  hillock  to  the  west,  arrows 
and  stones  or  other  missiles  could  have  been  easily  thrown  into  the 
wall-protected  inclosure.  This  very  thing  would  have  rendered 
the  fort  of  little  use  in  times  of  war  or  invasion.  Two  considera- 
tions then  appear :  first,  that  it  was  not  a  true  fortification  designed 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  men  only,  but  made  for  a  protection 
from  the  wolves  and  other  wild  beasts  which  infested  the  region 
even  in  historic  times;  or  second,  that  the  enemies  of  the  age  held 
the  acres  of  the  dead  or  sacred  spots  and  would  not  under  any 
provocation  desecrate  the  burial  ground  on  the  hill  to  use  as  a 
vantage  point  from  which  to  assail  the  living  within  the  inclosure 
which  the  burial  knoll  overlooked. 

Camp  site  outside  of  inclosure.  To  the  southwest  of  the  burial 
knoll  rises  another  glacial  kame  which  in  length  runs  east  and  west. 
This  kame  contained  ten  large  ash  pits,  the  one  in  the  summit  being 
5  feet  deep  and  filled  with  carbonaceous  earth,  burnt  sandstone  and 
charred  corn.  Between  this  kame  and  the  inclosure,  the  earth  had 
almost  everywhere  been  disturbed  and  there  was  a  heavy  mixture 
of  white  ash  and  charcoal  as  if  the  vegetation  and  trees  had  been 
burned  over  many  times.  No  implements  were  found  here  except 
a  celt  at  the  west  end  of  the  kame. 

The  soft  mellow  loam  here  also  suggests  its  employment  as  a 
garden  spot,  possibly  a  cornfield.  Charred  corn  was  found  in  some 
of  the  pits. 

Age  of  the  remains.  Several  considerations  determine  the  age  of 
of  the  remains.  The  absence  of  European  articles  at  this  place  is 
good  presumptive  evidence  that  it  is  prehistoric.  The  similarities 
between  the  characters  of  the  occupation  and  those  of  the  early 
historic  Erie  point  out  an  early  Erian  people.  That  they  were 
early  Iroquoian  is  evident  from  an  examination  of  the  artifacts 
but  that  they  were  early  Erian  is  manifest  by  certain  differences  in 
form  of  culture  and  occupation.  The  remains  would  seem  to  be  at 
least  500  years  old,  and  even  a  greater  age  may  be  safely  ascribed. 


1 82  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


A  PREHISTORIC  IROQUOIAN  SITE1 

ON  THE  GEORGE  REED  FARM,  RICHMOND   MILLS, 

ONTARIO  COUNTY 
BY  ARTHUR  C.  PARKER 

This  site,  first  examined  by  me  in  1905,  affords  an  unusual 
example  of  a  type  site  that  we  may  study  as  a  definitely  prehistoric 
Iroquoian  place  of  occupation.  From  it  we  may  gain  some  inkling 
of  the  ancestors  of  the  historic  Seneca  and  indeed  make  some  sur- 
mises as  to  their  more  remote  progenitors.  This  site  is  of  the  Burn- 
ing Spring  cultural  horizon,  but  is  not  of  so  great  an  age. 

It  was  not  until  1916  that  it  was  possible  for  the  writer  to  make 
any  intensive  study,  when  through  the  generosity  of  Mr  Alvin  H. 
Dewey,  president  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan  chapter  of  the  New  York 
State  Archeological  Association,  several  trips  were  made  to  it,  and 
supplemented  by  nearly  a  month's  study  of  Mr  Dewey's  remarkable 
collection  made  from  this  site  and  from  the  surrounding  region.  This 
collection  is  now  the  property  of  the  State  Museum.  Mr  Dewey's 
interest  in  this  site  and  his  conviction  of  its  importance  as  a 
key  site  to  Seneca  and  general  Iroquoian  archeology  has  inspired 
the  paper  here  presented. 

The  Reed  Fort  Site 

The  general  location  of  the  Reed  Fort  site  is  in  the  northwest 
portion  of  the  township  of  Richmond,  Ontario  county.  It  is  located 
on  lot  50,  about  one-fourth  of  a  mile  due  east  from  the  line  of 
Livingston  county  and  280  rods  due  south  of  the  Livonia-Richmond 
Mills  road.  From  the  town  or  settlement  of  Richmond  Mills, 
measured  from  the  bend  of  the  south-bound  road,  the  site  is  almost 
exactly  I  mile  up  the  outlet  of  Hemlock  lake.  It  is  frequently  called 
the  "  Richmond  Mill  Site  "  from  its  proximity  to  the  village  of  that 
name,  situated  in  the  narrow  valley  and  between  the  steep  hills  to 
either  side. 

The  site  may  be  reached  either  from  the  Alva  Reed  farm  or  from 
the  George  Reed  farm,  it  being  situated  upon  the  latter.  The  nearest 
railroad  point  is  Hemlock,  a  small  terminal  station  on  the  Lehigh 
Valley  Railroad,  Hemlock  branch,  out  of  Rochester.  A  better  route 
is  probably  the  Erie  Railroad  out  of  Rochester  to  Livonia  Station. 
Here  auto  or  horse  liveries  are  available  and  the  site  may  actually 


1  From  the  Transactions  of  the  New  York  Archeological  Association,  Mor-  j 
gan  Chapter,  v.   I,  no.   I,  Feb.   1918. 


Fig.  I  View  looking  toward  the  neck  or  upper  end  of  the  Richmond 
Mills  site.  The  trees  on  either  side  mark  the  beginning  of  the  precipitous 
slopes. 


*'- 


Fig.  2     View  looking  down  the  Richmond  Mills  site.     There  are  deep 
refuse  heaps  in  the  slope  to  the  right. 


184  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

be  entered  by  following  the  road  due  east,  making  allowances  for 
the  bends  near  the  Ontario  county  line,  to  the  first  southeast  road 
down  the  hill,  5^4  miles  from  Livonia.  A  road  running  down  the 
hill  one-fourth  of  a  mile  farther  on  will  also  lead  to  Richmond 
Mills.  The  south  road  should  now  be  followed  for  three-fourths  of 
a  mile  to  the  farm  of  George  Reed,  through  whose  barnyard  runs 
a  lane  directly  to  the  site.  The  unselfish  and  kindly  interest  of  Mr 
Reed  has  unfailingly  opened  the  gate  to  the  explorer  who  had  a 
genuine  scientific  interest. 

Located  from  the  standpoints  of  aboriginal  geography,  the  Reed 
Fort  site  is  situated  just  off  the  main  trail  from  Aliens  hill  to  Hem- 
lock, which  in  general  followed  the  valley  of  the  outlet  from  its 
juncture  with  Gates  creek.  The  trail  from  the  outlet  of  Conesus 
lake  to  Honeoye  lake  crossed  the  Hemlock  outlet  about  a  mile  south- 
west of  the  site,  but  a  supplementary  trail  still  in  use  when  the 
township  was  settled  passed  directly  over  the  site  and  southward, 
again  striking  the  Honeoye  trail  at  the  headwaters  of  the  larger 
stream  forming  the  northeast  side  of  the  site.  Just  beyond  are  two 
non-Iroquoian  sites  on  the  P.  P.  Barnard  farm.  The  important 
aboriginal  sites  to  the  southward  are  those  at  the  foot  of  Hemlock 
lake  and  at  the  outlet  of  Honeoye.  It  is  along  the  Honeoye  outlet 
from  the  lake  to  the  Genesee  that  many  important  sites  are  found. 
Nearly  all,  if  not  all  the  sites  near  the  Reed  Fort  site  are  prehistoric 
and  pre-Iroquoian.  We  except  only  the  later  historic  sites  at  Hem- 
lock and  at  Honeoye  destroyed  by  Sullivan  in  1779. 

The  Reed  Fort  site  stands  alone  and  in  a  setting  that  is  non- 
Iroquoian.  This  suggests  that  it  was  settled  or  occupied  soon  after 
the  driving  out  of  the  non-Iroquoian  tribes  from  the  region.  We 
can  not  even  be  sure  that  when  the  site  was  seized  for  occupation 
the  original  claimants  of  the  region  were  all  driven  out,  for  there 
have  been  discovered  fragments  of  charred  human  bone  that  look 
suspiciously  like  the  evidences  of  the  torture  stake  of  a  neighbor- 
hood victim.  Mr  Dewey  has  in  his  cabinet  the  fragment  of  a  lower 
jaw,  one  end  of  which  is  carbonized.  It  has  a  projecting  chin  that 
seems  to  betoken  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  victim  to  the 
Intrusion  of  the  Iroquois  and  his  defiance  of  them  even  in  the 
flames. 

During  the  past  seventy-five  years  this  site  has  been  gone  over 
by  collectors  who  have  carried  off  a  very  large  amount  of  material. 
During  the  past  twenty  years  excavators  have  been  particularly 
active  and  thus  far  no  object  of  European  origin  has  been  discovered 
an  any  pit  or  refuse  heap. 


Plate    64 


Map  of  the  Red  Fort  site,  Richmond  Mills,  Ontario 


l86  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  Reed  Fort  site  is  a  sandy  arm  of  the  terrace  projecting  nearly 
westward  into  the  Hemlock  valley.  It  covers  a  sloping  sandy  hill 
lying  between  two  brooks  that  have  cut  deep  ravines.  The  place  is 
a  natural  fortification  since  the  brooks  at  the  southwest  end  come 
within  30  feet  of  each  other,  measured  from  the  rims  of  their  banks. 
The  effect  is  a  natural  inclosure  easily  protected  from  human  and 
beast  enemies.  From  this  upper  neck  the  area  gradually  expands  to 
a  point  directly  above  a  fine  spring  that  flows  into  a  large  brook  on 
the  north  bank.  From  this  point  the  site  gradually  tapers  down  the 
slope  until  it  reaches  a  steep  knoll  the  base  of  which  rests  in  a  more 
level  space  between  the  brooks,  which  again  approach  within  40  to 
50  feet  of  it.  The  brook  on  the  northwest  side  is  shallower  at  the 
upper  end  but  quickly  eats  its  way  into  the  shale  and  plunges  over 
a  series  of  falls  until  at  the  lower  end  of  the  fortification  the  banks 
are  30  to  40  feet  in  height.  The  brook  on  the  opposite  side  is 
deeper  and  throughout  the  length  of  the-  hill  its  depth  is  40  to  60 
feet  with  high  shaly  embankments  impossible  to  climb  in  places. 
There  was  once  a  gas  spring  in  the  bed  of  this  creek  below  the  falls. 
Along  these  embankments,  particularly  at  the  upper  end,  the  refuse 
heaps  are  found  scattered  over  the  end  of  the  bank  and  down  the 
talus  slope  almost  to  the  bed  of  the  brook.  In  fact  the  entire  out- 
line of  the  fortification  is  nearly  bounded  by  refuse  heaps. 

The  site  covers  an  area  of  about  5  acres,  which  was  ample  space 
for  a  considerable  Indian  village.  When  the  site  was  cleared  about 
1850,  it  was  covered  with  a  dense  growth  of  large  oak  trees,  with 
pines  at  the  lower  slope. 

The  Seneca  Indians  in  1850  had  a  settlement  near  Lima  and  fre- 
quently passed  over  this  site  at  the  time  it  was  cleared  and  frequently 
hunted,  fished  and  worked  in  the  neighborhood.  They  told  the 
original  settlers  they  had  no  idea  who  had  lived  on  the  site,  and  that 
the  pipes,  flints  and  fragments  of  pottery  were  of  as  much  interest 
to  them  as  to  the  settlers  who  opened  up  the  tract.  We  suspect, 
however,  that  the  Indians  did  have  some  knowledge  of  its  occupation 
by  their  own  ancestors  but  did  not  wish  to  talk  about  a  "  dead 
village."  There  was  once  a  superstition  about  bringing  back  the 
ghosts  of  the  dead  by  so  doing. 

From  this  time  on  antiquarian  and  amateur  archeologists  com- 
menced their  search  for  relics,  and  the  first  spring  plowings  were 
always  a  signal  for  relic  hunters  to  pick  over  the  surface  for  finely 
shaped  flints,  pipes  and  shell  and  bone  trinkets.  Not  much  exca- 
vating was  then  done.  During  the  recent  years  the  most  successful 
collectors  so  far  as  we  know  have  been  Alva  Reed.  P.  P.  Barnard 


T1IK    AKCIIKOLOC.irAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    Y<>KK  l8/ 

of  Honeoye,  Alvin  H.  Dewey,  H.  C.  Follett  and  G.  R.  Mills  of 
Rochester,  and  Frederick  Houghton  of  Buffalo.  A  large  share  of 
the  earlier  material  found  by  individual  collectors  is  in  the  New 
York  State  Museum  collection,  but  an  even  larger  collection  has 
been  acquired  through  the  patient  research  of  Mr  Dewey  assisted 
by  his  enthusiastic  helpers,  Casper  Keer,  H.  C.  Follett  and  George 
R.  Mills.  No  graves  were  found  until  about  1912,  when  Frederick 
Houghton,  excavating  for  the  Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Sciences, 
found  a  burial  site  on  the  projecting  nose  across  the  ravine  east  of 
the  spring  and  nearly  opposite  the  falls.  He  found  no  objects  in 
the  graves.  Our  examinations  of  this  site  made  in  1905,  1910,  1911 
and  1916,  together  with  the  records  of  Mr  Follett  and  Mr  Dewey, 
have  resulted  in  the  series  of  notes  here  given. 

It  was  found  that  the  soil  in  nearly  every  portion  of  the  site  was 
deeply  stained  and  that  there  were  natural  depressions  irregular  in 
shape  that  seem  to  have  been  used  as  refuse  dumps.  Even  after 
much  cultivation  for  farming  purposes,  the  soil  still  shows  blackened 
areas  that  outline  the  village  dumps.  Some  of  these  pits  and  deposits 
are  6  or  more  feet  in  depth  and  filled  with  broken  stone,  ashes, 
animal  bones,  charred  corn,  and  broken  implements  with  an  occa- 
sional fine  specimen  in  good  condition.  As  we  have  previously  stated, 
the  larger  deposits  were  along  the  northeast  bank,  sloping  toward 
the  falls.  In  many  of  these  sidehill  dumps  the  debris  in  which  ashes 
are  mingled  are  several  feet  in  thickness  and  have  led  some  exca- 
vators to  think  that  the  site  was  occupied  for  a  prolonged  period. 
Our  opinion  is,  however,  that  a  village  of  150  to  200  people  occupy- 
ing this  site  for  10  years  would  produce  the  amount  of  ashes  found 
in  the  dumps,  especially  if  refuse  had  been  consumed  as  well  as  fuel, 
but  others  strongly  argue  that  the  occupation  was  as  long  as  50  years. 

The  present  appearance  of  the  site  is  that  of  a  sloping  sandy  hill 
edged  by  ravines  and  fringed  with  trees.  The  flanking  brooks  flow 
the  year  around  and  the  larger  one  has  a  considerable  fall  over 
which  the  farm  owners  have  built  a  bridge  upon  which  the  road 
across  the  site  runs.  Above  the  falls  it  is  possible  to  walk  along 
the  edge  of  the  brook  and  up  the  ravine  for  a  considerable  distance. 
The  ravine  is  wide  and  has  a  flat  bottom  which  gives  ample  space 
for  the  meandering  of  the  stream.  Near  the  upper  end  of  the  fort, 
from  the  base,  a  natural  trail  runs  up  the  embankment  along  the 
projecting  nose,  but  access  was  possible  though  not  easy  from  almost 
any  other  point.  Along  this  embankment  from  the  falls  southward 
and  up  the  ravine  the  debris  may  be  seen  mixed  with  the  talus.  An 


1 88  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

excavation  reveals  quantities  of  animal  bones,  broken  pottery  and 
fragments  of  implements. 

From  the  lower  end  of  the  fortification  the  trail  runs  down  to  a 
sloping  flat  that  gradually  leads  to  the  valley  level.  From  this  point 
it  is  about  one-fourth  of  a  mile  to  the  Hemlock  lake  outlet. 

The  character  of  the  implements  found  on  the  site  are  without 
question  prehistoric  Iroquoian  and  presumably  early  Seneca.  Two 
sites  three-fourths  of  a  mile  to  the  northeast,  on  the  Alva  Reed  farm, 
.are  non-Iroquoian,  as  are  most  of  the  contiguous  sites  where  relics 
are  found  in  any  quantity.  One  site  on  the  Alva  Reed  farm,  situated 
west  of  his  house  and  in  the  woods,  is  probably  similar  in  age  to  the 
fort  site.  It  is  Iroquoian. 

Where  the  Implements  Are  Found 

Relics  on  almost  any  site  are  first  found  on  the  surface  as  the 
result  of  excavations,  leveling,  land  clearing  or  plowing.  This  was 
true  of  the  Reed  site,  which  has  been  "  surface  hunted  "  since  it  was 
deforested.  The  implements  found  on  the  surface  are  those  that 
have  especially  resisted  surface  weathering  and  decay.  On  this  site, 
as  on  others,  these  are  anvils,  matetes,  hammerstones,  chipped  flints, 
celts,  fragments  of  pottery  and  occasionally  shell,  bone  and  slate 
articles.  Frequently  animal  bones  are  also  found.  The  more  fragile 
.articles  are  seldom  found  on  the  surface. 

Many  specimens  have  been  found  in  surface  dumps  or  deposits 
as  well  as  in  refuse  pits.  These  occur  on  portions  of  the  site  and 
seem  to  indicate  the  former  presence  of  bark  long-house*.  One 
•deposit  on  the  southwest  side  near  the  falls  of  the  smaller  brook  is 
nearly  30  feet  long  and  6  feet  deep. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  site,  however,  carefully  threw  most  of  their 
refuse  over  the  banks  and  into  the  brooks.  Much  of  this  refuse 
^collected  in  slides  or  dumps  along  the  banks  and  became  covered 
with  the  disintegrating  shale  and  the  overwash  of  storms.  Where 
the  deposit  became  obnoxious  there  seem  to  have  been  large  fires 
•of  waste  wood  for  the  purpose  of  incineration.  Indeed  many  of 
these  dumps,  especially  near  the  bottom  of  the  slopes,  are  covered 
by  thick  layers  of  white  ashes  and  in  some  cases  charcoal.  To 
examine  the  banks  one  would  think  that  the  inhabitants  had  pur- 
posely kept  up  heavy  fires  to  hold  back  either  the  invasion  of  human 
enemies  or  of  the  no  less  savage  mosquitoes. 

The  dumps  along  the  edges  have  proved  the  most  fertile  sources 
of  specimens  and  one  is  surprised  at  the  fine  objects  that  were 
.apparently  discarded  with  refuse,  such  as  fish  hooks  and  bone  combs. 


THE  ARCHEOLOGICAL  HISTORY   OF   NEW   YORK  189 

After  nearly  20  years  of  experience  in  New  York  archeology  it  is 
the  opinion  of  the  writer,  based  both  upon  his  excavations  and  upon 
a  knowledge  of  Iroquoian  customs,  that  articles  of  value  were  fre- 
quently cast  aside  with  the  bones  of  animals  eaten  for  food  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  spirit  of  the  slain  forest-brother  who  gave  of  its 
pelt  and  its  meat  that  the  man-animal  might  be  clothed  and  fed. 
Trinkets  were  also  often  sacrificed  to  plants  and  vegetables.  During 
the  annual  \vild  pigeon  hunts  of  the  Seneca,  wampum  beads,  colored 
feathers,  brooches  of  silver  and  other  trinkets  were  buried  beneath 
a  little  fire  under  the  trees  where  the  pigeons  were  killed.  The  arrow 
points  or  spears  that  pierced  and  slew  certain  animals  also  were 
never  used  again  but  thrust  into  the  pits  with  their  bones.  We 
believe  that  this  is  the  first  explanation  of  the  abundance  of  useful 
articles,  apparently  carelessly  discarded,  that  has  appeared  to  explain 
their  presence  in  New  York  refuse  pits.  Without  doubt  many 
articles  were  also  lost,  or  without  intention  swept  out  in  the  rubbish 
of  the  lodges. 

Mr  Dewey  describes  the  dumps  as  follows : 

"  Starting  at  the  bridge  across  the  ravine  on  the  north  side  of  the 
site,  then  going  south,  the  ash  deposit  excavated  in  September  and 
October  1915  is  found  all  the  way  around  to  the  neck  of  the  site. 
The  first  slide  of  any  importance  is  about  25  feet  from  the  bridge. 
It  has  an  average  width  of  70  feet  and  extends  up  and  down  the 
bank  for  40  feet.  From  this  point  south  for  a  distance  of  about 
loo  feet  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  deposit.  The  banks  here  are 
steep  with  no  growth  of  shrubs  or  trees  and  any  refuse  thrown 
over  would  have  gone  into  the  brook  at  the  bottom  and  have  been 
washed  away  by  high  water. 

'  The  next  deposit  is  a  small  one  having  a  width  of  only  34  feet 
and  a  length  of  40  feet.  Forty  feet  from  this  point  begins  the  third 
deposit.  Conditions  here  would  indicate  a  double  slide.  It  had  a 
width  of  50  feet  but  was  intermixed  with  shale  and  overburden.  The 
deposit  was  very  thin  and  contained  few  artifacts.  Farther  on  by 
50  feet  to  the  south  occurred  the  fourth  slide  or  deposit.  This  was 
by  far  the  largest  and  was  105  feet  wide.  At  this  point  the  ashes 
were  deep  in  places  though  quite  thin  in  others.  Many  artifacts 
were  found  in  this  dump,  including  two  fine  bone  fish  hooks,  numer- 
ous awls  and  some  very  fine  potsherds.  A  perfect  effigy  pipe  of 
stone  was  found  in  this  place.  The  fifth  dump  was  76  feet  farther 
south  where  the  bank  is  50  feet  high.  The  deposit  had  a  width  of 
75  feet  and  was  rich  in  bone  material. 


I9O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

"  We  have  here,  therefore,  a  deposit  of  refuse  of  a  known  extent 
of  334  feet  with  an  average  width  of  -20  to  25  feet.  The  ashes  vary 
in  depth  from  a  few  inches  to  several  feet.  One  pit  was  of  solid 
wood  ash  dry  and  clean,  6  feet  long  and  5  feet  10  inches  deep.  Not 
an  artifact  was  found  but  at  the  bottom  was  a  quantity  of  large  flat 
stones  that  plainly  showed  a  long  contact  with  fire  and  heat." 

Mr  Dewey  has  not  here  described  the  deposits  on  the  southwest 
bank  along  the  smaller  stream  discovered  by  George  R.  Mills.  Here 
the  deposits  have  been  rich  in  material,  though  of  far  less  pro- 
portions. 

Mr  Harry  C.  Follett,  who  for  some  time  has  been  an  interested 
and  patient  investigator  of  aboriginal  sites  in  the  Genesee  country, 
has  left  a  vivid  account  of  the  site  in  his  record  which  he  has  turned 
over  to  the  State  Museum.  Mr  Follett  says: 

"  The  surface  of  the  village  site  is  dotted  with  black  spots  which 
prove  to  be  refuse.  The  bank  of  the  ravine  .encircling  almost  com- 
pletely the  entire  site  is  rich  in  refuse  and  has  been  completely  dug 
over  and  over  in  eager  search  by  relic  hunters  for  implements,  and 
it  is  to  be  deeply  regretted  that  it  could  not  have  been  done  in  a 
scientific  manner  and  complete  data  taken  to  aiable  us  to  form  some 
definite  conclusions  of  the  strange  people. 

"  In  September  1915  Mr  Dewey  and  myself  were  escorted  to  the 
site  by  George  R.  Mills  of  Rochester,  who  had  been  excavating  in 
the  refuse  on  the  bank  of  the  north  ravine  and  who  had  disclosed 
some  large  deposits  of  ashes.  The  work  which  had  previously  been 
done  here  is  similar  to  the  devastations  on  many  other  sites.  Exca- 
vations had  been  started  in  the  heart  of  the  pits,  following  up  the 
banks  to  the  top,  leaving  the  bottom,  the  most  important  in  many 
cases,  buried  under  the  debris.  To  gain  access  it  was  necessary  to 
do  considerable  work.  While  working  here  we  were  visited  by 
Mr  George  Reed,  who  gave  me  considerable  information  for  which 
we  are  indebted  to  him  as  we  are  also  for  the  courteous  way  in 
which  he  treated  us. 

"  By  making  tests  along  the  banks  we  were  convinced  that  there 
were  several  pits  which  had  not  been  disturbed.  These  were  natural 
depressions  formed  by  wash  in  the  shale  rock  and  had  become  filled 
with  the  ashes  which  had  been  deposited  at  the  top  of  the  bank  and 
washed  down  filling  the  holes  from  6  inches  to  6  feet  deep.  This 
was  conclusively  proved  by  thorough  work  in  each  pit  which 
terminated  at  the  top  or  nearly  so  ranging  from  the  bottom  from  25 
to  100  feet  gradually  drawing  to  a  point  at  or  near  the  top  of  the 
bank.  These  pits  in  some  places  were  rich  in  bone  material  and 


Plate    65 


CERTAIN   TYPES   OF  BONE  ARTICLES  FROM   THE  RICHMOND   MILLS    SITE. 


IQ2  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

some  were  almost  void  of  any  kind  of  implements.  They  produced 
specimens  of  elk  teeth,  elk  and  deer  horns,  bone  awls,  perforated 
bears  and  racoon  teeth,  also  many  racoon  penis  bones,  a  few  perfo- 
rated potsherds,  worked  bone  of  all  descriptions  and  manner,  bear 
molars  polished  and  perforated  representing  the  human  foot,  polished 
celts  of  the  regular  type,  a  few  shale  implements,  together  with 
various  types  of  flakers,  a  few  net  and  line  sinkers  and  bone  fish 
hooks. 

"  While  here  we  viewed  a  collection  made  from  this  site  by  P.  P. 
Barnard,  of  the  town  of  Richmond,  and  which  contains  some  of 
the  finest  types  of  bone  implements  and  ornaments  I  have  had  the 
opportunity  to  inspect.  There  are  approximately  300  triangular 
points  (which  is  the  predominating  type),  8  or  10  celts  of  fine 
workmanship,  10  or  15  elk  and  bear  teeth,  cut,  polished  and  per- 
forated bone  beads  highly  polished  and  showing  much  wear. 

"  Personally  in  my  excavating  I  did  not  encounter  any  human 
bones  but  am  told  that  human  skulls  have  been  found  in  the  refuse. 

"  The  work  performed  thus  far  leads  me  to  conclude  that  the 
refuse  was  deposited  at  the  top  of  the  bank  and  washed  down  as 
previously  stated. 

"  Parched  corn  and  even  cobs  are  frequently  encountered.  I  also 
found  what  I  determined  was  a  squas'h  seed.  Beans  were  found, 
but  were  scarce. 

"  I  do  not  know  of  nor  have  I  read  of  another  site  anywhere  in 
New  York  State  comparable  with  this  for  variety,  richness  in  imple- 
ments, masses  of  debris." 

Mr  Follett  afterward  discovered  that  there  had  been  a  natural 
gas  spring  in  the  creek  bed. 

Specimens  from  the  Site 

The  cruder  artifacts  from  the  Reed  Fort  site  are  stone  anvils, 
matetes  or  lap  stones,  hammers  of  several  types,  notched  sinkers  and 
fire-burned  stones. 

The  anvils  and  mealing  stones  are  fragments  of  flat  stone  from 
1^2  to  4  or  5  inches  in  thickness.  They  are  seldom  more  than  a 
foot  in  diameter.  Some  are  nearly  square  and  others  are  more 
circular,  but  no  attempts  were  made  to  more  than  approximate 
these  geometrical  proportions,  and  this  only  for  the  sake  of  con- 
venience in  handling.  These  stones  are  similar  to  those  found  on 
many  of  the  earlier  sites  in  this  region. 

The  stone  hammers  are  stones  either  natural  or  worked  from 
pebbles  and  of  a  size  convenient  for  holding  in  one  hand.  The 


Plate   66 


a 


/ 
10 


CERTAIN  TYPES  OF  BONE  ARTICLES   FROM   THE    RICHMOND   MILLS   SITE. 


I,  phalanx  with  upper  end  broken  in  and  apex  perforated;  2,  phalanx  with 
apex  worked  and  upper  end  carefully  cut  out;  3,  phalanx  partly  bisected; 
4,  similar  to  2,  but  showing  more  work;  5,  phalangeal  cone;  6,  serrated  rib- 
7,  similar  to  6;  8,  9,  anterior  tips  of  lower  deer  mandibles,  notched  and 
perforated;  10,  perforated  joint  surfaces;  n,  perforated  ball  joints. 


194  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

mullers,  used  for  grinding  and  cracking  corn,  are  more  symmetrical 
than  ordinary  pitted  hammerstones  and  the  flat  faces  show  evidences 
of  grinding  on  the  mealing  stone,  despite  the  shallow  pit  some- 
times present  in  combination  hammers  and  mullers.  Many  of  the 
mullers  are  neatly  formed  and  quite  symmetrical,  while  some  are 
exceptionally  so  and  resemble  chunkee  gaming  stones.  Some  of 
the  hammerstones  from  this  site  are  made  from  hard  concretions, 
but  most  are  formed  from  water-washed  pebbles.  Some  interesting 
hammers  are  formed  from  celts,  the  cutting  edges  of  which  have 
been  broken  off. 

The  hammers  and  abrading  stones  from  this  site  may  be  classified 
as  follows :  ( I )  natural  pebbles  discoid  in  shape  and  showing  use 
by  hammering  on  the  edges  or  circumferences;  (2)  natural  pebbles 
of  discoidal  shape  showing  a  battered  circumference  and  having 
pits  worked  in  on  either  side  of  the  flattened  surfaces,  the  two  pits 
being  opposed  to  give  a  thumb  and  finger  hold;  (3)  natural  pebbles 
reduced  to  better  form  by  grinding,  abrading  and  polishing,  the 
edges  of  which  show  use  as  hammers  and  the  sides  pitted  for  thumb 
and  finger  hold;  (4)  the  same  form  showing  evidences  that  the 
stone  was  used  also  as  a  muller;  (5)  round  stone  hammers  showing 
battering  on  two  opposed  faces,  and  not  pitted;  (6)  naturally 
rounded  stones  showing  battering  in  several  faces;  (7)  stone  balls 
artificially  worked  to  form  and  showing  primary  use  as  hammers 
with  a  probable  secondard  use  as  club  heads  of  the  type  enveloped 
in  raw  hide;  (8)  broken  celts  used  as  hammers,  butt  and  broken 
bit  being  the  battering  surfaces ;  (9)  concretions  used  for  batter- 
ing; (10)  flat,  thin  pebbles  showing  use  as  hammers  on  one  end. 

The  collection  contains  more  than  three  hundred  selected 
hammerstones  of  all  these  types,  while  in  it  also  is  a  box  of  3  cubic 
feet  in  capacity  filled  with  broken  and  second-rate  specimens.  Mor- 
tars and  hammerstones  have  been  found  on  the  surface  in  the 
dumps  and  even  in  the  creek  below  the  site. 

Other  stone  objects  are  cylindrical  pestles  (parts  of  eight  being 
found),  stone  beads,  stone  disks,  perforated  disks,  like  Jefferson 
county  specimens,  and  grooved  bolas  or  club  heads.  The  celts  are 
mostly  well  formed  and  thick.  Some  show  most  excellent  polishing. 
The  thin  splinters  of  sla^e  having  chisel  edges  are  also  interesting, 
there  being  about  seventy-five  in  the  collection.  No  grooved  axes 
have  been  found  here. 

The  arrow  points  of  chipped  chert  (commonly  called  flint)  are 
of  the  recognized  Iroquoian  form,  that  is  to  say,  triangular  and 
without  notches,  stems  or  barbs.  This  is  so  far  true  that  out  of 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XK\Y    YORK  195 

1195  specimens  available  for  actual  study  only  eight  have  notched 
stems.  Only  sixteen  knives  and  spears  of  all  shapes  have  been 
enumerated.  There  are  scrapers  but  no  drills. 

Perhaps  the  nearest  approach  to  ornaments  in  stone  which  the 
site  affords  are  small  pieces  of  shale  having  one  perforation  for  sus- 
pension. They  do  not  resemble  pendant  gorgets. 

Stone  pipe  bowls  have  been  found  in  several  instances.  Some  are 
crude  bowls  of  sandstone  having  large  beveled  stem  holes.  Others 
are  more  neatly  formed  and  resemble  small  urns.  This  is  one  early 
Iroquoian  type  and  its  distribution  is  quite  general  in  the  Iroquoian 
area.  One  of  these  stone  bowls  in  the  collection  has  a  face  effigy 
worked  out  on  the  side  away  from  the  smoker. 

Two  striking  pipe  bowls  and  several  fragments  were  found  by 
Alva  Reed  in  the  ash  and  refuse  beds.  These  bowls  are  human 
and  animal  effigies  represented  as  clinging  to  the  ovoid  bowl.  One 
striking  specimen  represents  a  lizard  or  an  otter  and  is  similar  in 
general  concept  to  the  effigy  pipes  described  in  the  Ontario  Pro- 
vincial Museum  reports  by  Col.  George  E.  Laidlaw. 

Sherds  of  broken  pottery  vessels  are  scattered  throughout  the  site 
and  especially  in  the  dumps.  The  pottery  is  of  the  usual  Iroquoian 
make  so  far  as  its  consistency  is  concerned.  Some  sherds  are  thin, 
as  thin  as  one-eighth  of  an  inch,  while  one  sherd  is  three-fourths  of 
an  inch  thick.  The  general  shape  of  the  vessels  is  Iroquoian,  like 
the  pots  of  Jefferson  county  or  the  Mohawk  valley,  with  the  excep- 
tion that  the  collars  are  higher  and  there  is  not  the  same  degree  of 
overhang.  The  decoration  is  distinctive.  It  is  the  triangular  plat 
filled  with  parallel  lines,  each  adjoining  plat  having  the  lines  running 
at  right  angles  to  the  other.  This  is  varied  by  parallel  lines  above 
and  below  with  occasional  dots  and  dashes  regularly  placed.  Iro- 
quoian pottery  generally  has  the  decorations  drawn  on  with  a  bone 
or  wood  stylus  while  Algonquin  forms  generally  have  the  pattern 
impressed  in  with  cord  wrapped  paddles  or  sticks.  Most  of  the 
pots  from  this  site  were  very  large,  larger  than  the  later  Seneca 
made.  The  Reed  Fort  pots  in  some  instances  must  have  held  6  to  8 
gallons  while  the  smaller  pots  probably  held  6  to  8  quarts. 

The  Reed  Fort  vessels  were  of  the  period  when  effigy  faces  were 
placed  at  the  projections  on  the  raised  collars,  in  this  respect  being 
like  the  pottery  from  the  Atwell  Fort  in  Onondaga  county,  from  the 
St  Lawrence  site,  Jefferson  county,  and  like  that  from  Burning 
Spring,1  Cattaraugus  county,  though  the  last  named  site  is  even 
earlier  in  its  occupation  than  the  Reed  Fort.  m  All  these  sites  are 

1  See  Annual  Report,  Director  of  the  State  Museum  for  1905. 

13 


Plate   67 


FRAGMENTS    OF   CLAY    AND    STONE   PIPES    FROM    RICHMOND    MILLS.       X^. 

I,  small  bowl  with  coiled  rim;  2*  face  effigy  with  thick  features;  3,  face 
with  sharp  features ;  4,  square  topped  or  castellated  bowl ;  5,  face  with  skin 
of  animal  head  drawn  over  its  head:  (the  slots  on  the  chest  are  typical  of 
Iroquoian  carving  and  modeling  on  pipes);  6,  double  faced  pipe;  7,  8,  9, 
stone  pipes  of  modified  bowl  shape.  9  has  a  crude  face.  Specimens  from 
A.  H.  Dewev  collection,  in  State  Museum. 


THE    ARC  IIKOUHIK'AL    HISTORY    OF    NK\V    YORK  IQ7 

similar  in  character,  except  that  at  St  Lawrence,  being  projections  of 
hills  into  valleys  and  having  a  walled  neck.  No  complete  pottery 
vessels  are  reported  from  the  Reed  Fort. 

Of  large  interest  are  the  specimens  of  clay  pipes  from  this  site. 
In  general  type  they  are  like  the  pipes  from  prehistoric  Onondaga 
sites  in  Jefferson  county  though  some  types  are  distinctly  Senecan 
or  Seneca- Neutral.  The  bowls  are  round  with  decorative  lines  and 
dots;  some  have  square  raised  rims,  like  the  so-called  Huronian 
forms,  and  others  have  human  face  effigies  modeled  on  in  the  char- 
acteristic Seneca  style.  One  pipe  in  the  collection  has  the  face 
of  a  woman  with  a  wildcat  robe  over  the  head.  Its  counterpart 
in  technic  is  Air  Dewey's  pipe  from  Stone  Church,  Genesee  county, 
which  has  two  figures  seated  side  by  side,  one  male  and  the  other 
female.  One  stone  pipe  shows  a  naked  and  grotesquely  formed 
female  and  another  is  a  phallus  in  clay. 

The  implements  of  bone  constitute  the  largest  range  of  forms. 
Almost  every  bone  in  the  various  food  animals  seems  to  have  had 
a  use,  especially  leg  and  jawr  bones.  Even  the  teeth  were  drilled  or 
grooved  for  pendants  and  beads. 

Bone  awls  have  been  found  in  large  numbers  and  Mr  Dewey  has 
compiled  a  list  of  525  specimens  positively  known  to  have  been 
found  on  the  site.  The  various  types  are  represented  in  plate  65. 

Beads  or  small  cylinders  of  bone  were  worked  from  the  leg 
and  wing  bones  of  birds  and  small  mammals.  Many  are  highly 
polished.  Some  of  the  bone  cylinders  are  as  long  as  3  or  4  inches 
and  seem  similar  to  the  tubes  used  by  the  Seneca  shamans  and 
claimed  by  them  to  have  been  swallowed  in  the  process  of  extracting 
disease  from  their  patients.  The  phalangeal  bones  of  deer  and 
bears  were  worked  in  many  varied  forms,  some  being  partly  sawed 
in  twain  and  others  worked  into  cones  that  may  have  been  fastened 
on  the  fringes  of  the  leggins  like  the  more  modern  tin  and  brass 
jinglers  of  the  Indians  of  the  historic  period.  Some  may  have 
been  the  cups  used  in  the  cup  and  awl  game.  There  are  many  exam- 
ples of  ball  joints  perforated  as  pendants  and  some  specimens  of 
the  toothless  anterior  portions  of  deer  jaws  cut,  polished  and 
notched. 

Of  considerable  interest  are  the  fish  hooks  of  which  we  have 
more  than  twenty  specimens  besides  those  in  process  of  manu- 
facture (see  figure  25).  The  series  illustrating  this  process  is  of 
considerable  interest  and  shows  that  two  hooks  were  made  at  the 
same  time  by  making  an  oval  link  out  of  a  section  of  bone  and 
then  cutting  it  in  the  middle.  The  books  are  without  barbs  and 


'I' 111-:    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XH\V    YORK 


HJ9 


similar  in  appearance  and  process  to  those  described  by  Prof. 
F.  W.  Putnam  from  Madisonville,  Ohio,  or  by  Professor  Mills  from 
the  Baum  and  Gartner  sites.1  In  general  it  may  be  said  in  passing 
that  the  hook  is  rather  long  and  sharp  and  that  the  end  of  the  shank 
is  in  most  instances  slightly  knobbed  or  grooved  for  the  attachment 
of  the  gut  or  cord  line. 


Fig.  25     Early  Iroquoian  fishhooks,     xi/i. 

Of  importance  to  the  comparative  archeologist  are  the  metapodial 
bone  draw  shaves  found  in  the  refuse  heaps.  These  are  so  far 
unique  in  Xew  York  sites  and  their  presence  in  the  Reed  Fort  site 
is  significant.  They  are  commonly  found  in  Ohio  sites  of  the  Baum 


Fig.  26    Antler  combs  from  the  Richmond  Mills  site,  Ontario  county,     xj 


1  Cf .  fig.  65,  Mills,  William  C.,  Explorations  of  the  Baum  and  Prehistoric 
Village  Site.     Ohio  State  Historical  Society,  Quarterly,   15:1. 


2OO 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSKl'M 


culture  and  Professor  Mills  has  several  hundred  specimens   from 
Ohio  localities.1 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  of  all  the  objects  found  at  the  site, 
except  the  pipes,  are  the  antler  combs  (see  figure  26).  The  first 
specimens  found  were  plain  combs,  one  with  three  teeth  and 
one  with  four.  Each  had  a  hole  drilled  through  the  top  projec- 
tion. Then  an  ornamented  comb  was  found  having  a  top 

like  an  arched  doorway  and 
three  holes  bored  on  the  points 
of  a  triangle.  Later  specimens 
were  found  having  at  the  top 
effigies  of  birds,  either  a  heron 
or  a  woodcock.  The  teeth  of 
the  combs  are  worked  out 
round  and  measure  about  three 
thirty-seconds  of  an  inch  in 
diameter.  The  points  have  at 
one-eighth  of  an  inch  above 
the  tip  a  groove  or  several 
grooves  incised  around  them. 
In  these  combs  we  have  the 
prototypes  of  the  later  Seneca 
combs  with  complex  effigies  of 
birds  and  animals  and  many 
teeth  evidently  sawed  in  with 
a  metal  saw  derived  from 
European  traders. 

Other  antler  objects  in  the 
collection  are  a  scraper  handle, 
chisels  and  pins  or  pitching  and 
flaking  tools,  arrow  points, 
digging  tools  and  a  remarkable 
antler  prong  drilled  near  the 
base  and  having  a  series  of 
serrated  notches  at  the  basal 
end.  Doctor  Beauchamp,  who 
have  been  one  of  the  "  horns  "  of 


Fig.  27    Notebook  sketch  of  unique 
five      toothed      antler      comb      from 
Richmond    Mills    site.      Dewey    col- 
lection. 


examined   it,   thinks   it.   may 

a  chief's  emblem.    This  is  quite  plausible. 

The  teeth  of  animals,  especially  the  tusks,  were  favorite  forms 
for  perforating  and  grooving  with  these  prehistoric  people.  The  teeth 
of  the  bear,  fox,  wolf  and  elk  were  perforated  as  pendants.  The 


1  Ibid.,  p.  54,  55,  fig.  37,  3 


THE  ARCHEOLOGICAL   HISTORY   OF   NEW    YORK 


201 


\ 


Fig.  28    Joint     ball     hol- 
lowed out  like  a  small  cup 


molars  of  the  bear  were  especially  prized  and  were  cut  and  per- 
forated at  the  root.  Some  have  one  root-prong  cut  off  and  the  tooth 
worked  down  in  the  shape  of  a  human  foot.  Several  specimens, 
indeed,  have  the  toes  indicated  by  incisions.  Beaver  teeth  were  also 
cut  at  the  roots  and  probably  used  as  small  scrapers  or  chisels.  Some 
of  the  beaver  teeth  are  split  and  ground  thin,  probably  for  shaving 
tools  or  knife  blades  for  wood  work- 
ing. One  joint  ball  hollowed  out  like 
a  small  cup  was  found  (figure  28). 

Bones  needles  are  among  the  more 
fragile  articles,  and  twenty-nine  are 
known  to  have  been  discovered,  be- 
sides numerous  fragments.  They  are 
thin  segments  of  bone  worked  long  and 
smooth  and  having  one  or  two  eyes  in 
the  center. 

Harpoons  of  bone  and  antler  are  also 
to  be  mentioned.  They  are  similar  to 
those  found  on  Algonkian  sites  and 
have  four  or  more  barbs  at  the  point. 
We  should  not  neglect  to  mention  antler 
arrow  points,  conical  in  type,  and  thin  cone  and  antler  points. 

Shell  ornaments,  while  not  prolific,  are  not  uncommon.  There 
are  beads  drilled  from  the  columellae  of  large  marine  shells  and 
disk  beads  of  varying  sizes.  A  few  specimens  resemble  small  cir- 
cular gorgets  and  are  drilled  at  one  or  both  edges  and  opposite. 
There  is  no  shell  wampum  of  the  type  used  in  historic  times.  Some 
small  shells  are  found  drilled  at  the  lip  for  attachment.  These  are 
generally  periwinkle  shells  from  fresh-water  sources.  Valves  of 
the  Unio  are  found  worked  as  potters'  smoothers. 

Xo  metallic  objects  have  been  reported  except  several  pieces  from 
the  surface  which  may  have  been  lost  by  the  later  Seneca  when  they 
passed  over  the  trail  or  as  they  camped  upon  it.  These  are  a  few 
scraps  of  European  brass,  several  hand-made  nails  and  a  small 
chunk  of  iron.  All  may  be  regarded  as  intrusive. 

The  bones  of  animals  cracked  and  split  for  the  marrow  or  for 
boiling  in  soup  are  abundant.  Careful  observation  will  show  that 
literally  "  bushels  "  are  to  be  found.  So  far  as  our  observations 
go  the  following  bird  and  animal  bones  have  been  identified: 
deer,  moose,  elk,  black  bear,  raccoon,  woodchuck,  muskrat,  rabbit, 
skunk,  gray  squirrel,  field  mouse,  fox,  dog,  otter,  mink,  wild  cat, 
panther,  wolf,  Ind;an  dog,  beaver,  box  turtle,  snapping  turtle,  wild 


2O2 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


turkey,  heron,  duck,  eagle,  snipe,  horned  owl,  snake,  sturgeon  and 
other  fish. 

Of  plant  foods  there  have  been  discovered  seeds  of  maize  (cob 
and  kernels),  squash,  bean,  hickory-nut,  acorn,  butternut.  Some 
charred  grass  and  some  bark  have  been  found.  The  use  of  tobacco 
may  be  deduced  from  the  pipes. 

List  of  Objects  Known  to  Have  Been  Found  in  the  Reed  Fort  Site 

The  abundance  of  specimens  found  in  the  Reed  Fort  site  may 
be  known  from  the  list  compiled  by  Mr  Dewey.  This  list  records 
only  the  specimens  actually  in  known  collections  and  does  not 
include  the  hundreds  of  specimens  taken  out  by  collectors  who  came 


Fig.  29  Certain  stone  and  clay  artifacts  from  the 
Richmond  Mills  site,  i,  sandstone  pipe  bowl;  2,  animal 
effigy  grasping  pipe  bowl,  statite;  3,  fragment  of  knobbed 
pipe  stem;  4,  fragment  of  face  from  pipe  bowl,  clay; 
5,  face  from  raised  corner  of  a  pottery  vessel. 

for  a  day's  or  week's  excavating  and  left  no  record.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  investigation  has  shown  that  articles  from  the  site  have 
been  scattered  all  over  the  country.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
bone  implements. 


TUE  AKCIIKOUJGICAL   HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  203 

Mr  Dewey's  list  is  compiled  from  the  catalogs  of  his  own  col- 
lection in  the  State  Museum  with  that  made  by  Alva  Reed.  The  lists 
of  George  R.  Mills,  P.  P.  Barnard  and  Harry  C.  Follett  have  also 
been  tabulated,  together  with  those  of  several  other  local  collectors. 
It  is  thus  seen  that  the  Dewey  compilation  is  only  a  fragment  of  the 
total.  It  may  be  taken  as  an  average  proportion  of  articles  in  the 
total  accumulation.  Some  exceptions  in  individual  instances  may  be 
made ;  however,  since  earlier  collectors  collected  mostly  celts,  arrow 
and  spear  points,  pipes  and  the  more  striking  implements  of  bone, 
many  more  arrow  points,  celts,  and  the  like,  may  have  been  picked 
up  in  proportion  than  hammerstones,  bone  needles,  broken  pipes,  and 
pottery  rim  fragments.  The  earlier  collectors  probably  almost 
entirely  ignored  the  rougher  hammerstones  and  metates.  The  state- 
ment that  the  list  is  an  "  approximate  third  "  must  therefore  be  kept 
in  mind  as  an  estimate  only.  It  must  be  regarded,  however,  as  an 
estimate  built  upon  a  careful  study  covering  a  period  of  years  of 
observation ;  and  yet,  as  we  have  remarked,  estimates  are  quite 
certain  to  be  inaccurate  in  some  details.  The  list  of  known  material- 
follows  : 

1187  Triangular  points 

8  Notched  arrows 

16  Spears,  all  shapes  over  4  inches 

32  Celts 

20  Grooved  stone  war  club  heads 

21  Stone   (slate)   implements  with  worked  edge 
265  Pitted  or  hammerstones 

33  Metates  or  mortars 
8  Pestles,   broken 

40  Net  sinkers,  some  very  fine 

16  Stone  disks,  not  perforated 

14  Stone  disks  perforated  for  suspension 

16  Stone  beads 

1530  Pieces  of  pottery  ornamented 

8  Pottery  beads 

12  Pottery  fragments,  showing  effigies     ' 

12  Pottery  fragments   drilled 

120  Shell  beads 

384  Bone  awls,  pointed 

72  Bone  awls,  blunt  point 

56  Bone  punches 

6  Bone  arrow  points 

26  Bone  fish  hooks 

9  Bone  harpoons 
708  Bone  beads 

28     Bone  pieces  perforated   for  suspension  other  than  beads 


2O4  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

7  Bone  combs,  whole  or  in  part 

24  Bone  needles 

9  Bone  draw  shaves 

1  Bone  ceremonial  object 
63  Worked  deer  antlers 

3     Hair  pins 

2  Tally  bones 

62  Bear's  teeth  perforated 

44  Bear's  teeth  not  perforated 

29  Elk  teeth,  perforated 

7  Elk  teeth,  not  perforated 

43  Moose,   wolf,   dog  teeth 

9  Stone  pipes,  whole 

5  Clay  pipes,  whole,  plain,  or  ornamented 

28  Pipe  bowls,  stone  or  clay 

82  Pipe  stems,  2  inches  long  or  over 

Significance  of  the  Specimens 

Implements   and   artifacts    from   any   archeological   site   may  be 

divided  into  six  classifications  according  to  their  cultural  significance. 

These  are : 

. 

1  Permanent  forms  common  throughout  the  continent,  or  more 

narrowly  to  a  general  geographical  area. 

2  The  general  current  types  common  to  the  cultural  period  to 
which  the  site  belongs.     On  a  single  site,  the  normal  forms. 

3  Survivals  of  forms  more  commonly  found  on  older  sites,  or 
found  frequently  in  sites  of  another  culture. 

4  Forms  that  show  experimentation,  or  that  they  are  in  process 
of  developments;  forms  that  have  not  arrived  to  the  status  of  either  i 
or  2. 

5  New  forms  found  sparingly  in  the  site  but  more  frequently  in 
later  sites. 

6  Aberrant  or  unique  "forms  not  found  elsewhere. 

By  classifying  the  specimens  from  the  Reed  Fort  site  by  these 
standards  we  may  be  able  to  -trace  something  of  its  history  and  later 
influences,  culturally  speaking.  Here  we  find  hammerstones  and  lap- 
stones,  bone  awls,  chipped  flints  and  celts  falling  in  class  i .  In  class  2 
are  the  heavy  celts,  the  triangular  arrow  points,  bone  awls,  needles, 
worked  phalanges,  bone  beads,  perforated  animal  teeth,  pottery  deco- 
rated by  plats  of  triangles  filled  with  parallel  lines  drawn  on,  pottery 
pipes  with  raised  edges  on  the  bowls,  either  square,  trumpet  flaring  or 
having  various  effigies  modeled  on,  vase  or  bowl-shaped  stone  pipe 
bowls  with  large  beveled  stem  holes,  effigy  stone  pipes  with  otters  or 
lizards  worked  out  on  them,  crude  and  rather  large  shell  beads,  bone 


TIIK    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTOKY    OF    XH\\     YORK  20^ 

combs  with  three  and  four  teeth,  harpoons,  rish  hooks,  etc.  In 
class  3  are  found  the  metapodial  bone  scrapers  or  draw  shaves, 
roller  or  cylindrical  pestles,  not  found  in  any  later  sites,  pottery 
disks  ornamented  like  the  later  shell  "  runtees,"  conical  bone  arrow- 
points,  etc.  Certain  forms  of  the  pottery  and  pipes  fall  in  classes  4 
and  5. 

The  absence  of  certain  objects  is  significant  also,  particularly  as 
these  certain  objects  were  used  by  other  and  adjacent  tribes,  not  of 
the  same  stock,  at  the  same  period  of  time.  These  are  grooved  axes, 
many  notched  arrow  points,  steatite  vessels,  mica  ornaments,  native 
copper  implements,  monitor  pipes,  clay  pipes  with  sharp  elbow  bend 
below  the  bowl,  etc.  No  banner  stones,  bird  stones  or  two-holed 
gorgets  are  to  be  found,  and  no  bone  or  clay  object  is  decorated  with 
curved  lines.  In  this  we  have  proofs  that  the  culture  of  the  Reed 
Fort  site  was  a  crystallized  one  and  of  some  standing  in  point  of 
time.  \Ye  may  also  see  in  this  the  action  of  certain  taboos,  preju- 
dices and  conventions. 

To  solve  the  riddle  of  our  site  we  must  now  ask  with  what  other 
sites  the  objects  listed  under  classes  2,  3,  4  and  5  compare.  In  these 
things  we  may  find  some  clues. 

An  examination  of  the  most  important  fort  sites  in  the  Genesee 
country  plainly  shows  that  the  Reed  Fort  site  is  Iroquoian  and 
Seneca,  of  precolonial  time  and  possibly  pre-Columbian.  It  may 
antedate  the  foundation  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation.  The  speci- 
mens found  show  that  the  people  were  in  closer  touch  with  their 
neighbors  to  the  west  of  them  than  those  to  the  east,  though  in  point 
of  general  culture  they  were  the  same.  But  the  large  high-collared 
pottery  puts  the  contact  with  western  New  York.  It  was  but  a  day's 
journey  or  at  most  two  to  the  country  of  the  lower  Cattaraugus 
and  the  lower  Allegheny.  The  Niagara  frontier  was  but  80  miles 
distant.  In  all  this  country  lived  the  Erie,  the  Neuter,  the  Kahk- 
wa  and  the  Wenroe  and  perhaps  smaller  divisions  of  the  Iroquoian 
stock.  Across  the  Niagara  and  to  the  north  were  the  Huron.  But 
the  immediate  neighbors  of  the  Reed  Fort  site,  if  not  indeed  their 
progenitors,  seem  to  have  come  from  the  region  to  the  southwest. 
Perhaps  the  people  of  Burning  Spring  Fort  in  Cattaraugus  county 
were  their  ancestors.  Certainly  the  pottery  and  pipes  seem  to  point 
out  this  while  the  vase  and  bowl-shaped  stone  pipes  are  typical  of 
the  country  west  of  the  Genesee.  Cylindrical  pestles  are  found  both 
on  this  site  and  at  Burning  Spring  but  not  on  later  sites.  Once  the 
proto- Seneca  may  have  used  long  pestles.  Strangely  significant  too 
are  the  bone  draw  shaves.  Thev  are  Ohioan,  as  we  have  already 


2O6 


NEW     YORK    STATE    MUSE  I' 


intimated,  and  typical  .of  such  sites  as  the  Baum  and  Gartner  sites 
(Mills).    The  decorated  pottery  disk  is  also  Ohioan.     The  barbless 

fish  hooks  may  be  also  for  they  are 
quite  identical  in  point  of  form  and 
method  of  manufacture.  These  things, 
therefore,  fall  in  classification  3. 
Here  we  find  the  first  specimens  of 
bone  combs.  Only  a  few  other  speci- 
mens like  them  have  ever  been  found, 
and  these  in  Onondaga,  Montgomery 
and  Jefferson  counties,  in  early  sites. 
Unlike  them,  however,  the  Reed'  Fort 
site  combs  have  effigies  on  the  top. 
These  combs  are  the  prototypes  of  the 
numerous  bone  combs  found  in  the 
historic  period,  and  have  numerous 


Fig.  30 
Richmond 


Pottery 
Mills 


disk    from 


Seneca  sites  of  the  middle 
teeth  made  by  sawing. 

The  clay  pipes  show  some  experimentation  in  form  and  decora- 
tion, in  this  respect  being  like  those  from  Burning  Spring,  but  other 
forms  are  transmitted  constantly  and  without  change  up  to  the  time 
the  Seneca  gave  up  their  home-made  pipes.  The  fixed  type  pipes 
are  the  square-topped  "  Huronian  "  pipe,  the  trumpet  pipe,  an  early 
form  of  the  ringed  bowl,  and  the  human  face  effigy. 

Conclusion 

Our  belief  regarding  the  site  is  that  it  represents  one  of  the  vil- 
lages of  the  early  Seneca  before  the  opening  of  the  colonial  period. 
It  was  occupied  for  many  (perhaps  fifty)  years  and  then  abandoned, 
like  all  other  sites  of  like  character,  that  a  new  and  cleaner  site  with 
more  wood  and  game  might  be  had.  Its  inhabitants  were  hunters 
and  fishermen,  traders  and  tillers  of  the  soil.  They  were  in  com- 
munication with  the  people  along  the  Genesee,  down  the  Allegheny 
and  westward  along  the  valleys  of  the  Buffalo,  Cattaraugus  and 
Tonawanda  creeks,  though  most  of  their  journeys  were  probably  to 
the  south  and  westward.  They  were  descended  from  the  unspecial- 
ized  Iroquoian  peoples  of  the  upper  tributaries  of  the  Allegheny 
and  from  the  more  stable  Iroquois  farther  west  and  south.  They 
were  not  without  wars  and  for  some  time  struggled  with  the  dis- 
possessed Algonkian  peoples  whom  they  pushed  southward.  They 
knew  of  their  kinsmen  to  the  east  but  the  country  between  Canan- 
daigua  lake  and  Lake  Oneida  had  not  yet  been  conquered.  When  it 
was  finally  won  the  Mohawk  came  down  from  the  north  and  the 


THE    ARCHEDLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    -\K\V    YORK  2O/ 

(  hiondaga  left  their  seats  in  the  hilly  country  east  of  the  foot  of 
Lake  Ontario.  Thereafter  the  Iroquois  began  another  period  of 
integration  that  finally  led  to  the  formation  of  their  famous  con- 
federacy. Up  to  this  time  the  early  Seneca  had  mingled  more  with 
the  Erie  'and  the  Neutral  nations,  than  with  the  Onondaga  and 
Mohawk. 

When  the  site  was  finally  given  up  and  was  claimed  as  the  abiding 
place  of  the  departed  spirits,  the  living  people  marched  down  the 
Honeoye  to  a  new  place.  Their  arts  and  crafts  were  perpetuated, 
though  their  pottery  gradually  lost  its  collar  and  the  notches  at  the 
bottom  of  the  collar  became  the-notched  rim  of  the  pot.  Gradually 
the  goods  of  the  strangers  from  across  the  sunrise  sea  began  to  creep 
in  and  as  the  village  moved  on  again  and  again  the  original  town  was 
forgotten  to  all  save  the  keepers  of  the  traditions. 

A  MIDCOLO'NIAL  SENECA  SITE  IN  ERIE  COUNTY 
By  M.  RAYMOND  HARRINGTON 

The  possibilities  of  western  New  York  as  a  field  for  archeological 
research  have  long  been  known,  so  many  years  that  it  seems  remark- 
able that  the  region  has  not  been  entirely  exhausted.  But  notwith- 
standing the  more  or  less  systematic  labors  of  many  investigators 
there  are  still  a  number  of  interesting  sites  to  be  found  in  the  general 
vicinity  of  Buffalo  that  will  repay  the  efforts  of  the  careful  arche- 
ologist.  This  is  well  illustrated  by  the  results  obtained  from  the 
exploration,  in  the  summer  of  1903,  of  an  ancient  fort  and  burial 
site  about  2*/2  miles  up  Cattaraugus  creek  from  Lake  Erie  and  about 
30  miles  southwesterly  from  Buffalo,  on  the  Cattaraugus  Indian 
reservation.  The  investigation  was  carried  on  by  Arthur  C.  Parker 
and  myself,  under  the  direction  of  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  for  the 
Peabody  Museum  of  Archeology  and  Ethnology  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity. To  Mr  Parker  is  due  the  credit  of  furnishing  the  informa- 
tion which  led  to  the  selection  of  this  particular  locality  for  explora- 
tion, and  it  was  his  knowledge  of  the  region  that  made  possible  the 
speedy  discovery  of  a  suitable  site  upon  which  to  work. 

We  arrived  at  the  Cattaraugus  reservation  early  in  May  1903, 
and  immediately  made  inquiries  and  investigations.  We  visited  a 
number  of  places  where  arrowheads  and  potsherds  had  been  reported, 
but  did  not  discover  anything  of  importance  until  May  4th,  when 
we  came  upon  the  vestiges  of  an  old  fortified  Indian  village  or  strong- 
hold situated  on  a  terrace  overlooking  the  flood  plain  of  Cattaraugus 
creek,  about  1^/2  miles  eastward  from  the  little  village  of  Irving. 


2C>8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Not  much  was  to  be  seen  of  the  fortification  —  merely  a  nearly 
obliterated  curved  bank  of  earth  fencing  off  a  projecting  point  of 
the  terrace  from  the  rest  of  the  plateau.  On  a  low  knoll,  forming 
part  of  the  embankment,  though  perhaps  natural,  stands  the  house 
of  the  late  Rev.  Henry  Silverheels,  an  Indian  preacher  of  some 
note,  now  occupied  by  his  daughter  and  half-breed  son-in-law,  John 
Kennedy,  who  works  the  land  within  and  about  the  ancient  inclosure. 
We  named  this  earthwork  the  "  Silverheels  site  "  in  honor  of  its 
former  owner.  One  can  fancy  how  the  embankment  must  have 
looked  before  the  plow  had  made  such  inroads,  by  comparison  with 
the  other  similar  ancient  forts,  farther  up  Cattaraugus  creek,  which 
are  mainly  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation.  In  these  the  wall 
is  bordered  on  the  outside  by  a  ditch,  the  two  having  a  combined 
height  from^the  bottom  of  the  latter  to  top  of  the  former  of  about 
5l/2  to  6  feet.  Probably  the  same  condition  existed  here. 

A  brief  examination  of  the  site  and  its  surroundings  was  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  the  spot  had  been  indeed  well  chosen.  Here  was 
a  flat-topped  point  projecting  into  a  swampy  portion  of  the  Catta- 
raugus flood  plain  —  a  point  whose  bold  steep  banks  arising  from 
the  swamp  to  a  height  of  30  feet  or  more  made  it  easy  of  defense  on 
all  sides  but  one,  and  that  side  had  been  effectually  blocked  against 
a  possible  enemy  by  the  embankment  and  the  palisade  which  doubt- 
less surmounted  it  in  ancient  times.  Several  springs  of  clear  cold 
water  issue  from  the  bluff  within  8  feet  of  the  top  —  another  con- 
siderable advantage  in  time  of  siege.  Not  more  than  half  a  mile 
across  the  flood  plain  flows  Cattaraugus  creek,  a  stream  whose 
shifting  course  may  have  been  much  closer  to  the  fort  in  former 
years.  This  doubtless  furnished  the  tribesmen  with  abundant  fish 
at  the  time  of  the  great  spring  runs,  when  the  stream  is  full  of 
mullet  and  catfish  from  Lake  Erie.  Game  must  have  been  plentiful 
and  corn  could  well  have  been  raised  both  on  the  plateau  outside 
the  wall  or  on  the  higher  levels  of  the  flood  plain  below,  beyond  the 
strip  of  swamp.  Here  are  also  plentiful  evidences  of  former  occu- 
pation and  everything  seems  to  point  to  a  contemporaneous  habita- 
tion of  the  two  sites.  Perhaps  the  principal  part  of  the  village  was 
situated  on  the  flats,  in  which  case  the  fort  may  have  served  merely 
as  a  retreat  in  times  of  war  and  freshet,  and  as  a  burial  place.  The 
map  shown  in  plate  70  will  give  some  idea  of  the  general  surround- 
ings of  the  site,  while  plate  71  gives  the  details  of  the.  fort  itself. 

Upon  the  surface  of  the  plowed  ground  within  the  inclosure  were 
easily  distinguished  many  signs  of  previous  habitation ;  arrowheads, 
flint  chippings  and  rejects,  broken  celts,  bits  of  pottery  and  fire- 
cracked  pebbles  lay  scattered  here  and  there,  while  the  naturally 


Plate   70 


Sand     Hill 


Village  Site 


A 


Irving     highwa 


„ 
<ZI    Burials 

^  ^ 


Sketch  map  of  the  Silverheels  site,  Cattaraugus  reservation,  near  Irving,  N.  Y. 


Plate    71 


Sketch   showing  the   trenches   and  graves   found   in   the   Silverheels   site 
14 


212  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

indications  to  mark  the  graves ;  our  only  guide  was  the  stained  earth 
and  similar  traces  of  disturbance  above  them.  Fifty-one  of  the 
sixty-five  graves  yielded  articles  of  utility  and  ornament  that  had 
been  placed  with  the  dead  —  anything  from  a  single  bead  to  pipes 
and  pottery  vessels.  Most  of  the  yellow  soil  was  deeply  stained 
with  black  by  years  of  fires  and  accumulating  refuse.  We  also 
heard  from  different  Indians  that  Henry  Silverheels,  while  digging 
a  pit  in  which  to  winter  his  potatoes  had  unearthed  human  bones, 
and  had  found  others  later  while  grading  a  road  from  the  terrace 
to  the  flats.  On  looking  over  Beauchamp's  "Aboriginal  Occupation 
of  New  York "  we  found  the  site  listed  and  mapped,  but  not 
accurately.1  It  seemed  probable  from  the  accounts  heard  and  from 
the  surface  indications  that  excavation  would  reveal  much  of  inter- 
est, so  we  began  work  by  digging  a  number  of  small  test  pits  on 
"  post  holes  "  here  and  there  with  a  v,iew  to  determining  the  depth 
of  the  Indian  layer  and  discovering  the  most  promising  portions 
of  the  site.  The  result  showed  that  the  Indian  or  stained  layer 
averaged  only  8  to  12  inches  deep  and  that  traces  of  deeper  dis- 
turbances were  most  frequent  out  toward  the  point.  Most  of  the 
Indian  layer  was  badly  plow-torn,  but  in  the  deeper  portions  undis- 
turbed ash  beds  of  considerable  size  were  sometimes  met  with. 
A  system  of  8  foot  trenches  was  then  planned  not  to  cover  the  entire 
inclosure,  for  time  would  not  permit,  but  to  run  as  indications  proved 
favorable.  We  -did  not  begin  a  trench  series  on  the  side  of  the  area 
to  be  explored  and  run  them  in  regular  order  because  we  did  not 
know  just  where  the  best  material  lay  and  did  not  think  it  advisable 
with  our  limited  help  and  time  to  waste  labor  on  unproductive 
ground.  So  we  drove  one  trial  trench  8  feet  wide  in  a  westerly 
direction  parallel  to  the  edge  of  the  bluff,  as  shown  in  plate  71,  and 
another  at  right  angles  to  it  northward.  Then  we  added  parallel 
and  adjacent  trenches  where  it  seemed  most  promising.  The 
trenches  were  always  dug  a  few  inches  deeper  than  the  Indian  layer. 
Thus,  by  examining  the  underlying  yellow  sand  as  the  work  went 
on  we  could  at  once  detect  the  presence  of  a  grave  or  other  artificial 
disturbance  by  the  stained  appearance  of  this  sand  and  the  absence 
of  stratification.  These  disturbances  are  classified  as  graves,  ash 
pits,  ash  beds,  post  holes,  and  unexplained  disturbances;  and  if 
sufficiently  interesting,  described  and  numbered  in  order  as  pits  i, 
2,  3,  and  so  on. 
Out  of  the  one  hundred  pits  thus  listed  and  described,  sixty-five 

were  burial  pits  or  graves,  and  of  these  six  contained  more  than  one 

,^_______^_^_ 

1  Beauchamp.  W.  M.,  "Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York,"  p.  65. 


Plate    72 


Grave  of  colonial  period  Seneca,  Silverheels  site, 
and  owl  effigy  pipe  at  top  of  skull. 


Note  crushed  pottery  jar 


214  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

skeleton.  None  of  the  graves  was  more  than  43  inches  deep:  the 
average  was  about  2  feet,  2  inches.  Some  skeletons  were  so  near 
the  surface  that  they  had  been  disturbed  by  the  plow,  but  these  were 
usually  of  infants.  There  were  no  stones,  mounds  or  other  surface 
skeletons  headed  westward,  but  the  graves  were  arranged  in  no 
definite  order.  We  divided  the  burials  into  the  following  classes 
which  will  be  taken  up  in  order:  (i)  folded  skeletons,  (2)  extended 
skeleton,  (3)  infant  burial,  (4)  bone  burial  and  (5)  ossuary. 

The  typical  folded  adult  skeleton  (thirty-nine  out  of  the  seventy- 
three  found  were  in  this  position)  lay  about  2  feet  deep  on  the  side, 
heading  west,  with  knees  more  or  less  drawn  up  and  arms  flexed 
(plate  72).  Generally  the  hands  had  been  near  the  face,  but  these 
were  seldom  found,  the  bones  having  usually  disintegrated.  Even 
children  were  generally  buried  in  the  folded  attitude.  The  position 
of  the  body  had  been  easy  and  natural  in  most  cases,  although  some 
had  evidently  been  forcibly  folded.  One,  in  pit  37,  even  had  the 
sole  of  the  left  foot  against  the  right  knee,  a  very  strained  position. 
This  badly  disintegrated  skeleton  lay  at  a  depth  of  27  inches,  head- 
ing north;  charred  corn  was  scattered  about,  and  near  the  breast  lay 
a  broken  pottery  vessel.  Beneath  the  skeleton,  and  filling  the  whole 
bottom  of  the  pit  to  a  depth  of  39  inches  from  the  surface,  was  at 
least  a  bushel  of  charred  corn,  in  two  layers,  beneath  which  a  layer  of 
charred  wood,  bark  and  grass  was  found.  In  all  probability  an  old 
corn-cache  pit  had  been  later  used  for  burial  purposes. 

A  good  type  of  folded  skeleton,  found  in  pit  24,  is  shown  in  figure 
31,  an  adult  male  lying  on  the  right  side,  headed  west,  at  a  depth  of 
28  inches.  The  left  arm  was  bent,  the  right  straight,  the  legs  drawn 
up  in  a  natural  position,  the  jaw  fallen.  Lower  bones,  ribs  and 
vertebrae  were  in  bad  condition.  Not  far  from  the  face  was  a 
large  deer-antler  spearhead  pointing  west,  against  which  lay  a  terra- 
cotta pipe  in  the  form  of  a  coiled  serpent.  Between  the  end  of  the 
outstretched  right  arm  and  the  knee,  where  the  hand  had  been,  were 
found  thirteen  triangular  flint  arrowheads. 

The  skeleton  in  pit  85  (plate  73)  will  also  illustrate  the  extended 
burial.  An  iron  trade-axe  or  tomahawk  of  early  form  and  a  rude 
arrowhead  lay  near  the  forehead ;  near  the  face  a  terra  cotta  pipe  and 
a  rude  stone  knife  showing  traces  of  a  handle,  and  not  far  away  a 
pottery  jar  of  graceful  shape  broken  by  roots.  This  skeleton  also 
headed  west. 

Another  burial  of  this  sort,  found  in  pit  43,  without  accompany- 
ing objects.  It  should  be  remembered  that  all  these  skeletons  have 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XE\V    YORK 


215 


been  carefully  laid  bare  with  trowel  and  brush  so  as  not  to  disturb 
any  of  the  bones  before  the  photographs  could  be  taken. 

A  problematical  case  was  that  of  a  folded  skeleton  in  pit  66, 
lying  in  regular  order  at  a  depth  of  36  inches.  One  of  the  femurs 
had  been  separated  from  the  skeleton  after  burial  and  lay  just 


Fin-  3i  Folded  skeleton  from  the  Silverheels  site,  Erie  county. 
A  serpent  ettigy  pipe  lies  over  a  barbed  conical  spearhead  near  the 
face  and  thirteen  arrowheads  lie  near  the  knees. 


... 


beneath  an  ash  layer  only  12  inches  from  the  surface.  Another 
strange  feature  was  the  finding  of  the  charred  remnant  of  a  log  of 
wood  4  or  5  inches  in  diameter  lying  beside  the  skeleton. 

Only  five  skeletons  in  all  w^ere  found  extended,  and  of  one,  but 
a  few  crumbling  fragments  remained.     They  lay  deeper  than  the 


THE   ARCHEOLOG1CAL   HISTORY   OF   NEW   YORK 

average  folded  skeleton  and  were  all  accompanied  by  objects  of 
interest.  One  of  these,  found  in  pit  50  at  a  depth  of  38  inches,  had 
an  iron  trade  axe  near  the  skull  and  a  pottery  jar  at  the  right  hip. 
At  the  left  side  of  the  skull  were  the  jaw-tips  and  front  teeth  of 
some  large  carnivora,  probably  once  forming  part  of  a  wolf  skin 
head-dress  such  as  some  of  the  early  explorers  describe.  I  found 
similar  jaw-tips' near  an  Indian  skull  at  Port  Washington  (Long 
Island),  in  1900.  On  the  left  arm  lay  a  bone,  which  upon  examina- 
tion proved  to  be  one  of  the  mandibles  of  a  large  bird,  perhaps  a 
heron.  The  man  had  been  about  5  feet  6  inches  tall. 

In  pit  64  another  extended  skeleton  (see  plate  74),  probably  that 
of  an  adolescent  female,  was  found  at  a  depth  of  28  inches,  headed 
west.  While  the  skull  was  in  fair  condition  the  other  bones  were 
nearly  gone,  but  enough  remained  to  show  the  height  to  have  been 
about  5  feet  2  inches.  Near  the  right  hip  stood  a  pottery  vessel  bear- 
ing a  prominent  raised  rim  ornamented  with  deep  notches ;  and  near 
the  right  knee  a  pile  of  twenty-three  bone  tubes  3  or  4  inches  long  and 
half  an  inch  or  more  in  diameter,  some  of  which  were  decorated  with 
transverse  parallel  scratches,  together  with  a  small  iron  trade  knife. 
A  brass  bracelet  encircled  the  left  arm;  a  number  of  red  and  blue 
trade  beads  surrounded  the  neck.  Here  also  were  large  beads  rudely 
fashioned  from  the  columella  of  Busycon  (Fulgur)  caricus  or  some 
similar  marine  shell.  At  each  side  of  the  skull,  near  where  the 
ears  had  been,  lay  a  group  of  three  long  red  trade  beads,  probably 
once  forming  ear  pendants.  Red  ocher  in  considerable  quantity  lay 
behind  the  skull. 

Another  extended  skeleton  of  considerable  interest  was  found  in 
pit  68.  This  well-preserved  skeleton,  5  feet  7  inches  long,  lay  at  a 
depth  of  25  inches  and,  as  usual,  headed  west.  The  bones  of  the 
right  leg  showed  disease,  possibly  rheumatism  as  the  distal  end  of 
the  fibula  was  extended  by  rheumatic  exostosis.  Near  the  place 
where  the  right  hand  had  lain  were  three  triangular  arrowheads,  on 
the  right  elbow  a  deposit  comprising  the  following  articles:  one  iron 
knife,  three  bone  implements  (possibly  flint  flakers),  seven  worked 
flints  (some  perhaps  rejects),  three  chipped  flint  points,  one  sheet 
brass  arrow  point  (triangular),  two  flat  oval  stones -showing  much 
rubbing  and  scratching,  a  bit  of  purplish  pigment,  some  copper 
beads  and  some  bits  of  copper-stained  bark.  On  the  right  wrist 
was  a  metallic  bracelet,  perhaps  iron.  The  man  had  possibly  been 
an  arrow-maker. 

The  last  extended  skeleton  also  presented  a  number  of  interesting 
features.  It  was  found  in  pit  78  at  a  depth  of  40  inches,  headed 


2l8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

west.  The  arms  were  doubled  so  that  the  hands  touched  the  chin. 
The  skull,  beside  being  forced  apart  at  the  sutures  by  the  weight 
of  the  superincumbent  earth  showed  a  gaping  hole  apparently  made 
in  ancient  times,  while  beneath  the  sternum  lay  a  triangular  flint 
arrowhead,  which  by  irritation  had  evidently  caused  a  pathological 
condition  of  the  bone  above  it.  Besides  a  terra  cotta  pipe,  two  iron 
knives  and  two  bits  of  paint  lying  near  the  right  arm,  a  few  frag- 
ments of  a  bag  made  of  skin  with  the  hair  left  on,  probably  pre- 
served by  copper  salts,  were  found  near  the  right  shoulder.  Some 
blue  beads  and  fish  teeth  encountered  here  had  evidently  been  in 
the  bag.  The  neck  was  encircled  by  five  long,  red  pipestone  (cat- 
linite)  beads,  two  of  which  were  decorated  with  notches.  Along 
the  lower  leg  were  strips  of  skin,  evidently  part  of  the  leggings, 
preserved  by  the  copper  beads  sewn  along  their  edges. 

A  certain  type  of  infant  burial,  met  with  in  a  number  of  instances, 
was  peculiar.  The  tiny  fragments  of  bone  were  surrounded  by  or 
covered  with  a  very  distinct  layer  of  charred  bark  and  grass. 
Almost  without  exception  trade  beads  or  wampum,  sometimes  even 
tiny  jars,  were  found  with  the  remains.  Sometimes  the  infants' 
graves  were  extremely  shallow,  in  one  instance  (pit  96)  being  only 
10  inches  deep,  but  still  containing  decayed  infant's  bones,  a  few 
glass  beads  and  a  little  pottery  jar  in  good  condition.  In  another 
case,  that  of  pit  60,  the  parents  had  been  especially  lavish  with  their 
last  gifts.  Here  the  remains  of  the  little  skeleton  lay  at  a  depth  of 
21  inches,  heading  west.  Near  the  skull  was  a  small  pottery  jar  in 
good  condition,  at  the  neck  a  double  row  of  copper  beads,  together 
with  Venetian  and  long  red  trade  beads,  perforated  elk  teeth,  large 
shell  beads  and  a  quantity  of  wampum.  Around  one  arm  was  a 
tubular  brass  bracelet  and  in  the  pot  a  number  of  conical  copper 
ornaments  or  jinglers  and  two  pieces  of  decayed  wood.  Both  the 
copper  beads  and  the  wampum  in  some  instances  kept  their  posi  ion 
in  short  strings,  the  former  being  due  to  the  preservation  action  of 
the  copper  salts  on  the  fiber  or  sinew  string,  the  latter  to  the  lime 
from  the  shell  of  which  the  wampum  was  composed  having  cemeir.ecl 
the  beads  together.  Near  the  surface  of  the  grave  were  distinct 
traces  of  fire.  . 

A  number  of  graves,  both  of  infants  and  adults,  exhibited  near 
the  surface  a  layer  of  ashes  indicating  that  the  custom  of  keeping 
a  fire  on  the  grave  for  some  time  after  burial  may  have  been  prac- 
tised here. 

Three  cases  of  "  bone  burial  "  were  found  on  this  site.  As  may 
be  seen  by  the  skeleton  to  the  right  in  plate  75,  found  in  pit  30,  and 


22O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

by  the  one  found  in  pit  95  shown  in  figure  16,  the  bones  were  prac- 
tically all  disjointed  and  placed  without  definite  order,  except  that 
in  both  cases  the  skull  lay  at  the  west  end  of  the  heap.  In  some 
cases  all  the  bones  of  an  arm,  say,  would  be  in  their  relative  posi- 
tions, but  the  proximal  end  of  the  humerus  might  lie  in  contact 
with  the  sacrum,  which  in  its  turn  might  be  entirely  disconnected 
from  the  lumbar  vertebrae.  Judging  from  this  disarticulation  the 
snail  shells  found  in  some  of  the  skulls  and  the  absence  of  many 
of  the  smaller  bones  it  seems  probable  that  the  bodies  had  lain 
exposed  until  much  decayed,  possibly  in  tree  burials  or  scaffolds1  or 
had  previously  been  buried  elsewhere  —  at  least  they  must  have 
been  in  a  fragmentary  condition  when  brought  to  this  site  for 
burial.  A  pipe  and  a  flint  scraper  lay  near  the  skull  of  the  bone 
burial  and  a  broken  jar  accompanied  another  burial. 

Very  similar  to  the  bone  burials  in  many  respects,  even  to  the 
snail  shells  within  the  skulls,  and  differing  from  them  only  in  the 
number  of  skeletons  contained,  were  the  ossuaries,  of  which  three 
were  found,  two  small  ones  within  the  fort  and  a  large  one  on  the 
flood  plain  below.  One  of  the  former,  found  in  pit  62,  contained 
two  adult  and  one  child's  skeleton,  disarticulated  as  in  bone  burials, 
without  accompanying  objects,  at  a  depth  of  26%  inches.  An  inter- 
esting feature  of  this  ossuary  was  the  presence  of  a  layer  of  more 
or  less  charred  bark  forming  a  stratum  across  the  pit  6  or  8  inches 
above  the  skeletons,  which  had  sunken  in  at  the  center  as  the  dirt 
had  settled  down  around  the  bones.  Still  another  feature  of  interest 
was  the  intrusion  of  a  later  ash  pit  (61)  into  the  side  of  the  ossuary. 
This  feature  of  an  ash  pit  intruding  on  a  grave  was  observed  in  a 
number  of  other  instances  and  seems  to  show  that  these  people  did 
not  in  all  cases  even  temporarily  mark  their  graves  or  that  a  long 
time  had  elapsed  between  the  two  excavations.  Traces  of  three 
superimposed  excavations  were  observed  in  pit  30,  which  contained 
a  bone  burial  in  good  condition  as  before  mentioned,  and  also  a 
very  much  decayed  folded  skeleton  in  regular  order  by  its  side,  at 
the  feet  of  which  (in  a  unique  position)  stood  a  small  jar.  The 
pit  ran  down  some  distance  below  the  skeletons  and  yielded,  in  this 
bottom  portion,  several  chipped  points  and  other  objects.  It  looked 
as  if  the  folded  skeleton  had  been  buried  in  a  preexisting  pit,  then  in 
after  years  the  "  bone  burial  "  was  interred.  A  small  ash  pit  dug 
into  the  side  of  pit  30  may  represent  a  fourth  intrusive  excavation. 


1  This  was  the  Seneca  custom  within  the  memory  of  many  of  the  Seneca 
over  90  years  old.    See  Morgan. 


rt  ". 


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II 

t/) 
'-5  Jf 


222  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  other  ossuary  within  the  fort  was  found  in  pit  79,  and  con- 
tained the  disjointed  skeletons  of  an  adult  and  a  child,  and  a  folded 
child  skeleton  in  order  accompanied  by  much  wampum  and  red  trade 
beads. 

On  May  25th,  John  Kennedy,  while  harrowing  a  field  adjoining 
the  flood  plains  site,  dragged  up  a  few  bits  of  charcoal  and  human 
bones,  which  he  recognized  as  indicating  something  of  interest 
beneath.  The  next  day  we  made  excavations  at  the  place  he  pointed 
out  and  unearthed  a  circular  ossuary  about  6  feet  in  diameter  and  2 
feet  deep,  filled  almost  to  the  surface  with  a  mass  of  intermixed 
human  bones.  No  regular  arrangement  could  be  made  out,  but  most 
of  the  long  bones  were  rudely  grouped  in  one  part  of  the  pit,  the 
skulls  in  another  and  so  on.  The  whole  ossuary  was  not  uncovered, 
merely  the  top  and  one  side  and  only  a  part  cleared  out,  still  nine 
skulls,  representing  people  from  infancy  to  old  age,  were  observed, 
including  those  removed  and  sent  to  the  Museum.  The  bones  near 
the  surface  were  much  decayed  and  badly  broken,  showing  signs  of 
fire ;  while  a  few  bits  of  charcoal  and  scattered  potsherds  lay  among 
them.  The  bones  were  so  soft  and  so  tangled  that  an  attempt  to 
excavate  the  entire  deposit  would  merely  have  resulted  in  their 
destruction;  and  this  fact,  together  with  the  expressed  disapproval 
of  the  Indians,  rendered  such  an  attempt  inadvisable.  The  bone 
deposit  was  probably  surmounted  in  former  years  by  a  mound,  the 
last  of  which  may  have  been  destroyed  that  very  season  by  the 
spring  plowing. 

Ossuaries  of  this  sort  are  said  to  have  been  commonly  made  by 
the  Iroquoian  people,  who  collected  the  bones  of  their  dead  at  inter- 
vals and  brought  them  in  bundles  to  be  deposited  together  in  a 
mound.1 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  burials  some  mention  should  be 
made  of  the  physical  condition  of  the  skeletons  a  number  of  which 
exhibited  abnormal  features.  The  skeleton  in  pit  67  showed  decided 
deformity  of  the  spine  and  skull,  that  in  pit  68  a  diseased  condition 
of  the  right  fibula,  while  several  vertebrae  and  other  bones  from 
different  graves  showed  ankylosis.  Injuries  of  the  skull  which  had 
apparently  taken  place  before  death  were  observed  on  several  occa- 
sions, especially  in  the  case  -of  the  skeleton  in  pit  78,  which  more- 
over showed  an  arrow  wound  beneath  the  sternum.  Decay  of  bones 
in  general  was  very  irregular,  even  in  the  same  skeleton,  a  state  of 


1  Morgan,  League  of  the  Iroquois,  1851,  p.  173. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NKW    YORK  223 

affairs  easily  accounted  for  by  the  action  of  roots.  Teeth  as  a  rule 
were  quite  sound  but  in  the  older  individuals  they  were  well  worn 
and  often  a  few  (mainly  molars)  were  missing.  The  teeth  of  the 
skeleton  found  in  pit  93  were  very  abnormal. 

Next  to  the  burials  in  point  of  number  and  interest  were  the  ash 
pits  or  fire  holes.  These  consisted  of  more  or  less  cup-shaped 
depressions  in  the  ground  running  from  18  inches  to  4  feet  in  depth 
and  3  to  6  feet  across,  filled  with  stained  earth,  ashes  and  charcoal 
often  laid  in  strata  of  varying  thickness,  conforming  as  a  rule  to 
the  curve  of  the  bottom.  Quantities  of  fish  bones,  broken  pottery 
and  charred  corn  were  taken  from  these  pits,  as  well  as  a  number 
of  split  deer  bones,  fresh-water  shells,  bone  awls  and  heads  of  the 
same  material,  and  arrow  points,  whole  and  broken,  together  with 
all  sorts  of  flint  chippings,  rejects  and  general  refuse.  Occasionally 
objects  like  perfect  pipes  or  jars  were  found  but  such  finds  were 
very  rare  in  the  pits.  Some  contained  almost  nothing  of  conse- 
quence, others  much  of  interest,  while  a  few  were  given  over 
mainly  to  corn.  Pits  27  and  28  were  good  examples  of  this  class. 
The  former,  about  27  inches  in  diameter  and  20  inches  deep,  con- 
tained a  large  quantity  of  charred  corn,  evidently  mature  and  shelled, 
surrounded  by  fragments  of  bark  carbonized  by  fire.  Beneath  and 
around  the  corn  and  its  bark  sheathing  lay  gray  ashes.  A  broken 
metate-like  stone,  a  muller,  an  arrowhead,  a  few  fish  bones  and 
some  potsherds  wrere  also  secured.  Pit  28,  20  inches  deep,  contained 
in  its  center  a  quantity  of  ashes  and  burnt  red-  earth  surmounting 
a  mass  of  charred  green  corn  on  the  cob,  as  shown  in  figure  21. 
The  pit  was  lined  with  charred  grass. 

Another  interesting  pit  was  42,  from  which  a  cross  section  was 
drawn.  A  typical  pit  in  every  particular,  it  was  bowl-shaped,  a 
little  more  than  6  feet  in  diameter  and  attained  the  depth  of  42 
inches.  Below  the  plow-torn  layer  the  stratified  structure  at  once 
became  evident,  while  at  a  depth  of  20  inches  was  found  an  irregular 
layer  of  reddish  and  yellow  ash  immediately  overlaying  a  densely 
black  layer  of  charcoal,  containing  corn-cobs,  corn,  nuts,  bits  of 
squash  stalks  and  a  small  piece  of  braided  corn  husk,  all  in  a  charred 
condition.  Below,  stained  earth  with  scattered  black  streaks 
extended  down  to  the  yellow  sand  in  which  the  pit  had  been  dug. 
Near  the  charred  layer  were  exhumed  the  few  objects  obtained  in 
this  pit;  a  few  bone  beads,  three  arrowheads,  a  broken  terra  cotta 
pipe  stem,  part  of  a  metate-like  stone,  a  bit  of  paint  and  some  Unio 
shells.  Another  pit,  47,  was  of  somewhat  different  structure.  It 


224  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

contained  the  usual  refuse  such  as  fish  bones,  bird  stones,  chips, 
potsherds,  broken  implements,  ashes  and  charcoal. 

As  mentioned  before,  a  number  of  pits  had  been  dug  into  earlier 
graves.  Pit  40  was  another  case  in  point.  This  pit  was  originally 
a  grave,  and  contained  parts  of  an  extended  skeleton,  but  had  been 
later  disturbed  by  an  ash  pit,  reaching  nearly  down  to  the  bones  and 
containing  hundreds  of  charred  acorns. 

What  was  the  purpose  of  these  pits,  so  numerous  on  Indian  sites 
throughout  the  East?  The  answer  seems  to  be  quite  simple. 
Although  differing  slightly  with  individual  pits,  as  a  rule  they  seem 
to  have  been  dug  for  use  as  ovens,  clam-bake  style,  and  the  presence 
of  fire-cracked  stones  in  many  of  them  helps  support  that  theory. 
Most  of  them  have  evidently  been  used  a  number  of  times  at  least, 
at  varying  intervals,  as  shown  by  the  ash  layers  separated  by 
accumulation  of  dirt  broken  down  from  the  sides  and  miscellaneous 
rubbish,  for  which  these  pits  doubtless  served  as  handy  repositories. 
Some  had  been  filled  up  after  being  used  but  a  short  time,  others 
had  been  made  to  do  duty  as  graves  —  perhaps  in  the  winter  when 
the  surrounding  ground  was  frozen.  Several  showed  indications  of 
having  been  corn-caches  or  receptacles  for  storing  corn,  well  known 
to  have  been  used  by  Iroquoian  peoples  and  frequently  to  be  found 
on  their  village  sites.  The  green  corn  pit  28  was  explained  to  me 
by  a  Seneca  who  described  the  ancient  receipt  for  the  preparation 
of  green  corn.  He  described  how  the  Indians  used  to  build  a  fire 
in  a  pit  dug  for  the  purpose,  withdrawing  it  when  the  earth  was 
sufficiently  heated.  They  then  lined  the  hot  pit  with  green  grass 
and  husks,  put  in  their  corn,  covered  it  with  grass  and  husks  over 
which  was  placed  a  protecting  layer  of  cold  ashes,  rebuilding  the 
fire  above  it  and  thus  roasting  the  corn  to  perfection.  In  the  case 
of  pit  28  the  fire  had  evidently  been  left  burning  too  long.  Probably 
this  "  clam-bake  "  method  was  used  for  other  foods  as  well ;  hence 
the  numerous  pits. 

Less  definite  and  harder  to  explain  than  the  pits,  yet,  one  might 
say,  shading  into  them,  were  the  irregular  depressions  and  deposits 
classified  as  ash  beds.  These  were  scattered  over  the  southern  part  of 
the  inclosure  and  did  not  seem  to  have  definite  outline.  Some  were 
as  much  as  10  feet  across,  but  seldom  reached  a  depth  of  more 
than  a  few  inches  below  the  plow-torn  layer.  The  name  is  self- 
explanatory;  they  were  merely  layers  of  ashes  and  stained  earth 
with  scattering  animal  bones  and  artifacts.  In  one  case,  however, 
we  found  part  of  a  charred  rush  mat  rolled  on  a  stick,  but  this  unfor- 
tunately fell  to  pieces. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  22$ 

Near  graves  we  sometimes  found  narrow  depressions  rilled  with 
black  dirt,  charcoal  and  refuse  penetrating  some  18  inches  into  the 
yellow  sand.  We  gave  them  the  name  "  post  holes  "  which  seems 
to  offer  the  best  suggestion  as  to  their  probable  origin  and  use. 
Perhaps  the  posts  supported  palisades  or  fences  surrounding  the 
graves,  such  as  were  seen  by  the  early  explorers  among  the  Iroquois.1 

During  the  course  of  our  excavations  we  met  with  a  number  of 
unexplained  disturbances  which  we  traced  downward,  as  usual,  to 
the  undisturbed  yellow  sand,  sometimes  more  than  4  feet  deep.  But 
we  found  nothing  —  no  chippings,  no  charcoal,  no  trace  of  man 
except  the  disturbed  sand  with  its  tell-tale  black  stains.  I  can  con- 
ceive of  no  feasible  explanation  for  these  apparently  useless  expendi- 
tures of  labor.  One  somewhat  similar  disturbance,  however,  on 
the  northern  side  of  the  fort  we  laid  to  some  excavation  of  more 
modern  times. 

The  foods  of  the  former  inhabitants  of  this  site,  as  indicated  by 
the  specimens  found,  must  have  been  quite  varied.  Among  animal 
foods  fish  predominated ;  almost  every  pit  yielded  from  a  few  to 
large  quantities  of  fish  bones,  among  which  the  presence  of  the  cat- 
fish could  be  detected  by  the  numerous  characteristic  fin-spines,  and 
of  the  sturgeon  by  a  few  scattered  bony  scales.  The  raccoon  and 
the  woodchuck  were  the  best  represented  among  the  small  mammals ; 
larger  mammals  were  scarce,  but  two  bear  teeth  were  found. 
Strange  to  say,  deer  bone,  so  abundant  on  many  other  sites,  were 
here  decidedly  rare:  all  of  the  few  found,  however,  were  split  for 
the  marrow  in  the  usual  fashion  and  some  showed  partial  burning. 
In  one  pit  several  bones  of  a  large  mammal  were  found,  with  a 
perfect  arrow  point  close  to  one  of  them  as  if  it  had  been  embedded 
in  the  flesh.  I  did  not  attempt  to  identify  the  bird  bones  found. 
Crumbling  Unio  shells  were  not  infrequent  in  the  pits,  and  at  least 
one  deposit  of  more  than  a  dozen  helix  shells  was  obtained,  both 
indicating  their  probable  use  as  food.  Turtle  bones  were  rare  —  a 
contrast  to  their  abundance  in  the  ancient  shell-heaps  of  the  New 
York  seaboard. 

Corn  evidently  held  first  place  then,  as  now^  among  the  foods  of 
Iroquoian  peoples,  for  it  was  very  abundant  in  many  pits,  both  in 
the  form  of  charred  grains  or  cobs  and  sometimes  in  very  large 
quantities  as  described  before.  The  cobs  are  quite  short,  but  the 
kernels  themselves  seem  as  large  as  in  modern  corn.  In  pit  40  at 


1  Cf .  Journals  Sullivan's  campaign. 


226  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the  bottom  of  an  intrusion  penetrating  the  older  grave  were  several 
quarts  of  charred  acorns.  A  few  charred  beans  and  squash  stalks 
alone  remain  to  tell  of  the  former  use  of  these  famous  Indian  staples. 
Fruits  were  barely  represented  by  a  few  charred  pits,  thought  to  be 
of  the  wild  cherry.  Tobacco,  or  a  substitute  for  it,  was  discovered 
in  a  charred  state  within  the  bowl  of  one  of  the  terra  cotta  pipes. 

The  artifacts  obtained  within  the  inclosure  show  that  its  ancient 
occupants  manufactured  implements,  utensils  and  ornaments  of 
stone,  clay,  bone,  antler  and  turtle  shell.  They  possessed  moreover 
brass  of  European  origin  from  which  implements  and  other  objects 
were  made  and  also  shell  objects  obtained  in  trade.  Skins  of  ani- 
mals, furs  and  vegetable  fiber  were  also  used,  and  the  use  of  wood 
may  be  inferred. 

Chipped  stone  implements,  although  quite  abundant,  were  remark- 
able for  their  paucity  of  forms.  Nearly  all  were  triangular  blades, 
doubtless  in  the  main  arrowheads,  without  notches  or  stems  and 
made  of  black  or  gray  flint.  The  workmanship  of  course  differed 
considerably,  some  points  being  rather  rude,  others  exquisitely  thin, 
symmetrically  shaped  and  keen.  A  very  few  notched  blades  were 
obtained,  probably  knives.  Another  type  of  what  must  have  been 
a  cutting  tool  of  some  sort  was  found  near  a  skeleton  in  pit  85.  It 
was  long  and  rectangular  in  shape  and  bore  distinct  traces  of  a 
wooden  handle  of  some  sort.  A  few  beveled  scrapers  and  a  drill 
or  two  complete  the  list  of  chipped  implements  found  within  the 
inclosure.  Rejects  and  unfinished  implements  were  also  obtained 
in  fair  quantity.  Similar  forms  prevailed  upon  the  flood  plain  site, 
an  argument  in  favor  of  the  theory  that  both  places  were  occupied 
by  the  same  people,  probably  at  the  same  time.  Strange  to  say,  on 
the  plateau  just  outside  the  embankment  a  few  pieces  of  a  different 
character  were  picked  up,  perhaps  relics  of  an  earlier  habitation. 
These  were  large  and  notched  forms  unlike  any  found  within  the 
fort  or  upon  the  flood  plain  site. 

A  few  celts,  mostly  rude  or  broken,  were  unearthed  from  the  pits 
and  general  refuse  of  the  fort,  and  picked  up  on  the  flood  plain, 
but  no  grooved  axes  whatever;  in  fact  I  have  never  heard  of  their 
being  found  in  the  neighborhood;  Water-worn  cobbles,  sometimes 
pitted  and  showing  use  as  hammers,  were  common ;  there  were  also 
a  number  with  shallow  pits  but  no  trace  of  battering.  The  finding 
of  a  broken  metate  like  stone  and  a  muller  in  pit  27  near  a  quantity 
of  charred  corn  indicates  their  probable  employment  in  corn  prepara- 
tion. Several  such  metates  and  mullers  were  found.  Net  sinkers 
made  by  notching  the  opposite  edges  of  flat  pebbles  were  plentiful 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  22J 

on  the  flood  plain  but  only  occasional  in  the  fort  —  a  fact  easily 
accounted  for  by  the  closer  proximity  of  the  former  to  the  fishing 
grounds  along  Cattaraugus  creek.  There  were  also  several  worn 
and  polished  "  slick  stones,"  possibly  potter's  tools,  and  a  few  other 
implements  of  a  rude  and  undeterminate  nature. 

The  highest  example  of  stone  art  secured  was  the  realistically 
carved  owl  pipe  near  the  back  of  the  head  of  a  folded  skeleton  in 
pit  29.  In  the  grave  were  also  a  broken  pottery  vessel,  some  wam- 
pum, a  piece  of  flint,  some  greenish  clayey  stone,  possibly  paint, 
and  an  iron  trade  knife,  the  sheath  of  which  had  evidently  been 
decorated  with  wampum,  for  part  of  a  curved  design  composed  of 
three  shell  beads  could  be  made  out  when  the  iron  was  raised.  The 
pipe  itself  had  been  very  carefully  carved  from  limestone  and  is  in 
every  way  a  splendid  example  of  Indian  art.  It  was  evidently 
intended  for  use  with  a  wooden  stem,  which  had  entered  just  above 
the  tail  of  the  owl,  thus  causing  it  to  face  away  from  the  smoker. 
The  feet  are  extended  forward  to  give  a  good  finger  hold  and  the 
head  raised  above  the  rim  of  the  bowl. 

A  number  of  red  catlinite  or  slate  beads,  also  excellent  pieces  of 
workmanship,  were  found  in  different  graves.  They  were  an  inch 
or  more  in  length,  slender,  and  more  or  less  cylindrical,  although 
sometimes  having  a  squarish  section.  This  latter  type  was  decorated 
with  notches  along  their  full  length.  The  source  of  the  catlinite 
once  in  common  use  among  Iroquoian  peoples  is  a  question  I  have 
not  been  able  to  work  out  but  it  must  have  been  brought  in  from 
western  tribes  by  trade  or  conquest! 

The  only  representative  of  the  gorget  class  of  ornaments  was  a 
small  flat  oval  stone  amulet  scalloped  along  its  edge,  drilled  near 
one  end  and  bearing  on  each  side  a 
rude  incised  human  figure.  Later 
a  perforated  pendant  effigy  was 
found  by  Mr  Kennedy  (see  figure 

32). 

Paint    was    represented    by    red 
pigment    found    in    a    number    of        F'S-  32    Effigy      found      with 

•  111        tortoise  rattle 
graves,   sometimes   in   considerable 

quantity,  and  by  a  few  pieces  of  purplish  and  greenish  soft  stone. 
Articles  made  of  bone  and  antler  were  not  very     numerous  nor 
were  they  in  great  variety.     Awls  of  bone  were  occasionally  met 
with,  some  merely  sharpened  splinters,  others  more  elaborately  fin- 
ished, one  being   even  decorated   at   the  blunt   end   with   a  design 
15 


228  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

composed  of  short  incised  lines.  But  one  bone  needle  was  found  — 
a  broken  one.  The  purpose  of  the  twenty-three  bone  tubes  3  or  4 
inches  long  found  with  an  iron  knife  piled  up  near  the  right  knee 
of  the  skeleton  in  pit  64,  before  described,  remains  a  matter  for 
speculation,  nor  does  the  occurrence  of  parallel  transverse  notches 
on  the  sides  of  some  of  them  seem  to  give  any  clue.  It  was  sug- 
gested by  one  of  our  Seneca  visitors  that  these  tubes  may  have  been 
medicine  receptacles.  Eight  similar  ones  were  found  in  a  pottery 
vessel  near  the  face  of  the  skeleton  in  pit  97.  Smaller  tubes  suitable 
for  beads  were  found  in  a  number  of  pits,  and  were  probably  used 
as  such.  The  bony  part  of  a  turtle  shell  containing  large  beads  and 
small  pebbles  found  in  front  of  a  folded  skeleton  in  pit  58  indicates 
that  the  ancient  use  of  a  turtle  shell  rattle  was  similar  to  the  Ganowa 
gustahewesen  of  the  modern  Seneca.  (Plate  76  shows  a  similar 
rattle.) 

The  most  interesting  of  the  bone  objects  found  was  a  small 
human  figure  very  neatly  carved,  but  with  no  trace  of  arms  and 
with  the  feet  missing.  It  was  discovered  in  pit  33  at  the  depth  of 
about  1 8  inches  from  the  surface  in  a  layer  of  charred  bark,  where 
it  was  associated  with  small  copper  beads  covered  with  verdigris 
and  still  adhering  in  strings,  scattered  glass  trade  beads,  and  infants' 
bones  —  a  typical  infant  grave.  When  this  figure  was  shown  to  the 
Seneca  they  informed  us  that  the  "  ga-ya'-da  "  or  image  was  a  very 
powerful  "  witch  "  charm,  and  that  similar  ones  had  been  often 
used  by  their  men  of  magic.  They  even  told  stones  of  finding  such 
an  image  amid  the  belongings  of  a  deceased  mystic,  done  up  in  a 
large  ball  of  cloths  and  skins,  the  inner  of  which  was  soaked  with 
blood.  Personally,  I  think  that  if  the  image  had  been  so  highly 
thought  of  in  ancient  times  it  would  never  have  been  buried  with  an 
infant,  and  that  it  probably  was  merely  a  toy  —  a  doll  for  the  child 
to  play  with  in  Spirit  Land.1 

Some  mystic  purpose,  however,  may  have  prompted  the  placing 
of  several  raccoon  penis  bones  with  an  infant  in  pit  49,  as  such 
objects  are  still  to  be  found  in  "  mysterious  packages "  among 
Iroquoian  peoples  today. 

A  few  perforated  elk  teeth  found  in  another  child's  grave  (pit 
60)  hitherto  described,  were  of  the  sort  highly  prized  as  decorations 
by  the  modern  western  Indians,  and  were  here  doubtless  used  for 
the  same  purpose. 

A  fine  specimen  of  antler  implement  was  the  spear  or  harpoon 
head  discovered  with  the  skeleton  in  pit  24,  hitherto  described  and 

1  Similar  effigies  were  found  at  Factory  Hollow,  Ontario  county. 


Plate    76 


Objects  from  graves  in  the  Silverheels  site  near  Irving,  Chautauqua 
county,  i,  tortoise  rattle  such  as  is  used  by  the  Seneca  Wenontonwisas 
society.  2,  bone  comb.  3,  fragment  of  gourd  preserved  by  contact  with 
the  copper  object  within  it.  4,  small  brass  kettle  found  in  the  grave  of 
a  child. 


230  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

figured.  Made  much  after  the  fashion  of  the  more  familiar  antler 
arrowhead  by  cutting  off  the  end  of  an  antler,  sharpening  the  point, 
and  drilling  out  the  butt  to  receive  the  shaft,  it  was  much  larger 
(4  or  5  inches  long),  was  transversely  perforated  probably  for  the 
attachment  of  a  harpoon  line,  and  showed  a  backward  and  outward 
projection  of  the  rim  of  the  shaft  socket,  doubtless  intended  for  a 
barb.  But  one  other  variety  of  antler  implement  was  obtained,  a 
sort  of  elongated  cylinder,  probably  a  flint  flaker,  unearthed  from 
pit  67.  In  this  pit 1  at  a  depth  of  22^  inches  lay  a  folded  skeleton 
heading  west  and  facing  south.  The  spine  showed  distinct  indica- 
tions of  disease,  and  certain  other  bones  seemed  abnormal.  Between 
the  head  and  knees  lay  a  deposit  of  objects  among  which  figured  the 
antler  cylinder,  stained  green  and  well  preserved  by  copper  salts 
from  a  sheet  of  that  metal  just  above  it.  Here  were  also  an  oval 
flat  stone  showing  wear,  an  iron  trade  knife,  and  a  small  flint  point, 
while  near  the  neck  of  the  skeleton  a  few  trade  beads  came  to  light. 
A  few  other  similar  bone  or  antler  cylinders  in  poor  condition  were 
discovered  with  the  skeleton  in  pit  68,  before  described.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  the  skeletons  of  both  pits  67  and  68  had  what  might 
be  called  arrow-making  outfits,  the  only  ones  found,  and  were  both 
cripples.  Perhaps  among  these  people  arrow-making  devolved  upon 
those  who  could  not  hunt. 

Wampum  beads  were  quite  common  —  by  far  the  most  abundant 
of  shell  objects  found.  We  found  them,  with  few  exceptions,  only 
about  the  necks  of  women  and  children.  The  beads  were  regula- 
tion wampum  size,  cylindrical,  and  mainly  white,  in  many  cases 
•showing  the  spiral  laminae  of  the  shell  columella  from  which  they 
had  been  made.  Another  variety  of  somewhat  similar  shell  beads 
was  a  little  larger  and  more  disc  shaped.  Quite  a  number  of  large 
coarse  beads  made  from  the  columellae  of  Busycon  (Fulgur)  caricus 
or  similar  marine  shells  occurred,  often  heavily  coated  with  a  brown- 
ish patina.  Large  shell  discs  were  rare,  but  one  or  two  in  an 
advanced  stage  of  disintegration  being  found. 

It  was  very  difficult  to  make  sure  of  the  native  copper  among  the 
quantity  of  mostly  brass  articles  found,  but  there  were  some  beads 
at  least  made  from  this  material.2  The  copper  had  been  hammered 
out  into  rough  sheets  and  then  bent  around  into  a  cylindrical  form, 


1  An    intrusive    ash    pit   containing,    among   other    things,   a    large    chipped 
point,  had  been  dug  into  this  grave, 

2  Later    examination   proved   that    there   was   no  native   copper   implement 
found  here.    A.  C.  P. 


TllK    A1U  HEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YOKK  23! 

making  a  large  rude  bead.  Seven  such  beads  forming  a  bracelet 
about  the  right  arm  of  the  skeleton  in  pit  75,  and  four  apparently 
similar  ones  together  with  an  equal  number  of  copper  or  brass  "  jing- 
lers  "  or  conical  ornaments-  made  in  the  same  way,  were  found  with 
the  hones  of  an  infant  in  pit  89. 

The  salts  of  this  and  other  copper  had  caused  the  preservation  in 
many  instances  of  organic  substance,  such  as  the  strings  of  vege- 
table fiber  and  sinew  upon  which  the  beads  had  been  strung  and  bits 
of  skin  and  fur  that  had  lain  adjacent  to  the  metal.  In  the  case  of 
the  skeleton  from  pit  78,  described  before,  parts  of  a  fur  bag  and 
strips  of  buckskin  legging  had  been  preserved  by  contact  with  what 
seemed  to  be  copper  beads.  The  strips  of  legging  lay  along  the 
lower  leg  bones,  the  beads  being  sewn  along  the  outer  edge  and  ter- 
minated near  the  foot  in  lobes  or  flaps  around  which  the  line  of 
beads  continued. 

The  best  discoveries  of  the  expedition  were  in  the  line  of  pottery, 
of  which  a  collection  was  obtained  comprising  a  variety  and  quan- 
tity of  perfect  or  nearly  perfect  specimens  seldom  met  with  in  the 
east.    In  size  the  vessels 
varied   from   a  tiny   jar 
but  2  inches   high    (see 
figure  33)  to  one  holding 
4  quarts ;  in  shape,  from 
a  mere  cup  to  an  ornate 
and  elaborately  modeled 
jar;  and  in  texture  from 
rude,  coarse  and  crum- 
bly ware  to  the  thinnest 
and    hardest    of    which 

the  eastern  Indian  was 

11          TV-T  r    ,,  Fig.  33     Small     pottery     bowl     from     the 

capable.      Most    of    the       c>1      .     ,  ~  . 

oilverheels    site,    Kne   county, 
vessels  may  be  grouped 

into  the  following  typical  classes;  raised-rim  jars,  knobbed-rim  jars 
and  cups.  The  first  type  is  of  the  characteristic  Iroquoian  shape, 
with  rounded  bottoms,  constricted  necks  and  raised  rims  of  differ- 
ing widths  and  often  decorated  with  combinations  of  notches  and 
incised  lines.  Not  infrequently  the  rim  has  been  modeled  up  into 
from  one  to  four  peaks  rising  with  graceful  curves  and  adding  much 
to  the  beauty  of  the  vessel.  Below  each  peak  the  incised  design  is 
often  more  elaborate  and  in  a  few  instances  a  rudimentary  handle 
or  ear  had  been  added,  reaching  from  the-  rim  proper  down  across 
the  constriction.  One  jar  of  the  raised-rim  class,  found  in  pit  88,  is 


232 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


covered  from  its  almost  flat  bottom  to  the  edge  of  the  rim  with 
incised  patterns;  in  others  the  neck  or  constricted  part  is  very  long 
and  so  on  through  many  variations.  The  knobbed-rim  jars  were  in 
most  respects  similar  to  those  of  the  preceding  class,  but  the  rims, 
instead  of  being  incised  or  raised  in  peaks,  are  in  the  form  of  a 
regular  cog  of  lateral  knobs  or  points,  sometimes  merely  deeply 
indenting  the  lower  edge  of  the  rim,  sometimes  covering  all  of  it 
with  large  and  prominent  knobs.  Cups  were  rare,  the  few  found 
being  merely  small  flaring  vessels  without  constriction  and  almost 
without  ornament. 


Fig.  34  Pottery  vessel  from  the  Silverheels  site.  This  speci- 
men more  closely  approached  the  Mohawk  valley  Iroquoian  type 
than  any  other  found  in  the  burials,  x^s. 

Most  of  the  jars  were  intended,  without  doubt,  for  cooking  pur- 
poses and  were  used  on  the  fire  as  is  shown  by  the  smoked  condition 
of  many  of  them  and  the  finding  of  a  cracked  pottery  jar  in  pit  35, 
with  charred  grease  or  soot  in  the  crack.  The  mending  of  pottery 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL     HISTORY    OK    N  K\V    YORK 


233 


is  shown  by  holes  in  several  potsherds  which  had  evidently  been 
drilled  along  both  edges  of  a  break  for  the  purpose  of  lacing  it 
together,  thus  preserving  the  integrity  of  the  vessel,  a  common 
practice  among  the  ancient  Indians  of  the  New  York  sea  coast,  but 
rarer  in  the  Iroquian  region.  Some  of  the  jars  associated  with 
infant  skeletons  were  so  very  small  that  it  is  improbable  that  they 
were  used  as  anything  but  toys.  One  of  the  cups  found  was  partly 
filled  with  red  paint  —  a  circumstance  which  may  give  a  hint  as  to 
the  use  of  the  others.  Sometimes  two  or  even  three  vessels  occurred 
in  one  grave,  as  in  pit  92  where  three  jars  in  a  row  were  found  with 


Fig.    35     Typical    Iroquoian    vessel    from    the    Silverheels    site.      Period 
1650-87.     *2/3. 

the  remains  of  two  infants,  or  in  pit  82,  where  a  large  jar  and  a  small 
one  lay  at  either  side  of  a  little  bone  dust,  once  an  infant's  skeleton. 
Pottery  vessels  and  indeed  almost  all  the  objects  of  utility,  when 
buried  with  a  body,  were  placed,  as  a  rule,  at  the  right  side,  if  it 
were  laid  out  straight  and  in  front,  near  the  head,  if  it  were  folded. 


234  ^TEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Besides  the  numerous  vessels  that  were  found  in  good  condition 
there  were  many  that  had  been  crushed  by  roots  or  the  weight  of 
the  impending  earth.  Moreover  great  quantities  of  potsherds  were 
collected  from  the  various  pits  and  a  few  picked  up  on  the  surface 
of  the  fort  and  on  the  flood  plain  site. 

Four  varieties  of  pottery  (terra  cotta)  pipes  were  obtained  here. 
The  commonest,  found  only  in  the  graves,  are  so  nearly  alike  it 
would  be  nearly  impossible  to  tell  one  from  the  other.  They  are 


Fig.  36    Typical   ring  bowled  pipe  of   terra   cotta   from 
colonial   period,   Neutral,   Seneca  and  Onondaga    sites 

composed  of  a  rounded  bowl,  decorated  with  parallel  and  horizontal 
stripes,  from  which  arises  a  much  narrower  stem,  which,  rounding 
a  gentle  curve  tapers  slightly  and  ends  within  a  few  inches  (see 
figure  36).  A  variant  of  this  type  had  the  decoration  in  the  form 
of  short  oblique  stripes  instead  of  horizontal  ones  encircling  the 
bowl.  Two  other  pipes  of  somewrhat  different  form  were  found  — 
one  in  an  ash  pit,  one  in  the  general  digging.  A  pipe  of  much 
interest  was  found  in  pit  24,  before  described,  having  the  form  of 
a  coiled  serpent,  the  head  of  which  was  raised  above  the  rim  of  the 
bowl  (compare  figure  37).  A  still  more  complicated  effigy  pipe,  by 
far  the  best  of  the  terra  cotta  ones  found,  was  unearthed  from  pit 
98,  associated  with  an  iron  knife  and  one  or  two  very  badly  decayed 
bits  of  human  bone.  The  whole  decoration  of  the  pipe  represents  a 
seated  human  figure  facing  the  smoker,  with  hands  at  the  mouth,  a 
large  head  topped  with  a  peculiar  headdress  or  possibly  a  knot  of 
hair,  and  showing  eyes,  nose  and  mouth.  The  knees  were  raised 


TIIK    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  235 

and  the  feet  protracted  into  long  notched  ridges  along  the  stem, 
while  the  spine  and  upper  arm  were  dotted.    The  face  looked  some- 
thing   like    the    modern    Seneca    ceremonial    wooden    masks    or 
••  o-a-go-sa,"  so  much  that  the  Indians  considered  the  pipe  a  repre- 
^•n ration  of  a  masker  blowing  ashes  between  his  fingers  as  do  the 
"  False-face    Society "    men    of    today.      A    quantity    of    charred 
rial,    perhaps    Indian    tobacco,    was    found    in    the    pipe    (see 
ire  23). 


Fig.  37  Serpent  effigy  pipe  from  Silverheels  site.  Buffalo  Society  of 
Xatural  Sciences  collection,  x  about^. 

Taking  up  the  articles  of  European  origin  collected  on  this  site, 
we  find  beads  of  very  common  occurrence.  These  are  of  four  sorts  : 
small  round  white  and  blue  glass  beads  quite  similar  to  those  used 
by  the  Indians  today,  larger  multicolored  spherical  beads  and  long 
cylindrical  ones,  generally  a  dull  red  and  a  close  imitation  of  the 
original  catlinite  article,  but  sometimes  blue.  Sometimes  it  was 
possible  to  trace  in  the  sand  small  parts  of  beadwork  designs,  which, 
were  usually  in  curved  lines. 

There  were  also  small  beads  that  had  some  appearance  —  verdi- 
gris and  the  like  —  of  being  made  of  copper.  Upon  closer  exami- 
nation they  appeared  to  be  of  glass,  in  the  manufacture  of  which 
some  salt  of  copper  had  been  vised  as  a  pigment.  They  preserved, 
however,  the  sinew  or  fiber  cord  on  which  they  had  been  strung  and 
any  organic  substance  with  which  they  came  in  contact. 

A  number  of  pieces  of  sheet  brass  were  procured  in  different 
graves,  some  of  which  at  least  had  served  a  definite  purpose,  per- 
haps as  ornaments.  In  pit  67  were  found  several  pieces,  probably 
-  of  a  large  sheet,  one  of  which  was  triangular,  notched  along 


236  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

" 

the  edge  and  bore  traces  of  red  paint.  One  triangular  arrowhead, 
cut  from  sheet  brass,  was  secured,  of  the  same  general  sort  that  was 
found  with  the  famous  "  Skeleton  in  Armor  "  near  Fall  River  and 
in  different  parts  of  New  York  State  from  the  rock-shelters  near 
New  York  City  to  the  Iroquoian  sites  in  central  and  western  New 
York.1  Beads  and  jinglers  of  European  brass  were  not  infrequent; 
the  Indians  had  evidently  cut  small  pieces  from  the  sheet  metal  and 
bent  them  into  their  present  cylindrical  and  conical  forms.  Another 
metallic  ornament,  of  which  several  examples  were  found,  is  a 
bracelet  of  slender  or  brass  tubing  bent  in  the  form  of  a  very  long 
and  narrow  loop  thus  giving  it  breadth.  A  short-handled  metallic 
ladle  was  also  obtained. 

Two  iron  tomahawks  were  unearthed  from  graves,  both  of  the 
same  early  type  shown  by  Beauchamp  as  figure  99  in  his  paper,  the 
"  Metallic  Implements  of  the  New  York  Indians ;"  and  sharp-pointed 
iron  trade  knives  were  not  uncommon.  A  rude  bracelet  and  two 
or  three  awls  complete  the  list  of  iron  objects  obtained  here.  No 
guns,  metallic  kettles  or  articles  of  silver  were  found.  Judging 
from  the  specimens  obtained  and  from  the  circumstances  of  their 
finding,  we  had  here  a  people  gaining  their  livelihood  mainly  from 
fishing,  agriculture  and  the  chase;  building  forts  of  earth  doubtless 
topped  with  palisades  for  their  protection ;  and  quite  well  advanced 
in  the  simple  arts.  Trade  with  Europeans  had  brought  them  num- 
erous trinkets  and  had  made  their  lives  easier  by  the  addition  of 
iron  axes  and  knives  to  their  native  implements;  but  had  not  yet 
brought  the  guns  and  metallic  kettles  so  common  later.  Ornaments 
such  as  beads  and  ear  pendants  were  worn  almost  entirely  by  women 
and  children,  the  men  seldom  allowing  themselves  even  a  bracelet. 
Trade  with  other  tribes  is  shown  by  objects  made  of  marine  shells 
and  red  catlinite.  The  dead  were  buried  by  simple  inhumation,  in 
which  case  implements,  utensils  and  ornaments  were  often  placed  in 
the  grave,  or  by  the  ossuary  and  "  bone  burial  "  system  before 
described. 

Everything  seems  to  indicate  that  these  people  were  of  Iroquoian 
culture.  The  characteristic  pottery  and  terra  cotta  pipes,  the  use  of 
triangular  points  and  celts  instead  of  notched  points  and  grooved 
axes,  the  abundant  use  of  corn,  the  wampum  found,  the  ossuary 
system  and  even  the  practice  of  fort  building  all  point  to  similar 
customs  with  the  Iroquois.  While  many  of  these  features  may 


1  Beauchamp,  W.   M.,  "  Metallic  Implements  of  the  New  York  Indians/' 
p.  47-50.     State  Mus.  Bui.  55.     1902. 


THE    ARC  IIKOLOGICAL    II J  STORY    OF    NEW    YORK  237 

have  been  found  also  among  other  peoples,  their  combination  here 
seems  practically  conclusive  proof.  But  what  Iroquoian  tribe  i> 
this?  There  are  two  answers  possible:  they  were  either  the  Erie  or 
Cat  Nation,  an  extinct  tribe  known  to  have  been  of  Iroquoian  stock, 
or  they  were  Seneca.  Beauchamp,  in  his  ''Aboriginal  Occupation 
of  New  York,"  places  the  Erie  in  the  region  southwest  of  Buffalo, 
and  has  done  so  on  good  authority,  as  will  be  seen  from  an  account 
of  this  subject  prepared  by  Mr  Dilworth  M.  Silver  of  Buffalo,  who 
has  given  it  much  attention.  The  Erie,  however,  were  destroyed 
by  the  Seneca  in  or  about  1655,  according  to  the  Jesuit  Relations 
and  Charlevoix's  "  History  of  New  France.''  Thus  the  question  nar- 
rows down  to  whether  or  not  the  site  was  occupied  prior  to  that 
date.  If  it  was,  the  inhabitants  were  Erie;  if  not,  they  were 
Seneca.  The  later  is  probably  correct.  The  European  articles  found 
were  of  a  sort  similar  to  those  traded  to  the  Indians  up  to  the 
first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Champlain  saw  iron  trade 
axes  among  the  Iroquois  as  early  as  1609  and  it  is  well  known 
that  beads,  knives  and  the  like  followed  soon  after.  There  may  have 
been,  however,  more  or  less  occupation  of  the  Cattaraugus  valley 
before  their  arrival.  I  could  find  no  trace  of  any  tradition  con- 
cerning the  fort  or  its  former  occupants  among  the  Seneca  and 
most  of  them  were  even  ignorant  of  its  existence.  The  probabilities 
are,  then,  that  the  site  was  occupied  by  the  Seneca  after  1655. 

The  region  is  still  a  rich  one  for  the  archeologist.  There  are  still 
a  number  of  earthworks  practically  untouched.  One  of  these, 
situated  on  the  bluffs  south  of  Cattaraugus  creek  amid  dense  timber, 
still  retains  its  wall,  ditch  and  gates  in  good  condition,  and  moreover 
shows  a  lower  second  wall  within  the  first.1 

DOUBLE  WALL  FORT 

EXPLORATION      OF      AN      ANCIENT      EARTHWORK      IN      CATTARAUGUS 

COUNTY,     N.     Y. 

By  M.  RAYMOND  HARRINGTON 

The  highly  interesting  results  obtained  in  1903  for  the  Peabody 
Museum  from  the  ancient  Iroquoian  stronghold  and  burial  place 
known  as  "  Silverheels  Site  "  led  to  a  further  examination  in  1904. 
of  the  same  region,  the  valley  of  Cattaraugus  creek,  which  enters 
Lake  Erie,  about  30  miles  southwest  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y.  In  this 
work  the  writer  was  assisted  bv  Mr  A.  B.  Skinner  of  New  Y'ork 


1  This  site  was  afterward  excavated  and  is  reported  under  the  title  "  Double 
Wall  Fort." 


238  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

City  and  Mr  William  Blueskye  of  the  Cattaraugue  reservation.  The 
new  site  chosen,  called  Double  Wall  Fort,  was,  like  the  former  one, 
situated  on  the  Cattaraugus  Indian  reservation.  Not  only  was  it  the 
most  available  of  the  sites  in  the  vicinity,  but  it  is  one  of  the  best 
preserved  aboriginal  earthworks  in  the  State  of  New  York.  Beau- 
champ  mentions  it,1  but  there  is  no  trace  of  previous  exploration  — 
nothing  but  a  few  small  holes  dug  near  the  wall  of  the  fort.  The 
Indians,  however,  report  the  finding  of  celts  and  other  implements 
in  the  vicinity. 

This  site  occupies  the  top  of  a  high  bluff  on  the  farm  of  David 
Patterson,  a  Seneca  Indian,  on  the  south  side  of  Cattaraugus  creek, 
about  iy2  miles  downstream  from  the  little  village  of  Versailles, 
Cattaraugus  county.  Almost  opposite  but  a  little  farther  down- 
stream is  the  mouth  of  Clear  creek;  back  of  the  site  and  a  few 
hundred  yards  distant  is  the  "  Jackson  Schoolhouse  "  known  also  as 
"  Indian  School  No.  10." 

The  bluff  or  plateau  is  a  part  of  the  south  terrace  of  Cattaraugus 
creek  which,  in  the  form  of  bold  bluffs  of  gravel  or  slaty  cliffs, 
extends  from  the  vicinity  of  Gowanda  nearly  to  Irving,  broken  only 
by  occasional  ravines  where  some  stream  enters  the  main  creek.  Far 
across  the  broad  flood  plains,-  iJ/£  miles  distant,  may  be  seen  the 
opposite  or  northern  line  of  similar  terraces,  from  the  direction  of 
which  the  silver  ribbon  of  Clear  creek  comes  winding  to  join  the 
Cattaraugus.  Between  the  two  lines  of  terraces  lie  the  rich  alluvial 
fields  of  the  Seneca  Indians. 

The  ancient  stronghold  lies  on  a  long  flat-topped  point  almost 
separated  from  the  rest  of  the  terrace  by  a  deep  ravine  in  the  bottom 
of  which  flows  a  small  brook,  entering  the  Cattaraugus  at  a  very 
acute  angle  in  such  a  way  that  the  point  is  directed  downstream. 

The  whole  terrace  at  this  point  is  composed  of  coarse  gravel  and 
sand,  underlaid  at  the  creek's  edge  by  blue  clay.  In  spite  of  their 
being  sandy  the  banks  are  steep  and  the  ascent  of  the  point  is  very 
difficult,  either  from  the  creek  or  the  gully.  The  top  of  the  bluff 
is  about  50  feet  or  more  above  the  creek  level.  Between  the  Cat- 
taraugus and  the  bluff  proper  is  a  broad  talus  slope,  becoming  flat  at 
the  creek  side. 

This  narrow  strip  of  flat  land  is,  according  to  the  Indians,  the  rem- 
nant of  what  was  a  good  sized  field  once  lying  at  the  foot  of  the 
bluff  but  since  washed  away  by  the  creek  in  its  wild  spring  freshets. 
The  only  easy  access  to  the  top  of  the  promontory  is  by  means  of 


1  Beauchamp,  Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York,  p.  34. 


Plate    77 


Sketch  map  of  the  Double  Wall  fort,  Cattaraugus  county.    (After  Harrington) 


240  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

a  long,  very  narrow  "  hog  back,"  a  tongue  of  land  which  forms  a 
continuation  of  the  point  itself  and  slopes  gradually  down  from  the 
flat  above  to  the  creek  bank  just  above  the  mouth  of  the  brook.  A 
narrow  path  may  still  be  seen  along  the  crest  of  the  "  hog  back," 
with  steep  declivities  on  either  side;  handy  for  getting  down  to  the 
water  and  at  the  same  time  easy  of  defense. 

Before  taking  up  a  description  of  the  earthwork  let  us  glance  at 
the  conditions  which  made  the  site  a  suitable  one  for  a  stronghold  or 
a  place  of  habitation.  Its  commanding  position  with  views  of  both 
Cattaraugus  and  Clear  creeks  and  the  broad  expanse  of  valley,  the 
steepness  of  the  banks  and  its  consequent  inaccessibility,  the  ease 
with  which  the  narrow  neck  could  be  fortified  and  the  point  thus 
shut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  plateau,  the  good  spring  on  the  side  hill 
inside  the  wall  and  within  10  feet  of  the  top,  all  recommend  the 
place  from  a  military  standpoint.  It  was,  moreover,  a  place  where 
all  the  necessaries  of  life  were  within  easy  reach:  the  above- 
mentioned  spring,  the  creek  with  its  teeming  fish,  the  good  corn 
lands  close  by,  everything  was  favorable.  Perhaps  the  field,  now 
washed  away,  at  the  base  of  the  bluff  was  used  as  a  corn  field,  or 
perhaps  the  level  tract  of  the  plateau,  or  of  the  the  flood  plain  across 
the  creek.  It  does  not  seem  strange  that  the  ancient  fort-builders 
chose  this  location. 

The  archeological  environment  should  also  be  looked  into  before 
taking  up  the  details.  The  Silverheels  stronghold,  the  scene  of  the 
1903  exploration,  lies  about  3^4  miles  down  the  creek  and  on  the 
opposite  side  on  a  point  of  the  terrace  where  the  flood  plain  is  con- 
siderably narrower.  On  the  same  side  as  the  Double  Wall  Fort  but 
only  ij4  miles  below,  at  the  mouth  of  Big  Indian  creek,  is  another 
similar  work,  the  Burning  Spring  Fort,  which  is  much  older  than 
the  Silverheels  site.  Many  arrow  points,  flakes  and  the  like  have 
been  found  by  the  Indians  on  the  now  destroyed  field  at  the  foot 
of  the  bluff  at  Double  Wall  Fort,  which  may  point  to  the  previous 
existence  of  a  camp  or  even  a  village  there  instead  of  a  corn  field. 
Up  stream  from  Double  Wall,  the  first  site  of  which  I  have  definite 
knowledge  is  the  now  obliterated  semicircular  work  on  Point  Peter 
above  Gowanda  and  fully  8  miles  distant.  Across  the  creek, 
however,  there  are  several  sites  within  a  radius  of  a  mile  or  so. 
Immediately  across  is  a  low  alluvial  terrace,  part  of  the  flood  plain, 
which  shows  slight  evidences  of  occupation  in  the  shape  of  occa- 
sional chips,  points,  net  sinkers  and  potsherds  with  a  few  fire-cracked 
stones  scattered  over  several  acres.  There  are  other  sites  of  this 


T1IH    .\KCII  !•'.(  >!.<  MiU  A  I-     HISTORY     <  >  K     \F.\\      YORK  24! 

kind  on  the  Hats,  notably  back  of  the  Thomas  Indian  School,  but 
most  of  the  other  traces  of  occupation  are  Seneca  and  more  modern, 
or  in  at  least  one  case,  modern  Delaware. 

The  earthwork  of  the  Double  \Yall  Fort  consists  of  a  well- 
preserved  curved  wall  and  ditch  crossing  the  neck  of  land  between 
the  point  and  the  main  part  of  the  terrace ;  and  a  second  and  lower 
wall  with  a  shallower  ditch  parallel  to  and  inside  the  larger  one. 
The  outside  wall  has  two  gates,  the  inner  one  none,  but  instead  a 
gap  between  its  southern  end  and  the  brink  of  the  ravine.  The 
walls  arc  concave  outward,  with  ditches  in  both  cases  outside.  From 
the  bottom  of  the  ditch  the  top  of  the  highest  wall  is  at  one  place  5 
feet,  7  inches,  but  this  is  variable.  The  ditch  itself  is  2  feet,  10 
inches  deep;  the  wall  15  feet  thick  and  about  215  feet  long.  The 
height  of  the  inner  wall  is  2  feet,  7  inches,  its  width  n  feet.  The 
two  walls  are  27  feet  apart  from  crest  to  crest.  A  glance  at  the 
drawings  will  showr  their  shape  and  construction.  It  is  certainly 
startling  to  come  across  the  great  wall  and  ditch  stretching  away 
into  the  tangled  second  growth  chestnut,  briers  and  underbrush 
which  cover  the  site.  The  photographs  give  some  idea  of  the 
effect. 

The  ancient  village  stood  upon  the  point  proper,  cut  off  from  the 
rest  of  the  terrace  by  the  embankments  and  the  palisades  which 
doubtless  once  surmounted  them.  The  other  sides  were  protected 
by  their  steepness  and  also  perhaps  by  palisades  set  along  the  edges 
of  the  bluff.  If  these  were  ever  used,  however,  there  is'  now  no 
sign  of  them.  In  fact  I  found  no  traces  whatever  of  the  palisades 
themselves  even  in  cross  sections  made  of  the  larger  wall.  This 
may  be  accounted  for  by  the  gravelly  character  of  the  soil  which  is 
favorable  neither  for  the  preservation  of  the  actual  wood  of  the 
palisade  nor  for  retaining  any  trace  of  the  post  hole.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  such  palisades  were  generally  used;  for  not  only  do  the 
writings  of  the  early  explorers  tell  of  many  instances  among  the 
Iroquoian  tribes ;  but  decayed  or  charred  portions  of  them  have 
been  actually  found  hi  situ  on  other  sites  similar  to  this.1  The 
pickets  must  have  been  planted  in  this  case  along  the  top  of  the 
wall,  perhaps  in  a  single  row.  It  does  not  seem  possible  that  any 
other  arrangement  could  have  been  effective  here.  It  is  difficult  to 
see  how  the  gates  were  made  secure  unless  perhaps  the  southern  one 
is  recent  and  was  made  bv  the  modern  Seneca  for  convenience  in 


1  Beauchamp,  Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York,  p.  27. 


242  XH\Y    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

hauling  timber  across  the  wall  and  ditch.  In  that  case  the  northern 
gate  —  the  only  one  —  would  have  been  well  protected  by  the  inner 
wall,  forming  an  alley  between  the  two  walls  from  the  outer  gate 
to  the  village  and  giving  a  greater  chance  to  stop  enemies  who  had 
succeeded  in  forcing  their  way  through  the  gate.  If  this  is  not 
true  it  would  be  difficult  to  account  for  the  inner  wall  at  all,  unless 
as  a  relic  of  a  still  earlier  occupation  which  seems  hardly  likely.  It 
may  be  possible,  however,  that  the  inner  wall  was  started  and  never 
finished.  A  reasonable  explanation  for  the  southern  gate,  supposing 
it  to  be  ancient,  is  that  it  was  made  for  convenience  at  a  time  when 
war  did  not  seem  imminent,  to  save  the  trouble  of  going  around 
through  the  alley  when  entering  or  leaving  the  fort. 

Turning  now  to  the  evidences  of  habitation  within  the  work  \ve 
find  them  visible  even  from  the  surfaces  amid  the  tangled  second 
growth  stumps,  briers  and  underbrush.  The  most  noticeable  of  all 
were  numerous  saucer-shaped  depressions  in  the  surface  of  the 
giound,  much  scattered  but  mainly  on  the  side  of  the  site  nearest 
the  ravine:  these  continued  out  to  within  30  feet  of  the  apex,  and 
averaged  4  or  5  feet  in  diameter.  Another  evidence  was  the  presence 
of  very  black  earth,  beginning  some  distance  inside  the  wall  and 
covering  the  entire  surface  of  the  point  nearly  out  to  the  apex  but 
apparently  thickest  on  the  ravine  side.  In  this  black  earth  on  the 
paths  and  other  bare  spots  could  be  seen  occasional  fire-broken 
stones  and  scattered  potsherds,  which  are  also  washed  out  now  and 
then  along  the  edge.  No  other  surface  indications  were  visible 
except  of  course  the  earthwork  itself. 

I  decided  that  a  few  transverse  trenches  and  thorough  "  post 
holing  "  would  give  a  good  general  idea  of  the  character  of  the  site, 
and  began  work  on  this  basis.  Three  trenches  were  dug,  but  the 
excavation  was  made  unpleasant  and  difficult  by  the  interlacing  mass 
of  tough  roots,  the  thick  vegetation,  and  especially  by  the  almost 
constant  rain.  The  trenches  were  run  8  feet  wide  and  always 
included  all  earth  that  showed  any  trace  of  disturbance.  Occasional 
"  pits  "  or  cup-shaped  holes  filled  with  disturbed  and  stained  earth 
were  encountered,  some  with  a  corresponding  depression  above  them. 
some  without.  They  were  generally  homogeneous  in  structure 
although  some  showed  irregular  ash  or  charcoal  layers.  On  the 
whole  the  pits  found  here  contained  less  in  the  way  of  artifacts 
and  refuse  than  any  other  series  I  ever  examined.  As  a  rule 
they  were  merely  black  stains  —  nothing  more.  We  dug  into 


16 


244 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


one  saucerlike  depression  after  another  with  practically  the  same 
result,  merely  a  dark  stain  running  down  perhaps  2  feet,  a  few  par- 
ticles of  charcoal,  a  chip  or  two,  a  reject  perchance,  or  perhaps  a 
small  potsherd  —  such  were  the  contents  of  the  average  pit. 


Fig-  38    Cross    section   of   the   wall   and   ditch   at   Double  Wall 


Fig.  39     Cross   section   of  typical   refuse  pit  at  Double  Wall 

Red  or  black  ash  layers  were  of  the  commonest  occurrence  here. 
generally  about  3  or  4  feet  in  diameter  and  12  to  16  inches  deep. 
They  rarely  contained  anything  of  interest,  but  were  remarkable  on 
account  of  their  number,  especially  the  red  ones,  which  were  some- 
times within  a  foot  or  two  of  each  other,  or  even  coalesced.  The 
black  or  Indian  surface  layer  seldom  reached  a  depth  of  over  8 
inches  and  was  thickest  on  the  ravine  side.  Specimens  from  the  site 
were  not  abundant,  nor  had  they  much  individual  character.  Typical 
Iroquoian  celts,  pottery  and  triangular  arrowheads  told  the  story, 
however.  The  pottery  was  much  like  that  found  at  the  Silverheel> 
site,  only  ruder,  having  much  the  same  style  of  raised  rim.  Still 
the  "  knobbed-rim "  pottery,  so  characteristic  of  the  Silverheel.- 
stronghold,  did  not  appear  here.  The  only  pipe  found  was  a  plain 
terra  cotta  affair  with  no  salient  characters  by  which  it  might  be 


"I"  I II-:    ARCH  K<  >L<  )( iH'A  I.     HISTORY    <  )  F    NHW     YORK  J45 

identified  as  belonging  to  any  ])articular  culture.  It  merely  belonged 
to  the  general  Algonkin-lroquois  type  of  terra  cotta  pipes.  Pitted 
hammerstonrs  were  rather  common,  as  were  chips  and  objects 
of  flint.  As  before  indicated,  a  number  of  flint  arrow  points  were 
found,  mainly  triangular.  There  were  also  celts,  whole  and  broken, 
and  a  peculiar  stone  chisel.  A  few  charred  nuts  were  found  in  one 
pit.  but  bones  of  any  kind  were  very  rare,  although  a  few,  evidently 
deer,  came  to  light.  This  scarcity  seems  very  peculiar  when  we 
consider  the  large  number  of  hearths  and  pits,  unless  most  of  the 
refuse  was  thrown  down  the  bluff  —  a  custom  which  seems  to  have 
prevailed  among  the  Mohawk  branch  of  the  Iroquoian  stock,  if  we 
mav  judge  from  the  conditions  to  be  seen  on  the  sites  of  their  old 
strongholds  in  the  Mohawk  valley.  But  if  this  was  done  at  Double 
\Yall  Fort,  we  did  not  find  the  refuse  heap.  Perhaps  it  was  washed 
away  or  covered  by  a  landslide.  Nothing  to  indicate  European  influ- 
ence or  contact  was  discovered.  A  large  proportion  of  the  specimens 
were  found  in  the  surface  or  village  layer  and  comparatively  few 
in  the  pits,  reversing  the  usual  conditions.  Certain  spots  in  this 
layer  seemed  richer  than  others,  particularly  on  the  side  toward  the 
ravine. 

The  small  amount  of  refuse  gives  the  impression  that  the  village 
was  neither  very  populous  nor  long  occupied.  We  just  consider, 
of  course,  that  the  inhabitants  may  have  practised  the  Mohawk  sys- 
tem above  referred  to  of  disposing  of  it,  but  the  probabilities  are 
that  the  site  was  used  mainly  as  a  war-time  stronghold  and  probably 
never  for  any  considerable  period  as  a  regular  village.  Perhaps 
the  main  town  was  on  the  nowr  destroyed  field  at  the  foot  of  the 
bluff,  or  even  across  the  creek.  The  fort  could  not,  it  seems  to  me, 
have  been  merely  a  temporary  fortified  camp  or  village  intended  to 
be  used  a  short  time  only  and  then  abandoned  forever.  Too  much 
labor  had  been  expended  on  it  for  that,  and  the  Indian  rarely  likes 
trouble  for  nothing.  The  "  war-time  stronghold "  hypothesis  cer- 
tainly seems  the  most  probable. 

That  the  people  who  erected  this  work  belonged  to  the  long  extinct 
Erie  or  Cat  Nation,  a  branch  of  the  great  Iroquoiari  stock,  seems  to 
me  unquestionable.  They  were  the  only  people  of  whom  we  have 
any  record  in  the  region  during  early  historic  times1  when  the 
Jesuits  first  came  among  the  Iroquois,  and  doubtless  had  lived  there 
for  some  time.  The  site  is  earlv.  for  there  are  no  trade  articles ;  it 


1  Jesuit  Relations  for  1668. 


246  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

- 

is  Iroquoian,  for  it  yielded  the  combination  peculiar  to  that  culture 
—  celt-axes,  triangular  arrow  points  and  pottery  showing  the  typical 
constructed  neck,  rounded  bottom  and  projecting  rim.  It  is  not 
Seneca,  for  this  people  did  not  enter  and  settle  the  region  until  long 
after  the  beginning  of  trade  with  the  whites,  relics  of  which  would 
certainly  be  found  in  abundance  on  any  site  occupied  by  them.  Here 
we  have  but  one  conclusion  open  —  that  the  site  is  of  Erie  origin. 
It  would  be  very  interesting,  however,  to  make  a  further  study  of 
these  Erie  sites,  and  compare  them  with  those  of  the  early  Seneca 
in  the  Genesee  valley.  Then,  and  then  only,  could  any  absolute 
conclusion  be  reached. 

THE  RIPLEY  ERIE  SITE1 

BY   ARTHUR   C.   PARKER  2 

General  Region 

Along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  between  Westfield  and 
State  Line,  and  extending  east  and  west  from  these  points,  is  a  high 
bluff  of  Chemung  shale  rising  almost  sheer  from  the  water.  In 
various  places  it  is  from  15  to  65  feet  above  the  lake  level.  It 
forms  a  most  effectual  barrier  to  those  who  might  wish  to  reach 
the  land  from  the  water  or  the  water  from  the  land.  The  soil  above 
the  shale  in  general  is  a  loose  water-washed  sand  and  gravel 
beneath  which  is  a  substratum  of  Erie  clay  which  outcrops  at 
denuded  places.  In  this  lake  border  region  are  numerous  springs 
and  brooks.  Two  miles  back  from  the  lake  rise  the  steep  Chautau- 
qua  hills  which  form  the  watershed  that  sends  the  streams  on  the 
south  into  the  Allegheny  and  its  tributaries  and  finally  into  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  and  those  on  the  north  into  Lake  Erie  and  finally  into 
the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence.  This  region  by  reason  of  its  physical 
features  afforded  an  ideal  retreat  for  the  tribes  of  men  who  found 
their  way  there  after  the  subsidence  of  the  great  glacial  lakes,  which 
receding  left  their  shore  lines  far  inland  as  terraces  and  hills  and 
their  beds  as  fertile  undulating  plains. 

Traces  of  early  occupancy  are  found  here.  On  the  sites  of 
ancient  marshes  are  found  the  bones  of  the  mastodon  and  near  them 
fire-cracked  stones  and  charcoal.  There  are  sites  which  yield 

1  Condensed  from  N.  Y.   State  Mus.  Bui.   117. 

2  In  excavating  this  site  we  employed  Everett  R.  Burmaster  as  field  assistant 
and  as  other  assistants  William  Blueskye  and  Jesse  Mulkin,  all  of  Irving,  N.  Y. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGKAL    HISTORY    OF    .\F.\\     Y<>KK  247 

the  monitor  pipe,  others  that  yield  the  polished  slates  called  ban- 
ner stones,  gorgets,  and  bird  stones  and  the  notched  flints  far 
different  from  the  flints  shaped  by  later  comers.  That  the  people 
who  made  these  things  were  of  the  Indian  race  is  evident,  but  of 
what  tribe  or  stock  is  a  question  we  must  yet  determine.  At  a  later 
period  a  new  stock  of  people  invaded  the  region  but  whether  they 
found  it  inhabited  or  whether  there  was  a  struggle  in  which  the  old 
race  was  expelled  is  merely  a  matter  of  conjecture  now.  Evidences 
of  the  wide  distribution  of  these  older  people  seem  to  preclude  the 
theory  of  their  utter  extermination  and  it  seems  more  probable 
that  they  became  absorbed  by  their  conquerors  or  became  expelled 
to  regions  where  their  environment  changed  their  culture. 

The  latej*  invaders  who  displaced  the  builders  of  the  mounds  and 
makers  of  polished  slate  implements  seem  to  have  been  some  early 
branch  of  the  Huron-Iroquois  family.  Their  territory  is  character- 
ized by  the  earth  walls  and  inclosures  which  they  left  and  by  the 
pottery  and  triangular  arrow  points  which  are  never  found  on  earlier 
sites  untouched  by  other  occupations.  The  early  Iroquoian  sites  are 
still  further  differentiated  by  the  ossuaries  which  are  found  upon 
many  of  them.  Later  this  territory  came  into  the  possession  of  a 
people  whom  we  recognize  as  the  Erie,  a  branch  of  the  Huron-Iro- 
quois, but  a  people  whose  culture  differed  from  the  earlier  Iro- 
quoian peoples  of  whom  they  are  without  doubt  the  descendants. 
After  the  expulsion  of  the  Erie  in  1654  the  region  remained  unin- 
habited save  by  wanderers  and  hunters  and  not  until  after  the 
Revolutionary  War  did  it  become  the  hunting  grounds  of  the 
Seneca  who  had  trails  through  it,  one  of  which  passed  close  to  the 
Erie  site  at  Ripley.  Over  this  trail  the  Seneca  for  years  traveled 
on  their  way  to  the  settlements  on  the  Sandusky  in  Ohio.  Another 
great  trail  extended  down  what  was  once  the  Portage  road  to  Chau- 
tauqua  lake.  It  began  at  Barcelona  harbor. 

There  have  been  noted  numbers  of  sites  of  aboriginal  occupation 
east  of  a  meridian  line  drawn  through  Chautauqua  lake  and  touching 
Lake  Erie  on  the  north  and  the  Pennsylvania  line  on  the  south. 
West  of  this  line,  from  the  archeologist's  standpoint,  lies  a  practically 
untouched  region,  a  strange  fact  since  it  presents  an  exceptionally 
inviting  field  for  investigation,  being  as  it  is  the  borderland  between 
the  territory  of  the  tribes  of  Iroquoian  stock  and  culture  region  of 
that  mysterious  people  for  the  sake  of  convenience  termed  "  mound 
builders." 


248  XKNV    YORK    STATK    MTSEUM 

Ripley  Site 

For  a  number  of  years  the  writer  had  known  of  a  site  in  this 
locality,  one  on  the  lake  shore  2  miles  northwest  of  Ripley,  but  until 
1906  had  not  had  occasion  to  visit  it.  In  1900  it  was  reported  to 
Mr.  M.  R.  Harrington  and  the  writer  by  Prof.  \Y.  T.  Fenton,  when 
we  were  assistants  on  the  archeological  staff  of  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History.  Mr  Harrington  did  some  work  on 
the  site  in  1904  for  the  Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archeology 
and  Ethnology,  but  because  of  various  obstacles,  left  the  major  por- 
tion untouched.  The  excavations  which  he  made  during  his  short 
stay  revealed  the  fact  that  the  site  was  a  most  prolific  one.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  New  York  State  Museum  had  few  or  no  speci- 
mens of  the  Erie  culture,  and  indeed  as  very  little  was  known  of 
this  culture,  the  site  was  chosen  as  the  field  for  the  season's  opera- 
tions and  a  leasehold  obtained.  The  Ripley  site  is  situated  on  the 
William  and  Mary  Young  farm  in  lot  27,  Ripley,  Chautauqua 
county.  It  covers  an  elevation  locally  known  as  ''  Uevvey  knoll  '' 
situated  on  the  cliffs  of  Lake  Erie.  On  the  east  a  stream  has  cut 
through  the  shale  and  eaten  down  the  bluffs  to  the  lake  level  so  that 
a  landing  is  easily  effected  from  the  water.  This  landing  is  one  of 
the  few  between  Barcelona  harbor  and  the  mouth  of  Twentymile 
creek  in  Pennsylvania,  where  there  is  easy  access  to  the  land  on  the 
bluffs  above.  The  stream  has  cut  the  east  side  of  the  knoll  so  that 
for  several  hundred  feet  south  from  the  lake  the  bank  rises  steep 
and  in  places  almost  sheer  from  the  creek  bed.  The  place  is  one, 
therefore,  naturally  adapted  for  a  fortified  refuge  and  must  have 
been  an  attractive  spot  indeed  for  the  aborigines  who  built  upon  it 
a  village,  a  circular  earthwork,  and  who  found  in  the  soft  sand  a 
most  suitable  place  for  the  burial  of  their  dead. 

Surface  Features  of  the  Site 

The  site  was  found  to  be  mainly  on  the  level  top  of  the  knoll, 
although  a  number  of  graves  were  found  on  the  south  and  west 
slopes.  The  "unoccupied  soil"  began  at  the  lake  bank  and  ran 
back  inland  to  the  southern  slope.  The  soil  bordering  the  bank  line 
was  a  light  sandy  loam  heavily  intermixed  with  carbonaceous  sub- 
stances, animal  phosphates,  vegetable  mold  and  particles  of  animal 
bone.  Back  to  the  south  it  was  generally  a  light  shifting  sand  which 
rested  upon  a  more  compact  stratum.  At  places,  especially  a  few 
feet  down  the  slopes,  the  clay  stratum  outcropped.  Here  the  soil 
was  bare  or  only  sparsely  covered  with  grass.  (See  plate  81.) 


250  NEW     YORK    STATK     MVSKUM 

The  entire  knoll  was  covered  by  a  peach  and  plum  orchard  (since 
uprooted)  and  it  was  between  the  rows  of  trees  that  work  was  car- 
ried on.  The  owner  naturally  objected  to  carrying  the  excavations 
too  near  the  roots  of  the  trees  and  thus  it  was  sometimes  impossible 
to  take  out  a  skeleton  or  to  open  a  pit  when  it  lay  beneath  a  tree.  In 
such  cases  slanting  shafts  were  sunk  beneath  the  roots  and  the  pit 
examined.  This  was  a  somewhat  dangerous  operation  as  sometimes 
the  overlying  sand  would  cave  down  and  engulf  the  curious  but 
incautious  archeologist  who  after  a  time  would  be  rescued  by  his 
assistants. 

Preliminary  post  holing  over  the  knoll  soon  revealed  the  character 
of  the  site,  and  in  consequence  it  was  divided  into  two  sections,  the 
village  and  the  burial.  Parallel  and  adjacent  trenches  were  staked 
out  and  the  lines  run  as  far  as  post  holing  and  surface  indications 
revealed  a  disturbance  or  modification  of  the  soil  by  its  former 
occupation. 

Surface  Evidence  of  an  Occupation 

The  surface  evidence  of  an  occupation  in  that  portion  of  the  site 
afterward  found  to  be  the  village  section  was  pronounced.  The 
ground  was  strewn  with  heat-cracked  stones,  fragments  of  shale 
anvils,  broken  flint  nodules,  with  here  and  there  a  fragment  of 
weathered  pottery  hidden  among  the  roots  of  the  tall  grass.  The 
luxurious  growth  of  grass  in  patches  when  surrounded  by  a  scantier 
growth  points  out  a  spot  of  soil  enriched  by  some  abnormal  agency. 
The  rank  thick  grass  and  clover  here  in  the  village  site  was  con- 
spicuous and  pointed  out  the  presence  of  occupied  soil  or  "  Indian 
dirt,"  as  archeologists  sometimes  term  it.  Except  on  the  western 
slope,  the  burial  section  of  the  site  revealed  no  trace  of  its  character. 
On  this  hillside  where  the  elements  had  washed  down  the  loose  sand 
some  of  the  graves  were  left  so  near  the  surface  that  the  skeletons 
had  been  thrown  up  by  the  plow.  The  broken  and  crumbling  bones, 
however,  would  hardly  be  recognized  by  the  ordinary  observer  as 
human  remains.  Other  than  the  bits  of  human  bone  on  the  surface 
there  was  no  external  indication  where  graves  were  located,  unless 
it  were  conjectured  that  if  graves  were  to  be  found  at  all  they  would 
be  in  the  soil  most  easily  excavated. 

Village  Section 

The  village  section  occupied  the  level  top  of  the  knoll  bordering 
the  lake  bank  and  ran  back  south  on  the  west  side  about  200  feet. 
and  on  the  east  side  to  the  declivity  that  formed  the  bank  of  the 
eastern  hillside.  This  bank  ran  at  nearly  right  angles  to  the  knoll 


Plate   80 


Fig.  i  Looking  over  the  northeast  side  of  the  knoll.  Access  to  the  land  from 
the  lake  is  from  the  mouth  of  the  creek. 

Fig.  2  View  over  the  falls  looking  toward  the  mouth  of  the  creek  and  the 
lake. 


252  .  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

proper,  the  whole  eastern  slope  forming  an  arm  that  sloped  down  to 
the  level  just  above  the  creek.  On  the  southern  bank  of  this  arm 
were  refuse  dumps.  The  east  arm  was  post  holed  at  intervals  of  a 
rod,  220  holes  being  dug.  Hardly  a  sign  of  occupancy  was  found 
except  near  or  along  the  Idvel.  There  was  no  "  occupied  soil  "  or 
"  Indian  dirt,"  the  soil  being  in  general  a  stiff  clay  mixed  with  sand 
and  gravel  and  much  more  compact  than  the  top  soil  on  the  level. 

An  examination  of  the  surface  of  the  village  site  led  to  the  dis- 
covery of  a  circular  earth  belt,  a  part  of  which  was  cut  off  by  the 
lake  bank.  On  either  side  of  this  earth  ring  were  pits  and  occupied 
soil.  The  signification  of  this  belt  is  discussed  hereinafter  under 
the  title  "  Significance  of  some  of  the  data." 

Diminution  of  the  Village  Plot  by  the  Encroachment  of  the  Lake 

It  is  highly  probable  that  most  of  the  village  site  has  been  lost 
by  the  encroachment  of  the  lake,  which  eating  down  the  shale  cliffs 
caused  the  landslides.  Certain  it  is  that  land  is  lost  in  this  way 
each  year.  The  belief  that  a  part  of  the  occupied  area  has  dis- 
appeared is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  this  section  is  small  in 
comparison  with  the  rest  of  the  site,  by  the  fact  that  the  occupied 
soil  exposed  at  the  bank  is  deep,  by  the  fact  that  the  bank  line  inter- 
sects a  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  circular  earth  belt  and  by 
the  fact  that  the  exposed  bank  shows  all  along  the  level  top  of  the 
exposed  occupied  soil  and  pits.  It  is  probable  that  originally  there 
was  considerable  space  between  the  shore  side  of  the  circle  and  the 
bank  and  that  part  of  the  village  occupied  that  space.  Village  sites 
upon  hills  generally  extended  to  the  edge  of  the  declivities  and  if 
we  can  establish  where  the  bank  line  was  at  the  period  of  the  occupa- 
tion we  may  say  how  far  the  village  probably  extended.  To  estab- 
lish accurately  this  line  is  a  difficult  matter,  but  inquiries  led  to  the 
information  that  from  6  to  12  inches  of  land  was  lost  each  year. 
Using  this  assumption  as  a  datum  we  may  infer  that  the  site  has 
lost  at  least  150  feet  since  the  time  of  its  occupation.  The  date 
of  this  occupation  is  discussed  elsewhere. 

Method  of  Excavating  in  the  Village  Section 

The  village  section  was  staked  out  in  parallel  and  adjacent 
trenches  16  feet  wide.  Excavations  were  commenced  at  the  wire 
fence  20  feet  from  the  shore  line.  A  sectional  trench  3  feet  wide 
was  dug  and  the  dirt  thrown  back.  This  left  a  cross  section  of  the 
trench  exposed  and  the  3  feet  of  floor  served  as  a  working  space. 


Plate    81 


\       .-^'\ 


Diagram  of  trenches  showing  pits  examined  in  the  village  section  of  the 
Riplev   site 


254  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

• 

The  archeologist  examined  this  cross  section  and  if  indications 
pointed  to  the  probable  presence  of  objects  he  troweled  into  the 
bank,  allowing  the  earth  to  fall  to  the  floor  until  it  had  filled,  when 
it  was  removed  bya  laborer.  If  the  indications  pointed  to  a  barren 
spot  the  workmen  spaded  ahead  until  signs  of  disturbance  again 
appeared,  when  the  section  was  again  examined.  When  a  pit  was 
discovered  a  clean  working  space  was  made  and  the  pit  vertically 
exposed  at  one  side.  The  pit  filling  was  then  troweled  from  top  to 
bottom,  great  care  being  taken  not  to  break  the  specimens  that 
might  come  to  light  with  any  trowel  stroke.  As  the  work  progressed 
measurements  of  the  pit  were  taken  and  all  the  important  specimens 
labeled  and  placed  in  trays  for  subsequent  numbering.  The  refuse 
material,  such  as  animal  bones,  potsherds,  flint  chips  and  rude 
implements,  were  placed  in  labeled  bags.  A  diagram  of  the  pit  was 
drawn  and  the  details  of  its  excavation  recorded  in  the  trench  book. 
Trenching  was  continued  until  the  trench  became  barren,  when 
another  trench  was  worked. 

Every  pit,  pocket  or  post  hole  was  charted,  the  varying  character 
of  the  soil  and  the  manner  of  its  disturbance  was  noted  and  it  is 
possible  for  anyone  familiar  with  our  methods  to  take  a  specimen 
from  the  collection  and  after  examining  its  number  and  referring  to 
the  records,  point  out  on  the  map  or  on  the  actual  site  itself  exactly 
where  the  object  was  found. 

To  insure  accuracy  in  field  records,  three  of  a  different  kind 
were  made,  so  that  any  circumstance  omitted  in  one  might  be  found 
in  one  of  the  others.  The  first  record  was  made  in  a  "  trench  book  " 
and  written  as  the  actual  work  progressed;  the  second  record  was 
made  on  data  slips  and  supplemented  the  trench  book  in  the  matter 
of  measurements,  locations,  positions  etc.  of  trenches,  pits  and 
objects  and  added  the  details  of  the  particular  thing  described  on 
the  slip;  the  third  was  a  survey  record,  in  which  every  pit,  grave  or 
trench  cutting  was  charted  to  a  degree  of  mathematical  exactness. 
All  these  records  are  supplemented  by  drawings,  diagrams,  maps 
and  photographs. 

Method  of  Excavating  Graves 

The  burial  section  was  staked  out  in  the  same  manner  as  the  vil- 
lage section.  The  workmen  in  excavating  removed  the  disturbed  top 
soil  for  a  distance  of  3  feet,  leaving  a  working  space  3  by  16  feet. 
Excavations  were  continued  until  signs  of  deeper  disturbances 
appeared.  These  "  signs  "  were  foreign  substances  in  the  regular 
strata,  such  as  fire-burned  stone,  flint  chips,  charcoal  and  lumps  of 
clav.  Earth  of  the  character  here  found  once  disturbed  is  never 


Plate   82 


Sketch  map  of  the  trenches  and  graves  in  the  burial  plot  of  the  Ripley  site 


256  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

again  so  compact  as  originally,  and  even  if  there  were  not  intruding* 
substances  in  the  sand  its  very  looseness  as  distinguished  from  the 
rather  compact  sand  surrounding  it  was  a  sign  of  its  disturbance. 
The  topsoil  over  the  grave  was  removed  ;md  its  outline  ascertained. 
The  superincumbent  earth  was  removed  for  a  foot  and  a  depth  of  6 
inches  below  explored  for  signs  of  the  grave  bottom  and  if  not 
found  the  earth  for  another  6  inches  was  shoveled  out  with  great 
care,  the  shovel  scooping  up  the  earth  rather  than  spading  into  it. 
The  trowel  was  used  again  to  dig  down  and  the  process  repeated  until 
the  skull  or  pottery  vessel  top  was  reached.  The  soil  was  then  removed 
carefully  with  trowels.  The  skeleton  and  grave  bottom  were  cleaned 
with  fine  pointing  trowels  and  finally  swept  with  a  brush,  care  being 
taken  not  to  move  any  bone  or  other  object  in  the  grave.  A  diagram 
of  the  grave  and  its  contents  was  made,  the  exact  position  of  these 
objects  ascertained  by  means  of  a  compass  and  tape.  The  dimen- 
sions of  the  grave,  its  number  and  position  in  the  trench  and  the 
character  of  the  soil  and  other  items  of  importance  were  recorded 
in  the  field  book.  If  the  burial  was  of  sufficient  interest  photographs 
from  one  or  more  positions  were  made.  The  skeleton  when  removed 
was  wrapped  in  excelsior  or  cotton  and  placed  in  a  labeled  box  but 
not  finally  packed  until  dry.  The  objects  found  in  the  grave  were 
placed  in  a  tray  with  a  proper  label  and  afterward  marked  with  the 
serial  field  number,  this  number  being  distinguished  from  the 
museum  serial  by  prefixing  the  letter  "  F."  Data  slips  numbered  to 
correspond  with  the  specimens  were  filled  out  and  give  all  the  neces- 
sary details.  Any  information  not  found  on  the  slip  may  be  found 
in  the  field  record.  The  various  records  thus  countercheck  one 
another. 

New  York  State  Museum  Bulletin  117  describes  the  graves  in  this 
site. 

Significance  of  Some  of  the  Data 

From  the  data  secured  in  the  course  of  the  operations  one  might 
construct  a  fairly  correct  account  of  the  life  and  activities  of  the 
people  who  left  so  many  significant  traces.  One  might  picture  the 
scenes  of  primitive  agriculture,  the  excitement  and  dangers  of  the 
chase,  the  industries  of  the  pot-maker  or  the  flint-worker  or  the 
home  life  of  the  warrior  father  and  his  wife  and  children,  but  this 
picture  is  left  for  the  reader  to  produce.  Our  work  is  rather  to  tell 
how  the  facts  were  gathered  and  for  the  guidance  of  those  who 
wish  to  revivify  the  scenes  of  the  past,  to  suggest  how  this  may 
be  done.  Hasty  conclusions  and  'preconceived  ideas  are  to  be  stu- 
diously avoided  and  no  theory  should  be  considered  more  than 
tentative  unless  the  proof  is  so  strong  as  to  eliminate  doubt. 

. 


Fig.  i  Grave  XX,  pit  44 


Fig.  2  Grave  XXV,  pit  51 


258  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Indications  of  an  Earthwork 

Excavations  were  not  carried  on  long  before  enough  evidence 
was  secured  to  point  out  the  former  presence  of  a  circular  earth 
ring  in  the  village  section.  This  ring  seems  to  have  inclosed  the 
main  portion  of  the  village  and  to  have  separated  it  from  a  group 
of  pits  and  lodge  sites  to  the  south.  Just  beyond  pits  26,  27,  78  and 
79  the  soil  became  very-  hard  and  compact  and  the  occupied  soil 
covered  with  a  layer  of  sand  and  gravel.  The  earth  in  the  center  of 
this  belt  was  hard  and  compact.  It  was  evidently  disturbed  and 
intermixed  but  exhibited  few  signs  of  modification  by  the  sub- 
stances incident  to  human  occupation,  such  as  ashes  and  charcoal. 
A  few  inches  of  the  disturbed  subsoil  overlay  the  occupied  soil  on 
either  side  of  the  barren  belt.  From  these  facts  it  was  inferred  that 
at  some  time  an  earth  ring  or  wall  had  been  leveled  down  and  the 
earth  of  which  it  was  composed  thrown  over  the  occupied  soil. 
The  outline  of  the  belt  was  traced  and  found  to  be  circular  in  form, 
or  rather  'crescentic,  the  ends  of  the  belt  touching  the  lake  bank. 
The  original  form  had  undoubtedly  been  circular,  the  encroaching 
lake  having  undermined  the  cliffs  wrhich,  falling,  had  carried  away  a 
part  of  the  village  site  and  with  it  the  missing  portion  of  the  ring. 

The  soil  most  modified  by  the  occupation,  that  is  to  say,  the  top 
soil  most  deeply  stained  and  intermixed  with  waste  products  of 
aboriginal  activities,  was  that  part  embraced  within  the  area  of  the 
dirt  ring.  Just  outside  this  ring  there  was  another  occupied  layer 
but  it  did  not  extend  far.  Some  time  after  the  discovery  of  the 
former  presence  of  the  earth  wall,  on  September  4th,  Mr  George 
Morse,  an  old  settler,  visited  the  scene  of  the  operations  and  intro- 
duced himself  as  one  of  the  pioneers  of  Chautauqua  county,  and  as 
a  man  who  in  his  boyhood  remembered  the  site  and  its  features. 
Mr  Morse  made  a  verbal  statement  to  the  archeologist  which  was 
taken  down  verbatim. 

The  earth  ring  is  found  in  many  places  in  western  New  York  and 
elsewhere  and  is  the  base  upon  which  a  line  of  sharpened  stakes  or 
palisades  was  placed  to  fortify  the  inclosure.  This  being  true,  the 
village  here  must  have  been  within  the  circular  walls  of  sharpened 
posts  that  rose  from  the  earth  circle.  A  number  of  families  prob- 
ably had  lodges  outside  the  fortification.  These  may  have  been  the 
less  cautious  or  those  who  were  crowded  out  through  lack  of  space 
within  the  narrow  confines  of  the  picket  wall. 


Plate   84 


Fig.  i     Grave  LXXXI,  pit  120.     Two  males  in  single  grave. 
Fig.  2     Grave  XCY,  pit  135.     Male  and  female  in  single  grave. 

17 


260 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


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264  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Post  Holes  and  Lodge  Sites 

A  large  number  of  post  holes,  that  is  small  holes  from  18  to  24 
inches  deep,  filled  with  substances  somewhat  different  from  the  sur- 
rounding soil,  were  discovered  in  the  village  layers  (see  diagram  of 
pits,  plate  81).  The  positions  of  these  holes  were  carefully  chartered 
and  were  found  to  bear  a  certain  relation  to  one  another.  The  char- 
acter of  the  soil  inclosed  by  lines  bounding  these  holes  was  carefully 
noted  and  seemed  to  indicate  the  dirt  floors  of  lodges.  The  post 
holes  therefore  were  probably  the  holes  made  by  the  stakes  that 
formed  the  uprights  of  dwellings.  Although  a  number  of  lodge 
sites,  so  called,  were  discovered  it  is  not  to  be  thought  that  there  were 
not  other  lodges  elsewhere. 

Mortuary   Customs  Indicated 

The  areas  of  most  of  the  graves  were  large  in  proportion  to  the 
space  occupied  by  the  skeletons.  In  general  the  bones  rested  in  the 
center  or  at  one  corner  of  the  excavation,  leaving  a  wide  space  about 
the  bones.  Nearly  all  the  skeletons  were  arranged  in  a  flexed  posi- 
tion. From  these  circumstances  it  might  be  inferred  that  the  dead 
were  carefully  placed  in  the  graves  and  arranged  by  persons  who 
descended  into  them.  This  assumption  appears  strengthened  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  pottery  vessels  which  probably  contained 
food  could  not  have  been  easily  dropped  into  the  grave  and  have 
remained  upright  as  they  were  in  almost  every  instance.  The  whole 
make-up  of  the  graves  and  the  positions  of  the  articles  found  in  them 
indicate  the  hand  of  design.  The  decayed  substances  found  over  the 
grave  bottoms  seem  to  indicate  that  other  perishable  possessions  were 
placed  in  the  graves,  such  as  articles  of  wood,  bark,  skins  and  fabrics 
of  bark  or  reeds.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  objects  were  not 
placed  in  some  graves  because  none  were  found.  The  lack  of  stone 
or  pottery  articles  suggests  that  only  perishable  substances  and  uten- 
sils have  been  interred.  In  the  bottoms  of  many  of  the  grave  pits 
just  beneath  or  mingled  with  the  animal  phosphate  were  layers  of 
charred  vegetable  matter,  either  bark,  grass  or  reeds.  From  this 
fact  it  would  appear  that  in  such  pits  fires  had  been  kindled,  either  to 
dry  the  damp  earth  or  to  warm  the  bed  for  the  sleeper  whose  body 
must  rest  so  long  within  it.  This  is  in  accord  with  certain  traditions. 
Thin  and  sometimes  almost  imperceptible  layers  of  decayed  vege- 
table matter  over  some  of  the  skeletons  strongly  suggest  the  use  of 
bark  or  wood  as  a  covering  for  the  bodies  before  the  earth  was  finally 
thrown  back  into  the  excavation.  In  a  few  cases  flat  pieces  of 


Plate   85 


Grave  pit  92,  Ripley,  at  84  feet  in  trench  10  was  3  feet  4  inches  deep.  It 
contained  the  decayed  bones  of  an  adult  male  of  mature  years.  The  spinal 
column  was  in  one  solid  piece,  the  result  of  ankylosis.  With  the  skeleton  at 
the  places  indicated  by  the  photograph  were  a  double  edged  celt,  a  perfect 
pottery  vessel,  typically  Erian,  and  a  stone  effigy  pipe,  representing  some 
mythical  animal. 


266 


NEW    YORK    STATE    Ml'SETM 


charred  bark  were  found  above  the  bones.  The  use  of  a  bark 
or  animal  skin  covering  is  also  suggested  by  the  finds  in  grave  51, 
pit  96,  where  above  the  copper  bracelets  a  fragment  of  bark  and  a 
piece  of  deerskin  were  found  preserved  by  the  copper  salts.  When 
it  is  considered,  moreover,  that  a  primitive  people  would  naturally 
reverence  the  dead,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  they  would  shrink 
from  casting  clods  of  clay  or  masses  of  mud  upon  the  form  of 
those  whom  they  had  evidently  arranged  and  dressed  with  every 
manifestation  of  solicitude.  Moreover,  to  have  covered  the  corpse 
with  a  shroud  of  skin  or  a  covering  of  bark  would  have  added  an 
element  of  mystery  to  the  interment.  The  body  would  have  been 
obscured  during  the  process  of  burial.  To  cast  stray  stones  and 
earth  upon  the  form  beneath  would  have  shocked  the  primitive 
people  to  whom  care  for  the  dead  was  probably  an  important  reli- 
gious rite.  If  the  vessels  of  clay  contained  food  for  the  skyward 
journey  it  would  hardly  seem  that  this  food  would  have  been 
tainted  by  earthly  flavors,  but  rather  covered  for  cleanHness.  This 
supposition  seems  to  be  given  weight  by  the  fact  that  two  pots 
were  found  in  the  clay  stratum  over  the  mouths  of  which  were  wads 
of  clay,  the  vessels  being  empty.  From  the  fact  that  weapons  and 
utensils  were  buried  one  is  led  to  think  that  the  people  believed  or 
affected  to  believe  that  these  things,  or  perhaps  the  spirits  of  these 
th:ngs,  would  be  of  value  to  the  spirit  of  the  dead.  All  the  clay 
pipes  from  the  burials  contained  charred  tobacco  and  from  this 
fact  it  might  be  conjectured  that  the  pipe  of  the  sacred  herb  had 
been  lighted  in  the  grave  for  a  consolation  to  the  spirit  as  it  started 
out  in  the  new  and  strange  world  of  spirits. 

The  positions  of  the  various  objects,  especially  of  the  pottery 
vessels,  are  highly  interesting.  Most  of  them  were  near  the  head, 
as  were  some  of  the  pipes.  The  table  appended  herewith  gives  a 
summary  of  the  positions  of  the  pots  in  relation  to  the  skeletons. 

Position  of  the  pots.  Before  face,  1 1  ;  at  occiput,  25 ;  top  of 
skull,  16;  near  abdomen,  i;  at  pelvis,  i;  between  skulls,  2;  inde- 
terminate, 14. 

Graves  in  ash  pits.  Two  graves  were  found  in  true  ash  pits. 
These  pits  were  situated  just  beyond  and  outside  the  earth  ring  and 
were  side  by  side  (see  record  of  pits  48  and  49).  Both  pits  were 
shallow,  2.y2  feet,  and  the  skeletons  had  only  light  covers  of  char- 
coal and  ashes  to  separate  them  from  the  ordinary  pit  refuse.  It 
may  be  possible  that  the  ash  pits  were  within  or  near  a  lodge  site 
and  were  used  as  graves  when  the  ground  elsewhere  was  frozen. 
Broken  pots  were  found  in  both  of  these  graves. 


Plate   86 


t 


- 


Grave  pit  96  in  trench  10  contained  the  skeleton  of  an  aged  female,  the 
lower  right  arm  of  which  was  almost  entirely  preserved  by  the  copper  salts 
formed  from  the  heavy  copper  arm  bands  and  finger  rings.  Two  infants' 
skeletons  were  found  at  her  side  and  the  skeleton  of  a  headless  male,  near 
which  was  found  a  bar  celt.  Ten  pottery  vessels  were  buried  in  this  family 


268 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Primitive  means  of  excavating.  Trowellike  implements  of  antler 
were  found  in  several  ash  pits  and  were  probably  the  tools  used  for 
digging  pits  and  graves.  The  sand  nrght  have  been  easily  loosened 
with  picks  of  antler  or  wood  or  with  the  shoulder  blades  of  elk 
or  deer  and  have  been  scooped  up  with  shallow  bark  baskets. 

The  grave  fillings  in  at  least  forty  cases  were  heavily  intermixed 
with  carbonized  wood  and  bark.  This  suggests  that  the  topsoil  had 
been  thawed  out  to  facilitate  digging  in  winter. 

Depth  of  graves.  In  most  cases  the  graves  were  dug  as  deep 
as  it  would  be  possible  with  rude  implements.  This  depth  was  to 
the  clay  stratum  or  into  it  for  a  few  inches.  Because  of  the  poor 
drainage  of  the  clay  the  skeletons  buried  within  it  decayed  much 
more  rapidly  than  those  in  the  loose  sand.  A  table  of  depths 
follows : 

Table  of  depths  of  graves 


INCHES 

NO.  OF 
GRAVES 

INCHES 

NO.  OF 
GRAVES 

INCHES 

NO.  OF 
GRAVES 

10  
20  
22  

2 
I 
I 

36  

37  
38  

3 

2 

6 

51  
52  

ST.  .  . 

2 

3 

24  
25  
28  

4 
i 
i 

39  
40  
42  .  . 

2 

7 

21 

54  
55  
c6  

2 

I 
2 

29  

i 

45;  

S3  

I 

30  
32  

33  

6 

3 
i 

46  
47  
48  

i=; 

60  

63  
72  

4 
i 
i 

i 

4Q 

•i 

Arrangement  of  graves  and  position  of  skeletons.  An  examina- 
tion of  the  map  of  the  burials  shows  that  apparently  no  fixed  system 
of  plotting  the  graves  was  observed.  The  graves  seem  to  have  been 
dug  where  the  sand  was  softest  and  most  easily  excavated.  It  will 
be  noticed,  however,  that  the  graves  cluster  about  open  spaces.  From 
this  it  might  be  inferred  that  they  were  arranged  about  large  trees 
that  afterward  decayed. 

An  examination  of  the  table  of  orientation  reveals  that  the  bodies 
were  not  apparently  arranged  to  face  any  particular  cardinal  point. 
This,  however,  does  not  necessarily  indicate  the  lack  of  system.  It 
may  be  that  the  position  in  which  a  person  died  governed  the  position 
in  the  burial. 


THE    ARC  ilKOl.or.K'AL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  269 

Orientation  by  direction  of  head  ' 

HEAD    NORTH 

Face  west  on  the  right  s:de 
6F,  8,  nM,  n6M  ..................................       4 

Face  east  on  left  side 

14.M,     I02AI     .......................................  2 

Total    ...........................................  6 

HEAD   EAST 

Face  north  on  right  side 

40,  68juv,  86M,  91,  94,  loiF,  ii2F,  114:1,  114:2,  128, 
i3iF,  I3/M,  143:1,  I43:2inf,  14^1  ................      15 


Face  south  on  left  side 

4/M,  48F,  52,  92M,  96:iF,  g6:2Ju\,  96:3Juv,  109,  no, 
in,  I23F,  i23:2F,  139,  i4oM,  i4iM,  i42inf..  .  16 


Total 


HEAD  SOUTH 

Face  east  on  right  side 
4.  ;F,  22juv,  45F,  5iM,  I34F 6 

Face  west  on  left  s:de 
13,  44AI,  89,  90,  98,  lOoM,  12/M 7 

Face  up  on  back 
135:2 i 

Total 14 

HEAD    WEST 

Face  south  on  right  side 
99.-   l  !3>   I2O>   I24\I 4  4 


1  The  numbers  refer  to  the  burials  and  the  letter  following  to  the  sex. 
thus,  M,  male;  F,  female;  inf,  infant,  and  juv,  juvenile.  Where  there  is  no 
letter  the  skeleton  is  probably  that  of  an  adult,  the  sex  being  indeterminate 
on  account  of  the  condition  of  the  bones. 


27O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

HEAD  NORTHEAST 

Face  northwest  on  right  side 
I5M,  65,   126  :2M   3 

Face  southeast  on  left  side 
1 1 5  :  F,  115  :2inf ,  1 1 5  :3inf 3 


Total    . 


HEAD    NORTHWEST 

Face  southwest  on  right  side 
39 i 

HEAD  SOUTHWEST 

Face  southeast  on  right  side 
93inf,   107  M,    118:1 3 

HEAD    SOUTHEAST 

Face  northeast  on  right  side 

9M,  63M,  67,  94.12,  118:2,  129:1    (face  up)F,   129 :2F, 
i3oF,  i3<SM,  138 :2F   .  . 10 

Face  southwest  on  left  side 
ii7M,  135  :iM,  136  (face  down),  132. 4 


Total 


Not  determined 34        34 

Total    113 

Morphological  Characters 

Field  measurements  of  the  bones  indicate  that  the  people  were 
of  medium  height,  5  feet  7  or  8  inches  being  the  average.  A  few 
skeletons  were  found  that  approached  6  feet.  That  the  race  was 
stocky  is  shown  by  the  heavy  development  of  muscular  ridges,  espe- 
cially in  the  case  of  males  whose  bones  were  generally  large. 

The  loose  sand  affording  good  drainage  preserved  the  bones  when 
they  were  not  buried  directly  upon  the  clay  stratum  but  in  either 
case  by  the  shifting  of  the  sand  or  through  some  other  agency,  most 
of  the  skulls  were  broken  or  crushed  while  other  bones  were  in  a 
much  better  state  of  preservation.  Some  of  the  complete  skulls  are 
of  unusual  interest.  In  form  nearly  all  are  either  dolichocephalic 


TIIK    ARCIIEOI.OCICAL    HISTOUV    OK    -\K\\     YORK  27! 

or  subdolichocephalic,  none  being  of  the  brachycephalic  type  com- 
mon to  the  mound-builder  region  100  miles  to  the  west.  A  con- 
siderable proportion  of  the  skulls  in  Erie  sites  40  miles  east  is 
characterized  by  alveolar  prognathism,  but  among  those  found  at 
Ripley  only  two  showed  this  development.  The  os  incac  was 
observed  in  a  few  instances  and  there  were  some  skulls  having 
\vormian  bones.  In  one  skull  the  os  japonicum-,  that  is,  the  lower 
portion  of  the  malar  bone  when  divided  by  a  suture,  was  observed. 

The  average  capacity  of  the  skulls  is  1587  cubic  centimeters  for 
males  and  1440  for  females.  The  average  cephalic  index  would  be 
perhaps  74.4  and  the  nasal  index  47.  A  careful  study  of  all  the 
morphological  characteristics  will  be  made  in  the  laboratory  and 
reported  in  another  place  and  may  slightly  modify  the  averages  here 
given. 

In  a  few  cases  humeri  were  observed  in  which  the  olecranon 
cavity  was  perforated.  In  two  cases  an  examination  of  the  femora 
revealed  the  process  termed  the  third  trochanter  and  the  hypotro- 
chanteric  fossa.  Some  femora  are  platymeric. 

Pathological  Conditions 

With  the  exception  of  two  cases  of  ankylosis,  no  pathological  con- 
ditions were  noted.  There  are  a  number  of  bones,  however,  that 
show  the  repair  of  breaks. 

Only  in  a  few  cases  were  possible  clues  to  the  cause  of  death  dis- 
covered. In  several  skeletons  triangular  arrow  points  were  found 
between  the  vertebrae  or  in  some  other  part  of  the  osseous  struc- 
ture. A  remarkable  form  of  ankylosis  was  observed  in  the  case  of 
an  aged  male  whose  entire  spine  had  become  cemented  into  one  solid 
bone.  Such  conditions  are  probably  rare  in  Indian  skeletons.  One 
low  type  female  skull  marked  by  prognathism  and  wormian  bones 
had  the  frontal  bone  crushed  and  the  perforation  filled  and  repaired 
by  osseous  matter.  If  it  is  permitted  to  judge  character  from  the 
form  of  the  skull  one  would  be  strongly  tempted  to  say  that  the 
deceased  must  have  been  no  congenial  companion,  to  say  the  least. 

Identity  of  the  Inhabitants 

Erie 

The  general  type  of  the  artifacts  discovered  in  the  course  of  the 
excavations,  especially  the  types  of  the  pottery,  closely  resemble  Iro- 
quoian  forms.  In  particular  they  resemble  the  Erian.  The  fact 
that  pieces  of  iron  and  copper  were  found  in  graves  and  ash  pits 
proves  that  the  former  inhabitants  of  the  site  had  contact,  direct  or 


272  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

indirect,  with  Europeans.  That  few  objects  of  European  metal 
were  found  and  no  glass  beads,  save  a  fragment  of  one,  indicates  that 
the  people  acquired  them  from  a  single  trader  or  by  trade  from  other 
Indians.  This  latter  conclusion  in  the  light  of  evidence  seems  the 
more  probable.  If  the  inhabitants  of  the  site  had  contact,  direct  or 
indirect,  with  the  whites,  then  we  may  look  for  historical  records 
by  which  to  identify  them.  In  the  Jesuit  Relations  are  found  many 
references  to  a  people  who  inhabited  the  region  of  which  the 
Ripley  site  forms  a  part.  These  people  are  variously  called 
Eries,  Eriegoneckkak,  Eriehronnons,  Eriee,  Riquehronnons,  Rhiier, 
Nation  du  Chat,  Cat  Nation,  Rhiierrhonnons,  etc.  etc.  Besides  the 
accounts  by  the  Jesuits  there  are  several  maps  which  place  the  Erie 
Indians  in  this  territory,  notably  the  maps  of  Sanson  of  1656, 
of  Creuxius  of  1660,  of  LaHontan  of  1690,  and  of  Hennepin  of 
1698.  From  these  records  and  maps  we  may  define  the  territory 
of  the  Eries  as  the  region  bordering  the  southern  shore  of  Lake 
Erie  between  the  region  of  the  Neutrals  on  the  eastern  end  of 
Lake  Erie  east  to  the  western  banks  of  the  Genesee,  westward  to 
the  western  watershed  of  Lake  Erie  and  the  Miami  river  and  south- 
ward to  the  Ohio  river.  In  the  Relation  of  1647-48  we  find  the 
following  description  of  the  Erie  country: 

This  lake,  called  Erie,  was  formerly  inhabited  on  its  southern  shores  by 
certain  tribes  whom  we  call  the  nation  of  the  Cat ;  and  they  have  been 
compelled  to  retire  far  inland  to  escape  their  enemies,  who  are  farther 
to  the  west.  These  people  of  the  Cat  Nation  have  a  number  of  stationary 
villages,  for  they  till  the  soil  and  speak  the  same  language  as  our  Hurons. 

Under  title  of  "  Description  of  the  Country  of  the  Hurons  "  in 
the  relation  of  1653  there  is  the  following  paragraph : 

Beyond  that  same  neutral  nation,  in  a  direction  nearly  south,  there  is  a 
lake  600  miles  in  circumference,  called  Herie,  formed  by  the  fresh-water 
sea,  which  discharges  into  it,  and  thence  'by  means  of  a  very  high  cataract, 
into  a  third  lake  still  greater  and  more  beautiful;  it  is  called  Ontario  or 
Beautiful  Lake,  but  we  were  wont  to  call  it  the  Lake  of  Saint  Louis.  The 
former  of  these  two  lakes  was  at  one  time  inhabited  toward  the  south  by 
certain  peoples  whom  we  call  the  Cat  Nation ;  but  they  were  forced  to 
proceed  further  inland  in  order  to  escape  the  enemies  whom  they  have  toward 
the  west  This  Nation  has  various  territories,  cultivates  the  fields,  and 
speaks  a  language  similar  to  the  Hurons. 

In  the  Relation  of  1654  there  is  still  further  reference: 

They  (the  Iroquois)  tell  us  that  a  new  war  has  broken  out,  which  fills 
them  with  fear,  that  the  Eries  have  taken  arms  against  them  (we  call  the 
Eries  the  Cat  Nation,  because  there  is  in  their  country  a  prodigious  number 


TIIK    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  273 

of  wildcats,  two  or  three  times  as  large  as  our  tame  cats,  but  having  a 
beautiful  and  precious  fur).  They  tell  us  that  an  Iroquois  town  has  already 
been  set  on  fire  and  destroyed  at  the  first  attack;  that  this  nation  pursued 
one  of  their  armies  which  was  returning  victorious  from  the  shores  of  Lake 
Huron,  fell  upon  the  rear  guard  of  80  picked  men  and  entirely  cut  it  to 
pieces;  that  one  of  their  most  distinguished  chiefs,  Annenraes,  has  been  taken 
prisoner;  in  a  word  that  the  Iroquois  are  inflamed,  and  are  arming  to 
repulse  the  enemy,  and  are,  therefore,  obliged  to  seek  peace  with  us. 

This  Cat  Nation  is  very  populous.  Some  Hurons,  who  have  scattered 
everywhere  since  the  destruction  of  their  country,  have  joined  them,  and 
excited  this  war,  which  alarms  the  Iroquois.  It  is  said  that  they  have  2000 
men,  good  warriors,  though  without  firearms.  But  they  fight  like  the  French, 
enduring  courageously  the  first  discharge  of  the  Iroquois  who  have  firearms, 
and  then  pouring  down  upon  them  a  hail  of  poisoned  arrows,  which  they 
can  shoot  off  six  or  eight  times  before  the  others  can  reload  their  muskets. 

Sagard,  who  went  to  the  Huron  country  as  a  missionary  in  1623, 
in  his  interesting  Histoire  du  Canada,  1636,  has  also  some  notes 
bearing  on  the  Eries. 

Relation  of  the  Erie  to  other  Iroquoian  tribes.  The  Erie 
belonged  to  the  Huron-Iroquois  linguistic  stock,  as  is  patent  from  a 
review  of  the  records.  William  M.  Beauchamp,  the  distinguished 
authority  on  New  York  archeology,  suggests  that  the  Erie  were 
the  parent  stock  of  the  Huron-Iroquois  family  and  further  suggests 
that  the  Seneca  were  derived  from  them,  possibly  within  historic 
times.  There  seems  to  be  some  good  base  in  history  for  this  opinion 
and  the  argument  can  not  be  better  stated  than  in  Doctor  Beau- 
champ's  own  words,  quoted  from  his  address  on  The  Origin  and 
Early  Life  of  the  New  York  Iroquois,  delivered  before  the  Oneida 
Historical  Society  in  1886: 

The  Senecas  had  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  Iroquois  league,  though  the 
last  to  enter  it,  forming  the  west  door,  as  the  Mohawks  were  the  east.  On 
the  Dutch  maps  of  1614  and  1616,  the  Mohawks  and  the  Senecas  are  alone 
designated,  and  for  50  years  more  the  Dutch  hardly  mentioned  any  'but  these. 
Th;:t  they  were  kindred  to  the  Eries  is  conceded.  In  1615  Champlain  spoke 
of  the  Iroquois  and  the  Entouhonoronons,  whom  some  have  thought  the 
Senecas.  In  the  explanation  of  his  map  it  is  said  that  "  The  Iroquois  and 
the  Antouhonorons  make  war  together  against  other  nations  except  the 
Neutral  nation."  They  had  fifteen  strong  villages,  too  many  for  the  Senecas, 
unless  the  Eries  were  included.  That  the  Senecas  differed  from  the  other 
Iroquois  in  religious  observances,  totems  and  clans,  habits  of  life  and  other 
things  is  very  clear.  A  marked  distinction  appears  in  their  language  and 
they  were  not  very  brotherly  to  the  rest.  Long  after  the  League  was  formed 
they  were  sometimes  at  swords  points  with  the  Mohawks,  and  the  French 
Mohawks  did  not  hesitate  to  go  against  the  Senecas,  when  they  refused  to 
fight  against  the  other  nations. 


274  NEW    YORK    STATK    Ml'SKl'M 

There  is  good  reason  for  thinking  them  part  of  the  Massawomekes  of 
Captain  John  Smith's  narrative.  Early  writers  made  these  any  part  of  the 
Five  Nations,  but  later  students,  to  identify  them,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Entouhonorons,  with  both  Eries  and  Senecas,  these  being  firm  friends  until 
!o53-  Captain  John  Smith  met  these  fierce  enemies  of  Powhatan  in  thfir 
bark  canoes  on  Chesapeake  bay  in  1608.  The  general  description  is  that  of 
an  Iroquois  war  party,  though  the  name  of  course  is  Algonquin.  That  he 
did  not  understand  their  language  makes  this  almost  certain.  He  bought 
some  of  their  weapons  and  increased  his  reputation  by  showing  these,  the 
Virginia  tribes  supposing  he  had  taken  them  by  force.  But  a  Maryland 
trader  went  to  the  Massawomekes  in  1632,  and  there  remains  no  doubt  that 
this  name  included  the  Eries  and  the  Senecas,  then  or  previously  allied.  They 
had  palisades  of  great  trees  about  their  villages  with  galleries  at  the  top. 

Destruction  of  the  Erie.  One  of  the  most  picturesque  and 
tragic  accounts  of  these  people  is  given  in  the  Relation  of  1655-56. 
It  is  the  story  of  their  destruction.  In  the  account  they  are  called 
the  Cat  Nation  (La  Nation  du  Chat).  The  Jesuit  account  is  with- 
out doubt  essentially  correct  and  differs  in  many  respects  from  the 
rather  fanciful  Seneca  tradition.  In  one  particular  both  accounts 
agree,  and  that  is  that  the  Erie  brought  destruction  upon  themselves 
by  their  own  folly. 

The  account  as  given  in  the  Thwaite's  edition  of  the  Relations 
follows : 

CAUSE  OF   WAR   AGAINST   THE   CAT    NATION 

The  Cat  Nation  had  sent  30  Ambassadors  to  the  Sonnontouahronnons  to 
confirm  the  peace  between  them;  but  it  happened  that  by  some  unexpected 
accident,  that  a  Sonnontouahronnon  was  killed  by  a  man  of  the  Cat  Nation. 
This  murder  so  incensed  the  Sonnontouahronnons,  that  they  put  to  death  the 
Ambassadors  in  their  hands,  except  five  who  escaped.  Hence  the  war  was 
kindled  between  those  two  nations,  and  each  strove  to  capture  and  burn  more 
prisoners  than  its  opponent.  Two  Onnontagehronnons  among  others  were 
captured  by  men  of  the  Cat  Nation;  one  of  them  escaped  and  the  other,  a 
man  of  rank,  was  taken  home  by  the  enemy  to  be  burnt.  He  pleaded  his 
cause  so  well  that  he  was  given  to  the  sister  of  one  of  the  30  Ambassadors 
who  had  been  put  to  death.  She  was  absent  from  the  village  at  the  time; 
but  the  prisoner  was  nevertheless  clothed  in  fine  garments,  and  feasting  and 
good  cheer  prevailed,  the  man  being  all  but  assured  that  he  would  be  sent 
back  to  his  own  country.  When  she  to  whom  he  had  been  given  returned, 
she  was  told  that  her  dead  brother  was  to  be  restored  to  life,  that  she  must 
prepare  to  regale  him  well,  and  then  to  give  him  a  most  gracious  dismissal. 
She,  however,  began  to  weep  and  declare  that  she  would  never  dry  her  eyes 
until  her  brother's  death  was  avenged.  The  elders  showed  her  the  gravity 
of  the  situation,  which  was  likely  to  involve  them  in  a  new  war;  but  she 
would  not  yield.  Finally  they  were  compelled  to  give  up  the  wretched  man 
to  her  to  do  with  him  as  she  pleased.  All  this  occurred  while  he  was  still 


Till-:   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HiSTouv   OF   \K\\    YORK  275 

joyfully  f  easting.  Without  a  word  he  was  taken  from  the  feast  and  con- 
ducted to  this  cruel  woman's  cabin.  Upon  entering  he  was  surprised  at  being 
stripped  of  his  clothes.  Then  he  saw  that  his  life  was  lost,  and  he  cried  out, 
before  dying,  that  an  entire  people  would  be  'burned  in  his  person,  and  that 
his  death  would  be  cruelly  avenged.  His  words  proved  true;  for  no  sooner 
had  the  news  reached  Onnontague,  than  1200  determined  men  started  forth 
to  exact,  satisfaction  for  this  affront. 

\Ve  have  already  observed  that  the  Cat  Nation  is  so  called  from  the  large 
number  of  Wildcats,  of  great  size  and  beauty  in  their  country.  The  climate 
is  temperate,  neither  ice  nor  snow  being  seen  in  the  winter;  while  in  summer 
it  is  said  that  grain  and  fruit  are  harvested  in  abundance,  and  are  of  unusual 
size  and  excellence. 

Our  warriors  entered  that  country  remote  though  it  was  from  Onnontague, 
l)e fore  they  were  perceived.  Their  arrival  spread  such  a  panic  that  villages 
and  dwellings  were  abandoned  to  the  mercy  of  the  Conqueror, —  who  after 
burning  everything,  started  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  The  latter  numbered 
from  two  to  three  thousand  besides  women  and  children.  Finding  themselves 
closely  followed,  they  resolved,  after  five  days'  flight  to  build  a  fort  of 
wood  and  there  await  the  enemy  who  numbered  only  1200.  Accordingly, 
they  intrenched  themselves  as  well  as  they  could.  The  enemy  drew  near, 
the  two  head  chiefs  showing  themselves  in  French  costume,  in  order  to 
frighten  their  opponents  by  the  novelty  of  their  attire.  One  of  the  two 
who  had  been  Baptized  by  Father  le  Moyne  and  was  very  well  instructed, 
gently  urged  the  besieged  to  capitulate,  telling  them  that  they  would  be 
destroyed  if  they  allowed  an  assault.  "  The  Master  of  life  fights  for  us," 
said  he ;  "  you  will  be  ruined  if  you  resist  Him."  "  Who  is  the  Master  of 
our  lives?"  was  the  haughty  reply  of  the  Besieged.  "We  acknowledge  none 
but  our  arms  and  our  hatchets."  Thereupon  the  assault  was  made  and  the 
palisade  attacked  on  all  sides;  but  the  defence  was  as  spirited  as  the  attack, 
and  the  combat  was  a  long  one,  great  courage  being  displayed  on  both  sides. 
The  Besieging  party  made  every  effort  to  carry  the  place  by  storm,  but  in 
vain;  they  were  killed  as  fast  as  they  advanced.  They  hit  on  the  plan  of 
using  their  canoes  as  shields;  and  bearing  these  before  them  as  protection, 
they  reached  the  foot  of  the  entrenchment.  But  it  remained  to  scale  the 
large  stakes,  or  tree  trunks  of  which  it  was  built.  Again  they  resorted  to 
their  canoes,  using  them  as  ladders  for  surmounting  the  stanch  palisade. 
Their  boldness  so  astonished  the  Besieged  that,  being  already  at  the  end  of 
their  munitions  of  war, —  with  which,  especially  powder  they  were  but 
poorly  provided, —  they  resolved  to  flee.  This  was  their  ruin ;  for,  after 
most  of  the  first  fugitives  had  been  killed,  the  others  were  surrounded  by 
the  Onnontaguehronnons,  who  entered  the  fort  and  there  wrought  such 
carnage  among  the  women  and  children  that  blood  was  knee  deep  in  certain 
places.  Those  who  had  escaped,  wishing  to  retrieve  their  honor,  after  recover-- 
ing  their  courage  a  little,  returned  to  the  number  of  300,  to  take  the  enemy 
by  surprise  while  he  was  retiring  and  off  his  guard.  The  plan  was  good  but 
it  was  ill  executed ;  for  frightened  at  the  first  cry  of  the  Onnontaguehronnons, 
they  were  entirely  defeated.  The  Victors  did  not  escape  heavy  losses, —  so 
great  indeed,  that  they  were  forced  to  remain  two  months  in  the  enemy's 
country,  burying  their  dead  and  caring  for  their  wounded. 

18 


NEW    YORK    STATK     Ml'SHl'M 

The  Erie  are  commonly  said  to  have  been  exterminated  but  this 
is  not  entirely  true.  They  became  exterminated  only  in  the  sense 
that  they  ceased  to  exist  as  an  independent  people.  The  surviving 
Erie  who  did  not  flee  to  other  tribes  became  the  captives  of  the 
Iroquois,  who  in  accord  with  their  usual  policy  adopted  the  indi- 
viduals into  their  families  and  gradually  absorbed  them. 

Date  of  occupation.  From  the  testimony  of  the  records  it  would 
thus  appear  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Ripley  site  must  have  been 
Erie.  The  testimony  of  the  relics  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  this 
occupation  was  of  the  early  historic  period.  Without  doubt  the  site 
bridges  the  prehistoric  to  the  historic.  That  it  must  have  been  earlier 
than  1654  is  known  from  the  fact  that  the  Erie  were  expelled  from 
their  territories  by  the  confederated  Iroquois  in  1654.  That  it  is  not 
so  late  as  1654  appears  from  the  fact  that  by  this  date  the  Erie  had 
opportunity  to  trade  extensively  with  European  and  yet  few  Euro- 
pean articles  were  discovered.  From  the  time  the  Dutch  entered 
New  York  and  the  colony  of  Jamestown  was  settled,  the  Erie  had 
opportunity  to  acquire  articles  by  trade  with  other  Indians,  espe- 
cially the  Iroquois.  Considering  all  things,  one  would  be  strongly 
led  to  place  the  date  of  the  cession  of  occupation  before  1620.  It 
is  highly  probable,  moreover,  that  the  first  occupation  of  the  site 
was  early  in  the  seventeenth  century  if  not  during  the  last  few 
years  of  the  sixteenth. 

Description  of  Implements 

Stone 
Objects    oj  Rough  Stone 

The  rough  and  massive  stone  objects  requiring  but  slight  modifi- 
cation from  natural  forms  to  adapt  them  to  the  purposes  intended 
include  hoes,  anvils,  shaft  rubbing  stones,  pitted  hammerstones,  lap- 
stones,  net  sinkers,  rounded  pebbles,  mortars  and  some  celtlike 
implements. 

Figure  i  in  plate  87  illustrates  a  flat  piece  of  shale  which  has  been 
roughly  shaped  and  from  its  marks  of  use  evidently  has  been  used 
for  a  digging  implement,  perhaps  a  hce.  Objects  of  this  class  were 
not  common,  this  specimen  being  the  only  complete  one  found  on 
the  site.  Large  numbers  of  rounded  water-washed  pebbles  were 
found  distributed  over  the  site.  All  had  been  brought  from  the  lake 
shore  and  they  were  not  found  in  the  undisturbed  soil.  These  peb- 
bles varied  in  size  from  2  inches  to  5  inches  in  diameter  and  most 


10 

Types  of  rude  stone  implements  improvised  from  natural  pebbles,  the  shape 

of   which    required   only    slight   modification   to   adapt   them    for   the  -purposes 

intended.      i=Hoe   or    rude   celt.     2=Hammer.     3=Pick.     4,    6=Net    sinkers. 

=Pitted      hammerstone.          7=Hammer.         8=Anvil      and      grinding     base. 

^Smoother.    io=Pitted  hammerstone  and  small  anvil. 


278  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

of  them  show  signs  of  use.  Many  seem  to  have  been  heated  in  fires 
and  others  to  have  been  used  as  hammers  or  anvils.  Round  pebbles 
were  also  found  in  the  graves  but  nothing  there  was  discovered 
that  might  furnish  a  clue  to  their  employment.  Figure  2  in  plate 
87  shows  one  of  these  pebbles. 

Most  polished  stone  articles  seem  to  have  been  reduced  from  crude 
forms  by  a  picking  process.  Few  implements  resembling  picks, 
perhaps,  have  been  found.  One  crude  implement,  figure  3,  plate  87, 
is  of  tough  granite  and  seems  to  have  been  one  of  these  picks.  It 
is  much  battered  and  shows  signs  of  long  use.  Notched  implements, 
commonly  called  net  sinkers,  were  not  common,  only  about  a  dozen 
being  found.  They  were  of  the  ordinary  type  found  everywhere 
throughout  New  York.  Figures  4  and  6  in  plate  87  show  two  net 
sinkers  typical  of  all  the  rest  found  on  the  knoll.  Hammerstones 
were  everywhere  numerous  both  on  the  surface  and  in  the  pits. 
Hammers  were  of  three  types,  the  ordinary  round  pebbles  used  as 
hammers,  the  ball-like  hammers  that  are  battered  on  almost  every 
part  of  the  surface  and  the  common  pitted  hammerstones.  Some 
of  the  larger  pitted  stones  seem  to  have  been  alternately  hammers 
and  anvils  and  sometimes  resemble  small  mortars.  Figure  10  shows 
one  of  this  type.  Objects  termed  anvils  are  the  flat  stones  plentiful 
everywhere  in  the  village  site.  They  exhibit  signs  of  having  been 
used  as  bases  upon  which  other  stones  were  worked.  Anvils  were 
generally  pieces  of  hard  shale  or  small  boulders  and  most  of  them 
seem  to  have  been  used  for  long  periods  (see  figure  8).  The  flat 
slabs  of  shale  and  sandstone  anvils  sometimes  had  shallow  hollows 
on  one  side  and  seem  to  have  been  used  for  grinding  purposes.  It  is 
highly  probable  that  in  that  state  of  primitive  culture  when  every- 
thing convenient  must  be  utilized,  one  utensil  served  as  many 
purposes  as  could  be  devised  for  it. 

A  number  of  smoothed  and  worked  stones  found  in  refuse  pits 
and  also  in  graves  are  thought  to  be  potters'  tools.  One  was  found 
in  a  pit  containing  a  large  quantity  of  partly  worked  clay.  One  of 
these  stones  is  shown  in  figure  9  in  plate  87  and  another  in  figure  10, 
plate  88.  One  interesting  specimen  of  a  massive  stone  implement 
is  the  large  mortar  found  in  pit  50.  It  weighs  about  200  pounds 
and  was  found  at  one  end  of  a  stone-floored  pit.  It  must  have  been 
occasionally  turned  over  for  both  sides  show  signs  of  use  though; 
only  one  side  was  used  as  a  mortar.  Mullers  or  rounded  pebbles 


Types  of  celts,   from  Ripley     One-half   reduction. 


280 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


must  have  been  used  to  crack  and  grind  the  corn  or  other  sub-- 
stances. Long  cylindrical  pestles  would  not  have  served  the  pur- 
pose. Four  small  celtlike  imple- 
ments were  found  in  refuse  pits. 
These  had  been  formed  from  nat- 
ural water-washed  pebbles  the 
ends  of  which  had  been  sharpened 
to  an  edge,  this  being  the  only 
work  done  to  form  the  implement. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  state 
definitely  for  what  purpose  these 
miniature  celts  were  used.  Cer- 
tainly they  could  not  have  sus- 
tained rough  usage  (see  figures  9, 
n,  plate  88). 

A  grooved  stone,  sometimes 
called  an  arrow  shaft  smoother, 
is  figured  in  text  figure  40. 


Fig.  40    Arrow     shaft     rubber 
and  polisher.     Size  scale:  1-3 


Polished  Stone  Objects 

No  polished  stone  articles  of  the  type  usually  termed  ceremonial 
were  found  in  the  course  of  the  excavations,  although  a  gorget  was 
found  on  the  hill  to  the  east  of  the  site,  unless  the  very  interesting 
polished  bar  of  Portage  shale  found  in  grave  96  is  to  be  called  a 
ceremonial  (see  plate  88,  figure  4).  There  is  a  bar  of  this  descrip- 
tion in  the  museum  collection  which  came  from  Jefferson  county 
and  the  writer  secured  another  15  inches  long  from  Mayville, 
Chautauqua  county.  All  these  specimens  have  sharpened  ends  like 
celts,  and  for  the  want  of  a  definite  name  the  writer  proposes  the 
term  "  bar  celt."3  Thurston  in  his  Antiquities  of  Tennessee,  plate 
1 6,  figures  an  implement  resembling  a  bar  celt.  He  describes  it  as  the 
"  .  .  .  .  long  delicate  crescent-shaped  '  implement '  of  highly  pol- 
ished syenite,  represented  in  plate  XV  [author's  collection],  also 
probably  belongs  to  the  ceremonial  class.  It  is  n^  inches  long. 
Originally  it  was  probably  12  inches  as  the  point  has  been  broken. 
It  was  found  by  Theodore  Haslem  in  North  Nashville  (Term.)." 
Objects  of  this  kind  are  probably  rare  and  but  few  have  been 
described.  All  three  specimens  in  the  state  collection  are  flattened 


1  The   writer  has   since   examined  another  bar  celt   found   by   William   T. 
Fenton  of  Conewango  Valley. 

' 


Plate   89 


11 


Types  of  chipped  Hint  implements  not  arrow  points.     Figures  4  and   n  are 
scrapers  and  7  is  a  rude  drill.     See  also  text  figure  41.     All  from  Ripley. 


282  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

on  the  bottoms  and  rounded  over  the  back  with  gradually  tapering 
ends. 

The  ordinary  celts  are  of  the  usual  type  found  everywhere  in  the 
Erie  cultural  area  and  in  general  throughout  the  Iroquoian.  Most  of 
the  specimens  are  equilateral,  there  being  none  of  the  adz,  "  flat- 
bellied  "  or  "  turtle-backed  "  forms.  The  majority  of  celts  were 
found  in  graves  although  a  few  are  from  refuse  pits.  Three  entire 
celts  and  two  broken  celts  were  found  in  a  "  feast  pit  "  previously 
described  (pit  80).  One  small  double-edged  or  "  bitted  "  celt  came 
from  grave  92  which  is  shown  in  figure  13,  plate  88. 

Stone  Tobacco  Pipes 

The  scone  pipes  are  perhaps  the  most  interesting  forms  of  polished 
stone  articles.  Those  discovered  exhibit  many  interesting  features. 

Two  pipe  bowls  carved  from  sandstone  are  of  interest  (plate  90, 
figure  2,  3).  Figure  2  is  bell-shaped  with  notches  cut  around  the 
edge  and  a  cross  cut  in  the  rounded  bottom  of  the  bowl.  In  Joseph 
D.  McGuire's  American  Aboriginal  Pipes  and  Smoking  Customs^ 
contained  in  the  National  Museum  Report  of  1897,  page  428,  figure 
52.  is  figured  a  pipe  from  Accotink,  Va.,  very  similar  to  this 
specimen.  Of  these  pipes  Doctor  McGuire  says : 

Among  the  'howl  pipes  of  vaselike  form  they  are  found  to  vary  from 
those  which  are  as  broad  as  they  are  long,  specimens  having  a  hight  four 
times  as  great  as  their  diameter.  This  type  is  usually  made  from  steatite, 
or  kindred  stones,  capable  of  resisting  heat,  though,  as  with  most  American 
pipes,  there  are  numerous  exceptions  to  the  rule.  One  in  the  Smithsonian 
collection,  of  gray  sandstone  was  found  in  a  cave  on  Tar  river,  Yancy  co., 
North  Carolina,  and  another  found  in  a  kitchen  heap  in  Kanawha  county, 
West  Virginia,  which  was  made  from  a  brown  stone.  Other  specimens 
are  known  of  this  type  made  from  partially  decomposed  limestone,  feldspar, 
and  even  fossil  coral.  The  writer  is  informed  by  the  Rev.  W.  M.  Beauchamp 
that  this  type  is  frequently  encountered  in  Onondaga  county,  New  York. 

Pipes  of  this  urn-shaped  type  are  found  also  along  the  headwaters  of  the 
St  Lawrence,  on  the  south  shores  of  Lake  Ontario  and  Lake  Erie,  and  along 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio  and  its  affluents,  a  typical  specimen  being  from 
Accotink,  Virginia,  while  yet  other  specimens  in  the  United  States  National 
Museum  collection  are  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  West  Virginia, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Indiana  and  North  Carolina. 

If  the  area  of  distribution  of  the  urn-shaped  pipe  is  compared  with  the 
tribal  distribution  first  known  to  the  whites,  as  it  appears  on  Powell's  linguistic 
map,  it  will  be  seen  that  this  especial  form  of  the  bowl  pipe  is  found  ::n 
Iroquoian  territory  on  the  north,  through  the  Algonquin  on  the  south  into 
.the  southern  Iroquoians.  It  should  be  remembered  that  this  area  corresponds, 
reasonably,  with  the  territory  influenced  by  French  trade  before  the  advent 


Plate   90 


Stone  pipes,     i,  2  and  3   are   from  the  topsoil  or  general  occupied  layer 
5,  6  and  7  are  from  graves. 


284  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

of  the  English.  The  territory  is  also  in  the  line  of  travel  from  the  St  Law- 
rence to  the  Ohio.  The  writer  is  unable  to  determine  how  far  this  urn- 
shaped  type  of  pipe  has  been  governed  by  European  influences.  Its  contour 
is  similar  to  pottery  bowls  from  Tennessee,  specimens  of  which  are  in  the 
United  States  National  Museum  collection. 

Figure  3,  plate  90,  is  of  an  egg-shaped  pipe  bowl  of  the  same 
material  as  the  one  just  described.  Around  the  middle  of  the  bowl 
is  a  groove  which  meets  at  the  stem  hole.  In  Moorehead's  Prehis- 
toric Implements,  page  334,  is  figured  one  of  these  pipes  from  the 
Ohio  valley.  Moorehead  remarks  that  its  peculiarity  lies  in  the  fact 
that  it  is  grooved  around  the  center.  There  is  nothing  in  either  of 
these  pipes  to  suggest  European  influence  as  far  as  the  writer  can 
discover.  The  drilling  and  workmanship  seem  to  have  been  done 
with  stone  implements  entirely.  Figure  4  is  a  pipe  bowl  cut  from  a 
hardened  clay.  The  surface  has  weathered  black  hut  the  underlying 
color  is  red.  In  form  the  pipe  is  claw  or  beaklike  and  is  similar  to 
other  forms  found  in  the  Iroquoian  area.  The  bowl  hole  is  small 
comparatively  and  the  stem  hole  large  and  conical  as  in  the  case  with 
all  the  pipe  bowls  of  the  collection.  This  pipe  is  from  grave  105 
and  was  found  with  pot  471.  A  small  pipe  carved  from  the  local 
shale  imitating  this  form  was  found  in  an  ash  pit,  perhaps  a 
grave  fire,  near  this  grave.  The  pipe  is  pictured  in  figure  I, 
plate  90.  A  small  stone  pipe  with  a  short  neck  into  which  a 
reed  stem  was  evidently  designed  to  fit  is  shown  in  plate  90,  figure 
7.  This  pipe  is  of  about  the  same  material  as  the  large  claw  form 
pipe  and  has  two  parallel  lines  incised  on  the  underside  of  the  neck. 
It  was  found  in  grave  101,  pit  141,  and  lay  on  the  arm  of  a  male. 
The  pipe  represented  by  figure  6,  plate  90,  is  the  only  stone  pipe  of 
the  stemmed  type  found.  It  is  carved  from  a  species  of  serpentine 
and  is  smoothed  and  polished.  In  the  process  of  drilling  the  stem 
the  drill  penetrated  too  near  the  base  of  the  bowl  and  there  is  a 
small  hole  to  be  observed  in  the  specimen.  The  shape  of  the  open- 
ing suggests  that  the  bowl  had  been  rubbed  down  after  the  stem 
hole  had  been  drilled  and  that  this  hole  had  been  encountered  then." 
The  form  of  the  stem  hole  seems  to  indicate  the  use  of  a  metal  drill. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  of  the  pipes  is  the  one  shown  in  plate 
90,  figure  5-  It  is  clearly  the  effigy  of  some  animal,  probably  some 
mythical  monster.  Placed  face  down  it  appears  to  be  a  grazing 
animal.  In  this  position  the  hump  formed  by  the  bowl  suggests  a 
buffalo  but  the  large  bulbous  tail  and  the  shape  of  the  head  do  not 
point  to  such  an  animal.  The  material  is  rather  puzzling.  In  color 
it  is  a  bluish  white  and  it  appears  to  be  some  species  of  talc  or 
steatite  but  a  test  for  hardness  disproves  this.  Mr  D.  H.  Newland, 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL     IllSTORV    <>1-     NEW    YORK  2»5 

Assistant  State  Geologist,  made  an  analysis  and  pronounced  it  to  be 
an  Ohio  kaolin.  The  broken  granular  surface  of  the  pipe  near  the 
bowl  suggests  that  it  had  been  molded  from  a  rather  stiff  clay  and 
the  roughened  top  of  the  head  suggests  that  a  portion  has  been 
broken  off  and  that  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  smooth  it  over 
by  rubbing.  It  has  there  the  appearance  of  baked  pottery,  the  sur- 
face of  which  has  been  rubbed  down.  The  glazed  surface,  however, 
has  not  been  produced  and  this  suggests  that  the  pipe  has  been 
hardened  in  the  fire.  Yet  wrhile  the  pipe  from  these  appearances 
seems  to  be  kaolin  it  seems  remarkable  that  instead  of  having  the 
bowl  and  stem  hole  molded,  as  is  customary  with  clay  pipes,  that 
these  holes  should  have  been  gouged  and  drilled  out,  as  they  mani- 
festly were.  The  hind  leg  on  the  side  visible  in  the  photograph  is 
incised  but  on  the  reverse  side  the  three  lines  have  every  appearance 
of  having  been  molded  as  if  in  plastic  clay.  It  may  be  that  the 
clay  was  found  in  a  semihardened  condition  and  that  it  was  formed 
into  the  pipe  by  both  processes  and  afterward  hardened  by  firing. 
The  pipe,  while  the  effigy  is  unusual,  does  not  differ  in  general  form 
from  other  effigy  pipes  found  in  the  region.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
workmanship  to  indicate  the  use  of  European  tools  or  influence 
[see  description  of  grave  92  and  plate  85.] 

One  of  the  interesting  features  about  these  pipes  is  that  the  bowl 
capacities  are  small  in  comparison  with  modern  European  pipes. 
Probably  less  tobacco  could  be  contained  in  one  than  is  held  in  a 
modern  factory  cigarette.  The  bowls  of  the  clay  pipes  were  a  little 
larger.  No  tobacco  ashes  were  found  in  any  of  the  stone  pipes. 

Objects  of  Chipped  Flint 

Objects  of  flint  were  numerous,  especially  in  graves  where  com- 
plete outfits  for  their  manufacture  were  found  in  several  instances. 
Complete  flint  articles  were  not  numerous  on  the  surface  although 
there  was  an  abundance  of  chips  and  broken  blades.  The  ash  pits 
contained  numbers  but  the  graves  the  most.  The  lack  of  finished 
points  on  the  surface  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  each  year  as  the 
ground  was  plowed  the  arrow  points  were  picked  up.  The  older 
inhabitants  say  that  bushels  of  arrows  and  "  skinning  stones  "  have 
been  carried  off.  It  is  probable  that  most  of  the  durable  objects 
left  on  the  surface  when  the  site  was  deserted  by  its  aboriginal 
inhabitants  have  been  removed  by  the  white  tillers  of  the  soil  who 
followed  them  at  a  later  period  and  whose  curiosity  was  aroused  by 
the  strange  artifacts  which  were  turned  up  by  their  plows.  At  any 
rate  very  little  was  found  except  below  plow  depth. 


286  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Of  the  points  that  might  be  safely  termed  arrowheads,  there  were 

but  two  that  had  notched  shoulders.     With  these  exceptions  all  the 

arrowheads  were  triangular.    The  workmanship  was  good  and  most 

of  the  points  were  thin  and  evenly  worked.    The  material  in  general 

was  gray  flint  or  chert  but  some  points  were   found  made   from 

STL  yellow  jasper.  Most  of  the  points  found 

f-  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  knoll  were 

ft.  of  this  material. 

*..  \  Of  the  flint  blades,  not  arrow  points, 

j    •  only  two  had  notched  shoulders.     One 

^  of    these    was    a    beautifully    wrought 

/  blade,    a    spear    or    a    knife,    of    white 

chalcedony.     It  is  pictured  in  figure  41. 

:  *\  There    were    several    well-shaped    oval 

r^_.  I  \       blades  and  a  few  of  the  so-called  "leaf 

^BBp       shape."     Scrapers  were  fairly  common, 

drills  rather  rare  and  spears  rarer  still. 

A*  There  are  a  number  of  forms  that  may 

^1  safely  be   called   knives.      Plate  89   il- 

lustrates  the   range   of    forms    of    the 
l\  larger  flints  not  arrowheads. 

Triangular    arrow    points    are    com- 
monly called  "  war  points  "  and  notched 

Fig.  41     Spear  or  knife   of  1111         •    ,  *_•  •"•«.••« 

translucent   chalcedony.    The        and    barbed    Pomts>        hunting    points, 
only  form  of  this  implement       jt  does  not  necessarily  follow,  however, 
found  in  the  site. 

that  these  terms  are  correct,  although 

quite  popularly  held.  The  Ripley  Erie  as  well  as  those  of  other  sites 
were  great  hunters,  as  is  manifest  from  the  great  quantities  of 
animal  bones  found  in  the  refuse  pits,  and  yet  at  Ripley  only  two 
so-called  "  hunting  points-"  were  discovered.  The  great  majority  of 
projectile  points  were  of  the  triangular  type,  and  these  were  found 
in  the  ash  pits  among  animal  bones  as  well  as  in  graves  with  the 
bones  of  warriors  and  women.  It  would  appear  therefore  that  the 
triangular  points  were  used  for  hunting  as  well  as  war.  Sites  of 
pre-Erian  occupancy  in  Chautauqua  county,  and  elsewhere  in  New 
York,  yield  only  the  barbed  or  shouldered  "  hunting  point,"  few  tri- 
angular arrowheads  being  found.  Yet  this  fact  does  not  point  out 
a  people  who  knew  only  of  hunting  and  nothing  of  war.  Specific 
terms  defining  the  use  of  such  implements  are,  therefore,  to  be 
avoided.  They  are  more  accurately  described  by  their  forms  as. 
triangular,  notched  etc. 


TIIK   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    X  K\V    YORK  287 

Earthenware 
Pottery    Vessels 

All  the  entire  or  nearly  entire  pottery  vessels,  save  two,  were 
found  in  graves.  Most  of  them  exhibited  signs  of  prolonged  use. 
A  few  seemed  to  have  been  especially  made  for  funeral  urns  and 
some  had  been  evidently  molded  in  great  haste  and  poorly  tempered 
and  baked.  Such  pots  were  in  every  instance  broken  and  the 
potsherds  were  soft  and  flaky,  not  hard  and  gritty  like  good  pottery. 

The  material  of  which  the  pots  were  molded  seems  to  have  been 
the  local  Erie  clay  found  everywhere  in  the  region  overlying  the 
shale  beds.  The  tempering  material  in  all  the  specimens  discovered 
is  invariably  pulverized  stone,  quartz  or  granitic  rock.  In  no  instance 
is  shell  to  be  found.  Most  of  the  pots  are  of  a  salmon  red  color, 
varying  from  a  sooty  red  to  a  light  orange.  The  majority  are  stained 
by  smoke  and  carbonized  grease.  This  charred  grease  is  especially 
noticeable  around  the  inside  of  the  rim  where  the  incrustations  are 
sometimes  5  millimeters  thick.  In  thickness  the  pottery  varies  from 
2  millimeters  to  2  centimeters  in  some  fragments.  In  capacity  the 
vessels  range  from  5  cubic  centimeters  in  the  toy  forms  found  in 
grave  51,  pit  96,  to  5  quarts, —  4700  cubic  centimeters. 


Fig.  42    Outline  drawing  showing  three  views  of  the  Ripley  pitcher  nosed  pot 

The  general  type  of  the  vessels  is  Iroquoian,  but  as  has  been  else- 
where stated  they  differ  in  many  respects  from  the  central  New 
York  specimens  of  the  middle  seventeenth  century  as  well  as  from 
Erie  vessels  of  that  period. 

A  large  percentage  of  the  pots  have  one  raised  point  that  varies 
from  a  small  knob  to  a  well-developed  pitcherlike  nose.  Pots  of  this 
type  are  found  in  Ontario  and  Jefferson  counties.  The  form  of 
one  of  these  pots  is  shown  in  text  figure  42  which  gives  the  shape  at 
different  positions.  Another  characteristic  of  the  pots  from  this 


Plate   91 


Fig.  134     Outline  drawings  showing  the  runge  of  pot  forms  found  at  Ripley. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW   YORK 


289 


site  is  the  row  of  dots  that  encircles  the  pot  where  the  belly  meets 
the  neck.  Cushing's  theory  that  pots  with  square  tops  and  line 
decorations  about  the  rim  were  modeled  after  bark  baskets  appears 
strengthened  by  some  of  the  forms  which  had  not  only  decorated 
square  tops  but  had  the  stitching  imitated  by  the  dots  around  the 
neck,  as  appears  on  the  bark  baskets  to  which  Gushing  referred. 

Pottery  clay  in  masses,  tempered  and  partly  worked,  was  found 
in  a  number  of  the  ash  pits.  Some  of  these  partially  worked  masses 
of  clay  even  yet  show  the  imprints  of  the  potter's  fingers.  One 
fragment  of  a  coil  was  found  in  an  ash  pit  where  it  had  become 
hardened  and  preserved.  Several  crude  partly  formed  pipe  bowls 
and  pot  bottoms  were  found,  possibly  the  work  of  children.  Most 
of  the  pots  have  smooth  surfaces  although  many  were  found  marked 
with  a  cord-wrapped  paddle.  Several  smoothed  paddlelike  stones 
were  found  in  pits  containing  clay  in  masses,  which  are  thought  to  be 
potters'  paddles  used  for  working  over  the  surfaces  of  pots.  All 
have  rounded  ends  and  at  least  one  square  side  as  if  to  form  a  blunt 
scraping  edge.  The  serrated  rib  illustrated  by  text  figure  43  may 
have  been  used  to  roughen  the  surfaces  of  partly  formed  vessels  to 
facilitate  the  process  of  shaping  the  wall  which  was  afterwards 
smoothed. 


Fig.  43     Serrated  rib 

No  ent:re  pots  were  found  with  any  trace  of  color  decoration. 
One  sherd  was  found,  however,  which  has  two  parallel  bands  of 
brown  running  over  a  background  of  yellowish  red.  Whether  this 
is  simply  an  accident  or  intentional  is  difficult 
to  determine,  as  the  sherd  is  small.  The 
lower  band  is  well  defined  and  seems  to  be 
inlaid  into  the  pottery  (figure  44).  One 
broken  pot  found  in  a  grave  had  an  ear  like 
some  of  the  Ohio  forms.  These  two  pot- 
sherds were  the  only  departures  from  the 
usual  Iroquoian  forms  found  in  the  site  and 
suggest  contact  with  other  stocks. 

Of   equal  interest  with  the  pottery  vessels  are  the  earthenware 
pipes,  all  of  which  were  found  in  graves.     More  than  a  dozen  frag- 


290  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

ments,  however,  were  found  in  ash  and  refuse  pits.  The  clay  pipes 
are  all  Iroquoian  in  form  and  decoration  and  are  similar  to  central 
New  York  Iroquois  pipes  of  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  All  the  pipes  are  gracefully  made  and  reveal  an  artistic 
hand. 

Figure  I  in  plate  95  shows  the  pipe  found  in  grave  14.  The  bold 
incised  lines  that  form  the  decoration  are  of  exceptional  interest 
and  are  a  departure  from  other  forms.  The  nipplelike  stem  seems 
to  have  been  designed  as  a  support  over  which  a  wooden  stem  was 
fitted,  rather  than  as  a  mouthpiece.  The  pipe  contained  charred 
tobacco  which  has  been  carefully  preserved  intact  in  the  bowl. 
The  writer  has  never  seen  a  pipe  of  this  kind  in  any  col- 
lection nor  illustrated  in  any  work  on  archeology,  and  the  specimen 
is  probably  a  rare  one  if  not  entirely  unique. 

The  long  square-topped  pipe  shown  in  figure  2  of  plate  95  is  the 
so-called  "  Huronian  "  form.  It  is  made  of  the  ordinary  clay  from 
the  vicinity  but  has  become  stained  a  dark  brown.  In  texture  this 
pipe  is  perhaps  the  best  example  of  pottery  found  in  the  site.  It 
is  very  hard  and  fine  grained. 

Two  views  of  the  two-faced  pipe  found  in  grave  20,  pit  44,  are 
shown  in  plate  95,  figures  3  and  4.  The  front  view  was  taken  just 
after  the  pipe  was  removed  from  the  grave  and  was  yet  covered 
with  particles  of  sand,  as  the  picture  shows.  The  side  view  gives 
a  much  better  idea  of  the  object  and  shows  the  two  faces,  both  of 
which  are  remarkably  alike,  the  face  away  from  the  smoker,  how- 
ever, being  more  perfect  in  workmanship.  As  is  the  case  with  all 
the  earthen  pipes  shown  in  the  plate,  this  pipe  contained  charred 
tobacco. 

The  trumpet-shaped  pipe  shown  in  plate  95,  figure  5,  came  from 
grave  86  and  was  found  with  pot  F446  (plate  93,  figure  6),  and 
two  celts.  In  comparison  with  the  other  stemmed  pipes  the  stem  is 
shorter  but  does  not  seem  to  have  ever  been  broken. 

The  wide  flaring  platform-topped  pipe  shown  in  plate  95,  figure 
6,  is  a  modification  of  the  trumpet  form.  The  top  or  platform  is 
flat  and  quite  perfectly  circular.  This  type  is  common  almost  every- 
where in  the  Iroquoian  region  but  particularly  so  in  the  Erie  region. 
Many  of  this  type  are  found  in  prehistoric  Onondaga  sites  in 
Jefferson  county. 

Two  interesting  pipe  bowls  in  the   form  of   animal  heads  were 
found  in  refuse  pits.   One  is  plainly  a  bear's  head  and  is  of  polished 
black  clay.     The  other  is  of  ordinary  red  clay.     It  is  not  easy  to 


Plate   92 


Pots  with   raised   rim   points.     From   graves   at   Ripley. 


decide  just  what  is  meant  to  be  represented  by  the  effigy.    Some  who 
have  examined  it  have  thought  it  intended  for  a  fox. 

Bone 

Articles  of  bone  and  antler  were  particularly  numerous  and 
varied.  Except  for  about  ten  specimens  all  came  from  ash  pits. 

The  great  abundance  of  awls  points  out  their  extensive  use.  The 
awls  were  of  the  usual  forms,  flat,  cylindrical,  tubular,  handled,  and 
those  having  a  joint  end.  There  were  also  awls  made  from  small 
splinters.  The  principal  forms  are  shown  in  plate  98. 

Bone  beads  were  found  in  every  ash  pit  and  varied  from  crudely 
broken  sections  of  bird  and  small  mammal  bones  to  well-shaped 
and  highly  polished  cylinders.  That  so  many  should  have  been 
thrown  in  among  the  refuse  seems  rather  remarkable  and  almost 
seems  to  indicate  something  more  than  accident.  These  beads 
ranged  from  three  thirty-seconds  of  an  inch  in  diameter  to  five- 
eighths  of  an  inch  although  the  majority  were  about  one-quarter  of 
an  inch  in  diameter.  One  form  (see  plate  97,  figure  5)  has  the 
appearance  of  a  handle. 

Perforated  elk,  wolf  and  bear  teeth  were  found  in  refuse  pits. 
Perforated  bear  tusks  were- found  previously  by  local  collectors  of 
.Indian  relics.  Figure  I  in  plate  96  is  that  of  a  bear's  molar.  It  is 
a  beautiful  specimen  and  highly  polished.  There  were  several  per- 
forated elk  teeth  but  none  with  unbroken  perforations.  Each  had" 
been  broken.  A  perforated  turtle  shell  fragment  is  shown  in  figure 
ii,  plate  96,  and  came  from  an  ash  pit.  Other  broken  perforated 
carapaces  were  found  in  graves.  The  small  spatulate  implement 
shown  in  plate  96,  figure  12,  is  nicely  formed  and  polished.  Per- 
haps it  was  a  pottery  marker.  Two  polished  pieces  of  bone  smoothed 
on  all  sides  were  found  in  refuse  pits.  The  one  shown  -by  figure  13 
is  grooved  on  either  side.  A  bone  knife  blade,  the  po:nt  of  which 
is  broken,  is  shown  in  figure  14.  Raccoon  penis  bones  were  found  in 
several  pits.  All  are  smoothed  and  show  signs  of  use,  perhaps  as 
hooks  for  coarse  weaving.  Figure  21  is  that  of  a  long  flat  bone 
implement  resembling  a  shuttle.  It  is  a  fine  specimen,  being  nicely 
smoothed  and  polished.  The  notch  at  one  end  is  smoothly  worked 
and  shows  no  signs  of  being  a  broken  eye.  Figure  24  is  probably 
that  of  a  broken  bone  needle.  Needles  were  rare  in  the  site.  Deer 
phalanges  were  found  in  abundance  and  most  of  them  are  worked  to 
some  degree  (see  plate  96,  figure  5,  6).  Number  were  flattened  on 
one  side  and  some  were  worked  clown  to  cones  with  a  perforation  at 


TllK   ARCIIKOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF   NEW   YORK  293 

one  end,  the  end  nearest  the  tip.  These  cones  resemble  the  cups 
used  in  the  cup  and  awl  game  common  among  the  early  Hurons  and 
are  probably  parts  of  such  apparatus  (plate  96,  figure  4,  8). 

Beaver  teeth  seem  to  have  been  used  for  scrap:ng  or  cutting.  Sev- 
eral specimens  are  worked  smooth  at  the  base  (see  plate  97,  figure 
1-3).  One  has  a  slot  running  from  the  edge  well  toward  the  top. 

One  very  interesting  specimen  is  that  of  a  bone  fishhook  in  process. 
If  finished  it  would  have  been  a  small  delicate  hook.  No  sign  of  a 
barb  appears.  The  specimen  resembles  some  of  those  figured  by 
Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam  in  The  Way  Bone  Fish  Hooks  Were  Made  in 
the  Little  Miami  Valley. 

\  pendantlike  tube  is  shown  in  plate  97,  figure  9.  Both  ends 
show  the  marks  of  cutting  as  do  both  of  the  pendants  of  deer's  jaws 
shown  in  the  next  figures.  Plate  97,  figure  10,  is  notched  and 
perforated  lengthwise. 

It  is  perhaps  not  customary  to  rank  deer  jaws  as  implements. 
Nevertheless  the 'Seneca  up  to  within  the  last  ten  years  have  used 
them  when  they  could  obtain  them,  for  scraping  corn  from  the  green 
cob.  The  sharp  teeth  were  raked  over  the  kernels  to  break  and  cut 
the  hulls  and  then  the  hold  on  the  jaw  changed  and  the  milk  and 
meat  scraped  out  with  the  sharp  edge  that  is  nearest  the  chin.  The 
writer  secured  one  of  these  jaws  in  1903  for  the  American  Museum 
of  Natural  History.  It  is  entirely  probable  that  the  Erie  used  deer 
jaws  for  the  same  purpose,  as  they  were  Iroquois  and  closely  related 
to  the  Seneca.  The  Seneca  have  a  name  for  the  jaw  when  used  as 
an  implement  of  this  kind,  a  name  for  the  process,  and  called  the 
corn  so  prepared  "  already  chewed."  Figure  45  is  a  drawing  of  one 
of  these  "  jaw  corn  scrapers." 


Fig.  45     Deer  jaw   scraper 

Antler 

Antler  objects  were  fairly  numerous,  though  not  of  great  variety. 
Those  found  in  refuse  pits  were  well  preserved  but  those  from 
graves  were  decayed  and  crumbling. 


Plate   93 


Types  of  the  smaller  pots  from  Ripley 


Plate   94 


Fig.    I     Pot  from 


Fig.    I     Pot  from  grave  I,  pit  4 

Fig.  2     Restored  pot  from  burial  LXXXI 


296  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  antler  objects  from  the  site,  include  flaking  tools,  punchlike 
implements,  sometimes  called  pitching  tools,  chisellike  implements, 
picklike  prongs  of  antler,  arrowheads,  hoes  or  digging  implements 
and  one  antler  ball.  There  were  several  pieces  of  antler  showing 
marks  of  cutting  and  other  working.  The  large  trowellike  object 
shown  in  plate  99,  figure  I,  is  probably  an  antler  hoe  or  spade.  The 
edge  is  worn  and  smoothed,  evidently  by  use  in  the  earth.  Two 
other  hoes  are  shown  in  the  same  plate  (figure  5,  10).  The  larger 
.  hoe  seems  to  have  had  one  side  cut  as  if  by  a  metal  knife.  The 
"  hoes  "  are  all  of  moose  horn.  A  small  chisellike  implement  is 
shown  in  plate  95,  figure  2.  It  is  worn  and  polished  and  the  cutting 
edge  is  sharp  for  such  material.  A  larger  chisel  or  pick  is  shown  in 
plate  99,  figure  4,  and  seems  to  have  the  handle  whittled  into  shape 
by  a  metal  knife.  Punchlike  objects  were  fairly  common  and  seem 
to  have  been  parts  of  an  arrow-maker's  outfit.  Indeed  they  are  com- 
monly called  "  pitching  tools  "  and  experiment  shows  that  they  are 
useful  in  making  the  long  body  chips  which  must  sometimes  be 
made  to  form  a  flint  blade  properly.  These  tools  are  of  two  types. 
Plate  99,  figure  9,  shows  one  which  has  a  head.  Two  antler  arrow- 
heads were  found.  Plate  99,  figure  8,  represents  the  better  one. 
It  is  weir  shaped  and  polished  but  the  hole  for  the  shaft  is  not  deep. 
One  flattened  ball  was  found  and  ;is  similar  to  the  game  balls  used 
now  by  the  Iroquois  and  called  "  deer  horn  buttons  "  (see  plate  99, 
figure  6).  Chunks  or  pieces  of  worked  antler  were  frequent.  One 
shown  in  figure  7,  is  that  of  an  antler  base  from  which  the  upper 
part  has  been  cut  with  a  metal  knife. 

Shell  Articles 

Among  the  interesting  classes  of  articles  are  those  of  shell.  The 
very  interesting  necklace  of  shell  shown  in  plate  100  is  the  best 
specimen  of  its  art  found  at  the  Ripley  site.  It  came  from 
grave  93,  pit  133,  and  was  found  about  the  neck  of  the  skeleton. 
The  better  preserved  gorget  was  found  in  the  bend  formed  by  the 
curve  of  the  front  portion  of  the  lower  jaw.  The  necklace  is  made 
of  discoidal  shell  beads  beautifully  made.  They  are  quite  uniform 
and  the  perforations  are  perfectly  centered.  In  specimens  which 
have  not  weathered,  the  edges  are  even.  The  two  gorgets  and  the 
long  pendant  from  this  necklace  are  shown  in  plate  101,  as  is  a  series 


Plate   95 


Pottery  pipes  from  graves.  I  is  a  massive  clay  pipe  bowl  decorated  with 
deeply  incised  lines  and  has  a  stem  that  might  serve  either  for  a  mouth- 
piece or  as  a  nipple  over  which  a  stem  of  wood  might  be  inserted.  2  is 
from  grave  XXV  and  is  the  so-called  Huronian  type.  3  and  4  are  two 
views  of  the  two  faced  pipe  from  grave  XX.  5  is  a  trumpet  pipe  from 
grave  XX.  6  is  a  flat  round  topped  trumpet  pipe  from  grave  LXXV.  All 
these  pipes  contain  charred  tobacco  as  when  fo'iml.  All  from  Kipley. 


Plate   96 


19 

20  W^ot  92  23 

Various  bone  implements  from  refuse  and  fire  pits  at  Ripley 


Plate   97 


Various  bone  implements  from  refuse  and  fire  pits  at  Ripley 


3OO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

of  discoidal  beads  illustrating  the  stages  of  disintegration.  A  per- 
forated Unio  shell  was  found  in  pit  46  and  a  shell  bead  of  the 
older  form  came  from  pit  3  (see  plate  101,  figure  5). 

Copper  Articles  and  Objects  Preserved  by  Copper 

With  the  exception  of  one  specimen,  all  copper  articles  came 
from  graves.  An  analysis  of  these  articles  by  the  mineralogist, 
H.  P.  Whitlock,  indicated  that  they  wrere  all  of  European  copper. 
The  two  arm  bands  contained  traces  of  zinc. 

Most  of  the  copper  articles  came  from  grave  51,  pit  96,  and  a 
description  of  them  as  they  were  found  will  be  found  under  that 
head.  The  two  bracelets  which  encircled  the  arm  of  the  skeleton 
are  shown  in  plate  102,  figures  i,  2.  These  bands  yet  retain  upon 
their  corroded  surfaces  the  impressions  of  the  skin  of  the  arm 
against  which  they  rested,  although  the  pictures  do  not  show  them 
well.  Finger  prints  are  noticeable  on  several  of  the  rings  and  one 
has  the  tactile  impression  on  the  inner  side.  Figures  5  and  10  of 
plate  1 02  are  of  two  rings  which  have  these  impressions  upon  them. 
These  rings  are  of  the  common  rolled  type  made  from  bands  of 
sheet  copper.  The  arm  band  fragment  shown  by  plate  102,  figure  4, 
is  a  fine  specimen , of  rolled  copper  work. 

In  graves  where  copper  was  present  the  animal  or  vegetable  mat- 
ter in  immediate  contact  was  preserved  by  the  copper  salts.  The 
substances  so  preserved  include  wood,  bark,  herbs,  deer  hair,  deer- 
skin, thongs,  human  skin,  flesh,  bone,  nails,  hair  and  scalp  fragments. 

Figure  3  in  plate  102  is  that  of  a  rolled  copper  bead  which  yet 
contains  the  skin  thong.  Pieces  of  bark  and  deerskin  massed 
together  are  pictured  in  plate  102,  figure  7.  The  shreds  of  bark  are 
plainly  visible  but  the  skin  does  not  show  well.  In  the  same  plate 
figure  ii  is  a  piece  of  wood  preserved  by  the  salts  of  copper  from 
the  ring  that  encircles  the  opening.  The  form  of  the  object  sug- 
gests a  false-face  eye.  Plate  102,  figure  9,  is  that  of  a  mass  of 
vegetable  matter,  possibly  some  herb  or  tobacco. 
. 

Iron 

But  few  pieces  of  iron  were  found.  Of  those  discovered  in 
graves  or  ash  pits,  none  bore  the  semblance  of  finished  or  complete 
utensils.  In  a  few  graves  and  in  one  ash  pit  short  rectangular  bars 


Plate   98 


Tvpes   of   bone   awls    from   ash   and   refuse   pits    at   Ripley 


302  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

were  found  and  with'  them  chunks  of  flint,  probably  parts  of  fire- 
making  apparatus.  In  grave  93  a  portion  of  a  small  ax,  adz  or 
chisel  edge  was  found.  It  had  been  broken  at  a  perforation. 

Carbonised  Substances 

Vegetable  matter  preserved  by  carbonization  was  found  in  nearly 
all  the  ash  pits  but  so  crushed  as  to  be  unrecognizable.  Charred 
wood  and  bark  were  found  in  quantities  in  most  of  the  pits  and  the 
pieces  varied  in  size  from  small  particles  to  chunks  five  inches  in 
length  and  an  inch  or  two  in  diameter.  Charred  corn  in  small 
quantities  was  found  in  several  refuse  pits  and  seems  to  have  been 
the  ordinary  variety  found  in  most  Iroquoian  sites.  A  few  beans, 
squash  seeds,  hickory  nuts,  butternuts  and  plum  stone  in  a  charred 
condition  complete  the  list  of  the  foods  preserved  by  carbonization. 
Charred  corn  was  found  in  several  of  the  graves  and  in  one  grave 
the  decayed  handle  of  a  celt  was  found.  Charred  bark  and  wood 
were  frequent  in  the  graves  and  fragments  of  what  seemed  a  bark 
dish  were  found  in  one  grave.  A  long  wooden  stem,  probably  a  pipe 
stem  was  found  in  an  ash  pit  and  a  few  minutes  afterward  a 
clumsy  visitor  stepped  upon  the  box  in  which  it  was  temporarily 
placed  and  crushed  most  of  it.  A  small  section,  however,  remained. 

Pigments 

The  pigments  were  ochers,  graphite  and  bitumen  or  asphaltum. 
Charcoal  may  also  be  included.  Quantities  of  red  ocher  were  found 
in  some  of  the  graves  and  some  skeletons  lay  in  deposits  of  it.  In 
other  graves  the  ocher  was  in  little  deposits  as  if  it  had  been 
inclosed  in  a  bag  that  had  afterward  decayed. 

Articles  Found  in  Vicinity 

Objects  which  are  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Ripley  but  which  were 
not  found  on  the  site  are  the  following:  Of  the  older  occupations; 
gouges,  grooved  axes,  mica  plates,  inscribed  stones,  monitor  pipes, 
banner  stones,  bird  shaped  stones,  gorgets,  tubular  shell  beads,  etc. ; 
and  of  the  later  occupations ;  notched  and  shouldered  arrow  points 
and  spears,  shell  beads  in  numbers,  wampum,  iron  tomahawks,  lead 
objects,  copper  or  brass  arrow  points,  glass  beads,  etc. 


Plate   99 


Various  antler  implements  f rom  -ash  and  refuse  pits  at  Ripley 


Plate   100 


Necklace  of  shell  disks  found  about  the  neck  of  a  female  skeleton,  grave 
pit  133,  trench  18,  at  20  on  the  west  side.  Restrung,  bead  for  bead,  as  found 
at  Ripley. 


Plate    101 


v  • 


• 


v  •-• 


Shell  articles  principally  from  graves  at  Ripley 


Plate   102 


Brass  and  copper  articles  and  articles  preserved  by  contact  with  copper. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OP   NEW   YORK  307 

NOTES  ON  AN  ANCIENT  SKM1  CIRCULAR  EARTHWORK 

IN  CHAUTAUQUA  COUNTY 
BY  M.  RAYMOND  HARRINGTON 

While  the  work  at  Double  Wrall  Fort  was  in  progress  during  the 
summer  of   1904,  occasional  exploring  trips  were  taken  about  the 
country  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  new  sites.    On  one  of  these 
i  excursions  I  succeeded  in  locating  the  site  of  a  semicircular  earth- 
;  work  near  Sheridan,  Chautauqua  county,  and  secured  enough  mate- 
rial to  warrant  the  addition  of  a  few  notes  to  the  accounts  already 
published  concerning  it.1 

The  site  is  situated  on  land  formerly  belonging  to  Mr  J.  G. 
Gould,  but  now  the  property  of  a  Mr  Deland.  Although  now  practi- 
cally destroyed,  the  work  could  be  traced  with  the  help  of  Mr 
Gould,  who  remembers  it  perfectly  in  its  entirety,  and  its  outlines 
followed.  It  formed  a  nearly  complete  circle,  with  a  low  ridge, 
probably  natural,  filling  up  a  gap  on  its  south  side.  The  road  from 
Forestville  to  Fredonia  crosses  the  work  not  far  from  this  ridge. 
The  fort  must  have  occupied  in  all  2  or  3  acres  and  was  situated  on 
the  crest  of  a  very  low  sloping  bluff  or  gravel  above  a  wooded 
swamp.  The  gate  was  on  the  north  side,  toward  the  bluff ;  the  ditch 
was,  as  usual,  outside  the  wall.  The  Bureau  of  Ethnology  account 
is  inaccurate  in  stating  that  the  work  lies  "  on  a  bluff  above  Walnut 
creek,"  for  there  is  no  creek  whatever  in  the  swamp,  merely  a  very 
small  brook,  and  Walnut  creek  is  fully  2  miles  away.  Other  errors 
appear  in  Beauchamp's  account :  his  authorities  have  so  disagreed 
that  he  has  this  one  site  listed  under  three  different  numbers  (10,  n 
and  12),  with  estimates  of  size  running  anywhere  from  13^5  acres 
according  to  Cheney,  to  3  acres  according  to  Reynolds.  Neither  of 
the  books  mention  the  low  mound  near  the  center,  almost  obliterated, 
which  was  pointed  out  to  me  but  which  I  could  not  disturb  on 
account  of  the  crops. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  the  reasons  which  led  the  ancient 
people  to  erect  this  fortified  village  so  far  inland,  even  from  a  creek. 
The  position  is  not  commanding,  nor  has  it  any  advantages  as  far 
as  I  can  see,  except  that  there  is  a  small  spring  and  brook  in  the 
nearby  swamp.  Perhaps  they  wished  a  hidden  village,  out  of  the 
usual  line  of  travel,  and  picked  out  this  place  for  that  purpose.  The 
exact  spot  may  have  been  determined  by  conditions  of  forest  growth 
—  natural  clearings  and  the  like,  of  which  we  today  know  nothing. 


1  Annual   Report,  U.   S.   Bureau  of   Ethnology,  v.   12,  p.  511;   Beauchamp, 
Aboriginal   Occupation   of   New  York,  p.   43. 
20 


308  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Both  Beauchamp  and  the  Ethnology  Bureau  reports  speak  of  pits 
in  and  near  the  fort,  and  the  latter  says  they  contained  nothing  but 
fine  gravel.  I  saw  none  of  these,  but  within  the  fort  postholing 
brought  to  light  several  pits.  Pit  I  was  38  inches  deep  and  4  feet  in 
diameter  with  a  dense  charred  layer  at  the  bottom.  Here  were 
potsherds  from  a  number  of  jars  of  different  sizes,  two  worked 
stones  resembling  hematite,  and  some  chipped  flints.  Pit  2,  nearby, 
was  31  inches  deep  and  contained  a  few  potsherds,  together  with 
mammal  and  fish  bones  and  charred  corn.  Pit  3  was  irregular  in 
shape  and  about  2  feet  deep  with  a  very  black  layer  at  the  bottom 
containing  much  charred  corn  and  cobs.  There  were  a  few  pot- 
sherds in  this  pit. 

Among  the  articles  that  have  been  found  here  in  past  years  by 
local  collectors  and  that  were  picked  up  by  members  of  the  expedi- 
tion dur'ng  our  two  days'  stay  are  arrow  points,  both  triangular  and 
stemmed,  broad  shallow  stone  mortars,  pestles,  celts  and  celt-adzes, 
pitted  stones,  hammerstones,  a  notched  hammer,  a  rubbed,  not 
chipped,  slate  point,  potsherds  and  several  terra-cotta  pipes  decorated 
with  incised  chevron  patterns. 

The  pottery  found  here  is  unusually  interesting  on  account  of  its 
wide  variation  from  the  type  found  at  Silverheels  site,  Double  Wall 
Fort  and  later  at  the  village  and  burial  site  at  Ripley.  The  pottery 
common  to  these  latter  localities  is  characteristically  Iroquoian,  the 
jars  having  globular  bodies  with  round  bottoms  and  constricted 
necks,  above  which  there  is  a  projecting  rim,  the  edge  often  rising 
in  one  or  more  peaks.  This  rim  is  usually  decorated  with  incised 
lines,  especially  at  the  peaks.  The  general  surface  as  a  rule  is  smooth 
without  "  fabric "  marking  and  with  hardly  any  trace  of  the 
modeling  tool.  But  at  the  Sheridan  site  it  was  very  different.  Here 
the  pottery  had  no  raised  rim,  little  or  no  constricted  neck,  was  gen- 
erally "  fabric  "  marked  and  seldom  showed  any  attempt  at  decora- 
tion. The  pipes  also,  as  nearly  as  could  be  gathered  from  descrip- 
tion, were  also  more  Algonkian  than  Iroquoian  in  character.  These 
facts,  together  with  the  occurrence  of  both  shapes  of  arrowheads 
and  the  slate  point,  led  me  to  consider  whether  the  site  might  not 
be  Algonkian.  I  even  took  the  abundant  flat  stone  mortars  so  com- 
mon in  the  New  York  Algonkian  region  as  an  indication  of  this ;  but 
these  were  afterward  found  in  numbers  on  the  characteristic  Iro- 
quoian site  at  Ripley.  On  the  other  hand,  the  presence  of  celt-axes 
to  the  exclusion  of  grooved  axes,  and  the  use  of  the  ossuary  men- 
tioned in  both  books  cited,  seem  to  connect  the  band  with  Iroquoianj 
stock  in  spite  of  the  pottery.  The  site  is  probably  prehistoric; 


ff- 


l 


3IO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

nothing  indicating  otherwise  has  been  found.  Hence  it  may  be  of 
very  early  Erie  origin,  or  perhaps  was  occupied  by  some  different 
and  forgotten  band  of  obscure  connections.  Circumstances  pre- 
vented a  thorough  examination  of  the  site,  although  permission  to 
excavate  was  secured  for  part  of  it.  Perhaps  it  might  be  difficult  to 
obtain  a  large  collection  even  if  the  ground  were  thoroughly  gone 
over,  but  from  the  scientific  standpoint  it  would  pay  to  try.  The 
place  deserves  at  least  a  fuller  exploration  for  the  purpose  of 
discovering  additional  facts  concerning  the  life  and  relationship  of 
its  mysterious  and  forgotten  inhabitants.1 

THE    LE    ROY    IROQUOIAN    EARTHWORK,    GENESEE 

COUNTY 
ACCOUNT  BY  E.  G.  SQUIER* 

WITH    NOTES    BY    H.    C.    FOLLETT 

The  earthwork  on  the  hill  near  Le  Roy  occupies  a  portion  of  an 
elevated  plain  or  tableland,  nearly  surrounded  by  deep  ravines 
formed  by  Allen  creek  and  Fordham  brook,  which  effect  a  junc- 
tion at  this  point.  These  streams  have  worn  their  beds  through  the 
various  strata  of  lime  and  sandstone  to  the  depth  of  from  70  to  100 
feet,  leaving  abrupt  banks  difficult  of  ascent.  These  natural  features 
are  best  illustrated  by  the  sketch  map  which  precludes  the  necessity 
for  a  minute  description  of  the  geographical  features. 

The  peninsular  hill  measures  about  1300  feet  from  north  to  south, 
by  2000  feet  at  its  broadest  part,  and  1000  feet  across  at  the  neck 
connecting  it  with  the  general  table.  Positions  similar  to  this  were 
often  selected  by  the  aborigines  for  defensive  purposes,  but  in  such 
cases  have  usually  an  embankment  and  trench  extending  across  the 
isthmus. 

In  this  instance,  however,  the  only  trace  of  art  is  an  embankment 
and  ditch,  about  1500  feet  in  length,  and  running  east  and  west 


1  It  is  difficult  to  identify  some  Chautauqua  county  sites  because  of  the 
similarity  of  the  pottery  to  cord-marked  Algonkian  forms.     An  examination 
of   this   site,   however,   seems   to   stamp   it   as   Iroquoian    of   the   transitional 
Chautauqua  period.     The   pottery   is   similar  to   cord-marked,   flaring   lipped1 
Iroquoian  forms  found  at  Burning  Spring,  Ripley,  Westfield,  and  other  places 
and  is  quite  like  the  pottery  found  at  Madisonville,  Ohio.     It  may  be  that , 
these   early   sites    in    Chautauqua    county   are   proto-Iroquoian,   or   that   they 
mark,    as    we   have    suggested,   the   transitional    stage    in    Iroquoian    pottery. 
A.  C.  P. 

2  Aboriginal    Monuments    of    New    York.      Smithsonian     Contribution    to 
Knowledge,  v.  2,  1851,  p.  48. 


THE    ARfHKol.oOK.  A  I.    HISTORY    <>F    NK\V    YORK  311 

across  the  broadest  part  of  the  peninsula,  and  not  very  far  back  from 
the  edge  of  the  ravine.  The  part  which  is  laid  down  in  the  plan  is 
said  to  be  very  distinct,  the  embankment  being  between  3  and  4  feet 
high  and  the  ditch  of  corresponding  depth.  The  western  extremity 
of  the  line  curves  gently  outward  and  extends  some  distance  down 
the  bank,  which  is  at  this  point  less  abrupt  than  elsewhere.  It  is  said 
that  formerly  trenches  existed  on  the  course  indicated  by  dotted 
lines  on  the  plan,  but  the  statement  is  not  now  confirmed  by  any 
remaining  traces. 

A  number  of  skeletons  have  been  found  here,  together  with  many 
fragments  of  pottery.  There  have  been  also  discovered  some  heaps 
of  small  stones,  which  have  been  supposed  to  be  the  missiles  of  the 
ancient  occupants  of  the  hill,  thus  collected  to  be  used  in  case  of 
attack.  Various  relics  of  art,  as  pipes,  beads,  stone  hatchets  and 
arrowheads,  have  been  disclosed  here  by  the  operations  of  agricul- 
ture. One  of  the  pipes  composed  of  baked  clay  is  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Rev.  C.  Dewey  of  Rochester.  The  material  is  very 
fine  and  the  workmanship  good,  so  good  indeed  as  to  induce  some 
doubt  as  to  its  aboriginal  origin.  Another  pipe  carved  from  granu- 
lar limestone  was  found  here,  as  were  also  a  number  of  beads,  long 
and  coarse,  made  of  clay  and  burned. 

According  to  Mr  Dewey,  "  the  trench  was  estimated  by  early 
observers  at  from  8  to  10  feet  deep,  and  as  many  wide;  the  earth  in 
making  it  had  been  thrown  either  way  but  much  of  it  inward.  The 
road  formerly  crossed  it  by  a  bridge.  When  first  known  forest 
trees  were  standing  in  the  trench  and  outside  of  it.  In  size  and 
growth  they  correspond  to  the  forest  surrounding  there.  Prostrate 
upon  the  ground  were  numerous  trunks  of  the  heart-wood  of  the 
black  cherry  trees  of  large  size,  which  it  is  conjectured  were  the 
remains  of  a  more  antique  forest,  preceding  the  growth  of  beech 
and  maple.  They  were  in  such  a  state  of  soundness  as  to  be 
employed  for  timber  by  the  early  settlers. 

"  From  all  that  remains  of  this  work,  it  is  impossible  to  conjecture 
for  what  purpose  it  was  constructed.  Indeed  it  bears  so  few  evi- 
dences of  design  that  we  are  led  to  distrust  its  artificial  origin  —  a 
distrust  wh:ch  is  strengthened  by  the  circumstances  that  in  a  num- 
ber of  instances  elevations  and  depressions  bearing  some  degree  of 
regularity,  but  result  from  the  fissures  in  the  substratum  rock  or 
other  natural  causes,  have  been  mistaken  for  works  of  art.  The 
fact  that  the  trench  in  this  instance  has  a  course  so  nearly  parallel 
to  the  ravine,  is  also  a  suspicious  circumstance.  The  spot  was  not 


312  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

visited  by  the  author  (Squier)  but  he  is  authorized  in  saying  that 
Professor  Dewey,  who  gave  the  first  and  most  complete  account  of 
the  works,  is  now  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  it  may  be  the  result  of 
natural  causes." 

In  1900  Mr  Mosley,  of  Bergen,  made  burial  excavations  on  this 
site  and  states  he  removed  about  (fifteen  skeletons  located  on  the 
south  side  of  the  apple  orchard  of  Mr  Knight.  He  states  that  arti- 
cles with  the  skeletons  were  very  rare. 

A  double-faced  pipe,  probably  one  of  the  best  of  its  material  in  the 
State,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  State  Museum,  is  said  to  have 
been  found  on  this  site.  This  pipe  is  illustrated  in  the  State  Museum 
Bulletin,  22. 

In  the  spring  of  1915  excavations  were  made  by  me  in  refuse 
located  on  the  slope  and  top  of  the  bank  of  north  ravine  near  the 
west  end.  The  refuse  is  shallow  and  extends  back  from  the  edge 
of  the  bank  10  or  15  feet  varying  in  depth  from  2  to  18  inches. 
Much  charcoal  is  encountered  but  very  few  bones  such  as  are  usual 
in  refuse  of  this  character  charred  corn  is  plentiful  and  occasionally 
a  few  beans.  Bone  implements,  such  as  made  from  deer  antlers, 
and  an  occasional  bone  awl  and  potsherds  are  plentiful.  This  end 
of  the  plot  bears  evidence  of  much  previous  digging  which  may 
account  for  the  rarity  of  specimens. 

During  the  summer  of  1915  the  so-called  trench  or  ditch  which  is 
plainly  visible  about  half  way  down  the  slope  was  excavated  for 
.several  feet  and  is  without  question  of  natural  construction.  It  was 
probably  5  feet  deep  at  this  point  and  had  been  filled  with  refuse 
about  2  feet  and  afterward  covered  with  field  stones,  probably  since 
cultivation  by  the  whites.  This  refuse  bore  evidence  of  much  fire 
and  the  consumption  of  nearly  everything  which  had  been  deposited 
there,  except  potsherds  which  are  numerous  and  show  some  fine 
work  of  art  in  construction.  Portions  of  two  or  three  human  skele- 
tons were  encountered,  perhaps  evidence  of  cannibalism. 

In  the  village  site  and  on  the  south  side  of  the  peninsula  several 
pits  were  discovered  about  3  feet  deep,  containing  great  quantities  of 
ashes  and  few  fragments  of  animal  bone.  One  of  these  pits  yielded 
half  of  a  human  skull  (which  had  been  broken  on  one  side),  a 
hammerstone  and  part  of  a  celt.  I  presume  these  are  the  pits  which 
have  been  described  to  me  by  various  collectors  as  pits  "  where 
pottery  was  made." 

I  would  judge  from  the  refuse  that  this  was  a  very  old  and  long 
inhabited  site.  Tests  made  on  the  east  side  of  the  road  and  along 
the  bank  show  shallow  traces  of  refuse  which  might  have  been 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  313 

extensive  in  early  clays  as  the  bank  has  been  disturbed  more  or  less 
for  several  years,  and  is  so  steep  that  it  could  be  easily  washed  down 
and  destroyed.  Arrow  points  have  been  found  on  the  flat  land  on* 
the  north  side. 

THE  SHELBY  EARTHWORKS 
BY  FRANK  H.  GUSHING,  MEDINA,  N.  Y. 

In  the  town  of  Shelby,  Orleans  county,  about  3  miles  southwest 
from  the  village  of  Medina,  are  the  remains  of  one  of  the  most 
interesting  ancient  earthworks  in  the  State.1  This  work  is  situated 
at  the  summit  of-  a  slight  and  not  abrupt  elevation.  It  consists  of 
two  mural  embankments,  which  are  now  about  2  feet  in  height, 
parallel,  and  12  feet  distant  from  each  other.  They  describe  almost 
an  exact  circle,  having  a  diameter  of  430  feet  and  an  area  of  3^ 
acres.  Two  fences  upon  original  "  section  lines,"  one  running  north 
and  south,  the  other  east  and  west,  divide  this  inclosure  into  four 
nearly  equal  parts  or  quadrants.  Those  portions  of  the  work  included 
in  the  northeastern  and  southwestern  quadrants  have  for  many  years 
been  under  cultivation,  and  the  embankments  are  nearly  obliterated. 
The  northwestern  and  southeastern  portions  are  still  .covered  with 
forest  trees.  In  these  portions  the  walls  are  interrupted  only  by 
two  sally-ports  or  openings  for  passage.  These  openings  occur  at 
nearly  opposite  points  in  the  circle.  The  passage  through  the  outer 
wall  is  not  in  either  exactly  opposite  to  that  through  the  inner.  In 
one  they  are  16  and  in  the  other  30  feet  apart.  To  avoid  two  large 
boulders  of  Niagara  limestone,  the  inner  wall  at  one  point  makes  a 
slight  deflection  from  its  regular  circular  course. 

Upon  these  embankments  are  standing  trees  and  the  stumps  of  trees 
that  had  commenced  their  growth  long  before  the  Jesuit  fathers 
had  explored  the  region  now  compris:ng  western  New  York.  Traces 
of  a  moat  which  once  encircled  this  work  are  still  discernible  at 
intervals.  This  moat  is  broad  in  proportion  to  its  present  depth,  and 
in  this  respect  is  not  regular.  It  was  probably  made  by  the  removal 
of  earth  for  the  construction  of  walls,  and  perhaps  it  was  not 
intended  as  an  additional  defense,  though  it  must  to  some  extent 
have  served  as  such. 

Three  features  presented  by  this  work  add  much  to  its  interest: 
first,  it  is  almost  exactly  circular  in  form ;  second,  it  consists  of  two 
parallel  embankments;  third,  the  openings  for  passage  are  not 


1  This  work  has  previously  been   described  in  Squier's  Aboriginal   Monu- 
ments of  New  York,  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  v,  2,  1851. 


314  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

opposite  in  the  two  walls.     These  three  peculiarities  distinguish  this 
from  all  other  earthworks  known  east  of  Ohio. 

Ten  rods  south  of  this  work  lies  a  peat  swamp,  2  miles  in  length 
by  i  mile  in  breadth.  This  swamp  is  or  has  been  covered  by  a 
heavy  growth  of  black  ash  timber.  A  vertical  section  of  7  feet  in 
this  swamp  shows,  first,  the  remains  of  trees  to  the  depth  of  2  feet, 
next  below  the  remains  of  marsh  plants,  gradually  becoming  peat, 
which,  as  the  depth  increases,  changes  in  character  and  color  from 
dark  brown  to  light  blue.  At  all  depths  in  this  peat  are  to  be  seen 
the  remains  of  leaves  evidently  brought  by  the  winds  from  the  forests 
of  the  surrounding  higher  land.  Underlying  this  peat  is  a  stratum 
from  3  to  5  inches  in  thickness,  composed  entirely  of  fresh-water 
shells,  mostly  univalves,  some  of  which  are  apparently  species  of 
Paludina.  Beneath  this  stratum  there  occurs  another,  composed  of 
blue  clay  intermixed  with  sand,  containing  occasionally  the  remains 
of  shells,  among  which  have  been  found  specimens  of  the  fresh- 
water clam  (Unio). 

These  facts  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  this  peat  swamp  was  prob- 
ably a  shallow  lake  at  the  time  when  the  works  were  constructed. 
This  conclusion  is  also  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  there  is  no 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  permanent  supply  of  water  elsewhere 
within  a  mile  of  the  work. 

It  is  proper  to  state  that  the  supply  of  fish  in  this  ancient  lake  was 
abundant ;  replenished  during  the  time  of  high  water  in  the  spring 
of  each  year  from  Lake  Ontario,  13  miles  distant,  through  Oak 
Orchard  creek,  into  which  its  outlet  flows. 

West  from  the  work,  at  a  distance  of  one-half  of  a  mile  on  the 
eastern  slope  of  a  sand  hill,  is  a  large  "  bone  pit  "  where  the  bones  of 
hundreds  have  been  deposited.  It  is  said  by  "  old  settlers  "  that 
those  portions  of  the  work  now  included  the  cultivated  fields  spoken 
of,  originally  presented  the  same  features  now  seen  in  those  which 
the  forest  includes. 

Of  course  exaggerated  stories  are  told  of  the  relics  which  have 
been  plowed  up  in  these  fields.  Without  doubt  many  which  would 
be  of  great  interest  to  an  ethnologist  have  been  found,  kept  for  a 
while,  and  then  given  to  the  children  as  playthings  by  those  who 
knew  nothing  of  their  value  as  relics. 

On  making  excavations  in  those  portions  still  uncultivated,  many 
specimens  of  great  interest  are  found.  They  usually  lie  from  6  to 
1 8  inches  beneath  the  surface,  often  imbedded  in  charcoal  and 
ashes.  They  consist  of  hammers,  sinkers,  celts,  stone  ornamtents, 
pipes,  pottery ;  also  implements  and  ornaments  of  bone,  such  as  bone 


TIIK    ARC  HKnr.OCU  AL    HISTORY    OF    NKNV    YORK  315 

splinters,  awls  and  needles,  daggers  or  dirks,  cylindrical  ear  orna- 
ments, implements  for  the  ornamentation  of  pottery,  perforated 
metatarsals,  and  perforated  teeth.  These  bone  implements  are 
found  in  all  stages  of  manufacture,  from  the  rude  splinter  to  the 
ground  and  polished  implement  or  ornament. 

.  What  was  the  original  height  of  these  works  can  now  only 
be  a  matter  of  conjecture.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 
embankments  were  from  4  to  5  feet  in  height  and  surmounted  by 
palisades.  Vegetable  mold  to  the  depth  of  6  inches  has  accumulated 
upon  those  points  most  elevated  and  exposed  to  atmospheric  action ; 
beneath  this  stratum  the  relics  occur  to  the  depth  of  18  inches.  The 
inference,  therefore,  is  that  since  the  work  was  abandoned  time 
enough  has  elapsed  for  the  accumulation  of  6  inches  of  vegetable 
matter  by  the  slow  process  of  growth  and  deposit  on  dry  land.  It 
was  inhabited  or  used  long  enough  for  12  inches  to  accumulate.  It 
was  probably  abandoned  when  the  lake  was  so  nearly  filled  that  it 
ceased  to  afford  either  fish  or  a  permanent  supply  of  water.  Since 
the  time  when  the  timber  commenced  to  grow  at  the  surface  of  the 
lake,  2  feet  of  vegetable  matter  have  accumulated. 

PREHISTORIC   IROQUOIS   SITES   IN   NORTHERN   NEW 

YORK1 

REPORT    OF    PEABODY    MUSEUM     EXPEDITION,     IQO6 

BY  M.  R.  HARRINGTON 

Jefferson  county  lies  in  the  angle  formed  between  Lake  Ontario 
to  the  west  and  the  St  Lawrence  river  to  the  north.  Its  shore  near 
their  junction  is  deeply  cut  with  bays  and  the  waters  are  dotted  with 
islands,  w-hile  farther  south  the  shore  is  marshy  and  protected,  lake- 
ward,  by  a  line  of  barrier  beaches.  The  interior  of  the  country  is 
hilly,  the  hills  being  composed  of  glacial  debris  resting  on  a  founda- 
tion of  limestone  or,  in  other  places,  shale.  Between  the  lake  shore 
and  the  hill  region  lies  a  belt  of  low  ground  averaging  8  or  10  miles 
wide,  whose  almost  level  plain  is  broken  only  by  a  few  scattered  and 
usually  rocky  eminences.  This  plain  is  apparently  part  of  the  bot- 
tom of  the  glacial  Lake  Iroquois,  whose  old  beaches  can  readily  be 
followed  for  miles  along  the  bases  of  the  hills  above  mentioned.  I 
refer  to  the  traces  of  this  ancient  lake  especially  on  account  of  the 
fact  that  even  the  oldest  traces  of  man  thus  far  found  in  the  region 


1  Published  by  permission  of  Prof.  Frederic  W.  Putnam,  of  the  Peabody 
Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

are  distributed  without  reference  to  its  shore  line,  and  consequently 
must  be  of  a  date  long  subsequent  to  the  subsidence  of  its  waters. 

In  Jefferson  county  we  find  evidences  of  several  ancient  cultures, 
all,  so  far  as  I  was  able  to  find  out,  prehistoric.  When  first  explored 
and  settled  the  region  was  not  occupied  by  any  tribe  of  Indians, 
although  it  was  used  as  a  hunting  ground  by  several.  To  wandering 
parties  of  hunters,  then,  the  few  scattered  historic  Indian  speci- 
mens found  are  probably  due,  such  objects  never,  to  my  knowledge, 
having  been  found  in  the  original  deposits  of  the  village  sites. 

Of  these  cultures,  the  Iroquoian  shows  the  most  numerous  and 
uniform  indications.  Sites  whose  specimens  proclaim  them  to  have 
been  occupied  by  this  people  are  found  mainly  in  the  hill  region, 
especially  in  the  Rutland  Hills  east  of  Watertown,  but  are  occasion- 
ally found  on  the  lowlands  and  sometimes  directly  on  the  shore. 

Next  in  importance  the  Algonkian  culture,  with  pottery  like  that 
of  Long  Island  and  New  Jersey,  has  left  its  traces  in  many  camping 
grounds  along  the  shore  and  in  a  few  isolated  spots  inland. 

A  certain  class  of  stone  implements,  women's  knives,  men's  knives 
and  spearheads  of  rubbed  slate,  identical  with  those  still  made  by 
the  Eskimo  but  decidedly  different  from  the  points  known  to  have 
been  made  by  Iroquois  and  Algonkian  artisans,  are  found  along  the 
valleys  of  certain  streams.  These  are  very  rarely  found  on  either 
Iroquois  or  Algonkian  sites,  but  when  this  does  happen  the  specimens 
are  picked  up  on  the  surface,  not  dug  out  of  the  pits  or  refuse 
deposits.  It  has  been  claimed  that  these  may  have  been  left  by 
summer  fishing  parties  of  Eskimo,  perhaps  in  very  ancient  times  — 
a  theory  which  I  do  not  think  improbable. 

Some  mounds,  apparently  the  remains  of  underground  houses  but 
of  unknown  origin,  are  to  be  seen  near  Perch  lake,1  and  near  Three 
Mile  bay  have  been  found  several  unusual  burials,  including  an 
ossuary  with  specimens  which  included  a  "  bird-amulet,"  a  "  bar- 
amulet,"  a  semimonitor  stone  pipe,  four  stemmed  arrow  points,  a 
broad  flint  knife,  a  long  bone  knife  with  incised  zigzag  patterns,  a 
pottery  vessel,  a  lot  of  disk-shaped  shell  beads  and  many  other 
objects.  Some  local  archeologists  refer  this  interesting  burial  place 
to  the  Huron,  but  I  doubt  this  very  much  for  the  specimens  do  not 
seem  Iroquoian. 

The  archeology  of  Jefferson  county  has  attracted  considerable 
attention  in  times  past,  Squier  especially  having  devoted  considerable 


Beauchamp,  Perch  Lake  Mounds,  New  York  State  Mus.  Bui.  87. 


TlIK    ARCHEOLOC.il  A I ,     HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  317 

attention  to  it.1  Local  collectors  such  as  Doctors  Getman  and 
Aniidon  in  Chaumont,  and  Messrs  Loveland,  Oatman  and  Wood- 
worth  at  Watertown,  have  excavated  much  with  good  success,  as 
their  collections  will  testify.2 

It  was  thought  best  to  visit  as  many  sites  as  possible  in  order  to 
get  a  general  archeological  view  of  the  country,  and  to  locate  if 
possible  a  favorable  place  for  excavation.  Two  weeks  were  spent  in 
this  work  with  fairly  satisfactory  results.  It  was  found  in  almost 
every  case  that  the  sites  had  been  so  thoroughly  excavated  by  the 
local  enthusiasts  that  it  would  not  pay  to  examine  them  further. 
Except  in  one  site,  which  was  in  the  lowlands,  all  had  been  tam- 
pered with  and  the  refuse  heaps  cleared  out;  and  at  this  site 
(Durfee  farm)  we  spent  the  last  part  of  the  season.  The  first  part, 
from  June  I5th  to  September  1st,  was  occupied  in  exploring  the 
Heath  site  in  the  hill  country,  where  \ve  were  lucky  enough  to  find  a 
lot  of  graves  and  ash  pits  undisturbed  although  the  refuse  heaps  had 
all  been  dug  over. 

But  before  taking  these  up  I  will  give  a  brief  summary  of  the 
other  places  visited  during  the  first  two  weeks  of  our  work  and  at 
odd  times  during  the  whole  season. 

Beginning  in  the  northern  part  of  the  country,  and  taking  the  sites 
in  geographical  order,  not  necessarily  in  the  order  of  examination, 
we  find  first  the  St  Lawrence  site,  to  which  we  were  directed  by 
Doctor  Getman.  The  site  is  situated  along  some  low  bluffs  at  the 
headwaters  of  a  little  brook  flowing  into  the  St  Lawrence  river, 
just  southeast  of  the  village  of  the  same  name,  on  the  property  of 
Doctor  Buckman.  All  the  refuse  heaps  of  this  site  had  been 
examined  apparently,  together  with  many  of  the  ash  pits,  by  Doctors 
Getman  and  Amidon  and  their  friends.  Our  brief  examination 
showed  that  the  place  had  been  occupied  by  Iroquoian  people.  Ash 
pits  were  unusually  numerous  for  a  Jefferson  county  site  and  indi- 
cations seemed  fairly  promising.  If  we  had  not  found  other  and 
better  sites  we  might  have  begun  systematic  exploration  here.  We 
found  part  of  a  stone  pipe,  several  terra-cotta  pipe  stones,  a  stone 
anvil,  and  numerous  potsherds  here. 

One  lake  shore  site  only  was  visited  —  the  village  and  burial 
ground  near  Limerick,  on  the  Julius  Maynard  farm  at  the  head  of 
Perch  River  bay.  Here  a  series  of  terraces  rise  from  the  bay.  The 


1  Squier,  E.  G.,  Antiquities  of  the  State  of  New  York,  chap,  on  Jefferson 
county;   Hough,  F.  B.,  History  of  Jefferson  County,  ch.   I. 

2  The   Amidon,   Loveland   and   Oatman    Collections   are   now   in   the    State 
Museum. 


3*8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

village  site  scatteringly  covers  2  or  3  acres  along  the  first  terrace, 
while  the  burial  ground  was  on  the  second  terrace.  Here  a  number 
of  skeletons  were  found  in  removing  gravel  for  road-making,  buried 
in  the  usual  folded  position  at  the  depth  of  3  or  4  feet  in  the  rather 
tough  gravelly  soil.  Each  grave,  it  is  said,  was  marked  by  the 
presence  of  stained  earth  and  fragments  of  charcoal.  As  nothing 
whatever  had  been  found  with  the  skeletons,  and  as  the  village  site 
portion  was  sown  to  oats  and  could  not  be  disturbed,  this  site  was 
not  explored.  A  little  scratching  in  the  partly  dug-over  refuse  heaps 
revealed  a  few  fragments  of  clearly  Iroquoian  pottery,  so  the  site 
can  probably  be  referred  to  that  people. 

We  began  our  examination  of  the  Rutland  Hills  series  of  sites  east 
of  Watertown  by  investigating  that  on  John  Colligan's  farm,  at  the 
east  end  of  Rutland  Hollow  about  2  miles  south  of  Felts  Mills.  It 
occupies  2  or  3  acres  on  a  hilltop  on  the  north  side  of  the  hollow  in 
a  grove  of  pines  and, maples. 

There  is  here  a  spring  near  the  top  of  the  hill,  which  must 
have  been  a  great  convenience  to  the  Indians.  No  ash  pits 
were  found,  even  after  careful  search,  but  several  large  refuse 
heaps  on  the  top  of  the  hill  and  some  smaller  ones  on  the  hillsides 
were  noticed,  nearly  all  worked  out.  All  these,  as  could  be  seen  from 
the  few  specimens  found,  were  of  Iroquois  origin,  but  near  the 
spring  a  small  refuse  deposit  was  examined,  which  yielded  nothing 
but  a  few  grains  of  charred  corn  and  several  pieces  of  purely 
Algonkian  pottery.  This  small  refuse  heap  probably  indicates  the 
occupation  of  the  place  for  a  short  time  by  Algonkian  people,  pre- 
sumably before  but  possibly  after,  the  Iroquois  settlement.  Such 
inland  Algonkian  colonies  are  rare  in  Jefferson  county,  although  I 
have  heard  from  Mr  Woodworth,  the  veteran  relic  collector  of  the 
Rutland  hills,  of  another  site  yielding  the  same  kind  of  pottery  in 
the  valley  just  west  of  the  hills.  The  Colligan  site,  I  decided,  was 
too  nearly  worked  out  to  repay  exploration. 

We  next  crossed  the  hollow  and  climbed  the  opposite  height  to  a 
site  farther  westward  on  the  farm  of  Ex-supervisor  Allen,  listed  by 
Squier,  as  nearly  as  I  could  study  it  out,  as  the  "  sites  near  Abner 
Tamblin's  farm."  1  There  is  no  trace  now  of  the  earthwork  men- 
tioned by  Squier  but  the  field,  sown  to  oats,  showed  scattered  bits  of 
Iroquoian  pottery  and  other  artifacts.  The  traces  of  occupation  lie 
on  a  slight  elevation  partly  surrounded  by  swampy  ground,  on  the 
flat  hilltop  —  not  as  one  would  expect  from  Squier' s  description,  on 


1  Squier,  Antiquities  of  the  State  of  New  York,  p.  24,  pi.  3,  no.  2. 


32O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the  very  brow  of  the  limestone  escarpment.  There  was  nothing  to 
encourage  systematic  excavation,  unless  perhaps  in  the  oatfield  which 
naturally  could  not  be  disturbed. 

We  passed  without  stopping  another  site  listed  by  Squier,  but 
examined  the  one  located  on  a  spur  of  the  hill  north  (not  west)  of 
Burrs  Mills,  above  a  little  creek.1  This  had  evidently  been  a  strong- 
hold, the  flat  point  of  the  hill  being  divided  from  the  main  plateau 
by  a  ditch  (and  probably  an  embankment)  now  nearly  obliterated. 
The  place  was  under  cultivation  when  visited  and  digging  was  con- 
sequently forbidden,  but  we  discovered  the  fact  that  hillside  refuse 
heaps  or  "  dumps  "  were  neither  deep  nor  abundant,  but  that  there 
had  been  at  least  one  deep  deposit  upon  the  hilltop,  besides  the  spots 
of  blackened  earth  which  probably  indicate  the  location  of  the  bark 
houses.  This  site,  according  to  Mr  Loveland,  has  been  very  rich  in 
bone  implements.  What  few  specimens  we  picked  up  seemed  to 
show  Iroquoian  culture.  It  was  apparent  that  the  place  had  been 
nearly  exhausted. 

Passing  southward,  the  next  place  visited  was  the  earthwork  on 
the  brow  of  the  high  hill  on  what  was  once  D.  Talcott's  farm,  over- 
looking the  old  lake  bottom  westward,  and  in  plain  view  of  the  island- 
dotted  waters  of  the  present  Lake  Ontario.  This  site  lies  about 
6  miles  southwest  of  Watertown,  its  exact  location  being  shown  on 
the  map.  It  has  been  very  well  described  by  Squier.2  More  than  half 
of  the  old  oval  earthwork  with  its  gateways  is  still  distinctly  trace- 
able—  the  only  place  of  the  kind  left  in  Jefferson  county,  so  far  as 
I  have  been  able  to  discover.  Most  of  the  refuse  heaps  have  been 
rifled  and  many  graves  opened  but  we  found  a  shallow  village  layer 
which  yielded  Iroquois  pottery,  a  celt  and  a  few  other  objects.  No 
typical  ash  pits  were  located^  but  a  number  of  corn  cache  pits, 
mentioned  by  Squier,  are  still  visible  from  the  surface.  I  doubt  if 
much  could  be  found  here  now,  except  perhaps  skeletons.  We  photo- 
graphed the  best  preserved  parts  of  the  earthwork. 

The  only  other  site  of  importance  examined  during  the  first  two 
weeks  of  our  work,  aside  from  the  two  picked  out  for  exploration, 
was  the  ancient  village  site  on  the  lowlands  of  the  old  lake  bottom 
about  il/2  miles  north  of  Belleville  on  the  old  Wallace  farm,  now  the 
property  of  E.  A.  Nohle,  the  exact  location  being  shown  on  the  map. 
The  site  occupies  a  rather  flat,  sandy  pasture  south  of  a  bit  of 
woods,  near  a  large  spring.  The  earthwork,  if  any  existed,  is  gone 


1  Squier,  Antiquities  of  the  State  of  New  York,  p.  22,  pi.  3,  no.  I. 

2  Squier  Antiquities  of  the  State  of  New  York,  p.  17,  pi.  no.  I. 


T11K    ARCIlE()LU(;iC  Al.    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  321 

and  the  only  surface  indications  left  are  scattered  patches  of  black 
earth  and  tire-broken  stones,  indicating  refuse  deposits,  some  of 
which  have  been  explored.  The  little  digging  we  had  time  to  do 
revealed  a  true  ash  pit,  another  similar  structure,  and  yielded  Iro- 
quoian  potsherds,  pipe  fragments,  a  small  celt,  and  some  animal 
bones.  Possibly,  if  we  could  have  found  time  for  it,  the  place  might 
have  repaid  systematic  work. 

While  working  on  the  Heath  and  Durfee  farm  sites  we  visited 
several  others,  two  of  which  deserve  notice.  One  was  located  on 
the  farm  of  a  Mr  Green,  now  worked  by  Mr  Stevens,  about  2  miles 
southwest  of  Heath's.  This  is  located  on  a  rounded  hilltop  near  a 
brook.  Among  the  boulders  which  are  scattered  plentifully  over  its 
surface  are  found  occasional  refuse  heaps,  in  part  worked  out,  con- 
taining Iroquois  material,  and  a  few  shallow  ash  pits.  A  child's 
skeleton  was  once  plowed  up  here,  but  we  could  not  find  any  indica- 
tions favorable  enough  to  lead  to  the  abandonment  of  our  other  plans. 

The  other  site  was  about  2.^/2  miles  west  of  Adams,  on  the  old 
Joe  Taylor  farm  now  owned  by  Floyd  Overton,  and  is  located  on  the 
map.  On  a  slight  terrace  dividing  Big  Sandy  creek  from  a  little 
swale  were  traces  of  a  camp :  black  earth,  pipe  stems,  pottery  frag- 
ments, etc.  The  outlines  were  difficult  to  make  out  but  the  place  was 
not  in  all  probability  very  extensive.  The  pottery,  pipe  stems,  etc. 
foufid  were  Iroquoian  in  character. 

The  Heath  site,  where  most  of  the  summer  was  spent,  was 
located  on  the  farm  of  Homer  J.  Heath,  near  the  west  line  of  the 
town  of  Rodman,  approximately  il/2  miles  west  of  the  village  of 
that  name  (see  map,  figure  46).  A  creek  bounds  the  site  on  the 
southeast,  which,  joining  another  half  a  mile  southwestward,  forms 
the  north  branch  of  Big  Sandy  creek.  The  northwest  side  of  the 
knoll  where  the  site  is  situated  is  bounded  by  a  small  swamp,  full 
of  springs,  the  waters  of  which  flow  into  the  main  creek  through  a 
little  brook  around  the  southwestern  end  of  the  knoll.  The  north- 
eastern end  of  the  site  curves  into  a  fine  maple  forest.  Here  the 
expedition  tents  were  pitched. 

A  number  of  smaller  springs  emerge  from  the  hill  on  the  creek 
side,  one  of  which  near  the  camp  furnished  us  good  water  and  was 
probably  of  similar  service  to  the  Indian.  The  knoll  itself  is  a 
gradually  narrowing  tongue  of  land  some  600  feet  long,  stretching 
southwestward  from  the  higher  ground  beyond.  It  is  fairly  level 
along  the  ridge  proper  as  may  be  seen  in  the  photograph,  but  slopes 
down  to  the  creek  on  one  side  and  to  the  little  swamp  on  the  other. 


322  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

At  the  widest  part  it  reaches  a  breadth  of  about  160  to  200  feet. 
Near  the  southwestern  end  is  a  hollow  crossing  the  ridge,  just 
beyond  which  the  land  rises  again  to  more  than  its  former  height  and 
continues  150  feet  to  the  little  brook,  forming  a  sort  of  semidetached 
knob.  The  highest  part  is  not  more  than  30  feet  above  the  creek. 
Higher  hills  encircle  the  site  on  the  land  slide,  which  seems  a 
peculiar  feature  for  as  a  rule  the  Indians  did  not  like  to  build 
their  villages  when  they  could  be  commanded  from  a  nearby 
eminence. 

The  knoll  lies  at  the  point  where  the  creek  issues  from  its  narrow 
ravine  among  the  hills  to  a  broad  level  valley  which  seems  to  have 
been  an  arm  of  Lake  Iroquois;  so  the  knoll  may  have  originated  as 
a  bar  of  sand  and  clay  formed  around  a  reef  of  limestone  by  the 
swirling  stream,  loaded  with  sediment,  as  it  emerged  from  the  glen 
into  the  quieter  waters  of  the  bay.  The  drift  material  of  the  sur- 
rounding hills  is  of  glacial  and  not  fluvatile  origin. 

The  indications  of  Indian  occupation,  as  is  shown  by  the  stipple 
on  the  Heath  site  map,  are  scattered  over  an  area  about  800  feet  in 
length  along  the  top  of  the  knoll  and  down  the  slope  at  both  sides 
to  a  breadth  of  approximately  240  feet.  They  consist  as  usual  of 
black  soil,  fire-broken  stones  and  occasional  bits  of  broken  pottery  or 
worked  stone  showing  among  the  grass  roots  of  the  pasture,  most 
abundant  in  occasional  patches. 

In  order  to  get  more  exact  information  concerning  the  nature  of 
the  site  than  could  be  observed  from  the  surface,  the  distribution  of 
graves,  ash  pits  and  refuse  heaps,  and  consequently  the  best  places 
to  dig,  the  usual  procedure  was  followed,  a  series  of  holes  being 
dug  resembling  post  holes,  in  parallel  transverse  lines  across  the 
hill,  each  hole  of  course  revealing  the  nature  of  the  soil  at  that 
particular  point.  The  results  showed  several  deposits  of  refuse 
upon  the  knoll  in  its  eastern  part,  especially  just  above  the  spring, 
but  these  with  one  trifling  exception,  marked  "A.  H."  on  the  map 
of  the  site,  had  all  been  overhauled  by  previous  collectors.  The 
one  above  the  spring  had  been  from  18  inches  to  2  feet  deep  and 
covered  an  area  some  25  by  10  feet,  although  the  exact  limits  were 
hard  to  define  on  account  of  the  spreading  effect  of  the  plow. 
Westward  along  the  ridge  were  scattered  graves  to  the  number  of 
twenty-seven,  containing  thirty-two  skeletons  in  all,  clustering  thickly 
as  shown  on  the  map  on  the  brink  of  the  little  transverse  hollow. 
This  part  was  explored  by  a  series  of  trenches  run  where  it  was 
thought  they  would  do  the  most  good.  The  little  knob  west  of  the 


21 


3^4 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


transverse  hollow  showed  merely  a  few  ash  beds  and  dark  stains 
but  no  traces  of  real  habitation  or  burial.  Among  and  near  the 
graves  on  the  hilltop  were  occasional  ash  pits,  generally  small,  and 
large  numbers  of  post  holes  whose  relations  and  purpose  could  not 
be  traced  out  with  the  means  at  our  disposal. 


THE  HEATH  SITE 

ROMAN 
Jeff ereon  Co. 


Fig.  46     The  Heath  site,  Rodman,  after  Harrington 

Near  the  bottom  of  the  slope  on  both  sides  were  more'  refuse 
deposits,  as  a  rule  not  more  than  14  to  18  inches  deep  and  by  no 
means  continuous.  Among  and  along  the  upper  edge  of  these  were 
a  number  of  ash  pits,  usually  on  the  northern  side  of  the  hill,  rather 
broad  and  shallow.  As  with  the  hilltop  refuse  heaps,  most  had 
been  worked  over,  but  the  ash  pits  were  usually  found  intact.  A 
most  important  phenomena  was  the  discovery  by  postholing  of  a 
trench  now  plowed  full  and  level  w;ith  the  rest  of  the  field  skirting 
the  northern  edge  of  the  knoll  along  the  low  ground  near  the 
swamp  and  swinging  up  and  across  the  knoll  just  east  of  the  natural 
transverse  hollow  previously  mentioned.  In  the  northeast  part  of 
the  site  one  fancies  that  he  can  almost  make  out  the  outline  of  an 
embankment.  Although  it  can  not  now  be  followed  along  the  side 
of  the  hill  toward  the  creek,  this  trench  or  ditch  is  probably  the 
remains  of  the  oval  earthwork  which,  according  to  tradition,  sur- 


Till-.    AUCHEOLOGICAL     HISTORY    OF    NK\V    YORK  325 

rounded  the  site  Lefore  the  knoll  was  -cultivated.1  Its  form  as  far  as 
could  be  traced  is  shown  on  the  map  of  the  site,  and  the  probable 
form  of  the  missing  part  is  indicated  by  a  dotted  line.  The  trench 
seemed  to  average  about  2  to  3  feet  deep.  Judging  from  the  before- 
mcMitioned  similar  work  still  extant  on  Talcott's  hill,  there  was 
probably  an  embankment  around  inside  the  trench,  with  one  or  more 
gateways  across  both  ditch  and  bank. 

Having  concluded  this  general  description  I  will  now  take  up 
more  carefully  the  graves,  ash  pits  and  other  phenomena  observed 
during  the  course  of  the  wrork,  and  to  this  end  wfill  describe  in 
some  detail  examples  of  each  kind  wrhich  I  consider  typical.  The 
graves,  as  before  indicated,  were  first  discovered  by  the  posthole 
method  and  then  when  the  grave  area  was  once  located  it  was  easy 
to  drive  trenches  across  it,  removing  the  plowed  surface  layer,  and 
then  to  locate  the  graves  from  above  by  the  contrast  of  their  stained 
disturbed  earth  mixed  with  bits  of  charcoal  to  the  clear  color  of  the 
undisturbed  sandy  soil  composing  the  knoll.  Another  indication  is 
the  marked  softness  which  is  still  noticeable  in  the  disturbed  soil 
filling  the  grave.  Sometimes  ash  pits  were  mistaken  for  graves  at 
first,  and  in  one  case  the  remains  of  two  skeletons  were  found  in 
an  ash  pit  below  the  northwest  refuse  deposit  near  the  swamp. 

No  order  or  regularity  was  observed  in  the  location  of  the  graves 
unless  the  bunching  at  the  southwestern  end  of  the  site,  so  noticeable 
on  the  map,  may  be  considered  as  such.  It  was  also  observed  that 
all  the  graves,  and  all  the  pits  for  that  matter,  lay  within  the  limits 
of  the  old  earthwork,  although  there  were  refuse  deposits  outside. 
In  depth  the  skeletons  varied  from  8  to  36  inches  from  the  surface 
to  the  uppermost  bones,  with  an  average  a  little  less  than  20 
inches.  This  average  would  doubtless  be  somewhat  higher  but  for 
the  action  of  the  plow  in  removing,  year  after  year,  some  of  the 
covering  of  earth  from  above  the  skeletons.  Some  had  actually  been 
struck  and  broken  by  the  plow. 

The  folded  or  flexed  position  of  burial  prevailed  here  as  elsewhere 
among  precolonial  New  York  Indians.  The  bodies  were  doubled 
no.  with  knees  close  to  the  chest  and  arms  flexed,  then  laid  on  their 
sides  in  the  grave.  I  have  selected  two  photographs  from  our  series 
to  illustrate  this  point;  representing  the  skeletons  in  pits  9  and  51. 

Pit  9  was  found  some  distance  east  of  the  main  group  of  graves 
and  was  discovered  in  digging  the  first  or  exploration  trench.  Its 
dimensions  were  48  by  30  inches  and  it  contained  a  skeleton  at  the 


1  Hough,   F.   B.,   History  of  Jefferson    County,   p.    12. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

depth  of  12  inches,  lying  on  the  left  side  heading  west  and  facing 
north,  folded  up  in  the  characteristic  position  shown  in  the  picture 
(plate  104).  ,Near  the  top  of  the  grave  was  a  distinct  layer  of 
ashes.  The  bones  were  in  fair  condition,  although  badly  cracked  by 
the  plow,  especially  the  skull  which  fell  entirely  to  pieces.  Nothing 
had  been  buried  with  the  dead,  unless  a  few  grains  of  charred  corn 
may  be  considered,  or  the  lower  mandible  of  some  squirrel  found 
lymg  on  the  right  side  of  the  crumbling  bones.  The  skeleton  in  pit 
51  was  similar  except  that  it  headed  west-southwest  and  lay  at  about 
26  inches  deep,  well  out  of  reach  of  the  plow.  This  seemed  to  be 
the  remains  of  a  woman,  while  the  skeleton  in  pit  9  was  evidently 
that  of  a  man. 

Eleven  of  the  skeletons  found  (about  one-third  of  the  total  num- 
ber) were  those  of  children.  These,  so  far  as  could  be  traced  from 
the  badly  decayed  bones,  lay  in  the  typical  folded  position. 

In  five  cases  the  remains  of  two  individuals  were  found  in  a  single 
grave,  in  two  instances  both  adults,  in  three  an  adult  and  a  child 
(see  plate  105).  Little  can  be  said  about  these  skeletons  except  to 
note  that  of  the  two  in  pit  21,  "A"  had  a  skull  of  relatively  high 
type  while  that  of  M  B  "  was  unusually  low,  with  high  brow  ridges 
and  considerable  prognathism. 

In  pit  59  we  have  a  good  example  of  a  child  and  an  adult  buried 
together.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  irregular  decay  of  the  bones, 
probably  due  to  the  disintegrating  action  of  roots  and  similar  causes. 
The  head,  shoulders  and  upper  body  of  the  adult  are  well  preserved, 
while  in  the  lower  part  and  in  the  child's  skeleton  decay  has  nearly 
destroyed  even  the  largest  of  the  bones. 

On  the  whole  the  bones  are  much  worse  as  to  preservation  than 
those  previously  found  in  New  York  State  by  the  museum  expedi- 
tions —  due  partly  perhaps  to  greater  age  and  partly  to  local  condi- 
tions. Many  of  the  bones  lay  directly  upon  the  clayey  hardpan  below 
the  layer  of  sandy  soil,  which  made  them  liable  to  long-continued 
soaking  in  and  after  every  spell  of  wet  weather. 

As  to  orientation  of  the  burials,  little  order  seems  to  have  been 
practised.  Out  of  twenty-nine  observations,  eleven  skeletons  headed 
west  or  nearly  so,  seven  east,  one  north,  five  south,  three  northwest 
and  two  southwest.  It  will  be  noticed  here  that  there  seems  to  be  a 
preference  for  heading  the  bodies  west,  which  became  more  appar- 
ent when  we  consider  that  the  three  heading  northwest  and  the  two 
southwest  may  have  been  intended  to  head  west.  It  also  seems  to 
have  been  something  of  an  object  to  let  the  faces  of  the  dead  turn 


THE    ARCHEOLOGK  AI.    HISTORY    OF    NEW     VoKK  327 

toward  the  north,  for  twelve  were  facing-  that  way,  against  >ix 
toward  the  south,  two  toward  the  east,  three  to  the  southwest  and 
one  to  the  northwest. 

One  favorite  Iroqnoian  method  of  interment,  the  so-called  "  bone  " 
burial,  in  which  the  skeleton  is  more  or  less  completely  disjointed 
before  being  placed  in  the  ground,  was  here  represented  by  a  single 
case  only,  that  of  pit  52,  which  contained  the  tangled  and  disjointed 
remains  of  an  adult  skeleton.  The  only  bones  which  remained  in 
the  natural  position  were  those  of  a  leg  and  a  foot.  The  highest 
bone,  a  lower  jaw,  was  35  inches  from  the  surface,  the  lowest  44 
inches.  The  skull,  badly  decayed,  lay  in  the  middle.  The  photograph 
shows  this  burial  in  the  background  rather  poorly,  while  the  fore- 
ground is  taken  up  with  the  more  ordinary  skeleton  in  pit  51. 

The  ossuary  method  of  interment,  in  which  many  disjointed  skele- 
tons were  buried  together,  was  not  observed  here. 

We  were  disappointed  to  find  that  while  Indian  skeletons  are  by 
no  means  of  infrequent  occurrence  in  Jefferson  county,  it  is  exceed- 
ingly rare  to  find  anything  buried  with  them.  Three  cases  (and 
these  are  not  all  sure)  were  found  among  the  thirty-two  skeletons 
at  the  Heath  site.  The  skeleton  in  pit  60  had  a  decayed  bone  awl 
lying  behind  its  head  and  a  supposed  but  doubtless  paint  stone  near 
the  knees.  That  in  pit  75  had  an  unfinished  celt  near  the  chin. 

The  clearest  case  of  objects  buried  with  a  body  was  found  in 
pit  71,  where  an  adult  and  an  infant  were  discovered,  but  in  a  very 
poor  state  of  preservation  and  covered  with  stones  and  slabs — an 
unusual  feature.  One  of  the  slabs  above  the  adult  must  have  weighed 
a  hundred  pounds.  Near  the  back  of  the  infant  lay  several  bundles 
of  bone  beads  or  tubes,  badly  decayed,  arranged  in  parallel  groups, 
probably  forming  part  of  an  ornament  or  other  burial  offering.  The 
bone  awl,  celt  and  paint  stone  may  have  found  their  way  into  the 
other  graves  by  accident  —  perhaps  thrown  in  with  the  earth. 

A  number  of  graves  showed  layers  of  ashes  near  the  surface, 
which  are  relics  perhaps  of  a  ceremonial  fire  lighted  upon  the 
grave  after  burial.  More  definite  and  particular  data  for  the  skele- 
tons will  be  found  in  the  appended  tables.  Besides  the  skeletons 
there  were  found  in  several  ash  pits  a  few  detached  human  bones, 
a  lower  jaw  in  pit  64,  a  tooth  in  pit  66,  and  teeth  and  charred  bones 
in  pit  70,  all  on  the  nortrrwest  hillside,  wrhich  are  rather  difficult  of 
explanation.  Two  other  fragments  were  found  in  natural  hollow<s 
on  the  ridge  where  they  had  probably  been  dragged  and  covered  up 
by  the  plow  which  had  detached  them  from  their  respective  skeletons. 


328  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  charred  bones  in  pit  70  formed  part  of  a  burnt  layer  3  inches 
thick,  which  also  contained  bones  which  did  not  appear  human. 

We  found  twenty-one  ash  pits  which  we  considered  worthy  of 
record,  ranging  in  depth  from  18  to  50  inches  and  '.n  diameter  from 
30  to  132  inches.  They  have  simply  been  holes  in  the  ground  gen- 
erally more  or  less  bowl-shaped,  which  were  dug  by  the  Indians  as 
"  ovens  "  or  roasting  pits  in  which  to  cook  food,  or  as  cache  pits  for 
storing  corn.  After  more  or  less  use  they  seem  to  have  become  filled 
with  refuse,  and  the  plow  coming  later  leveled  them  all  off  even  with 
the  surrounding  ground  so  that  at  the  present  time  in  sites  which 
have  been  cultivated  they  have  to  be  searched  for  by  the  4<  posthole  " 
or  trenching  methods,  such  as  are  used  in  locating  graves. 

There  are  several  general  features  which  characterize  these  pits 
as  a  whole  and  differentiate  them  somewhat  from  those  in  other  Iro- 
quoian  regions  examined  by  the  expedition.  In  the  first  place  many 
of  the  pits  had  a  tendency  to  be  very  broad  and  shallow  around  the 
edge,  deepening  only  near  the  nrddle,  then  the  lower  part  is  likely 
to  contain  a  clear  mixture  of  ashes  and  dirt  without  charcoal  and 
with  little  or  nothing  in  the  way  of  artifacts,  the  latter  as  a  rule 
occurring  in  the  upper  layers,  in  ashes  and  stained  earth  containing 
considerable  charcoal.  Another  peculiar  fact  is  that  many  of 
the  pits  are  oval  in  ground  plan  instead  of  circular,  and  others  are 
very  irregular.  Instances  occurred  of  two  pits  connected  by  an 
ash  layer. 

Several  examples  are  offered  here  of  Heath  site  ash  pits  which 
are  in  a  way  typical,  as  they  show  most  of  the  characteristics 
mentioned  above. 

Pit  53,  found  not  far  from  the  swamp  on  the  northwest  side  of 
the  site,  was  a  shallow  and  rather  irregular  form  of  pit,  21  inches 
deep  and  an  irregular  oval  about  4  by  5  feet  in  ground  plan.  It  was 
filled  with  an  almost  homogeneous  mass  of  ashes  mixed  with  a  little 
soil,  broken  only  by  occasional  rough  blocks  of  stone,  and  contained, 
besides  the  usual  charcoal,  broken  pnimal  bones,  a  p'ece  of  pottery 
decorated  with  conventional  human  faces,  another  with  raised  deco- 
rations, a  potterv  disk  and  several  broken  bone  beads. 

Pit  6 1  exemplifies  the  type  with  widespread  top  and  shallow  edges 
and  illustrates  one  form  of  the  barren  bottom  filling  occurring  so 
frequently  in  this  s:te.  In  this  case  little  was  found  below  the  layer 
marked  "  clay  "  but  in  the  mixed  ash  layer  above,  potsherds,  pipe 
fragments  and  animal  bones  were  obtained.  Among  the  sherds  were 
many  fragments  of  a  small  neat  pot. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  329 

Pit  62A,  with  its  adjunct  62B,  found  on  the  southeast  hillside, 
showed  very  well  the  before-mentioned  coupling  together  of  pits. 
Its  section  also  illustrates  the  widespread  top ;  and  the  middle  layer 
of  red  burnt  dirt  and  ashes  suggest  that  it  was  used  at  two  different 
periods  without  cleaning  out,  the  lower  black  layer  having  accumu- 
lated meanwhile.  The  main  part  (A)  was  8  feet  in  diameter  and  50 
inches  deep,  the  small  "addition"  (B)  (which  may  have  been  a 
preexisting  pit)  being  4^  feet  long  by  4  feet  wide  and  30  inches 
deep.  Its  homogeneous  black  rilling  differs  considerably  from  the 
comparatively  complex  structure  of  62A.  The  contents  of  the  two 
pits  could  not  be  separated  conveniently.  Pottery  fragments,  ani- 
mal and  fish  bones,  charred  corn  cobs  and  corn,  charcoal,  fire-cracked 
stones,  a  fine  triangular  flint  arrowhead  (flint  arrowheads  are  rare 
on  Iroquois  sites  in  this  region),  flakes  of  flint  and  quartz,  rejects 
of  blade  making,  a  hammerstone,  net  sinkers,  a  gaming  bone  —  all 
figured  among  the  specimens  found. 

In  digging  our  first  trench,  which  was  run  southward  along  the 
ridge,  we  kept  careful  track  of  all  the  "  picket  holes  "  found,  in  the 
hope  that  other  trenches  run  parallel  and  adjacent  would  reveal 
their  purpose,  whether  for  holding  pickets  of  smaller  inclosures 
within  the  fort,  or  for  the  posts  of  houses.  But  this  trench  did  not 
penetrate  any  spot  promising  enough  to  trench  further,  so  no  adja- 
cent trenches  were  dug  and  the  lines  of  picket  holes  were  not  fol- 
lowed out.  This  might  have  been  easily  done,  and  the  old  ditch  of 
the  fort  reexcavated  if  help  had  been  available,  but  Mr  Irwin  Hay- 
den,  my  assistant,  became  ill  July  ist  and  had  to  return  to  Boston 
and  it  was  nearly  two  months  before  I  succeeded  in  obtaining  other 
help.  Some  general  facts  concerning  the  "  picket  holes "  were 
recorded,  however.  It  was  found  that  there  had  been  holes  in  the 
ground,  apparently  to  accommodate  pickets,  and  that  they  averaged 
about  8  inches  wide  by  19  deep.  All  were  filled  with  more  or  less 
stained  earth,  and  some  contained  an  admixture  of  charcoal  and 
ashes,  with  fire-cracked  stones  and  occasionally  implements,  pot- 
sherds and  bones.  A  drawing  was  made  showing  a  double  line  of 
these  pits  that  crossed  trench  3  at  right  angles.  These  were  about  6 
inches  in  diameter  and  20  inches  deep,  separated  by  a  space  of  8 
inches.  Perhaps  they  formed  part  of  some  inner  stockade.  In  this 
connection  it  should  be  noted  that  the  principal  burial  place  lay 
between  this  row  of  holes  and  the  ditch  of  the  old  fort,  so  it  is 
possible  that  they  supported  a  sort  of  graveyard  fence. 


33O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

As  for  the  specimens  found  here  1  will  not  describe  them  until  the 
end  of  this  paper,  when  they  will  be  taken  up  in  connection  with 
those  found  at  the  second  site  ( Durfee  farm),  which  were  similar, 
I  may  say  identical,  in  character.  It  is  sufficient  to  note  here  that 
they  were  of  characteristic  Iroquoian  type,  and,  in  the  absence  of 
European  trade  articles,  may  be  considered  prehistoric. 

The  indications  seemed  to  give  out  at  Heath  site  about  the  end  of 
August,  and  while  I  thought  we  might  find  a  few  more  skeletons  at 
Heath's  it  was  considered  best  to  go  to  a  fresh  site. 

Durfee  Farm  Site 

The  place  picked  out  for  this  purpose  is  situated  on  the  lowlands  of 
the  old  lake  bottom  about  3  miles  north-northwest  of  Pierrepont 
Manor,  on  Taylor  brook,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  scattering  group  of 
farmhouses  locally  known  as  Taylor  Settlement.  The  Indian  village 
site  lies  on  a  low  flat-topped  hill,  known  as  the  "Old  Fort  lot  "  once 
belonging  to  the  old  Durfee  farm,1  but  now  divided  among  John 
Eastman,  Egbert  Cole  and  a  Mrs  Mayo,  to  all  of  whom  the  thanks 
of  the  expedition  is  due  for  permission  to  excavate. 

The  part  of  the  hill  occupied  by  the  Indians  is  almost  flat  and 
rather  sandy,  the  sand  lying  upon  a  clayey  substratum  resembling 
till.  Its  longest  extension  is  from  north  to  south.  Along  its  western 
border  flows  Taylor  brook  which  has  formed  in  one  place  a  rather 
high-cut  bank.  Directly  west  of  the  hill  near  a  limestone  outcrop, 
are  two  springs,  one  of  unusually  large  size,  whose  waters  com- 
bine to  form  another  brook,  which  flowing  around  the  southern  end 
of  the  hill  joins  Taylor  brook  some  distance  below.  The  largest 
spring  which  was  probably  one  of  the  principal  attractions  deter- 
mining the  settlement  of  the  site  by  the  Indians  was  photographed. 
The  site  is  almost  commanded  by  a  higher  stony  knoll  rising  from 
the  west  side  of  the  hill,  but  which  is  apparently  just  outside  the 
limits  of  the  site,  and  does  not  show  much  trace  of  occupation. 

The  flat  hilltop,  which  covers  about  5  acres,  and  the  hillside  lead- 
ing down  from  it  show,  especially  toward  the  southern  part,  a  con- 
siderable area  of  "  village  dirt "  on  the  flat  averaging  from  8  to  18 
inches  deep  —  a  very  black  soil,  with  occasional  bits  of  pottery  and 
other  refuse.  The  general  distribution  of  these  indications  of  habi- 
tations is  shown  by  stippled  shading  on  my  map  of  the  site.  Pits  were 
scarce,  and  very  poor  in  relics  when  found,  the  two  described  later 
being  the  sole  exceptions.  They  were  mainly  observed  near  the 


1  Hough,  F.  B.,  History  of  Jefferson  County,  p.   12. 


Plate    106 


Durfee  farm  site,  Ellisburg,  Jefferson  county. 


332  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

southern  end.  Only  one  skeleton  was  found  as  a  regular  burial  — 
which  will  also  be  described  later. 

Nevertheless  we  succeeded  in  finding  a  surprising  quantity  of 
material  here,  but  it  was  the  refuse  heaps  that  yielded  it.  There  were 
a  number  of  these,  mainly  in  the  western  part,  some  on  the  hillside 
and  some  on  the  top  but  all  at  the  edge  of  the  site. 

Refuse  heap  "A,"  at  first  called  the  "  west  refuse  heap  "  was  the 
largest  example  of  the  hillside  variety,  and  was  located  in  a  little 
cave  of  the  west  slope  of  the  hill.  It  was  somewhat  fan-shaped,  the 
narrow  end  being  at  the  brink  of  the  bank,  the  outer  edge  at  the 
bottom  22  feet  distant.  Its  widest  part  was  36  feet  and  it  attained  a 
depth  of  from  30  to  34  inches.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill,  as  might  be 
expected,  the  deposit  was  full  of  stones,  fire-cracked  cobbles  and  the 
like,  which  on  account  of  their  weight  had  rolled  to  the  bottom.  The 
upper  few  inches  of  the  deposit  nearest  the  surface  was  composed 
usually  of  small  ordinary  soil ;  from  this  ipoint  down  a  mixture  of 
ashes  and  soil  prevail.  Near  the  bottom  were  pockets,  streaks  and 
layers  of  solid  charcoal  or  ashes,  usually  of  small  extent  and  rather 
irregular.  The  underlying  soil  w!as  usually  quite  clayey.  Sometimes 
potsherds  and  other  specimens  were  found  embedded  in  this  sub- 
stratum, as  if  trampled  in  while  the  ground  was  still  soft.  Pottery 
fragments  were  very  abundant  in  this  heap,  but  mammal  and  bird 
stones  were  rather  rare.  Fish  bones  on  the  contrary  were  quite  com- 
mon, as  were  Unio  shells  and  charred  corn  in  small  quantities.  The 
many  implements,  utensils  and  ornaments  found  here  will  be 
described  later.  This  was  undoubtedly  an  ash  dump  for  the  old 
Indian  village  where  everyone  came  to  throw  their  garbage  down 
the  hill. 

Fifty  feet  southeast  of  this  was  refuse  heap  B,  on  the  slightly 
sloping  ground  where  the  hilltop  dips  a  little  before  rising  in  the 
stony  knoll  to  the  westward.  It  was  oval,  the  longest  axis  being  from 
east  to  west,  29  feet,  with  a  breadth  of  17  feet.  Excavation,  which 
was  accomplished  by  means  of  these  trenches,  showed  that  the 
deposit  filled  a  roughly  bowl-shaped  cavity,  with  edges  steep  in  some 
places  and  gradual  in  others,  and  which  was  probably  natural  but 
possibly  dug  artificially  for  a  garbage  repository.  The  deposit  reached 
the  unusual  depth  of  40  inches  in  the  deepest  part,  and  consisted  of 
a  mixture  of  ashes  and  soil  in  varying  proportions.  There  were 
frequent  but  irregular  streaks  of  ashes  and  charcoal,  sometimes 
slightly  saucer-shaped  suggesting  a  fireplace.  In  one  of  these  a  few 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XK\V    YORK  333 

charred  human  bones  were  found.  Fire-broken  stones  were  fre- 
quent, and  mussel  (Unio)  shells,  mammal,  bird  and  fish  bones 
occurred  in  considerable  quantities.  Pottery,  implements  and  orna- 
ments were  quite  abundant  and  will  be  considered  later. 

Refuse  heap  C  was  just  northeast  of  B,  a  little  higher  up  toward 
the  turn  top  of  the  village  knoll.  It  proved  to  be  roughly  oval,  and 
14  by  20  feet  in  size,  gaining  however  a  maximum  depth  of  only  18 
inches.  The  specimens  were  of  the  same  general  character  as  in  the 
other  deposits,  but  were  not  so  thick. 

On  the  eastern  slope  of  the  hill,  toward  the  springs,  was  refuse 
heap  D,  at  first  called  east  refuse  heap,  a  scattered  collection  of 
irregular  hillside  deposits  of  refuse  of  ordinary  type,  in  the  whole, 
but  rather  poor  in  relics.  One  feature,  however,  merits  special 
description  and  discussion  —  the  presence  of  articles  of  European 
make  intermingled  with  Indian  artifacts — a  phenomenon  not  dupli- 
cated anywhere  else  on  the  site.  On  digging  into  a  low  hummock  on 
the  surface  of  this  heap  very  black  earth  was  found,  mingled  with 
fire-broken  stones.  A  few  fragments  of  Indian  pottery  then  appeared 
and  we  thought  we  had  found  a  regular  Indian  refuse  heap.  But 
we  were  soon  surprised  to  find  bits  of  European  crockery  among 
the  Indian  things.  At  the  depth  of  about  a  foot  a  2-inch  ash  layer 
was  discovered  covering  an  area  6  or  8  feet  square  and  beneath 
this  again  6  inches  more  of  black  earth  in  which  were  mingled  Indian 
pottery,  European  crockery,  an  Indian  bone  implement,  some  iron 
nails,  an  old  button  and  pieces  of  window  glass,  some  Unio  shells 
and  a  few  bones  which  resembled  those  of  the  cow  and  the  pig.  Now 
the  question  arises  how  did  this  remarkable  admixture  occur?  I  do 
not  believe  that  it  was  due  to  contact  between  the  Indians  and  whites 
for  two  reasons:  first,  because  none  of  the  articles  of  white  man's 
manufacture  found  was  of  the  sort  traded  to  the  Indians  —  no  glass 
beads,  sheet  brass  or  iron  hatchets  occurred,  and  none  has  been 
reported  in  the  neighborhood ;  second,  that  not  one  article  of  Euro- 
pean make  was  found  elsewhere  on  the  site.  For  this  reason  I  think 
that  the  admixture  was  due  to  the  presence  of  a  settler's  cabin  on 
the  very  much  older  Indian  refuse  deposit,  after  the  makers  of  the 
latter  had  been  gone  for  many  a  year.  The  burning  of  the  cabin 
might  account  for  the  ash  layer  in  what  was  probably  the  foundation 
hole. 

Refuse  heap  E  lay  on  the  very  steep-cut  bank  where  Taylor  brook 
eroded  the  northwestern  part  of  the  hill,  and  occupied  a  sort  of  a 
pocket,  12  feet  from  top  to  bottom,  6  feet  wide  and  attaining  a 


334  ^TEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

depth  of  38  inches.  The  "  pocket "  may  have  been  a  gully  in  the 
face  of  the  bluff  which  became  filled  with  refuse  thrown  over  from 
above.  The  lower  part  was  largely  clay  with  only  slight  traces  of 
disturbance  and  occasional  stains  of  black.  Pottery,  animal  bones 
and  Un:o  shells  were  found,  and  also  bone  implements,  pipe  frag- 
ments and  the  like.  Near  the  downhill  end  of  the  deposit,  on  the 
south  side,  at  a  depth  of  from  17  to  25  inches,  was  a  mass  of  human 
bones  embedded  in  almost  solid  clay,  representing  all  parts  of  the 
body  except  the  skull.  The  joints  were  usually  broken,  and  one  bone 
looked  as  if  it  had  been  subjected  to  the  action  of  fire. 

Refuse  heaps  F,  G  and  H  were  small  examples  of  the  hilltop 
variety,  as  is  shown  on  the  chart  of  the  site.  They  attained  a  depth 
of  about  2  feet  and  contained,  as  a  rule,  the  usual  material. 

Refuse  heap  I  Was  also  small,  and  was  found  on  the  hillside,  as 
indicated  in  the  chart  and  the  photograph.  Only  about  6  feet  in 
diameter,  its  principal  claim  to  notice  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  con- 
tained two  black  layers,  separated  by  a  6-inch  layer  of  clay.  Rather 
good  material  of  the  usual  sort  was  obtained  from  both  layers. 

Still  farther  southward  was  refuse  heap  J,  apparently  filling  a 
hollow  in  the  little  flat  shell  of  land  between  the  rock  knoll  and  the 
flood  plain  of  the  creek.  Its  dimensions  were  about  10  by  12  feet, 
and  it  reached  a  depth  of  20  inches  near  its  north  edge.  The  filling 
of  stained  earth  was  rather  soft  and  dry,  with  a  layer  of  charcoal, 
charred  corn  and  the  like  at  the  bottom.  A  surprising  amount  of 
material  was  taken  out  here,  including  some  portions  of  clay  pipes 
in  animal  forms. 

A  few  ash  pits  were  observed,  as  before  mentioned,  on  the  flat 
hilltop  but  only  three  of  them  deserve  description,  all  of  which  are 
located  on  the  chart.  Pit  i  reached  the  depth  of  20  inches,  was 
homogeneous  in  construction  and  had  a  diameter  of  about  4  feet, 
but  the  outline  was  very  irregular.  A  little  ordinary  material  and 
•several  large  decorated  pieces  of  the  same  jar  were  found  within  it, 
and  a  photograph  was  taken  showing  them  in  position.  Adjoining 
this  on  the  west  and  shading  into  it  so  that  the  line  of  demarcation 
could  not  be  distinguished,  was  pit  lA,  containing  the  skeleton  of  a 
child  which  lay  about  30  inches  deep  on  the  right  side  heading  north- 
northeast.  It  was  drawn  up  in  the  usual  folded  posture,  and  there 
were  no  accompanying  objects.- 

Pit  2  was  found  about  2  feet  east  of  pit  I  and  turned  out  to  be  3 
feet  deep  by  4  feet  6  inches  wide — a  typical  ash  pit,  with  irregular 
layers  of  black  charcoal  and  white  ashes  containing  a  little  of  the 
usual  refuse. 


THE    A.RCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  335 

Another  structure  that  might  almost  be  called  a  pit  was  found 
beneath  refuse  heap  A  about  6  feet  above  the  bottom  of  the  slope. 
It  was  a  saucer-shaped  layer  of  calcined  material,  14  inches  from 
the  surface,  underlaid  by  charcoal  and  some  2  feet  in  diameter.  In 
its  hollow  were  found  some  fragments  of  human  skull,  some  broken 
stones  and  a  few  potsherds. 

Specimens.  The  description  of  the  work  ended,  we  will  now  take 
up  the  specimens  found  at  both  the  Heath  and  Durfee  Farm  sites. 
There  was  no  difference  perceptible  in  the  patterns  and  forms  of  the 
pottery,  bone  implements,  etc.,  so  that  it  was  clear  to  me  that  the 
specimens  from  both  places  should  be  considered  as  representing  the 
arts  and  life  of  one  and  the  same  people.  Of  course,  some  things 
were  found  at  Durfee  farm  and  not  at  Heath's,  and  vice  versa ;  but 
these  articles  were  of  the  rare  varieties,  of  which  one  could  not 
expect  to  find  a  full  set  in  either  site.  The  specimens  will  be  classi- 
fied according  to  use,  under  the  heads  of  wreapons,  implements, 
domestic  vessels,  pipes,  ornaments,  games,  foods  and  specimens  show- 
ing the  methods  of  manufacture. 

The  most  common  objects  which  can  be  classed  as  weapons  were 
the  arrowheads  of  bone  and  deer  antler.  The  antler  point  was 
merely,  as  a  rule,  an  antler  prong  drilled  out  at  the  base  to  receive  the 
shaft  and  whittled  or  rubbed  down  to  a  fine  point  at  the  tip.  When 
well  made  a  cross  section  of  this  type  would  be  lenticular.  The 
commonest  bone  arrowhead  is  a  small  hollow  bone,  such  as  the 
femur  of  some  small  animal,  cut  off  square  at  one  end  so  that  the 
marrow  cavity  would  serve  as  a  socket  for  the  arrow  shaft,  and 
sharpened  at  the  other  end.  Arrowheads  of  solid  bone  are  also 
found,  made  like  the  stone  arrowheads  in  triangular  and  sometimes 
slightly  stemmed  forms. 

Objects  of  chipped  stone  were  rare,  but  a  few  triangular  arrow- 
heads, in  the  main  nicely  chipped  after  the  old  Iroquois  pattern,  were 
secured. 

One  specimen  only  of  the  barbed  harpoon  of  bone,  which  is  usu- 
ally fairly  common  in  this  region,  was  found ;  but  this  was  struck  in 
digging  by  one  of  the  assistants  and  so  badly  broken  that  it  wras 
almost  unrecognizable.  Another  somewhat  similar  but  smaller 
barbed  object  was  exhumed,  perhaps  an  arrowhead  for  fish,  or  one 
of  the  prongs  of  a  fish  spear.  There  was  also  a  small,  slightly  curved 
bone  barb  sharpened  at  one  end  but  with  the  other  roughened  for 
attachment  to  one  of  the  jaws  of  a  fish  spear,  or  to  a  wooden  fish 
hook. 


336  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Perhaps  the  stone  celts  found  in  considerable  numbers  on  both 
sites  were  sometimes  used  as  weapons,  but  their  shape  and  small 
size  leads  me  to  doubt  their  efficiency  as  battle  axes. 

Under  cutting  implements  we  may  enumerate  first,  as  most  abund- 
ant, the  knives  or  chisels  made  of  split  incisor  teeth  of  the  beaver, 
ground  down  to  a  narrow  cutting  edge ;  then  came  leaf-shaped 
knives  of  flint,  the  regular  Iroquois  type.  It  should  be  mentioned 
here  that  flint  or  even  chipped  implements  of  any  sort  are  very  rare 
on  the  Iroquois  sites  of  Jefferson  county. 

Bear  teeth  ground  off  longitudinally  or  diagonally  on  one  side 
may  have  also  served  as  knives,  a  type  of  implement  peculiar  to  the 
region.  There  was  also  a  knifelike  blade  of  bone  with  a  long  stem 
bearing  many  notches,  apparently  for  the  attachment  of  a  handle, 
but  whether  this  dull-edged  implement  could  have  been  really  used 
as  a  knife  is  difficult  to  say. 

Piercing  implements,  especially  awls  of  bone,  were  abundant. 
These  were  of  all  grades  of  make  and  finish,  from  a  mere  unworked 
bone  splinter  showing  signs  of  use  to  a  beautifully  rounded  and 
polished  slender  awl  nearly  12  inches  long.  Some  showed  signs  of 
decoration  composed  of  straight  lines  and  notches,  as  shown  by 
certain  Loveland  specimens.  One  awl  was  discovered  encircled  by 
a  bone  bead ;  another  was  double  pointed,  while  a  number  had  been 
used  and  resharpened  so  often  that  they  were  reduced  to  mere  stubs. 

Bone  needles  were  of  the  flat,  slightly  curved  type,  made  of  parts 
of  deer  ribs  or  sometimes  of  bird  bones. 

A  stone  nodule  pointed  at  one  end  seems  also  to  have  been  used 
as  a  perforator. 

The  stone  celts  found  were  usually  small,  but  were  probably  hafted 
as  axes  or  adzes,  for  chopping  (with  the  aid  of  fire)  and  a  piece  of  a 
true  adz  was  found,  also  of  stone.  Some  slightly  chipped  cobbles 
may  have  been  used  as  hand  axes  or  choppers. 

Pounding,  pecking  and  crushing  were  represented  by  disk  ham- 
merstones,  some  with  finger  pits,  by  shallow  mortars  or  tnetatelike 
hollows  in  stone  slabs,  and  by  mullers  of  much  the  same  form  as 
hammerstones  to  go  with  them. 

Among  the  miscellaneous  implements  were  grit  stones  with 
grooves  showing  the  sharpening  of  bone  implements,  a  few  scrapers, 
including  a  flint  knife  with  one  end  specialized  for  scraping,  stones 
apparently  used  in  smoothing  pottery,  net  sinkers  and  stones  cracked 
by  heat  as  if  they  had  been  used  for  stone  boiling,  if  one  can 
include  these  last  under  implements. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XH\\     YORK  337 

The  pottery  vessels  of  which  so  many  fragments  were  found,  had 
apparently  all  been  of  typical  iroquoian  shape,  possessing  the  globu- 
lar body,  constricted  neck  and  rather  broad  projecting  rim  or  cornice 
to  a  marked  degree,  often  with  one  or  more  high  projecting  points. 
Sometimes  a  point  was  protracted  into  a  long  flat  ear,  sometimes  it 
projected  in  a  form  resembling  the  ram  prow  of  a  warship,  a  mild 
type  of  which  is  shown  in  figure  2,  plate  92.  Sometimes  there  was 
even  a  handle  connecting  the  projecting  point  with  the  body  of  the 
pot  below  —  a  local  development.  Decoration  was  well  advanced 
and  the  patterns  frequently  showed  unusual  taste  and  skill  in  design 
and  execution.  They  are  composed  of  combinations  of  straight 
incised  lines,  small  circles,  dots  and  notches  usually  in  geometric 
patterns,  but  occasionally  representing  the  human  face  in  conven- 
tional form.  A  few  specimens  bearing  raised  decoration  were 
found  in  both  places,  and  one  vessel  had  been  painted  yellow. 
The  patterns  were  usually  confined  to  the  projecting  cornice 
but  sometimes  also  formed  a  band  encircling  the  pot  where  it 
begins  to  expand,  just  below  the  neck,  and  sometimes  covered  the 
neck  as  well.  The  vessels  varied  much  in  finish  and  degree  of  orna- 
mentation, and  in  size  from  a  perfect  tiny  pot,  only  about  1*4  inches 
high,  to  fragments  of  vessels  holding  several  gallons. 

Pipes  were  generally  of  terra  cotta,  but  one  fragment  of  a  stone 
pipe  was  found.  All  the  former  were  of  typically  Iroquois  patterns, 
including  the  trumpet  or  morning  glory  shape,  the  still  more  common 
type  with  straight  sides  and  encircling  rings,  others  decorated  with 
dots,  and  some  with  straight-line  patterns  copied  ftom  pottery 
designs.  Some  were  in  eccentric  shapes  and  others  took  the  form 
of,  or  bore  representations  of,  life  forms  such  as  the  human  face. 
While  pipes  of  all  kinds  were  found  in  considerable  quantity,  they 
were  usually  broken.  Sometimes  they  were  beautifully  made,  and 
in  the  case  of  the  trumpet  form,  often  highly  polished. 

Beads  of  different  kinds  were  the  most  numerous  class  of  orna- 
ments found :  and  among  these,  beads  of  bone  predominated  —  the 
regular  tubular  form,  more  or  less  polished.  Stone  beads  were 
fairly  numerous,  some  of  serpent;ne  being  nicely  made  and  polished, 
while  others  of  red  slate  were  ruder.  Several  specimens  were  found 
of  terra-cotta  beads  made  of  broken  pipe  stems.  Another  form  of 
bead  was  a  long  cylindrical  kind  of  considerable  thickness  made  of 
the  columella  of  some  large  marine  univalve  evidently  obtained  by 
trade  or  capture.  Still  another  was  the  shell  of  a  small  fresh-water 
snail,  perforated  for  suspension.  I  saw  several  disklike  beads  of 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Unio   shell   in   Mr  Loveland's  collection  obtained  some  years  ago 
from  the  very  site  where  we  worked  on  Homer  Heath's  farm. 

The  most  interesting  ornament  found  was  the  greater  part  of  a 
disk  or  gorget  made  of  human  skull  with  six  perforations,  another 
article  of  which  nearly  every  local  collection  has  one  specimen. 
Stone  gorgets  were  not  found  by  the  expedition  and  the  few  found 
to  my  knowledge  on  these  Iroquois  sites  by  local  collectors  could 
better  be  called  pendants,  being  rather  thick  and  perforated  only 
near  the  end  or  edge  —  quite  unlike  the  typical  gorget  which  I  never 
saw  on  or  from  an  Iroquoian  site.  A  bear's  tooth  perforated  for 
suspension  was  also  evidently  an  ornament.  Perhaps  under  this 
head  may  be  included  also  some  sheets  of  mica,  a  quartz  crystal, 
and  a  paint  stone  showing  rubbing. 

Under  the  head  of  games  are  classified  the  usual  perforated  deer 
phalanges  for  playing  the  game  of  "  cup  and  peg,"  other  phalanges 
rubbed  to  a  sort  of  pyramidal  shape  characteristic  of  this  region;  a 
large  number  of  small  disks  of  slate  and  pottery,  some  of  which  were 
wholly  or  partially  perforated,  and  some  scratched  on  one  side. 

The  vegetable  foods  of  the  old  people  were  represented  by  charred 
corn,  kernels,  stalks  and  cobs,  wild  plum  stones,  hickory  nuts,  but- 
ternuts, and  calamus  roots ;  animal  foods  by  the  bones  of  the  deer, 
bear,  raccoon  and  other  mammals,  by  the  bones  of  various  but  as 
yet  unidentified  birds,  of  sturgeon  and  other  fishes,  and  by  the  shells 
of  the  Unio  or  fresh-water  clam.  Specimens  showing  the  method 
of  manufacture  of  stone  implements  were  confined  to  a  few  flint 
and  quartz  chips  and  rejects,  and  unfinished  beads  and  disks  of 
serpentine  and  slate.  An  unusual  process,  observed  for  the  first 
time  here,  was  the  chipping  into  form  of  large  pieces  of  bone  for 
bone  awls  and  harpoons.  Bone  beads  and  awls  were  also  obtained 
in  the  process  of  manufacture  by  the  more  usual  grooving,  shaving 
and  rubbing  methods. 

Wads  of  clay  and  parts  of  coils  preserved  by  accidental  burning 
tell  of  the  manufacture  of  pottery  vessels  and  sherds  chipped  roughly 
into  circular  form,  of  the  making  of  pottery  disks. 

Finally  a  charred  bit  of  birch  bark  found  in  an  ash  pit  may  have 
been  intended  for  making  some  vessel  of  domestic  use. 

Taking  the  collection  from  both  sites  as  a  whole,  it  can  be  said  to 
be  thoroughly  Iroquoian.  The  form  and  the  decoration  of  the 
pottery  and  the  pipes,  the  triangular  form  of  the  flint  arrowheads, 
and  the  exclusive  use  of  celt  axes  in  place  of  grooved  axes,  taken 
together,  are  unmistakable.  In  a  few  minor  details,  however,  the 
material  culture  differs  from  that  of  other  Iroquois  regions  examined 
by  the  expedition ;  there  are  certain  features  peculiar  to  the  locality. 


THK    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW   YORK  339 

Among  these  are  the  abundance  of  stone  beads  and  disks  of  pottery 
and  slate,  the  presence  of  the  bear-tooth  knife,  the  perforated  gorget 
of  human  skull  and  the  pyramidal  "  gaming  bone."  Pottery  reaches 
an  unusual  development  here,  especially  in  the  occasional  use  of 
handles  and  the  exaggerated  "  high  points,"  and  the  conventional 
human  face  is  used  more  here  than  elsewhere. 

The  question  then  arises,  To  what  branch  of  the  Iroquois  did  the 
makers  of  these  articles  belong?  The  information  at  hand  seems  to 
point  to  the  Onondaga.  I  am  not  familiar  enough  with  historic 
Onondaga  collections  to  be  sure  on  this  point,  but  the  Onondaga 
Indians  of  today,  according  to  Beauchamp,1  claim  this  more  north- 
ern region  as  the  home  of  their  ancestors  in  precolonial  times  and 
he  himself  favors  this  view. 

As  to  the  age  of  the  sites  examined,  our  only  criterion  is  the  fact 
that  no  European  trade  articles  were  found  on  either  site,  the  few 
bits  of  crockery  and  the  like  found  in  one  small  spot  at  the  Durfee 
farm  site  being  demonstrably  not  contemporaneous  with  the  Indian 
remains,  but  much  later.  For  that  matter  I  have  yet  to  see  an  article 
of  European  make  found  really  associated  with  the  Indian  remains 
on  a  Jefferson  county  Iroquoian  site,  as  they  can  be  seen  any  time 
in  the  Mohawk  valley  or  in  western  New  York.  We  can  thus  assume 
that  these  Iroquoian  sites,  or  at  least  the  two  explored  by  the  expedi- 
tion, are  precolonial,  and  were  probably  occupied  by  the  Onondaga 
before  they  moved  south  to  their  present  location  near  Syracuse.  To 
my  mind  the  specimens  illustrate  the  prehistoric  Iroquo;s  culture  at 
its  best. 

Before  leaving  the  region  I  photographed  certain  specimens  from 
Mr  Loveland's  collection  in  Watertown,  all  from  the  local  Iroquoian 
sites,  which  illustrate  types  most  of  which  were  either  not  found 
by  the  expedition  or  were  found  in  a  fragmentary  condition.  A  brief 
description  of  the  -specimens  is  appended  with  the  pictures.  In 
closing  I  w;sh  to  give  credit  and  thanks  to  Mr  Homer  J.  Heath,  the 
owner  of  the  Heath  site,  and  to  Mr  P.  W.  Kilmer  and  his  sons,  who 
work  the  Eastman  farm  at  the  Durkee  farm  site,  for  gifts  of  speci- 
mens and  their  many  kindnesses  to  the  members  of  the  expedition. 
To  Mr  Robert  D.  Loveland  of  Watertowrn  our  gratitude  is  also  due 
for  his  hospitality  and  for  the  permiss:on  to  photograph  his  speci- 
mens. Doctor  Getman  of  Chaumont  gave  us  specimens,  and  both 
he  and  Doctor  Amidon  of  the  same  place  showed  us  their  collections 
and  gave  us  helpful  hints.2 


1  Beauchamp,  Aboriginal  Occupation  of  New  York,  p.  12. 

2  The    Loveland    Amidon    and    Oatman    collections    are    now    in    the    State 
Museum.    A.  C.  P. 

22 


34O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

THE  OWASCO  ALGONKIAN  SITE 
BY  A.  C.  PARKER 

An  early  Indian  village  or  camp  site  on  the  shores  of  Owasco  lake, 
near  its  present  outlet,  has  been  reported  by  several  students  of 
archeology  during  the  period  of  twenty  years  and  considerable 
quantity  of  material  has  been  discovered  in  the  vicinity.  In  the 
spring  of  1915,  Mr  E.  H.  Gohl  of  Auburn,  by  fortunate  circum- 
stance, discovered  one  of  the  large  dump  heaps  of  the  village  and 
succeeded  in  unearthing  several  hundred  fragments  of  pottery  and 
numerous  stone  implements.  At  the  joint  invitation  of  the  Auburn 
and  Syracuse  Electric  Railway  Company  and  Mr  Gohl,  this  depart- 
ment was  enabled  to  make  an  examination  of  the  site  by  excavation. 

An  inspection  of  the  site  led  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  a  small 
village  site.  The  ground  which  it  covered  was  on  one  of  the  shore 
or  beach  lines  of  Owasco  lake,  that  had  been  laid  down  when  the 
lake  was  20  or  30  feet  higher  than  at  present.  The  Indian  site  cov- 
ered the  slope  at  a  point  most  convenient  to  access  to  the  outlet, 
which  was  undoubtedly  a  fishing  place. 

Mr  Gohl  had  opened  up  one  refuse  heap  and  had  discovered  the 
fragments  of  two  large  pots  which  he  succeeded  in  partially  restor- 
ing, when  the  operations  of  the  Museum  commenced.  Excavations 
covering  a  period  of  about  three  weeks  resulted  in  obtaining  some 
two  hundred  fragments  of  pottery  including  rims,  fragments  of 
about  ten  pipes  and  one  complete  pipe.  The  implements  of  chipped 
flint  were  rare  and  nearly  all  of  a  triangular  pattern,  and  the  arrow- 
heads are  not  notched.  One  ovate  knife  is  of  chalcedony.  The 
bone  material  consists  of  phalangeal  cones  of  a  type  frequently 
found  on  similar  sites,  bone  awls,  cylindrical  beads  and  bone  needles 
and  shuttles.  One  harpoon  tip  and  two  antler  pitching  tools  or 
pins  were  discovered.  The  stone  material  consists  of  metates,  anvils, 
hammerstones,  notched  sinkers  and  small  scrapers.  A  large  block  of 
chert  was  found  in  one  section  of  the  site  and  among  the  numerous 
fragments  scattered  about  it  were  several  partially  completed  imple- 
ments. The  block  w'as  probably  the  source  of  an  arrow-maker's 
material.  Two  perforated  stones  were  found,  one  a  large  discoid 
bead  and  the  other  a  fragment  of  an  unfinished  gorget.  Unio  shells 
were  numerous  and  there  Were  fragments  of  the  bones  of  deer, 
bear,  wild  turkey,  raccoon  and  several  varieties  of  fish. 


• 


THE    OWASCO    LAKE     POT 

An  Algonkian   pot   discovered   in    fragments  in  an  Algonkian  site  at  Lakeside  park, 

near  Auburn 


34-  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Ash  pits  were  numerous  and  within  an  area  of  100  square  feet, 
fourteen  were  noted,  in  nearly  all  of  them  the  underlying  sand 
was  burned  hard  and  red  and  the  accumulation  of  white  ash  in 
several  instances  was  from  3  to  6  or  7  inches  :'n  depth.  In  a  large 
deposit  which  appeared  to  be  a  central  location  there  was  a  saucer- 
shaped  depression  filled  with  ashes  and  carbonaceous  substances. 
This  depression  was  14  feet  in  diameter  and  in  the  center  there  was  a 
depression  paved  with  flat  stones.  This  was  filled  with  ashes.  The 
remains  of  a  dog's  jaw,  fragments  of  split  deer  bone,  fish  bones  and 
several  kernels  of  charred  corn  and  hickory  nuts  were  found  in  the 
ashes.  The  stone  basin  was  taken  up  and  has  been  restored  for 
exhibition  purposes  in  the  Museum. 

An  examination  of  the  pottery  articles  leads  to  the  conclusion  that 
they  are  of  Algonkian  origin.  They  are  similar  in  every  respect  to 
articles  found  on  Algonkian  sites  along  the  Seneca  river,  Oneida 
lake  and  along  the  east  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  stretching  northward 
to  the  St  Lawrence.  Similar  material  is  also  found  southward  in 
the  valley  of  the  Chenango  and  along  the  tributaries  of  the  Susque- 
hanna.  From  the  character  of  the  articles  we  judge  that  the  site 
was  precolonial  and  perhaps  prehistoric.  The  occupants  were  prob- 
ably some  division  of  the  Delaware  family  who  came  into  the  region 
before  the  Iroquois  obtained  control  of  central  New  York.  The 
collection  has  been  cataloged  and  has  already  been  installed  in 
Archeology  Hall. 


Fig.  47  Elbow  pipe  from  the  Owasco  Lake  outlet.   Algonkian.     X. 

One  of  the  important  specimens  in  the  collection  is  the  pottery 
vessel  restored  from  more  than  two  hundred  fragments.  This  vessel 
is  typical  Algonkian  in  shape  and  decoration  and  is  'the  largest 
Algonkian  pottery  vessel  in  the  possession  of  the  Museum.  (See 
plate  107.) 


Plate    108 


Articles  of  bone  found  at  Lakeside,  Owasco  lake  outlet,  by  E.  H.  Gobi, 
1915 


344  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

TWO   CHARACTERISTIC   COASTAL  ALGONKIAN   SITES 
BY  ARTHUR  C.  PARKER 

The  coasts  of  Long  Island,  both  north  and  south,  stretching  to 
its  eastmost  limits,  are  marked  with  evidences  of  former  Indian 
occupation.  Some  of  these  sites  are  inland  upon  some  portion  of 
the  land  naturally  attractive  in  aboriginal  times  but  most  of  them 
are  adjacent  to  the  shores  of  sheltered  bays  and  coves  or  upon  tide 
creeks. 

Matinicock  Point  Site 

In  1901  it  was  my  privilege  to  join  an  expedition  sent  out  by  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History  under  the  leadership  of  M. 
Raymond  Harrington,  then  working  under  the  direction  of  Prof. 
Frederick  W.  Putnam.  Mr  Harrington,  who  had  made  a  good  sur- 
vey of  the  Long  Island  coast,  found  that  there  were  a  number  of 
camp  and  village  sites  along  Oyster  Bay,  especially  near  the  villages 
of  Oyster  Bay,  Bayville  and  at  Matinicock  point.  It  was  the  latter 
place  that  was  chosen  for  excavation.  Here  upon  a  rise  of  ground 
between  Peter  creek  and  a  small  fresh-water  brook  was  what  seemed 
to  be  an  extensive  shell  heap  and  evidences  of  a  village  site.  Mi- 
Harrington  secured  permission  of  Miss  Matilda  Cock,  the  owner 
of  the  land,  to  conduct  his  investigations. 

Investigation  revealed  scattered  deposits  of  shells  and  heavily 
disturbed  earth  running  several  hundred  feet  back  and  up  'the  slope 
from  the  swampy  land  near  the  brook.  It  was  only  by  diligent  post 
holing  that  the  occupied  area  was  outlined,  for  while  there  were 
surface  indications  in  the  way  of  shells  and  occasional  potsherds,  the 
land  had  been  plow-torn  and  cultivated  for  nearly  200  years.  It  was 
interesting  to  note,  however,  that  the  portion  of  the  land  modified  by 
the  presence  of  "  Indian  dirt "  grew  the  rankest  grass  and  the  tallest 
weed?;  This  w&s  one  way  that  the  village  site  was  located.  The 
postholing  assisted  to  determine  the  depth  of  the  deposits. 

The  area  was  staked  out  and  trenches  were  outlined  running  up 
hill  and  away  from  the  brook.  The  digging  was  done  down  hill  to 
the  brook.  By  our  excavations  it  was  found  that  the  soil  stained  by 
occupation  varied  from  I  foot  to  2  feet  in  depth.  There  were  fre- 
quent ash  pits,  in  the  form  of  bowl-shaped  depressions  filled  with 
ashes,  charcoal,  animal  bones,  and  the  shells  of  clams  and  oysters. 
There  were  occasional  sea  'snail  and  scallop  shells. 

Deer  bones  were  fairly  plentiful  and  one  complete  antler  was 
found.  Other  bones  were  of  turtles,  snakes,  raccoon,  dog,  mink, 


THK    AKCIIKOLOC.ICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  345 

woodchuck    and    certain    bird    bones,    presumably    duck    and    wild 
turkeys.     Shells,  however,  predominated. 

Some  of  the  pits  were  filled  with  shells  all  of  one  kind,  as  scallops 
and  soft  shell  clams.  Mr  Harrington  thought  pits  of  this  kind  evi- 
dence of  native  clambakes  and  says  in  his  notes : 

This  theory  seems  to  be  borne  out  by  the  fire-broken  stones  and  ashes  in  the 
pits,  and  the  fact  that  most  of  the  shells  show  no  signs  of  having  been 
forcibly  opened.  A  fire  was  probably  made  in  these  pits  on  a  bed  of  stones, 
when  such  could  'be  procured,  and  kept  burning  until  the  stones  and  the 
surrounding  ground  were  very  hot,  when  the  shell  fish  and  other  food  were 
put  between  layers  of  sea  weed.  Then  the  whole  must  have  been  covered 
and  left  to  steam  until  the  food  had  been  thoroughly  cooked. 

Aside  from  the  abundant  evidences  of  food  found  in  the  shell 
and  refuse  deposits,  there  were  found  fragments  and  in  some  cases 
entire  specimens  of  artifacts.  The  records  show  that  there  were 
numerous  chips  of  flint  and  quartz,  flint  and  quartz  jasper  and  argil- 
lite  arrow  points,  of  the  notched  variety,  scrapers,  drills  and  knives. 
In  one  small  pit  there  were  two  cache  blades  of  oval  pattern.  Larger 
objects  were  shallow  mortars  or  metates,  hammerstones,  pitted 
stones,  chipped  pebbles,  probably  choppers,  and  a  fine  maul  with  a 
pit  and  grooved  sides.  One  of  the  best  specimens  was  a  grooved 
axe,  rather  well  made,  and  found  about  18  inches  below  the  surface 
in  soil  that  showed  only  slight  traces  of  occupation.  Another  inter- 
esting specimen  was  a  broken  gorget  that  had  been  redrilled.  Pig- 
ments were  represented  by  one  piece  of  graphite,  evidently  much 
rubbed,  some  yellow  ocherous  clay  and  cuplike  modules  of  limonite 
with  a  red  pigment  clinging  to  the  inside. 

Many  fragments  of  pottery  were  found.  The  decoration  was 
characteristically  Algonkian,  and  consisted  of  impressed  patterns  of 
cords,  coarse  fabric,  twisted  grass,  and  twiglike  markings.  The 
decoration  was  carried  over  the  rims  of  the  pots  well  down  into  the 
neck.  One  specimen  was  impressed  with  the  edge  of  a  scallop  shell. 
The  tempering  material  was  coarse  sand  in  some  instances,  but  in 
the  majority  of  cases  of  pulverized  shells.  ,No  sherds  showing  pot- 
tery with  a  constricted  neck  were  found,  and  the  few  fragments  that 
had  incised  designs  were  crudely  marked. 

Bone  implements  were  fairly  numerous,  considering  the  character 
of  the  occupation.  There  were  awls  made  of  splinters  of  deer  bone, 
some  of  them  being  exceptionally  well  made.  Some  were  decorated 
with  incised  lines.  Several  specimens  were  perforated  for  tying  to 
the  belt  or  other  place.  Several  broken  needles  came  from  the 


346  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

refuse;  these  were  thin,  flat  splinters,  neatly  worked  and  perforated 
in  two  or  more  places  in  the  middle.  Several  pieces  of  tubular  bone 
were  found,  one  of  them  being  marked  with  six  incisions  drawn 
across  the  object.  Of  considerable  interest  were  the  fragments  of 
mentapodial  bone  scrapers,  or  drawn  shaves.  The  two  fragments  dis- 
covered lacked  the  joints  that  served  as  handles  at  either  end. 

Some  pieces  of  worked  antler  were  obtained,  among  them  two 
specimens  that  seemed  to  be  parts  of  chisels  or  small  wedges.  One 
piece  of  antler  worked  in  the  form  of  a  small  cylinder  and  broken, 
seemed  to  have  been  part  of  a  flaking  tool  used  in  making  flint 
articles. 

In  one  pit  in  the  center  of  the  slope  was  a  dog's  skeleton,  and 
near  it  a  fragment  of  a  human  skull.  The  bones  of  the  dog  were 
properly  related,  except  the  hind  legs  which  had  been  dug  away  after 
burial  and  partly  calcined  by  the  fire  from  a  pit  that  had  intruded 
into  the  burial.  The  human  skull  fragment  was  the  only  human  bone 
found.  Efforts  were  made  to  locate  the  burial  ground  but  it  was  not 
discovered.  Local  traditions  related  by  the  people  about  Matinicock 
mentioned  the  finding  of  skeletons  in  other  places,  and  thus  it  may 
be  that  no  burial  ground  was  associated  with  the  site  at  least  not 
nearby. 

The  only  cultivated  vegetable  foods  found  were  a  fewT  kernels  of 
charred  corn,  one  bean  and  what  seemed  to  be  a  plum  pit. 

From  our  excavations  it  was  concluded  that  the  site  marked  a 
small  village  of  the  Matinicock  Indians,  and  that  the  time  of  occupa- 
tion was  precolonial.  The  spot  was  well  sheltered,  the  soil,  especially 
on  the  top  of  the  rise,  was  dry  and  well  drained,  access  to  the  tide 
creek  was  easy  and  the  fresh-water  brook  furnished  an  abundant 
water  supply.  Food  must  have  been  plentiful  and  well  within  reach. 
The  waters  of  the  creek  were  filled  with  fish  and  the  mud  afforded 
a  plentiful  supply  of  oysters.  From  the  site  it  was  an  easy  row  to 
any  part  of  Oyster  Bay  proper,  while  the  overland  trails  led  to 
inland  hunting  grounds. 

Dosoris  Pond  Site 

While  conducting  our  excavations  at  Matinicock,  Mr  Harring- 
ton and  myself  found  it  possible  on  frequent  occasions  to  visit 
other  sites.  Many  of  these  were  too  scattered  and  too  small  to 
repay  investigation.  With  one,  however,  we  were  particularly 
impressed.  This  was  situated  on  Dosoris  pond,  near  Glen  Cove, 
and  lay  entirely  upon  the  estate  of  Mr  James  Price.  Of  the  many 
visitors  who  came  to  our  camp  at  Matinicock,  Mr  Price  had  been 
-one  of  whose  sympathy  we  were  sure.  He  at  least  realized  that  the 


NIK    AKCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  347 

}oung  men  in  overalls  who  were  perspiring  over  the  strange  task  of 
turning  over  all  the  Indian  dirt  on  Matinicock  point  and  looking  at 
it,  were  conducting  a  sane  operation.  We  were  thus  invited  to 
examine  the  Dosoris  site,  the  greater  portion  of  which  lay  upon  the 
front  lawn  of  the  Price  estate.  Mr  Price's  cooperation  extended 
even  further,  and  he  not  only  housed  the  expedition  but  assisted  in 
a  manual  way  the  burdensome  work  of  excavating  the  shell  heap. 

Dosoris  pond  is  a  small  tidal  cove,  of  such  a  character  as  to  be 
especially  hospitable  to  innumerable  shell  fish.  A  fresh-water  brook- 
let runs  into  the  pond  and  along  this  stream  one  of  the  shell  heaps 
is  located.  The  other  is  at  the  top  of  the  rise  of  ground  about  100 
yards  to  the  west. 

Shell  heap  I,  in  the  hollow  near  the  brook,  was  25  yards  long  and 
about  14  yards  wide.  In  places  the  depth  reached  42  inches  beneath 
the  surface.  It  was  a  thick,  compact  deposit  of  marine  shells,  so 
thick,  indeed,  that  digging  with  a  spade  was  a  difficult  task.  There 
were  fourteen  pits  in  and  at  the  edge  of  this  deposit,  several  being 
as  deep  as  50  inches.  These  pits  wrere  filled  with  fire-cracked  stones, 
charcoal,  deer  bones,  split  for  the  marrow,  fish  bones,  and  occasion- 
ally artifacts,  such  as  bone  awls  and  fragments  of  pottery. 

In  one  pit  were  found  fragments  of  chert,  two  quartz  points,  a 
bone  awl  and  beneath  a  flat  stone  the  crushed  skeleton  of  a  dog. 
Another  pit  contained,  besides  the  shell  refuse,  a  bilateral  mortar, 
three  bone  awls  and  a  quantity  of  potsherds. 

The  upper  deposit,  shell  heap  2,  was  35  feet  long  and  of  nearly 
the  same  width.  Here  the  shell  deposit  was  nearly  3  feet  deep.  At 
one  place  at  the  edge  of  this  heap  a  stoned-up  cache  or  cellar  was 
found.  It  was  made  of  small  boulders  and  inclosed  a  well  of  more 
than  a  foot  in  diameter.  This  cache  had  been  built  upon  an  older 
deposit  that  went  down  3  feet  farther.  Some  argillite  points  were 
found  in  this  heap. 

There  was  a  small  burial  place  midway  between  the  two  shell 
heaps,  but  it  had  been  disturbed  by  excavations  made  when  laying 
water  pipes.  No  complete  burials  were  found,  the  bones  being  inter- 
mingled and  badly  broken.  What  Mr  Harrington's  excavations 
were,  after  my  return  to  New  York,  I  have  not  learned,  but  from  his 
notes  it  seems  that  no  burial  ground  was  found. 

The  implements  found  at  Dosoris.  The  chipped  implements  and 
others  of  stone  found  at  the  Dosoris  site  are  similar  to  others  found 
on  the  surface,  and  other  shell  heaps,  as  at  Matinicock.  There 
were  chipped  points  of  quartz,  gray  flint,  yellow  jasper  and  argillite. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Some  were  broad  triangles.  Net  sinkers  were  found,  objects 
strangely  absent  from  Matin icock.  The  mortar  we  have  already 
mentioned. 

Articles  of  bone  include  awls,  some  finely  finished,  broken  needles, 
antler  tips,  two  antler  punches,  perhaps  pitching  tools,  an  antler 
arrow  point,  a  worked  beaver  tooth  scraper,  an  antler  pottery  marker, 
parts  of  a  turtle  shell  cup  and  a  flat  tablet  of  bone. 

It  seems  surprising,  when  making  an  examination  of  shell  heaps, 
that  shell  was  not  employed  to  a  greater  extent  for  implements.  A 
few  were  found  here,  however.  Among  them  a  scraper  made  of 
oyster  shell  and  some  perforated  shells,  probably  ornaments.  Of 
perhaps  greater  importance  were  the  numerous  parts  of  Busycon 
shells,  especially  the  columellae,  worked  into  small  cylindrical  lengths 
for  cutting  into  wampum  beads.  A  fairly  good  series  showing  all 
stages  of  the  process  was  obtained.  Mr  Harrington  found  one 
deposit  of  these  in  which  was  a  small  awl  and  sharp  quartz  flakes. 
He  thought  that  they  had  been  inclosed  in  a  wampum-maker's  bag 
when  lost. 

The  pottery  fragments  were  particularly  interesting.  Most  of  them 
were  typical  coastal  Algonkian  sherds,  showing  about  the  same  type 
of  decoration  as  at  Matinicock,  except  that  the  des:gns  were  better. 
Among  the  sherds  were  several  that  were  Iroquoian.  One  had 
incised  lines  in  triangles  and  revealed  a  raised  rim  and  constricted 
neck.  One  had  a  conventional  face  similar  to  prehistoric  Iroquois 
designs.  All  the  pottery  seemed  better  made  and  tempered  more 
carefully  than  at  Matinicock. 

The  shell  heap  appeared  to  be  precolonial  and  to  have  been 
entirely  the  work  of  members  of  some  Algonkian  tribe,  possibly  the 
early  Matinicock.  In  later  days  it  may  have  been  a  spot  where  clams 
were  caught  and  dried  for  winter  supplies  or  for  barter.  The  exist- 
ence of  w&mpum  shells  may  indicate  that  at  this  place  these  valuable 
beads  were  blocked  out,  later  to  be  carried  away  and  finished.  The 
presence  of  Iroquois  pottery  may  point  out  contact  with  these  people 
or  indicate  that  they  came  down  from  their  Mohawk  valley  homes  to 
take  tribute  of  food  and  wampum  even  in  prehistoric  times. 

Evidences  of  occupation  were  not  confined  to  these  shell  heaps 
near  the  pond.  In  almost  every  field  about  the  place  arrowheads, 
fragments  of  pottery  and  other  implements  have  been  found.  Indeed 
most  of  the  territory  between  Dosoris  and  Matinicock  seems  to  have 
been  occupied  in  spots,  here  and  there,  for  relics  are  found  upon 
almost  every  farm  and  in  almost  every  garden.  The  region  was  one 
where  there  could  be  no  hunger  while  the  shell  fish  lasted. 


V 

NOTES  ON   CERTAIN  ARCHEOLOGICAL 
SUBJECTS 

In  presenting  this  section  of  this  volume,  we  are  keeping  in  mind 
that  our  aim  is  to  be  of  service  to  the  new  student,  as  well  as  to  give 
information  to  the  professional  archeologist.  In  our  descriptions  of 
the  various  cultures  and  the  various  sites  examined  certain  subjects 
and  certain  specimens  needing  further  description  are  mentioned. 
In  these  notes,  therefore,  we  have  striven  to  supply  information 
along  these  lines.  There  is  no  pretense  of  exhaustiveness  and  no 
attempt  to  cover  all  subjects.  Part  V  is  simply  a  series  of  notes 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  arranged  in  alphabetic  order.  Many 
descriptions  not  here  found  may  be  treated  in  the  general  body  of  the 
work.  Consult  the  index  for  such  topics. 

Adzes.  Adzes  are  similar  in  outline  to  celts  but  are  made  with 
one  surface  called  the  belly,  flatter  than  the  other  or  upper  surface 
called  the  back.  They  were  designed  in  most  cases  to  be  mounted 
flat  like  a  steel  adz  of  the  present  day.  Certain  forms  had  the  butt 
end  inserted  in  an  antler  or  wooden  block,  which  in  turn  was  hafted. 
The  Eskimo  used  this  form  recently.  Some  adzes  have  grooved 
backs,  similar  to  the  grooved  axe,  but  the  underside  that  rested  upon 
the  bed  of  the  handle  had  no  groove. 

Adzes  are  particularly  numerous  in  central,  southern  and  western 
Xi'\v  York.  In  all  these  localities  the  beveled  type  is  frequent.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  the  high  degree  of  finish  of  most  adzes,  as 
opposed  to  the  rougher  forms  in  which  celts  are  found.  Many  have 
a  high  polish  and  in  numerous  instances  the  material  is  of  some 
ornamental  hard  stone.  The  sizes  vary,  as  in  celts  or  gouges,  from 
very  small  forms  measuring  but  little  more  than  an  inch  to  larger 
ones  measuring  10  or  more  inches. 

Adzes  were  wood-working  tools  probably  used  to  dig  into  very 
soft  wood,  or  to  remove  the  charred  matter  from  utensils  made 
by  the  use  of  directed  fire.  Some  may  have  been  skin  scrapers  or 
hide  dressers.  Adzes  are  less  common  on  Iroquoian  sites  than  celts, 
being  mostly  found  in  places  once  occupied  by  tribes  who  used 
grooved  axes,  notched  flint  points  and  spears,  cord-marked  clay 
pottery,  steatite  vessels,  banner  stones  and  other  "problematical 
slates."  The  method  of  manufacture  was  identical  to  that  of  celts, 

[3491 


Plate    109 


Polished  adzes  from  New  York  localities,     xi-2 

i,  highly  polished  adz  from  Glens  Falls;  2,  small  granite  cell-adz  from 
Seneca  River;  3,  beveled  adz,  Honeoye  Falls;  4,  small  black  adz,  Van  Buren; 
5,  bottom  side  of  adz,  Van  Buren;  6,  bottom  of  double  bitted  granitic  adz 
from  Avon. 


THE    ARC'HKOI.OOU  AL     HISTORY    OF    XK\V     YORK  351 

and  all  well  made  forms,  will  spin  upon  the  point  of  balance.  Consult, 
11.  B.  30,  Bur.  Am.  Kth..  Moorehead,  The  Stone  Age,  Prehistoric 
Impl.;  X.  V.  State  Mu>.  Mill.  18;  Bur.  Am.  Kth..  Kep'ts,  1892,  1899. 

Antler,  uses  of.  The  antlers  of  deer,  moose  and  elk  afforded  a 
highly  valued  material  for  the  aboriginal  craftsman.  From  this 
material  were  made  many  tools  and  even  ornaments.  Among  such 
objects  may  be  named  knife  handles,  digging  blades,  awls,  punches, 
pitching  tools,  pins  or  plugs,  war  club  points,  arrowheads,  spear 
points,  combs,  gambling  buttons,  wedges  and  spoons. 

The  aborigines  understood  a  method  of  softening  antler  in  order 
to  reduce  it  more  easily  to  a  desired  form,  subsequently  allowing  it 
by  some  process  to  harden  again.  Partly  worked  antler  objects, 
especially  on  Iroquoian  sites,  some  of  them  relatively  old,  show  that 
long  shavings  were  cut  from  them.  The  marks  of  the  sharp  flint 
knife  or  scraper  are  plainly  seen  on  others.  One  might  suppose  that 
these  marks  w^ere  caused  by  steel  blades,  did  not  experimentation  by 
native  methods  show  that  identical  marks  can  be  produced  by  use 
of  sharp  flints.  M.  R.  Harrington,  who  worked  out  this  method 
as  early  as  1907,  was  moved  to  do  so  by  finding  long  antler  shavings 
in  a  refuse  heap  that  yielded  no  sign  of  European  contact. 

Entire  antlers  were  sometimes  used  by  the  Iroquois  for  the  head 
ornaments  of  sachems,  who,  according  to  the  ancient  ritual,  were 
"  crowned  with  deer  antlers." 

Anvils.  Anvils  are  usually  slabs  of  hard  rock  or  small  flattened 
boulders,  used  as  bases  upon  which  other  stones  were  broken  or 
otherwise  reduced.  Many  are  found  on  all  village  sites  and 
frequently  in  workshop  and  camp  sites.  Many  large  hammerstones 
show  that  they  were  also  used  as  anvils.  The  backs  of  mortars  and 
grinding  or  polishing  stones  also  show  abrasions. 

In  size,  stones  purposely  shaped  for  flat  anvils  resemble  metates 
'but  as  any  rock  might  have  been  employed  as  a  base  upon  which  to 
hammer  other  stones,  an  anvil  might  be  of  any  size  from  that  of  a 
hammerstone  to  that  of  the  largest  boulder. 

Anvils  are  seldom  to  be  found  in  the  amateur's  collection,  for  the 
reason  that  they  are  not  showy  specimens.  The  scientific  collector 
preserves  them  because  of  their  cultural  significance.  They  are  a 
part  of  the  tool  kit  of  the  aboriginal  craftsman  and  specimen's  from 
every  site  should  be  preserved  with  as  religious  care  as  any  of  the 
finer  specimens.  It  is  impossible  to  reconstruct  a  vanished  stone 
age  culture  unless  we  have  a  full  complement  of  its  artifacts.  Perish- 
able objects  of  skin  and  wood  have  rotted  away.  Every  stone 
utensil  is  therefore  of  importance. 


35^  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Argillite.  A  variety  of  slate.  This  term  usually  refers  to 
Trenton  argillite,  a  compact  slate  that  is  suitable  for  making  chipped 
implements.  In  New  York  the  area  in  which  argillite  implements 
have  been  found  is  limited  to  the  coastal  region,  the  Delaware  and 
Susquehanna  valleys  and  the  lowier  basin  of  the  Hudson.  The 
material  when  found  in  the  form  of  chipped  implements  is  gener- 
ally much  weathered,  having  a  chalky  surface  varying  from  deep  red 
to  purple  or  even  a  brownish  black.  On  certain  sites  in  the  Delaware 
and  Susquehanna  valleys  in  New  York  and  in  other  localities  in  New 
Jersey,  chipped  argillite  implements  are  found  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
other  forms.  All  are  old  and  greatly  weathered,  which  with  their 
exclusiveness  gives  rise  to  a  theoretical  "  argillite  culture."  There  is 
an  argillite  quarry,  showing  aboriginal  working,  at  Point  Pleasant, 
Pa. 

Arrowheads,  chipped  stone.  Arrow  points  of  stone  were  gener- 
ally small,  few  except  long,  slender  types,  being  of  a  length  greater 
than  1^2  inches.  Heavier  forms  were  used  for  other  purposes  than 
for  bow-driven  projectile  points.  The  commonest  error  of  the 
inexperienced  collector  is  to  call  all  chipped  flints,  regardless  of  size, 
arrowheads,  but  this  is  simply  following  erroneous  precedents,  a 
course  by  no  means  entirely  avoided  by  many  who  are  presumed  to 
be  experts.  Arrowheads  are  made  of  all  the  varieties  of  stone  that 
could  be  used,  the  material  ranging  from  compact  slate  to  obsidian. 
In  New  York  the  usual  materials  are  hornstone,  chert,  yellow  jasper, 
quartz,  diabase,  argillite,  chalcedony  and  slate.  To  a  considerable 
extent  the  material  used  governed  the  form  of  the  finished  imple- 
ment. The  more  compact  substances,  like  the  better  grades  of  chert, 
were  the  most  useful,  because  of  the  better  chipping  qualities  of  the 
stone.  Quartz,  while  it  was  a  favorite  material  with  the  coastal 
people,  was  not  so  good  a  material  as  jasper  or  chert.  The  quartz 
point  in  general  is  thicker  than  one  of  chert.  This  is  due  to  two' 
reasons,  the  brittleness  of  the  stone  and  the  more  obtuse  chip. 
Some  quartz  points,  however,  due  to  the  quality  of  the  stone  and  the 
expertness  of  the  workman,  are  thin  and  neatly  formed. 

While  it  is  true  that  the  material  to  a  limited  extent  governed  the 
finished  forms  of  arrowheads,  to  a  far  greater  extent  the  shape 
was  governed  by  the  desires  of  the  makers  of  the  points.  Their 
first  object  was  to  produce  a  small,  narrow  point  designed  for  punc- 
turing and  penetrating  animal  flesh.  The  point  therefore  must  be 
sharp  and  its  edges  thin.  Moreover  the  size  of  the  point  must  be 
such  that  it  would  not  be  so  heavy  as  to  take  away  from  the  force  of 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


353 


the  bow,  or  so  large  that  when  it  reached  its  objective  it  would 
rebound  or  at  most  make  only  a  bruise.  Such  bruising  or  stunning 
points  as  are  found  are  blunt  and  evidently  designed  for  killing  or 
stunning  birds  or  small  mammals.  The  second  object  of  the  arrow 
point  makers  was  to  produce  points  of  a  certain  style,  the  reasons 
for  which  they  had  in  mind.  Whatever  may  have  been  these  reasons, 
we  may  only  conjecture,  but  we  do  know  that  there  are  numerous 
forms  and  combinations  of  forms. 


Fig.  48    Quartz  blades  in  various  stages  of  chipping  and  revealing 
the  process  of  making  an  arrow  point.     From  Long  Island.     x% 

In  many  sites  the  various  types  found  are  so  distinctive  that 
related  sites  elsewhere  may  be  identified.  By  this  and  other  means 
we  are  frequently  able  to  trace  the  migrations  of  tribes ;  thus,  if 
small  triangular  points  prevail  we  may  assume  (in  New  York)  that 
the  Iroquois  have  occupied  the  site  where  the  specimens  were  found. 
Fragments  of  decorated  pottery  would  of  course  be  strengthening 
evidence. 

The  numerous  forms  in  which  arrowheads  were  made  make  anv 
attempt  to  describe  all  varieties  a  lengthy  and  difficult  task.  Not  only 


354  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

is  there  confusion  as  to  how  to  classify  forms  but  there  is  often 
no  agreement  as  to  parts  described.  One  authority  may  arrange  his 
forms  by  the  blade  point,  another  by  the  style  of  notching,  and 
still  another  by  some  marked  characteristic,  as  serration  or  beveling. 
Manifestly,  for  the  purposes  of  description  some  standard  should  be 
applied.  One  of  the  best  systems  is  that  used  by  Thomas  Wilson  in 
his,  "Arrow  Points,  Spearheads  and  Knives  of  Prehistoric  Times." 
National  Museum  Report  for  1897.  (Consult  also  Moorehead, 
Stone  Age;  Beauchamp,  Aboriginal  Chipped  Implements  of  New 
York,  N.  Y.  State  Mus.  Bui.  16.) 

Arrow  shaft  rubber*  Among  the  rarer  abrading  tools  are  grooved 
sandstone  cobbles  or  fragments  of  rock,  having  long  grooves  approxi- 
mately the  size  of  an  arrow  shaft.  These  implements  are  thought  to 
be  shaft  rubbers  and  designed  to  smooth  and  polish  arrow  shafts  or 
other  spindles.  These  rubbers  are  always  made  of  some  gritty  stone, 
useful  as  an  abrasive.  Some  are  of  a  size  easily  held  in  the  hand, 
others  heavy  blocks  though  portable,  and  still  others  are  large 
boulders. 

Awls,  bone.  Long  splinters  of  bone,  and  occasionally  tubular 
bones,  sharpened  at  one  end  (in  some  cases  both  ends)  are  termed 
awls.  There  are  several  types  of  awls,  and  types  can  be  multiplied 
as  various  differences  are  thought  to  separate  varieties.  The  general 
forms  are : 

1  Sharpened  splinters,   whether  rough   or  polished,   of   various 
lengths  from  I  to  10  inches  or  more.     Some  have  rounded  ends  and 
many  are  highly  polished  by  long  usage.     The  splinter  awls  vary 
from  blunt  specimens  in  which  the  point  starts  from  an  abrupt  angle, 
to  points  that  taper  gradually  and  are  beautifully  founded. 

2  Shaped  splinters  that  are  entirely  rounded,  no  angular  lines 
remaining,  these  being  quite  rare. 

3  Tubular  awls  with  niblike  points  (like  a  pen  point)  and  made 
from  bird  bones  or  the  leg  bones  of  certain  small  mammals. 

4  Joint  end  awls,  which  as  the  name  implies  have  the  natural 
joint  at  the  upper  or  handle  end. 

5  Jaw  bone  awls  made  from  entire  jaws  or  segments,  sharpened 
on  one  end. 

6  Engraved  awls. 

7  Perforated  awls,  etc. 

Awls  may  be  flat  with  flat,  irregular  or  rounded  edges,  or  they  may 
be  solid  cylinders.  They  may  be  double  ended,  or  have  one  end  in 


Plate    no 


Bone  and  walrus  ivory  implements  from  Jefferson  county.  3-4 

i  to  4,  from  early  Onondaga  sites;  5,  /,  8,  9,  10,  n,  12  from  very  early 
refuse  heaps  near  shores  of  Lake  Ontario.  8  and  9  seem  to  be  ivory.  Speci- 
mens mostly  from  the  R.  D.  Loveland  Collection  in  the  State  Museum. 

23 


356  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the   form  of   a  punch,  scoop  scraper  or  may  be  notched  or  per- 
forated. 

It  would  be  idle  to  assert  that  awls  w>ere  used  solely  for  perforat- 
ing skin  or  bark.  Some  may  have  been  arrow  points,  some  food 
sticks,  some  shuttles,  some  pegs  for  holding  pieces  of  wood  together 
or  for  driving  into  posts,  some  may  have  been  piercing  tools  for 
punching  holes  in  the  nose  or  ears,  some  may  have  been  spikes  used 
on  war  clubs,  and  some  used  for  corn  huskers.  The  awl  w,?s 
probably  used  for  every  one  of  these  purposes  and  others  where  a 
piercing  instrument  was  required. 

Awls  are  found  made  from  bone,  antler  and  walrus  ivory.  Those 
of  ivory  have  been  found  in  Jefferson  county,  particularly  on  early 
Algonkian  and  Eskimoan  sites.  Some  are  engraved. 

Bone  awls  found  in  American  Indian  sites  are  similar  to  those 
found  in  the  kitchen  middens  of  England,  Denmark,  Belgium, 
France  and  Switzerland.  The  aborigines  of  each  continent  saw  in 
bone  a  convenient  material  for  tools,  especially  piercing  instruments. 

In  New  York  bone  awls  have  been  found  in  refuse  heaps,  in  shell 
heaps  and  in  graves.  When  found  in  ash  deposits  the  action  of  the 
ashes  has  been  preservative  and  has  kept  the  original  high  polish  of 
the  surface. 

Collectors  should  use  care  not  to  feel  the  end  of  awls  for  fear  of 
breaking  them,  and  when  placed  in  the  cabinet  they  should  be  laid 
on  some  soft  material,  such  as  felt  or  sheet  cotton.  Never  glue  the 
specimen  to  a  mount. 

Axes.  See  grooved  axes.  Axes  are  cutting  blades  of  stone  (or 
very  rarely  of  native  copper)  designed  to  be  mounted  on  a  handle. 
There  are  two  general  forms,  the  grooved  axe  and  the  ungrooved  axe 
or  hatchet. 

Balls.  Stone  balls  seem  to  have  been  originally  massive  hammers 
that  had  been  battered  into  spherical  shape.  Many  such  are  found 
in  the  upper  Genesee  valley.  A  peculiar  form  of  stone  ball  found, 
so  far  as  wfe  have  evidence,  in  the  valley  of  the  upper  Hudson,  is  that 
having  small  opposed  pits,  as  if  to  facilitate  grasping  between  the 
thumb  and  forefinger.  It  is  quite  possible  that  some  of  these  stone 
balls  were  used  in  playing  games  either  on  smooth  ground  or  upon 
the  ice. 

Banner  stones.  The  term  banner  stone  is  applied  to  a  certain  class 
of  perforated  (or  notched  and  grooved)  objects  having  a  wing 
of  hornlike  extension  from  a  grooved  or  perforated  midrib. 
Finished  forms  are  highly  polished  and  show  few  if  any  signs  of 


Plate    in 


Banner  stones  from  central  New  York.     Otis  M.  Bigelow  collection,  State 
Museum. 


35  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

usage.  They  are  prehistoric  objects  and  no  definite  use  has  been 
ascribed  to  them.  The  central  perforation  suggests  that  they  were 
mounted  on  staffs  or  spindles  giving  rise  to  the  name  banner  stones, 
alluding  to  a  fancied  similarity  between  them  and  the  ornament  on 
the  end  of  a  flag  pole.  Many  writers  refer  to  banner  stones  as 
"  ceremonials  "  or  "  problematical  forms." 

The  range  of  form  of  these  objects  is  varied  but  in  general 
nearly  all  conform  to  a  general  type,  the  extremes  of  which  merge 
into  forms  similar  either  to  flattened  tubes  or  to  boat  stones.  The 
usual  types  of  the  banner  stones  are:  (i)  bilunate,  (2)  bipennate, 
(3)  palmate,  (4)  lunate,  (5)  picklike,  (6)  hornlike,  (7)  geniculate, 
(8)  grooved  ball.  Each  of  these  forms  may  be  still  further  sub- 
divided. The  bipennate  form,  for  example,  has  wings  of  many 
varieties.  Some  are  rounded,  some  like  the  ends  of  knife  blades, 
some  like  the  flaring  butt  of  an  axe,  some  like  a  butterfly's  wings, 
and  some  reel-shaped.  There  are  other  common  types  also. 

The  maker  of  a  banner  stone  had  some  definite  prototype  in  mind 
as  well  as  a  specific  purpose  for  which  to  make  it.  For  example, 
the  horned  type  resembles  buffalo  horns  laced  together  at  the  bases. 

The  materials  from  which  banner  stones  were  made  are  usually 
soft,  easily  worked  stones  as  marble,  steatite  or  slate.  Banded  slate 
seems  to  have  been  the  favorite  material.  More  rarely  some  harder 
stone  is  employed,  as  granite,  syenite,  compact  sandstone  or  even 
quartz.  When  made  of  such  materials  the  labor  of  shaping  the 
wings  and  perforating  the  midrib  was  one  of  long  duration.  Many 
of  these  specimens  yet  in  process  are  found  throughout  the  banner 
stone  area. 

Possible  uses.  The  varied  forms  in  which  the  so-called  banner 
stone  is  found  suggest  in  a  measure  varied  uses  of  this  puzzling  arti- 
fact. To  the  writer  it  seems  probable  that  the  pick  or  horned  type, 
the  thin-winged  butterfly  type  and  the  elliptically  pierced  type  may 
have  been  intended  for  distinct  and  separate  purposes. 

In  many  instances  by  examination  it  is  found  that  the  hole  per- 
forating the  body  of  the  banner  stone  tapers,  as  if  for  the  insertion 
of  a  tapered  rod.  An  examination  of  many  broken  specimens  clearly 
indicates  fracturing  by  internal  pressure.  Banner  stones  made  for 
experimental  purposes  and  broken  by  internal  pressure  within  the 
socket  show  fracture  lines  identical  with  those  of  andent  specimens. 
Thus  it  seems  reasonable  to  believe  from  the  form  of  the  stone  and 
its  perforation  that  banner  stones  were  designed  to  be  placed  upon 
rods,  spindles  or  shafts.  By  placing  a  banner  stone  upon  a  shaft 


Plate    112 


Bipennate  banner  stone  from  Sidney  (W.  E.  Yager  collection).  Certain 
defects  brought  about  the  attempted  reduction  in  size,  indicated  by  the 
incision  near  the  top.  (Size  x  ].) 


360  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

and  studying  its  poise  and  the  use  it  suggests,  we  may  arrive  at  some 
approximation  of  the  actual  purposes  of  the  implement.  In  conduct- 
ing our  investigations,  therefore,  we  placed  a  thin-winged  banner 
stone  on  the  rear  end  of  a  javelin  shaft  to  see  what  effect  this  would 
produce.  We  found  by  experiment  that  an  ordinary  spear  shaft 
headed  with  a  sharpened  flint  does  not  fly  with  precision 
but  rotates  to  a  perceptible  degree  at  the  point  of  balance,  causing 
both  point  and  tail  to  describe  circles,  the  circumference  of  which 
depends  on  the  degree  of  rotation  and  the  length  of  the  shaft.  Thus, 
a  spear  does  not  fly  with  absolute  precision.  To  be  of  correct  form 
for  throwing  we  discovered  that  the  shaft  must  have  a  certain  taper. 
The  taper  offsets  to  a  considerable  degree  the  rotation  of  the 
extremes  and  has  a  well-defined  mechanical  effect  on  the  shaft.  A 
well-tapered  rod  can  not  be  thrown  small  end  foremost;  if  this  is 
done  it  will  turn  in  midair  and  proceed  large  end  foremost. 

Using  a  well-tapered  shaft  5^/2  feet  long  and  i*/£  inches  in  diameter 
at  the  head  and  about  one-half  of  an  inch  at  the  tail  and  placing 
a  banner  stone  upon  the  tail,  we  conducted  experiments  in  javelin 
throwing.  It  was  found  that  the  thin  wings  of  the  banner  stone  acted 
in  a  similar  manner  as  the  feathers  do  to  an  arrow.  The  javelin  thus 
arranged  could  be  thrown  with  greater  precision,  with  greater  poise 
and  at  least  one-fourth  farther,  than  a  shaft  without  the  banner 
stone.  Although  the  banner  stone  consumed  a  certain  amount  of 
additional  propulsive  force,  yet  the  advantage  was  so  great  through 
the  addition  of  poise  that  the  projecting  force  was  not  expended  in 
keeping  up  the  wabbling  flight.  Besides  giving  poise  and  adding 
distance  the  banner  stone  gives  the  additional  advantage  of  greater 
weight,  greater  impact  and  greater  speed. 

It  would  seem  that  objects  of  so  brittle  a  substance  would  not 
stand  the  use  of  throwing.  The  author,  however,  having  made  one 
of  soft  steatite  threw  it  more  than  fifty  times  in  an  ordinary  field 
with  no  breakage,  except  a  slight  one  caused  by  the  incomplete 
insertion  of  the  shaft.  When  this  breakage  was  sustained  the  stone 
was  placed  with  the  wide  end  forward,  although  the  reverse  seemed 
to  be  the  proper  method. 

The  banner  stone  thus  employed  on  the  spear  shaft  does  not  break 
because  the  shaft  strikes  the  ground  at  an  acute  angle  and  if  it  does 
not  strike  into  the  ground  it  has  but  a  slight  distance  to  fall. 

By  placing  a  shorter  shaft  in  the  hole  of  a  banner  stone  another 
experiment  was  conducted.  The  pick-shaped  banner  stone  resembles 
in  miniature  the  war  club  of  the  modern  Sioux  and  it  will  be  noted 
that  many  of  these  decorative  clubs  had  comparatively  slender 
handles.  By  pushing  the  spindle  through  the  banner  stone  for  some 


TIIK    ARCHEOLOCKAL    HISTORY    OF    XK\V    YORK  361 

distance  so  that  3  to  5  inches  protruded  we  find  by  handling  the 
arrangement  that  there  is  a  tendency  to  whirl  the  shaft,  the  weight  of 
the  banner  stone  making  the  combination  spin  like  a  stem-heavy 
top.  This  gives  rise  to  the  idea  of  its  use  as  a  spindle  whorl  for 
fire  making  and  drilling.  In  our  experiments  we  used  nearly  every 
type  of  banner  stone  with  equal  success  and  all  forms  of  drilling, 
were  used  including  the  pull  string,  strap  bow  and  pump.  The  thin- 
winged  forms  were  especially  efficient,  the  air  resistance  giving 
weight  and  steadiness  to  the  rotating  shaft.  This  is  so  apparent  that 
a  pump  drill  worked  on  a  smooth  surface,  in  conjunction  with  a 
banner  stone  used  as  a  fly-wheel,  keeps  the  shaft  rotating  upon  one 
point. 

The  use  of  the  banner  stone  upon  a  spindle  must  have  been 
apparent  to  the  banner  stone  maker.  A  simple  twist  of  the  spindle 
would  reveal  its  possibility  as  a  whorl  and  with  this  discovery  its  use 
would  be  suggested.  We  can  not  see  how  the  aborigine  of  the 
polished  stone  age  could  have  neglected  to  employ  the  banner  stone 
as  our  experiments  suggest. 

This  subject  leads  us  to  inquire  into  the  prototype  of  the  banner 
stone  and  to  discover  the  reason  for  its  various  forms.  The  wings  of 
the  artifact  suggest  in  some  ways  the  wings  of  a  flying  bird,  other 
forms  suggest  the  ears  of  an  animal  sewed  together  or  maple  seed 
pods,  wrhile  still  others  plainly  represent  horns.  Our  knowledge  of  the 
Indians'  veneration  for  the  thunder  bird  and  indeed  their  regard 
for  the  assumed  magical  qualities  of  birds,  suggests  the  possibility 
that  the  banner  stone  wings  were  the  heavy  portion  of  an  effigy 
designed  to  represent  a  bird,  which  was  fastened  to  the  spindle  or 
shaft.  The  horned  type  of  banner  stone  might  represent  the  horns  of 
a  buffalo  or  some  mythical  monster  that  was  believed  to  emit  fire 
or  to  symbolize  power.  The  horned  type  of  banner  stone  in  a 
considerable  number  of  specimens  has  upon  the  surface  at  the  cen- 
trum certain  cross  hatches  or  incised  projections  which  suggest,  to. 
the  writer  at  least,  an  attempt  to  represent  horns  laced,  sewed  or  tied 
together.  Any  student  of  Indian  mythology  will  quickly  recall  the 
many  legends  of  horned  monsters,  especially  serpents. 

Among  the  uses  of  the  banner  stone  heretofore  suggested  is  the 
theory  advanced  by  Frank  H.  Gushing,  which  describes  the  banner 
stone  as  used  on  the  stem  of  a  calumet  to  prevent  it  from  tipping  over 
when  placed  upon  the  ground.  Within  our  experience  wre  have  not 
seen  banner  stones  associated  closely  with  pipes,  although  platform 
pipes  are  found  many  times  on  the  same  sites  yielding  banner 
stones.  We  have  not  learned,  however,  of  a  banner  stone  and 
pipe  from  a  grave  that  would  bear  out  this  theory. 


362  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

An  interesting  specimen  in  connection  with  this  theory  occurs  in 
a  highly  decorated  form  of  pipe  in  the  State  Museum  collec- 
tion. The  pipe  is  of  brass  of  European  origin.  About  the  bowl 
of  the  pipe  extending  from  the  neck-base  upward  is  a  large 
crescent-shaped  object  perhaps  intended  to  be  a  moon  effigy  or  more 
remotely  a  canoe,  though  the  crescent  is  too  thin  to  resemble  one 
closely.  On  one  s:de  of  the  crescent  is  a  figure  of  a  man  with  an 
arm  extended  and  holding  a  shaft  having  a  Weighted  bottom.  The 
pattern  has  been  cut  out  and  riveted  on  the  crescent.  In  form  this 
adjunct  to  the  pipe  somewhat  resembles  a  banner  stone,  but  we  do 
not  believe  that  the  maker  of  this  pipe  was  ever  familiar  with  banner 
stones  or  knew  of  their  actual  use.  This  pipe  of  brass,  which  has  a 
wooden  core  and  stem,  has  an  earlier  prototype  in  certain  forms  of 
prehistoric  Onondaga  clay  pipes  the  bowl  of  which  is  extended  for- 
ward and  backward  to  resemble  a  canoe. 

Another  use  of  the  banner  stone  is  that  of  a  helmet  ornament 
suggested  by  certain  human  figures  embossed  on  sheet  copper  from 
mounds.  There  is  some  merit  in  this  conjecture  when  a  study  is 
made  of  the  elaborate  head  dresses  of  the  mound-building  period. 
The  Sioux  and  other  Indians  within  modern  times  have  decorated 
their  heads  with  horns  and  the  Iroquois  cap  had  a  spool-shaped 
socket  at  the  crown  in  which  an  upright  feather  was  placed  in  such 
a  manner  that  it  would  revolve. 

Possible  prototypes.  In  connection  with  our  studies  of  the  banner 
stone  as  a  whorl  we  have  examined  the  drill  spindles  of  various 
races  in  several  of  the  larger  museums.  We  find  that  the  head- 
piece of  a  drill  spindle  employed  by  the  Eskimo,  for  example, 
resembles  in  certain  ways  the  knobbed  or  blunt-ended  banner  stone 
of  the  horned  type.  The  headpieces  are  rather  more  neatly  made 
than  the  remaining  portion  of  the  drill  among  the  Eskimo.  The 
Eskimo  top  pieces  are  frequently  carved  of  bone  and  have  at  their 
upper  portion  (that  curve  to  fit  the  mouth)  wooden  projections 
which  are  used  as  handles  and  held  in  the  teeth.  On  the  lower  side 
is  the  socket  in  which  the  top  of  the  spindle  is  inserted.  One  of 
these  headpieces  worn  through  by  long  use  and  pushed  down  over 
the  shaft  would  quickly  suggest  a  new  use.  The  possibility  of  wear- 
ing through  is  not  remote  because  the  holes  were  drilled  in  the  bone 
to  a  considerable  distance  in  order  to  prevent  the  slipping  out  of  the 
spindle.  Indeed  to  prevent  the  rapid  wearing  into  the  bone  or  ivory 
the  Eskimo  even  recently  mortised  into  the  headpiece  small  pieces 
of  rectangular  stone  into  which  the  hole  was  drilled.  Not  all  head- 
pieces take  a  similar  form  and  there  is  a  large  individual  variation. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    X  I-AV    YORK  363 

In  general,  however,  the  headpiece  was  curved  upward  so  as  to  fit 
against  the  mouth,  which  gives  a  crescent  or  boat  shape  to  many 
specimens. 

The  utility  of  such  an  object  as  a  whorl,  once  discovered,  would 
bring  about  many  further  variations  and  new  outline  motives  would 
be  employed.  Dr  George  Byron  Gordon  in  his  study  of  banner 
stones  suggests  that  certain  forms  were  derived  by  the  lines  suggested 
by  a  whale's  tail  and  we  see  no  reason  why  this  idea  should  not  seem 
plausible  though  tails  of  other  aquatic  creatures  may  have  been 
likewise  copied. 

Our  conclusion  is  that  the  banner  stone  is  a  portion  of  a  more 
complex  utensil  or  ornament  and  was  designed  to  be  placed  upon  a 
shaft  or  spindle.  The  manner  in  which  this  was  done  and  the  pur- 
pose is  suggested  by  the  experiments  described.  We  can  by  no 
means  be  certain  that  any  of  these  suggested  uses  were  'employed, 
but  likewise  we  can  not  positively  say  that  none  of  them:  is  valid, 
especially  in  the  face  of  the  presumptive  evidence  we  have  advanced. 

Process  of  manufacture.  In  the  State  Museum  collections 
are  about  twenty  banner  stones  in  the  process  of  manufacture. 
We  are  able  through  an  examination  of  these  articles  (specimens 
of  which  are  found  in  almost  every  stage  of  the  process  of  manu- 
facture from  the  crude  block  of  indeterminate  form  to  the  finely 
polished  specimen)  to  describe  in  a  measure  the  various  stages 
in  the  making  of  banner  stones.  The  unfinished  forms  are  usually 
not  of  slate  which  was  easily  worked  and  quickly  finished,  but  of 
compact  shale,  schist,  sandstone  or  granite.  The  material  out  of 
which  this  series  is  made  is  tough  rock  not  easily  worked  or 
perforated. 

The  first  process,  after  a  suitable  material  had  been  found,  was 
to  chip  the  implement  into  shape,  outlining  the  wings  and  centrum. 
With  the  exception  of  the  central  bulb  from  which  the  wings  expand 
and  the  indentation  on  the  upward  curve,  all  these  heavier  specimens 
in  form  are  kidney  or  bean-shaped.  The  second  process  as  indicated 
by  our  series  was  that  of  picking  or  pitting,  the  third  process  that  of 
scouring  or  grinding  and  the  fourth  finishing  the  polish.  A  set  of 
these  specimens  also  indicates  that  the  hole  or  perforation  was  started 
in  the  centrum  on  the  upcurving  side.  Preparations  for  the  perfora- 
tion was  also  indicated  on  specimens  which  have  merely  been  blocked 
out,  by  a  picked-in  indentation.  It  would  seem  therefore  that  the 
shaft  which  we  postulate  was  placed  in  the  centrum,  was  inserted 
first  at  this  point.  It  may  be  possible  that  the  shaft  was  sometimes 
placed  in  the  unfinished  specimen. 


364 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Incomplete  banner  stones  have  been  found  throughout  the  State 
from  Lake  Champlain  region  on  the  north  to  Staten  island  on  the 
south  and  westward  through  the  Mohawk  valley  to  Chautauqua 
county.  Other  specimens  are  reported  from  the  St  Lawrence  valley 
but  a  greater  majority  have  been  reported  from  the  Finger  Lakes 
region  of  central  New  York  and  from  the  valley  of  the  Genesee  and 
its  tributaries. 


Fig.  49  Bar  amulet  from  Bigelow  collection.  Seneca  river  near  Bald- 
winsville.  x% 

Bar  amulet.  This  name  is  applied  to  a  polished  bar  of  orna- 
mental stone  with  a  diagonal  drilling  from  either  end  to  the  base. 
The  body  of  a  bar  amulet  is  much  like  that  of  a  bird  stone,  the  bar 
having  two  tails  instead  of  a  head  and  a  tail.  The  term  amulet  as 
applied  to  this  article  is  only  conjectural.  No  one  knows  that  it  is 
an  amulet.  For  illustrations,  see  plates  24  and  113. 


Fig.  50     Stone  chisels  or  bar  celts.     I.  Unadilla;    2  Port   Dickinson. 


Bar  celt.  A  long  shaft  of  slate  or  other  cqmpact  stone  edged 
on  one  or  both  ends  as  a  cutting  blade.  The  term  bar  describes  the 
general  appearance  of  the  implement  which,  however,  tapers  from 
the  middle  to  each  end.  Bar  celts  are  generally  rounded  over  the 
back  and  rather  flat  on  the  bottom ;  one  end  may  be  edged  and  one 
shaped  like  a  blunt  pick.  In  length  they  vary  from  about  10  to  20 
inches.  The  material  in  most  cases  is  compact  black  slate,  though 
specimens  of  syenite,  limestone  and  sandstone  are  found.  Bar  celts 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XK\V    YORK  365 

occur  in  Tennessee,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  New  York.  In  New 
York  at  least  two  specimens  have  been  found  in  Iroquois  graves 
and  others  in  Iroquois  sites. 

Xo  use  has  been  yet  ascribed  to  the  bar  celt  and  its  purpose  is 
problematical.  The  long,  flat  underside  may  indicate  that  it  was 
fastened  to  a  piece  of  wood  the  same  width  and  used  as  the  spike  of 
a  warclub.  (See  plate  88,  Fig.  4.) 


Fig.  51  Banner  stones  of  compact,  hard  rock,  partially  drilled,  drilling  is 
nearly  always  started  on  the  wider  portion 

Beads,  bone.  Cylindrical  sections  of  tubular  bone,  of  various 
sizes  and  lengths,  are  termed  bone  beads.  They  are  found  in  all 
stages  of  completion,  from  the  initial  incisions  on  the  tubular  bone, 
through  specimens  of  partly  cut  beads,  rough  ended  cylinders,  and 
finally  to  fully  polished  forms.  The  smaller  tubes  having  lengths  of 
from  one-half  of  an  inch  to  4  inches  were  probably  strung  as  beads 
on  necklaces.  Larger  tubes  cut  from  heavier  and  flatter  bones  prob- 
ably had  other  purposes.  Deposits  of  ten  to  thirty  of  these  have  been 
found  in  graves.  Some  have  been  filled  with  pigments  and  others 
with  black  substances  not  possible  to  determine.  Some  of  the 
smaller  tubes  also  seem  to  have  been  used  in  other  ways  than  as 
beads.  Inquiry  among  the  Seneca  brought  forth  the  information 
that  polished  bone  tubes  were  used  to  hold  certain  medicines  and 
greases  and  that  medicine  men  would  ceremonially  select  one,  "  put 
it  in  his  mouth  and  swallow  it  to  kill  the  disease  of  his  patient."1 
The  Ojibwa  have  a  similar  practice,  related  by  Miss  Densmore,  in 
her  work  on  Ojibwa  music. 


1  Related  by  M.  Shongo,  a  Seneca  medicine  man. 


366  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Bone  beads  are  particularly  numerous  on  Iroquois  sites  and 
literally  hundreds  have  been  found.  The  Museum  has  more  than 
three  hundred  from  the  Richmond  Mills  site,  Ontario  county. 

Bird  stones.  A  certain  class  of  polished  slate  and  other  stone 
objects,  having  in  general  a  barlike  body  with  an  expanded  and 
upward  flaring  tail  and  a  neck  projecting  upward  supporting  a 
forward-pointing  head,  and  having  a  perforated  base.  Occasionally 
there  is  only  a  neck  and  head  rising  from  an  ellipsoidal  base.  The 
body  of  the  bar  bodied  bird  stone  is  perforated  diagonally  from  each 
end  downward  into  the  base.  Certain  forms  have  knoblike  pro- 
jections from  the  head  to  resemble  eyes.  Some  bases  are  slightly 
curved  inward  and  some  have  ridgelike  transverse  bars,  as  if  they 
had  fitted  into  slots. 

Bird  stones  are  usually  made  from  banded  slate  or  other  attractive 
stone,  but  many  other  stones  were  used.  Some  specimens  are  made 
of  hard  rock.  But  of  whatever  material  they  are  formed,  all  show 
careful  workmanship  and  evidence  that  they  were  much  esteemed. 
All  finished  specimens  show  a  high  polish. 

Bird  stones  show  much  variation  from  the  average  bird  form. 
They  range  from  this,  backward  to  simple  bars  with  arched  backs ; 
and  forward  to  specimens  having  either  high,  long  necks  and  ex- 
tended beaks  or  wide-flaring  tails,  or  both  these  features.  Some 
bird  stones  resemble  floating  ducks,  other  swimming  beavers,  but 
of  whatever  form  they  may  be,  all  except  the  simple  bars  seem  to 
resemble  aquatic  creatures. 

Bird  stones  are  found  throughout  New  York  State  wherever  there 
is  evidence  of  the  Algonkian  or  the  'mound  occupation.  None  is 
found  on  Iroquoian  sites.1  The  greater  number  have  been  found  in 
the  counties  of  Chautauqua,  Cattaraugus,  Erie,  Ontario,  Livingston, 
Yates,  Cayuga,  Seneca,  Onondaga,  Jefferson,  Clinton,  Warren,  Sara- 
toga, Montgomery.  Some  have  been  found  along  the  upper  waters 
of  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Delaware.  The  area  in  which  they  are 
found  is  not  large,  few  being  found  west  of  the  Mississippi,  except 
perhaps  in  eastern  Missouri,  just  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio, 
few  south  of  northern  Alabama,  and  few  east  of  the  Appalachian 
range.  For  forms  of  bird  stones,  see  plate  113. 

Consult  Moorehead,  Stone  Ornaments ;  Wilson,  Prehistoric  Art 
(National  Mus.  1896)  ;  Beauchamp,  Polished  Stone  (N.  Y.  State 
Mus.  Bui.  18). 

Possible  uses.  There  is  no  known  use  of  bird  stones.  The 
article  suggests  that  ,it  was  fastened  to  some  other  object  by  means  of 


1  Except  intrusively. 


Plate    113 


Bird  stones  and  bar  amulets  frcm  central  New  York.    Otis 
M.  Bigelow  collection,   State  Museum 


368  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

thongs  run  through  the  holes  that  slant  from  the  ends  into  the  base. 
This  object  may  have  been  a  helmet  or  headdress ;  it  may  have  been 
the  wooden  base  of  a  roach  spreader  worn  in  the  middle  of  the  crest 
of  hair.  The  bird  stone  may  have  been  the  body  that  supported  a 
duck  or  other  bird  effigy  on  the  stem  of  a  calumet,  it  may  have 
been  a  fetish  used  on  bundles  of  arrows  (a  Navajo  custom),  or  it 
may  have  been  a  canoe  ornament  (the  Eskimo  having  a  similar 
object  made  of  bone).  Again  the  bird  stone  may  have  been  used  in 
certain  games  as,  for  example,  on  a  snow  snake  for  an  ornamental 
weight,  or  it  may  have  been  used  on  a  float  used  as  a  fishing  bob,  to 
insure  success  in  fishing.  Another  theory  is  that  they  were  placed 
on  canoe  paddles. 


Fig.  52     Bird   stone  of  schist   found   by  W.  L.    Stone,   Saratoga.     2-3 

One  observation  concerning  bird  stones  is  worthy  of  attention. 
The  basal  perforations  and  the  transverse  bars  sometimes  found 
indicate  that  the  bird  stone  was  fastened  or  tied  to  some  thin  object 
and  that  the  thongs  that  fastened  the  object  ran  through  the  resting 
base,  and  under  it.  If  a  bird  stone  were  tied  to  the  cover  of  a 
birch  bark  box  or  to  a  thin  section  of  wood  or  leather  the  method 
of  fastening  would  at  once  be  clear. 

Schoolcraft  thought  bird  stones  were  parts  of  the  handles  of 
knives  and  indeed  they  do  bear  a  resemblance  to  certain  Labrador 
forms  made  of  wood. 

Blades,  bone.  These  are  flat,  smooth  pieces  of  bone  with  rounded 
or  spatulate  ends.  Many  are  highly  polished  as  if  they  had  been 
used  in  smoothing  other  articles.  We  saw  a  bone  blade  in  the  hands 
of  a  Seneca  woman  as  late  as  1912,  and  used  as  a  porcupine  quill 
flattener,  the  quills  being  used  for  embroidery.  Some  no  doubt 
were  potters'  tools.  Bone  blades  are  more  commonly  Iroquois  than 
Algonkian,  though  some  have  been  found  in  Jefferson  county  on 
Algonkian  sites.  Some  are  engraved. 

Boat  stones.  A  name  applied  to  perforated  boat-shaped  stones 
of  polished  slate  or  other  soft  stone.  The  perforations  are  placed  in 
the  middle  of  the  object  at  a  short  distance  apart  (about  an  inch)  and 
equidistant  from  the  ends.  The  under  side  is  more  or  less  deeply 


Plate    114 


Bird  stones,    i,  from  Ontario  county;  2,  from  Allegany 
county.    G.  L.  Tucker  collection. 


3/O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

hollowed  out  varying  from  a  slight  depression  to  as  complete  an 
excavation  as  the  stone  would  allow. 

New  York  forms  may  be  divided  into  three  types:  (i)  the  arch- 
backed  bar  more  or  less  deeply  excavated;  (2)  the  hump-backed  bar 
sometimes  having  a  grooved  ridge  projecting  above  and  between  the 
perforations;  (3)  blunt  or  flat-ended  canoe-shaped  forms  deeply  hol- 
lowed and  having  the  back  bounded  by  a  curved  plane. 

Boat  stones  are  usually  made  of  striped  slate  or  some  similar  soft 
material.  In  the  south  some  have  been  found  made  from  steatite. 
Boat  stones  are  associated  with  the  gorget  and  banner  stone  culture, 
and  are  undoubtedly  prehistoric.  Specimens  are  fairly  rare  com- 
pared with  banner  stones,  for  example. 

Uses.  During  the  past  few  years  several  important  boat  stones 
have  been  discovered,  which  shed  a  certain  amount  of  light  upon  the 
purpose  for  which  these  artifacts  were  intended.  The  excavations 
of  Mr  Clarence  B.  Moore  along  the  Harpeth  river  resulted  in  the 
discovery  of  wooden  ornaments  like  boat  stones,  which  when  placed 
together  resembled  milkweed  pods.  The  pod  was  filled  with  a  mass 
of  fiber  in  which  small  pebbles  were  embedded.  It  has  been  thought 
that  these  pendants  resembled  milkweed  pods  and  the  fiber  and  peb- 
bles the  seed  and  seed-down.  These  wooden  objects  have  been  pre- 
served by  their  copper  coating.1  A  recent  discovery  was  made  by 
William  C.  Mills  in  the  mound  in  Ross  county,  Ohio,  of  copper  boat 
stones  filled  with  pebbles.  In  conjunction  with  the  podlike  ornament 
found  by  Mr  Moore,  this  might  lead  one  to  think  that  a  boat  stone 
was  the  remaining  portion  of  a  similar  hollow  or  podlike  pendant 
or  rattle,  the  other  portion  of  which  had  been  wood  or  some  other 
perishable  substance. 

Our  conclusions  regarding  boat  stones  would  be  that  they  are  the 
survivals  of  more  complex  arrangements  of  which  the  boat  stone 
represents  the  only  durable  portion. 

Bone,  uses  of.2  Bone  was  an  .important  and  useful  material  to 
aboriginal  man  in  New  York,  as  well  as  elsewhere.  It  was  compara- 
tively easily  worked  and  was  suitable  as  a  material  for  numerous 
implements.  The  bones  of  various  animals  and  birds  were  used, 
particularly  those  of  deer,  elk,  moose,  bear,  buffalo,  duck,  turkey, 
goose,  heron  and  other  large  water  birds.  From  the  bones  of  the 
larger  mammals  there  were  made  awls,  spatulate  blades,  gouges, 
arrow  points,  pottery  markers  and  stamps,  harpoons,  spearheads,  fish 
hooks,  needles,  shuttles,  spikes,  phalangeal  cones  and  other  devices, 


1  See  Moore,  Aboriginal   Sites  on  the  Tennessee  River,  p.  263-65. 

2  Consult  also  Beauchamp,  New  York  State  Mus.  Bui.  50. 


1IIK    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    X  K\V    YORK  3/1 

and  many  other  objects  and  ornaments  as  effigies,  carvings  of  faces, 
dice  etc.  From  the  smaller  birds  and  animals  the  long  bones  were 
taken  and  cut  into  tubes,  tubular  beads  and  other  objects.  Jaw  bones, 
especially  of  the  deer,  were  used  for  many  purposes.  A  complete 
lower  jaw  with  the  teeth,  but  perhaps  the  hinge  projection  cut  or 
broken  off,  was  used  as  a  corn  cob  scraper.  (This  fact  was  first 
published  in  Bulletin  144  of  the  State  Museum,  and  subsequently 
copied  without  credit  in  many  other  archeological  publications.)  The 
toothless  anterior  portion  of  deer  jaws  was  cut  into  beads,  pendants, 
notched  ornaments  and  even  awls.  Troughlike  awls  were  cut  from 
the  bottoms  of  deer  jaws.  From  the  feet  of  wolves,  dogs,  foxes, 
bears,  deer  and  other  animals  the  two  larger  phalanges  were  used  for 
parts  of  games,  for  cones,  ornaments  etc.  The  teeth  of  various 
animals  were  commonly  used  (see  Teeth).  Plate  96  shows  some 
of  the  uses  of  bone. 

Caches.  The  term  cache  is  applied  to  places  where  implements 
of  aboriginal  manufacture  have  been  stored  or  hidden.  Caches  are 
generally  found  in  the  ground  beneath  the  surface,  under  Indian 
rock  piles  or  in  springs.  Generally  the  only  articles  surviving  stor- 
age are  blades  of  unfinished  flint  implements,  known  as  blank  blades. 
In  many  cases  they  seem  to  have  been  covered  with  a  pigment  of 
red  iron  oxide,  which  still  remains  on  the  specimens  when  they"  are 
uncovered.  From  three  to  three  hundred  blades  have  been  found  in 
N-ew  York  caches,  and  so  constant  are  the  few  simple  types  that 
collectors  recognize  what  they  term  "  cache  blades."  They  are  usually 
leaf -shaped,  or  have  the  base  straight. 

Implements  stored  or  secreted  in  the  bottoms  of  springs  or  thrust 
into  the  earth  above  them)  may  have  been  cached  or  given  to  the 
sp'rit  of  the  spring  as  an  offering.  The  finding  of  numerous  articles 
of  flint  in  springs  has  some  unusual  significance.  By  some  authori- 
ties it  is  thought  that  flint  and  jasper  blades  were  stored  in  the 
earth  in  order  that  their  chipping  qualities  might  not  be  impaired 
through  loss  of  "  quarry  water,"  that  is,  the  residual  moisture.  This 
might  account  for  the  storage  in  springs.  In  most  cases  cached 
blades  are  neatly  piled  in  regular  order,  layer  on  layer.  This  indicates 
that  time  and  care  were  expended  in  making  the  deposit. 

The  largest  caches  of  flint  blades  have  been  discovered  in  Mis- 
souri, Arkansas  and  Ohio.  One  Missouri  cache  recently  found  con- 
tained innumerable  blades  of  all  sizes.  The  collection  was  literally 
hauled  away  in  wagon  loads.  The  first  great  cache  recorded  by 
archeologists  is  that  found  by  Warren  K.  Moorehead  near  the  Hope- 
well  mounds  in  Ross  county,  Ohio.  Buried  in  one  heap  there  were 
7382  large  blank  forms. 


3/2  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

In  New  York  interesting  caches  have  been  found  in  various 
localities.  One  was  discovered  by  George  Harris  of  Roches- 
ter near  the  bluffs  on  the  west  side  of  Irondequoit  bay.  There 
were  several  hundreds  of  leaf-shaped  forms,  with  straight  bases, 
all  covered  with  a  red  pigment.  Caches  of  jasper  implements  have 
been  found  along  the  Seneca  river,  on  the  Susquehanna  near 
Oneonta,  and  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson  near  Catskill.  Caches 
of  flints  are  reported  from  the  Allegheny  county  forts,  from  War- 
saw, Wyoming  county,  from  Binghamton,  from  Dutchess  county 
and  from  Saratoga  county. 

Collectors  should  take  care  to  keep  all  cache  blades  together,  pre- 
serve the  pigment  covering,  if  any,  and  before  removing  the  blades 
from  the  hole  where  found,  make  accurate  observations  as  to  the 
depth  of  the  deposit,  the  manner  in  which  the  implements  are  piled 
and  the  way  any  dieffrent  kinds  were  grouped  together.  Groups  of 
specimens  found  in  caches  are  units  and  should  be  kept  as  such,  none 
being  given  away,  traded  or  sold. 

Celts  or  hatchet  heads.  The  term  celt  is  derived  either  from  the 
Latin  celtis  meaning  a  chisel,  or  from  the  Welsh  cellt  meaning  a 
flint  stone.  Celts  are  ungrooved  hatchet  heads  and  in  several 
instances  have  been  found  in  the  original  handles,  but  it  seems  prob- 
able that  some  were  used  without  hafting.  Adzes,  that  is,  celtlike 
blades  with  a  flat  under  surface,  are  considered  in  another  place. 

Celts  constitute  an  almost  universal  type  of  implements  and  are 
found  in  every  region  occupied  by  stone-age  man.  So  similar  in 
form  are  specimens  from  widely  separated  localities  that  it  is  difficult 
to  distinguish  certain  universal  types  when  the  labels  are  concealed. 

In  New  York  State  celts  are  particularly  numerous  and  there  are 
very  few  sites  that  yield  artifacts  that  do  not  contain  celts  or  parts 
of  them.  It  thus  appears  they  were  a  common  and  necessary  part 
of  the  red  man's  tool  and  weapon  outfit.  With  these  utensils  it  was 
possible  to  cut  soft  wood,  particularly  if  the  wood  had  been  charred 
by  fire.  Indeed  it  is  thought  that  the  chopping  process  was  seldom 
accomplished  without  the  aid  of  fire,  the  celt  or  hatchet  being  used 
to  remove  the  burned  wood  and  give  a  fresh  surface  for  the  flame. 
As  a  weapon  the  celt  would  serve  admirably,  but  a  little  experiment- 
ing will  show1  that  a  heavy  club,  particularly  if  spiked  with  a  prong 
of  antler  or  long  point  of  flint,  would  be  much  more  effective.  Cer- 
tain celt  heads  may  have  been  used  only  in  the  hand  and  without 
handles,  others  may  have  been  bark  peelers,  chisels  and  wedges.  The 
term  "  skinning  stones  "  is  perhaps  the  poorest  term  that  can  be 
applied,  but  it  is  a  widely  known  one  and  is  probably  used  by  the 
uninformed  because  hunters,  farmers  and  some  modern  Indians 


Plate    115 


^  *;} 


, 

Types  of  celts,  which  occur  in  many  forms.     Onondaga  county.    Scale,  l/2. 


374  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

have  found  a  polished  celt  or  hatchet  head  convenient  in  removing 
the  skin  from  an  animal. 

New  York  celts  are  found  in  numerous  forms,  lengths  and 
weights.  In  general,  however,  they  may  be  grouped  in  certain  forms, 
each  of  which  may  be  still  further  divided  by  longitudinal  cross  sec- 
tion. For  example,  a  petaloid  celt  may  be  thin,  normal,  thick  or 
bulbous.  Again  its  outline  may  be  bounded  by  flat,  curved  surfaces, 
beveled  surfaces  or  rounded  surfaces.  The  cutting  edge  may  be 
acute  or  obtuse,  curved  or  straight.  The  general  forms  of  celts  are 
shown  in  plate  115. 

There  are  so  many  interesting  features  about  these  cutting  blades 
that  the  celt  is  a  subject  for  a  considerable  treatise.  The  celt  reveals 
as  well  as  any  stone  implement  the  craftsmanship  of  the  aborigine, 
and  it  speaks  as  eloquently  of  his  idea  of  for;m,  symmetry  and 
beauty  of  finish  as  it  does  of  his  idea  of  and  need  of  a  cutting  or 
chopping  implement.  The  celt  suggests  through  the  marks  found 
upon  it  the  manner  of  its  manufacture  and  thus  unlocks  the  door 
of  the  stone  age  workshops. 

The  block  from  which  a  hatchet,  gouge  or  adz  was  made,  was 
either  a  natural  pebble  of  hard  stone  and  suitable  shape,  or  a  large 
flake  broken  from  a  boulder  or  from  a  quarry  ledge.  This  rough 
block  was  the  first  stage  in  the  formation  of  a  celt.  The  second 
process  was  to  batter  the  rough  block  to  the  approximate  form  by 
chipping.  When  chipping  could  no  longer  continue  the  third 
process,  that  of  picking  or  pitting,  was  commenced.  This  was  done 
by  two  general  methods ;  'first,  actual  picking  by  sharp  flints ;  second, 
by  a  continuous  process  of  percussion,  that  is,  battering  with  ham- 
merstones.  In  this  manner  the  surface  of  the  stone  became  pow- 
dered and  worn  down.  Actual  experiment  shows  that  a  sharp  blow 
breaks  up  the  stone  where  struck  leaving  a  pit  filled  with  stone  dust. 
The  process  is  laborious  but  if  worked  at  continuously  need  scarcely 
take  a  week.  Few  if  any  stone  axes  or  hatchets  were  "  the  work  of 
patient  years."  In  the  fourth  stage  the  picking  process  is  completed 
and  the  cutting  edge  of  the  celt  is  ground  down  with  some  abrasive. 
In  the  fifth  stage  the  edge  is  polished.  Many  good  and  serviceable 
celts  were  regarded  as  complete  in  the  fifth  stage.  The  pitted  sur- 
face no  doubt  was  convenient  for  gripping  by  hand  or  by  handle, 
and  was  thought  decorative.  The  sixth  stage  finds  the  celt  polished 
over  its  entire  surface  except  perhaps  its  butt.  Many  of  the  finest 
specimens  have  -unfinished  butt  ends. 

.  Many  celts  are  so  well  balanced  that  they  rest  upon  a  single  point 
and  curve  in  all  directions. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  375 

Chalcedony.  This  mineralogical  term  embraces  most  of  the  varie- 
ties of  tough,  siliceous  rock  used  for  making  chipped  implements 
and  includes  flint  chert,  hornstone,  jasper,  agate,  novaculite  in  part, 
onyx  and  carnelian.  As  a  rule  the  terms  employed  by  archeologists 
differ  from  those  used  by  mineralogists,  due  to  the  necessity  of 
describing  certain  forms  of  minerals  found  in  implements.  With 
archeologists,  chalcedony  is  a  light  yellowish  or  cream-colored  trans- 
lucent variety  of  siliceous  rock  having  a  hornlike  luster.  It  is  sim- 
ilar to  the  archeologist's  jasper  but  not  of  the  same  color.  The 
mineralogist,  however,  will  insist  on  another  description.  Chalcedony 
is  formed  by  the  infiltration  of  siliceous  substances  from  fossil-bear- 
ing rocks,  into  dikes  or  cracks  in  the  older  rocks,  or  it  may  occur  in 
nodules  or  layers  in  sedimentary  rocks.  The  material  found  at  Flint 
Ridge,  Ohio,  and  used  in  the  making  of  innumerable  implements  by 
the  aborigines  of  that  region,  is  called  by  archeologists  chalcedony. 

Chert.  A  variety  of  flint  or  chalcedony  (q.v.),  much  used  for 
making  chipped  implements.  (See  Flint.) 

Chipped  Stone  Implements,  Method  of  Manufacture.  The  most 
numerous  articles  in  any  considerable  archeological  collection,  in  our 
region  at  least,  are  those  of  chipped  stone,  popularly  termed  flint 
implements.  Many  of  these  implements  are  worthy  of  study  and 
description. 

To  the  uninformed  a  gracefully  shaped  and  delicately  chipped 
Indian  arrowhead  represents  the  product  of  a  wonderful  lost  art. 
It  seems  almost  impossible  that  the  beautiful  specimen  could  have 
been  made  by  an  Indian  possessing  only  rude  means  of  making  any- 
thing. It  is  an  erroneous  idea,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  Ameri- 
can who  centuries  ago  made  such  an  arrowhead  was  untutored  or 
ignorant  of  the  best  possible  tools  needed  for  flint  chipping.  In 
many  instances  with  the  tools  which  we  call  rude  he  produced  a 
better,  finer  specimen  of  stone  chipping  than  could  a  modern  lapidary 
with  all  his  modern  appliances. 

Some  hard-cutting  material  is  a  necessary  adjunct  to  the  progress 
of  any  people,  primitive  or  enlightened.  Since  primitive  man  was 
not  acquainted  with  the  use  of  metal,  it  is  natural  that  he  should 
utilize  stone,  which  was  abundant  everywhere.  The  use  of  sharp 
pieces  of  naturally  broken  stone  probably  led  him  to  break  stones, 
and  using  such  pieces  for  cutting  suggested  other  uses  by  modifying 
the  form. 

Early  man  in  all  probability  used  natural  pebbles  as  throwing 
weapons,  and  natural  clubs  of  wood  for  striking.  His  use  of  pieces 


Plate    116 


Chipped  quartz  from  Long  Island,  showing  the  various  stages  in  the  manu- 
facture of  an  arrow  point 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    X  K\Y    YORK  377 

uf  wood  for  thrusting-  suggested  the  spear-shaft,  and  his  experience 
with  cutting  stones  suggested  the  spearhead,  with  which  he  could 
more  easily  kill  game  or  provide  himself  with  a  weapon  of  defense  or 
attack.  The  game  killed  required  a  knife  for  dressing  it  and  sharp 
tools  were  necessary  for  scraping  and  cutting  skins  for  garments. 
Cutting  tools  were  also  essential  in  shaping  soft  stone  into  pots,  for 
making  wooden  vessels,  for  cutting  trees,  making  bone  implements 
and  drilling  holes.  The  pressing  need  of  early  man  for  so  manv 
things  gave  rise  to  the  art  of  stone  chipping. 

Although  many  relics  of  the  ancient  American  remain  in  the  soil 
all  about  us,  the  ordinary  observer  passes  by  unnoticed  the  pottery 
fragment,  or  the  bone  implement,  and  picks  from  the  ploughed  field 
or  water-washed  bank  the  arrowhead  which  excites  his  greater 
admiration. 

The  first  requisite  for  making  a  good  chipped  implement  is  appro- 
priate material.  The  stone  must  be  hard  and  have  conchoidal  frac- 
ture. It  must  chip  at  an  acute  angle  to  the  medial  plane  of  the  mass. 
The  less  the  angle,  the  more  workable  the  stone.  Flint  or  chert, 
quartz,  jasper,  chalcedony,  obsidian,  felsite  and  argillite  are  all  types 
of  stone  having  a  conchoidal  fracture. 

To  chip  properly,  the  stone  should  be  obtained  from  a  moist  place, 
such  as  the  sea  or  lake  shore,  the  damp  earth,  or  from  veins  of  rock 
below  the  surface  exposure. 

Large  pebbles  were  used  and  larger  masses  quarried  and  broken 
into  fragments.  These  fragments,  chipped  roughly  into  blank  forms 
or  "  blades,"  were  carried  into  camp  for  completion.  Concerning 
the  quarries  of  the  ancient  American,  Dr  W.  H.  Holmes,  in  "Arrows 
and  Arrowmakers,"  the  American  Anthropologist  for  January 
1891,  says:  "In  Arkansas  there  are  pits  dug  in  solid  rock  —  a 
heavy  bedded  novaculite  —  to  a  width  of  25  feet  or  more.  In  Ohio 
and  other  states  sfmilar  phenomena  have  been  observed.  In  the 
District  of  Columbia  extensive  quarries  were  opened  in  gravel-bear- 
ing bluffs,  and  millions  of  quartzite  and  quartz  boulders  secured  and 
worked.  The  extent  of  native  quarrying  has  not  until  recently  been 
realized.  Such  work  has  been  considered  beyond  the  capacity  of 
savages,  and  when  ancient  pits  were  observed,  they  were  usually 
attributed  to  gold  hunters  of  early  days,  and  in  the  south  are  still 
known  as  '  Spanish  diggings.'  From  Maine  to  Oregon,  from  Alaska 
to  Peru,  hills  and  mountains  are  scarred  with  pits  and  trenches.  The 
ancient  methods  of  quarrying  are  not  know-n,  and  up  to  the  present 
time  no  tools  have  been  discovered,  save  rude  stone  hammers,  impro- 


37$  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

vised  for  the  purpose.     P,icks  of   bones  and  pikes   of  wood  were 
probably  used." 

Flint  Ridge  in  Ohio  and  the  Fort  Erie,  Ontario,  quarries  are  fairly 
well  known.  I  do  not  find,  however,  that  any  mention  has  been 
made  of  the  numerous  aboriginal  "  flint "  quarries  in  Pennsylvania 
except  by  A.  F.  Berlin  in  Moorhead's  "  Prehistoric  Implements," 
page  187.  There  are  about  two  thousand  such  quarries  alone  in 
Lehigh  and  Berks  counties,  Pennsylvania.  Specimens  of  the  material 
from  these  quarries  are  to  be  found  in  the  Wren  collection  of 
Wilkesbarre. 

To  determine  how  arrowheads  and  other  chipped  implements 
were  made,  it  is  only  necessary  to  watch  the  process  among  modern 
Indians  who  still  remember  the  art.  There  are  also  several  good 
descriptions  contained  in  books  by  travelers,  among  them  Catlin. 
The  Iroquois  generally  have  forgotten  the  art  and  inquiries  will 
bring  but  meager  information.  A  few,  however,  remember  the 
fundamental  principles  but  the  majority  look  upon  an  arrowhead  or 
spearhead  of  flint  with  as  much  wonder  as  does  the  ordinary  Yankee 
farmer. 

In  the  description  which  follows  I  have  combined  previously 
known  facts  regarding  the  chipping  of  flintlike  stones  with  other 
facts  gleaned  from  a  series  of  experiments  conducted  by  myself 
under  the  direction  of  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  in  the  American  Museum 
of  Natural  History.  These  results  were  embodied  in  a  paper  which 
has  never  been  published.  Much  of  the  description  which  follows 
later  is  taken  from  this  paper.  In  the  description  of  the  various 
processes  the  reader  must  understand  that  where  positive  statements 
of  methods  are  made  that  these  methods  were  those  used  in  experi- 
ments and  are  in  accord  with  methods  known  to  have  been  used. 

The  tools  used  in  shaping  arrow'heads  were  few  and  simple,  con- 
sisting merely  of  a  stone  hammer  and  a  flaker.  For  larger  imple- 
ments a  stone  anvil,  a  pad  of  skins,  and  a  pitching  tool  were  used  in 
addition.  The  flaker  was  one  of  the  most  important  tools  in  the 
process  and  with  it  the  most  delicate  work  was  done. 

In  making  an  arrowhead  the  arrow-maker  chose,  for  instance,  an 
oval  pebble  measuring  approximately  4  inches  in  length,  2^  inches 
in  width  and  three-fourths  of  an  inch  thick.  He  held  the  pebble  in 
his  left  hand,  palm  downward,  the  pebble  projecting  about  an  inch 
over  his  thumb.  The  hammer  was  held  in  his  right  hand,  palm 
toward  the  left  (see  plate  117).  He  struck  a  quick,  smart  blow  on 
the  projecting  edge  of  the  pebble  at  the  point  indicated  in  the  figure. 


Plate    117 


Method  of  flaking  quartz  or  flint  arrow  points.  With  a  hammerstone 
the  pebble  or  large  flake  is  roughly  shaped,  then  with  a  bone  flaker  properly 
pushed  or  pressed  against  the  edge,  chips  are  flaked  off  and  the  point  rapidly 
finished.  A  good  point  can  be  made  in  from  5  to  15  minutes. 


380  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

A  large  chip  flew  off,  starting  at  the  point  of  percussion,  and  run- 
ning on  the  under  side,  gradually  thinning  and  widening  as  it  pro- 
gressed. This  operation  was  repeated  all  around  the  stone.  Then 
the  chipped  pebble  was  reversed.  The  chipping  having  been  success- 
ful, the  portion  chipped  away  on  one  side  of  a  surface  met  that  on 
the  other  side  of  the  same  surface,  and  the  edges  became  sharp.  The 
flaker  (plate  117)  now  came  into  requisition.  It  was  a  piece  of  deer 
antler,  or  perhaps  of  bone,  as  either  would  answer,  and  had  a 
roughened  surface.  A  point  near  the  end  of  the  flaker  was  pressed 
against  the  sharp  edge  of  the  stone  so  that  the  flaker  was  indented 
(see  plate  117).  The  pressure  of  the  flaker  was  against  the  stone  and 
upward,  while  the  stone  was  pressed  against  it  and  downward.  A 
quick  turn  of  the  wrists  inward  and  downward  brought  off  a  chip. 
In  this  way  the  arrow  point  was  given  definite  outline.  That  bone 
or  antler  should  be  the  chief  instrument  in  flaking  stone  seems  at 
first  strange,  and  yet  it  was  the  most  important  factor  in  the  process. 
An  antler  pitching  tool  was  useful  in  taking  off  long  flakes. 

In  the  manufacture  of  a  large  spearhead,  the  pebble,  which  is  too 
large  to  be  easily  held  in  the  hand,  was  placed  upon  the  pad  of  skins 
which  rested  upon  the  stone  anvil,  the  object  of  this  pad  being  to 
provide  a  yielding  base;  this  also  was  one  reason  for  holding  the 
smaller  stone  in  the  hand.  The  notches  in  the  arrow  point  were  made 
by  making  a  small  chip  at  the  proper  place,  reversing  the  blade,  and 
chipping  again  until  the  notch  was  "  eaten  in."  Large  stone  chips 
required  only  the  use  of  the  antler  or  bone  flaker  to  transform  them 
into  shapely  points.  Often  many  hundred  unfinished  chipped  blades 
were  made  and  stored  in  the  earth,  afterward  being  dug  up  and 
flaked  into  any  shape  that  necessity  required.  It  was  formerly 
believed  that  cache  blades  were  buried  for  safety  only,  but  it  is  now 
understood  that  they  were  also  placed  in  the  damp  earth  to  absorb 
and  retain  the  moisture  that  keeps  the  stone  elastic  and  easy  to  flake. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  arrow-maker  was  successful  in 
finishing  every  blade.  Often  a  blow  would  cause  an  abrupt  fracture 
or  take  off  too  large  a  chip.  This  all  depended  upon  the  character 
of  the  stone  and  the  skill  of  the  operator.  .Unsuccessful  attempts 
were  cast  aside  and  are  technically  called  "  rejects."  Many  hun- 
dreds of  these  may  be  found  on  old  Indian  quarry  and  camp  sites. 

The  usual  chipped  implements  are  the  knife,  spear  point,  arrow 
point,  drill  and  scraper,  each  kind  of  implement  varying  in  size  and 
form.  The  drill  is  long  and  narrow,  having  rough  but  sharp  edges, 
generally  broad  at  its  base,  and  was  used  to  perforate  soft  stone, 
bone  and  wood.  It  was  sharpened  automatically,  for  as  soon  as  an 


TIIK  ARCHEOLOGICAL   HISTORY  OK  \K\V   YORK  381 

edge  became  dulled  the  increased  resistance  caused  the  material 
that  it  was  drilling  to  act  as  a  Maker  and  compelled  a  flake  to  fly  off, 
thereby  giving  a  new  edge.  The  scraper  was  made  from  a  large 
chip,  flaked  so  as  to  be  bevelled  on  one  side  like  a  chisel.  Many 
scrapers  were  made  from  broken  arrow  and  spear  points.  It  was 
sometimes  fastened  to  a  handle  and  used  to  scrape  wood,  bone  and 
skin.  The  different  forms  of  spearheads  and  knives  and  arrow 
points  grade  into  one  another,  often  making  it  impossible  to  name 
the  exact  use  of  a  particular  specimen.  Perhaps  they  were  used  to 
a  considerable  extent  interchangeably.  Knives  were  of  many  forms, 
the  chief  characteristics  being  the  finely  bevelled,  sharp-cutting  edge. 
Some  were  made  so  as  to  fit  into  a  handle  and  others  to  be  held  in 
the  hand.  The  spear  was  much  longer  than  the  arrow  point  and 
designed  to  be  fastened  to  a  shaft.  Spearheads  or  spear  points  were 
among  the  most  beautiful  specimens  of  the  chipper's  art.  They 
have  been  found  in  abundance  on  sites  of  great  antiquity,  confirming 
the  theory  that  the  arrow  point  is  more  modern  than  the  spear.  The 
arrow  point  could  be  used  only  in  conjunction  with  a  throwing  stick 
or  with  a  bow,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  arrow 
was  evolved  from  the  spear. 

The  arrowhead  appears  in  as  many  varied  forms  as  design  and 
accident  could  create.  It  was  made  from  stone,  colored  by  all  the 
hues  nature  produces  —  red,  pink,  yellow,  blue,  green,  black  and 
white  —  and  often  from  quartz  crystal.  Different  peoples  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  had  different  styles  and  individuals  often  their  own  par- 
ticular "  brand."  The  arrowhead  was  made  for  all  the  varied  uses  to 
which  a  missile  of  its  kind  could  be  put.  Special  arrows  were  likely 
used  for  large  and  for  small  game,  for  birds,  for  fish  and  for  war, 
but  to  venture  to  define  these  would  be  simply  guess  work.  An 
ingenious  device  was  the  bevel  head.  The  cross  section  of  a  bevel 
head  is  rhombo;dal.  For  a  long  time  it  was  thought  that  this  form 
was  but  an  accident  in  the  method  of  flaking,  but  I  am  told  that 
experiments  made  at  the  Smithsonian  Institution  are  said  to  have 
shown  that  the  bevel  head  flies  with  a  rotary  motion,  so  that  it  not 
only  goes  more  directly,  but  on  striking  an  object  literally' bores  a 
hole  into  it.  This  seems  to  require  further  investigation,  however. 
The  "  fishing  point  "  is  long,  narrow  and  slender.  It  was  designed 
to  be  shot  into  the  water  at  the  fish.  The  small  points  were  made 
from  small  chippings  with  a  small  flaker.  War  points  are  thought 
to  have  been  fastened  loosely  to  the  shaft  so  that  they  could  not  be 
pulled  out  of  the  flesh,  even  though  the  shaft  were  withdrawn.  Blunt 


382  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

arrowheads,  or  "bunts,"  were  used  to  hit  objects  without  pene- 
trating them.  Such  bunts  were  often  made  of  broken  points  reflaked. 

The  arrow  has  ceased  to  play  an  important  part  in  hunting  or 
warfare,  the'  bullet  having  superseded  it.  The  bullet,  however,  is 
the  evolution  of  the  arrowhead,  its  mission  is  the  same,  and  the 
principle  which  governs  it  is  the  same.  Ancient  as  well  as  modern 
man  was  aware  that  a  small,  heavy  object,  swiftly  propelled,  could 
go  where  a  larger  one  thrown  by  hand  could  not  go,  and  that  it 
would  do  more  damage. 

From  the  hand  spear  to  the  arrow,  after  the  bow  Was  known,  was 
but  a  step ;  then  came  the  cross-bow  and  bolt ;  then  the  rude  musket 
and  bullet.  The  bullet,  being  heavier  and  propelled  more  swiftly, 
needed  no  shaft,  nevertheless  it  is  but  an  arrowhead  in  another  form. 

Choppers.  In  several  New  York  localities,  especially  along  the 
coast,  elongated  or  oval  flat  pebbles  with  one  edge  chipped  are  found. 
The  chipping  is  generally  rough  and  may  be  on  one  or  both  sides  of 
the  stone.  These  objects  are  thought  to  be  rude  hatchets  or  hand 
choppers.  On  coastal  sites  they  are  usually  made  of  quartz.  Far- 
ther inland  they  are  found  made  from  a  variety  of  materials,  such 
as  chert,  limestone,  compact  slate,  etc. 

Collections.     See  Specimens. 

Combs,  antler.  It  has  been  stated  that  bone  combs  have  no  great 
antiquity,  yet  three-toothed  and  four-toothed  bone  combs  have  been 
found  in  several  prehistoric  Iroquois  sites  in  New  York.  These 
articles  are  comblike,  in  the  sense  of  having  long  heavy  teeth,  but 
they  may  have  been  hair  or  scalp  lock  ornaments  rather  than 
instruments  for  straightening  out  strands  of  hair.  The  earlier  types 
are  narrow  and  resemble  coarse  forks  with  long  prongs  and  long 
bases.  The  base  may  be  plain,  incised  or  decorated  by  fretwork  in 
the  form  of  animals,  birds  or  combinations.  These  early  forms 
have  been  found  in  sites  at  Pompey,  Cazenovia  and  Watertown  in 
the  Onondaga-Oneida  area,  at  Richmond  Mills  in  the  Seneca  area, 
and  at  Ripley  in  the  Erie  area.  They  seem  to  have  been  in  use  just 
before  and  immediately  after  the  coming  of  Europeans.  With  the 
opening  of  the  colonial  era  combs  became  more  elaborate.  Steel 
saws  and  knives  made  it  possible  to  make  more  teeth  and  to  carve 
more  figures  on  the  base.  The  differences  in  technic  and  finish 
between  the  combs  of  Richmond  Mills  and  the  Dann  site  at  Honeoye 
Falls,  or  that  of  Boughton  Hill,  point  out  the  changes  that  came  to 
the  Seneca  through  the  introduction  of  steel  tools.  After  the  mid- 
dle colonial  period  bone  combs  occur  only  rarely  until  with  Sulli- 
van's raid  they  became  obsolete.  (For  illustrations,  see  plates  34, 


Plate    118 


Typical  bone  and  antler  articles  found  in  Iroquoian  sites  in  New  York. 

i  Early  Iroquoian  comb;  2  Seneca  comb  of  early  colonial  period;  3  antler 
knife  handle;  4  precontact  Iroquoian  comb  of  bone;  5  precontact  Oneida 
knife  handle ;  6  antler  doll  or  figurine ;  7  Bone-scraping  tool  from  precontact 
site.  I  to  6,x  about  ^.  7.x  about  */3. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


35,  37,  nS.)  The  relative  frequency  of  bone  combs  in  certain  known 
sites  is  as  follows : 


PERIOD 

SITE 

NUMBER 
PER 
IOOO 

PER 
CENT 

REMARKS 

Prehistoric  .... 

Burning  Spring.  . 

No  graves  found 

Prehistoric.  .  .  . 

Richmond  Mills. 

3 

•03 

Not  more  than  3  or  4  teeth. 

Some  simple  animal  and 

bird  effigies.     Perforation 

Prehistoric  .... 

Atwell's  

2 

.02 

Not  more  than  3  or  4  teeth, 

long    rounded    tops    with 

hole 

Early    colonial 

1615.  .  .  

Midcolonial 

Ripley  

I 

.OI 

Plain,  with  3  or  4  teetn 

_ 

1656?  

Gus  Warren,  W. 

Bloomfield  .... 

4 

.04 

From  5  to  10  teeth,  complex 

animal  effigies 

Midcolonial 

1656?  

Silverheel's  

4 

.04 

From  5  to  10  teeth,  complex 

animal  effigies 

Late  colonial  .  . 

Boughton  Hill.  .  . 

4 

.04 

Small  sawed  teeth,  8  to  35. 

Complex     ornamentation, 

animal  effigies  in  combina- 

tion 

Late  colonial  .  . 

Dann  farm, 

Honeoye  Falls. 

12 

.  12 

Of  several  forms.     10  to  35 
finely   sawn   teeth.      Effi- 

gies as  above  and  conven- 

tional designs 

Common  errors.  There  is  no  branch  of  natural  science  concern- 
ing which  there  is  so  much  guess  work  and  so  many  false  beliefs  as 
American  archeology.  Many  uninstructed  persons  have  taken  upon 
themselves  the  office  of  expounders  of  theories  and  even  the  makers 
of  names.  We  are  commonly  told  that  arrowheads  were  chipped  by 
the  aid  of  fire,  and  we  are  likewise  assured  that  hatchet  heads  are 
"  skinning  stones."  The  fault  is  not  alone  that  of  the  farmer  boy, 
for  many  persons  in  official  positions  have  done  crimes  of  guess 
work  equally  bad.  Concerning  Indians  in  general  there  are  numer- 
ous erroneous  ideas  that  for  the  sake  of  truth  should  be  dispelled. 
We  are  able  here  to  treat  only  of  certain  popular  fallacies  regarding 
archeological  matters. 

Arrowheads  not  chipped  by  fire.  There  is  a  widespread  belief 
that  the  ingenious  Indian  in  making  his  arrowheads  or  spears  heated 
the  flint  and  then  dropped  water  on  selected  spots,  thereby  causing 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  385 

flakes  to  fly  off.  It  is  possible  that  certain  kinds  of  hard  stone  may  he 
chipped  in  this  manner  but  the  whole  process  would  be  so  difficult 
that  not  one  out  of  a  hundred  attempts  would  be  successful.  Heat 
sufficient  to  cause  chipping  by  the  application  of  cold  water  will 
granulate  the  stone  and  destroy  its  conchoidal  fracture.  Flint  baked 
in  the  fire  will  easily  pulverize.  The  man  who  states  that  the  fire 
and  water  process  was  possible  ought  to  demonstrate  it  by  producing 
one  arrow  point.  While  he  is  making  one  another  person  who  knows 
that  arrow  points  were  chipped  with  small  stone  hammers  and  flaked 
with  bone  tools  might  produce  from  a  dozen  to  one  hundred  points 
by  way  of  demonstrating  the  method  employed  by  Indians  and  other 
borigines,  quite  generally.  (For  methods,  see  Chipped  implements). 

Skinning  stones.  Ungrooved  axes,  celts  or  hatchet  heads  were 
designed  to  be  mounted  in  handles  and  used  for  chopping.  Speci- 
mens have  been  found  mounted  in  handles,  both  in  ancient  deposits 
and  in  the  possession  of  modern  Indians.  A  few  may  have  been 
intended  for  hand  hatchets.  The  term  "  skinning  stone  "  probably 
was  applied  by  white  hunters  who  found  an  Indian  stone  hatchet 
head,  particularly  a  well-polished  specimen,  useful  as  a  blade  for 
pressing  back  the  pelt  of  an  animal  in  skinning  it. 

Tempered  copper.  The  copper  obtained  by  the  Indians  in  ancient 
times  was  from  nodules  found  in  the  drift  or  from  layers  of  the 
metal  found  in  seams  of  ore  rock.  It  was  pounded  into  shape  on 
anvils  of  stone  and  beaten  into  form,  in  some  instances  at  least,  in 
wooden  molds.  To  give  greater  maleability  some  aboriginal  copper 
workers  seem  to  have  heated  the  metal.  The  finished  article  was 
rubbed  on  stones  and  in  sand  until  the  desired  polish  and  the  edge 
were  achieved.  Native  copper  implements  are  never  "  tempered  " ; 
that  is  to  say,  none  possess  a  hardness  equal  to  that  of  iron.  There 
is  no  wonderful  "  lost  art  of  tempering  copper."  No  specimen  of 
tempered  copper  made  by  Indians  in  precolonial  times  exists  in  any 
museum,  and  no  person  acquainted  with  metallurgy  has  ever  seen 
such  a  specimen.  The  belief  in  "  tempered  copper  "  is  a  pure  myth. 

Mound  builders.  The  builders  of  mounds  were  Indians  whose 
descendents  were  still  living  at  the  period  of  colonization.  Explor- 
vrs  in  the  Mississippi  valley  witnessed  the  erection  of  mounds. 
Nothing  found  in  the  mounds  so  far  examined  has  revealed  any- 
thing that  the  historic  Indians  did  not  have  or  could  not  make.  The 
mound-building  period  ended  at  about  the  time  of  the  coming  of  the 


386  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

white  man,  though  it  is  probable  that  the  peoples  who  built  the  Ohio 
mounds  and  others  of  similar  character  had  ceased  this  activity  long 
before  the  era  of  white  exploration  because  of  the  intrusions  of  war- 
like tribes.  The  erection  of  great  mounds  was  necessarily  a  slow 
process  and  could  be  done  only  during  times  of  prolonged  peace. 
The  mound-building  tribes  were  probably  branches  of  various  stocks, 
among  them  the  Muskhogean,  the  Iroquoian  including  the  Cherokee, 
the  Siouan  and  the  Algonkian.  Not  every  tribe  in  these  stocks 
built  mounds  by  any  means.  There  were  many  cruder  outer  tribes. 

Warfare.  Every  evidence  of  archeology  shows  that  the  pre- 
colonial  Indians  were  more  peaceful  than  warlike.  The  great  pre- 
ponderance of  the  implements  found  are  those  of  industry  and  of 
hunting,  and  not  of  war.  Such  warfare  as  did  exist  was  mostly  in 
the  nature  of  small  raids  only  of  local  importance.  There  were, 
however,  some  great  wars  that  affected  large  areas,  but  these  were 
the  exception.  Indian  methods  of  fighting  their  enemies  were  those 
of  hunters  stalking  their  prey. 

Nomadism.  One  of  the  common  fallacies  of  our  school  histories 
is  that  Indians  were  nomads,  "  always  wandering  from  place  to 
place."  So  far  as  environment  permitted,  to  state  the  truth,  Indians 
were  not  nomads,  but  sedentary.  Each  tribe  had  its  known  territory 
and  its  own  fixed  towns  and  villages.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
Indians  east  of  the  Mississippi.  It  was  only  where  the  land  was  not 
suitable  to  agriculture  that  there  was  wandering.  The  city  dweller 
today  is  a  nomad  for  the  same  reason  that  the  Indians  of  the  plains 
and  of  the  cold  north  were.  The  modern  city  dweller  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  meat  and  vegetable  food  goes  to  the  market  sources  of 
these  foods,  "  wandering  from  place  to  place  "  to  hunt  what  he 
desires.  The  Indian  of  the  north  and  of  the  plains  went  out  after 
buffalo  meat  and  searched  out  the  regions  that  produce  edible  seeds 
and  roots,  and  was  only  a  wanderer  because  the  source  of  food 
supply  was  distant  from  his  domicile.  The  plains  Indians  after  the 
introduction  of  the  horse  wandered  over  the  plains  in  search  of  the 
buffalo  herds,  but  generally  had  fixed  winter  rendezvous.  Some 
wandering  and  much  warfare  were  caused  after  the  European  inva- 
sion by  the  shrinking  of  the  hunting  grounds  and  the  loss  of  tribal 
territory.  The  coming  of  civilization  and  of  Europeans  paralyzed 
the  development  and  progress  of  native  culture  and  actually  acceler- 
ated savagery  for  a  long  period  of  years.  Sedentary  tribes  became 
wanderers  because  they  were  encroached  upon.  They  became  hunt- 


Till-:    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF   NEW    Y<>KK  387 

ers  instead  of  agriculturalists,  as  they  originally  were,  because  a 
market  was  provided  for  furs. 

Tepees  and  wigwams.  The  eastern  Indians  did  not  live  in  the 
conical  skin  tepees  used  by  the  Indians  of  the  plains  region.  All 
descriptions,  pictures  and  sculptures  showing  our  eastern  Algonkian 
and  Iroquoian  people  as  tepee  dwrellers  are  incorrect.  The  dwellings 
of  the  eastern  Indians  were  houses  made  of  bark.  Some  of  these 
houses  were  more  than  150  feet  in  length  and  some  housed  from  five 
to  ten  families.  The  term  wigwam  may  be  applied  to  the  Indian 
bark  house,  and  tepee  to  the  skin  tent.  Wigwam  is  an  Abenaki 
word ;  teepee  or  tipi  is  a  Siouan  word. 

Work  done  by  women.  The  idea  that  the  eastern  Indian  woman 
did  all  the  work  of  the  tribe  and  of  the  family  is  erroneous.  Indian 
women  had  certain  prescribed  duties;  men  had  theirs.  There  was 
a  distribution  of  labor  by  no  means  more  unjust  than  exists  at- the 
present  time  in  civilization.  An  untutored  Indian  coming  from  some 
secluded  region  might  at  the  present  time  return  to  his  tribe  and  state 
that  white  women  do  all  the  work  and  that  all  a  man  did  was  to  leave 
his  house  after  breakfast  and  sit  all  day  smoking  and  looking  at 
a  book,  now  and  then  making  black  scratches  on  it.  He  would 
possibly  state  that  the  white  man  loved  war  and  wandered  afar  to 
"  make  fight  upon  the  lands  across  the  big  sea  water,"  leaving  his 
women  to  be  machinists,  car  conductors,  farmers,  day  laborers  and 
voters.  This  untutored  hypothetical  Adario  would  misunderstand 
our  economics  as  much  as  the  white  commentator  misunderstands 
the  economics  of  aboriginal  life.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Indian 
hunter  and  fisherman  had  no  easy  life.  Early  missionaries  and 
explorers  have  frequently  written  of  the  Indian  hunter's  hardships. 
The  men  cleared  the  land,  built  the  stockades,  cut  the  trees,  built  the 
houses  (which  thereafter  became  the  property  of  the  women),  pro- 
cured the  meat  and  skins,  defended  the  village  from  wild  beasts  and 
did  other  heavy  manual  labor.  The  women  planted  the  land,  owned 
the  houses,  kept  them  clean,  cooked  the  meat,  dressed  the  hides,  or 
most  of  them,  and  did  other  domestic  duties.  The  division  of 
labor  was  as  equitable  as  the  state  of  society  and  environment  would 
permit.  Indian  women,  like  their  civilized  sisters  today  were,  how- 
ever, required  to  do  as  much  work  as  they  would. 

Copper  implements.  Native  copper  implements  are  rather  rare  in 
New  York,  but  there  are  localities  where  a  considerable  number 
have  been  found.  New  York  native  copper  implements  include  awls, 
beads,  pins,  arrow  points,  spear  points,  celts,  chisels,  knives  (?),  ear 

25 


388  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

ornaments,  adzes  and  digging  tools.  The  largest  number  of  coppers 
have  been  found  in  Chautauqua  county,  about  Oneida  lake,  about 
Lake  Champlain  and  in  the  Hudson  valley  near  Catskill.  Scattered 
specimens  are  quite  likely  to  be  found  anywhere  in  the  provinces  of 
either  the  Algonkian  or  the  mound-building  people.  In  early  days 
when  the  land  at  the  west  and  northwest  end  of  Oneida  lake  was 
cleared,  farmers  frequently  sold  native  copper  implements  to  local  tin 
and  coppersmiths.  Perhaps  fifty  good  specimens  from  this  locality 
have  found  their  way  into  collections.  Otis  Bigelow  collected  about 
twenty,  all  in  the  State  Museum,  some  of  which  are  shown  in  plate 
119.  Native  copper  implements  seem  to  have  come  into  this  area  by 
trade  rather  than  by  manufacture  here.  All  bear  evidence  of  having 
been  hammered  out  and  none  are  cast.  Needless  to  say  not  a  single 
native  copper  implement  is  "  tempered,"  and,  indeed,  no  aboriginal 
tempered  copper  exists  in  America ;  all  statements  to  the  contrary  are 
pure  myths.  Examination  proved  that  one  specimen  that  was  reputed 
to  have  scratched  glass  had  a  flake  of  dark  quartz  or  flint  inclosed  by 
the  metal  at  the  point  Where  it  scratched  the  glass.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  how  the  American  natives  had  discovered  the  value  of  a 
ridged  back  to  give  strength.  Nearly  all  their  copper  implements 
have  this  ridge  as  the  middle  line  between  the  beveled  planes.  Pro- 
vision for  handling  was  made  by  three  methods:  by  insertion  in  a 
slit,  like  an  arrowhead;  by  a  spiked  projection,  like  a  file  neck;  and 
by  a  flanged  socket  that  allowed  the  handle  to  be  driven  in.  Copper 
implements  are  far  more  numerous  in  Ohio,  Michigan,  Wisconsin, 
and  in  the  states  adjoining  the  Mississippi  than  in  New  York.  It 
is  doubtful  if  more  than  250  copper  implements  and  objects,  not 
including  separate  beads,  are  to  be  found  in  all  the  New  York 
collections. 

Culture.  By  this  term  we  mean  the  motives,  habits  of  thought  and 
the  activities  of  a  ipeople,  represented  by  what  they  produce  along 
material  and  intellectual  lines.  The  materials  manufactured  by  a 
people  represent  their  material  culture. 

In  New  York  there  are  evidences  of  many  forms  of  aboriginal 
culture,  some  of  which  we  are  unable  to  identify  tribally.  Others 
are  recognized  as  Eskimolike,  Algonkian,  Mound  Builder  and 
Iroquois. 

Cups.  Stone  cups  or  small  mortars  are  rare  in  New  York.  A 
.few  have  been  found  along  the  Hudson  and  down  the  Susquehanna. 


Plate    ng 


8 


Native  copper  objects  from  central  New  York  localities  as  follows:  i,  Clay; 
2,  Lysander ;  3,  Clay ;  4,  Granby ; ;  5,  Lysander ;  6,  Seneca  river ;  7,  Glens 
Falls;  8,  Lysander;  9,  Van  Buren ;  10,  Glens  Falls;  n,  Lysander. 


39°  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

The  State  Museum  has  four  specimens  from  the  Hudson  valley  in 
the  vicinity  of  Catskill.  The  two  specimens  shown  in  plate  120  are 
from  the  Thompson  collection  and  came  from  sites  near  Hudson. 
The  upper  figure  shows  a  perforation.  The  outside  of  the  bowl  near 
the  rim  has  a  series  of  incised  patterns  resembling  bird  tracks 
encircling  it.  It  is  not  likely  that  these  objects  were  used  for 
drinking  cups  for  they  have  little  capacity.  They  rather  suggest 
having  been  used  for  paint  or  medicine  mortars. 

Cups  or  dippers  were  sometimes  made  from  large  sea  shells 
from  which  the  columellae  had  been  cut.  Some  of  these  have  been 
found  on  Neuter  sites  in  Western  New  York. 

Cupstones.  The  term  cupstone  is  applied  to  certain  types  of  stones 
having  one  or  more  pits  pecked  or  drilled  on  one  surface.  Usually 
these  pits  or  depressions  are  concave,  well  made  and  nearly  uniform 
in  size.  Certain  specimens  show  a  secondary  drilling  at  the  bottom 
of  the  depression.  In  a  majority  of  instances  cupstones  are  made 
from  sandstone  or  other  gritty  rock. 

No  known  use  may  be  safely  ascribed  to  them  though  they  have 
some  times  been  called  nut  stones  or  paint  mortars,  both  probably 
erroneous  as  descriptive  terms.  A  better  theory  would  be  that  the 
depressions  were  used  for  rounding  the  ends  of  wooden  knobs,  for 
certainly  nearly  all  cupstones  are  made  of  some  abrasive  rock. 

Discoid  implements  of  stone  and  clay.  Implements  and  orna- 
ments of  this  kind  have  mostly  been  found  in  the  Iroquois  area.  Thin 
segments  of  slate  were  worked  by  the  Iroquois  as  discoidal  beads. 
Other  specimens  show  no  perforation  and  may  have  been  used  in 
games.  Some  are  perforated  as  pendants.  In  the  Iroquois  areas 
in  Jefferson  county  numerous  disks  of  pottery  are  found  evidently 
worked  as  game  disks.  The  Iroquois  still  have  games  where  similar 
dice  are  used.  Plate  121  illustrates  various  discoidal  articles,  all 
except  number  3  being  from  Jefferson  county.  The  unperforated 
disk  comes  from  Plattsburg. 

Disks,  perforated.  These  vary  from  roughly  chipped  disks  of 
sandstone  or  slate  to  carefully  finished  biconcaves.  The  rougher 
forms  are  larger  and  the  holes  seem  to  be  picked  into  the  central  part 
of  the  object  from  either  side  until  the  septum  broke  through. 
Rougher  forms  have  been  found  about  Hemlock  lake  and  one 
broken  specimen,  originally  polished,  came  from  the  Owasco  Lake 
site.  Discoidal  beads  of  soft  stone  have  been  found  in  certain 


Plate    120 


- 


Small   stone  mortars  or   cups   from   the   middle   Hudson  valley:     I,    from 
Hudson ;   2,    from   Catskill. 


Plate    121 


CERTAIN   TYPES    OF   DISCOIDAL   OBJECTS.          X^ 

I,  red  slate  disks,  Ontario  co. ;  2,  steatite  beads,  Jefferson  co. ;  3,  black 
stone  disk,  thick,  Plattsburg ;  4,  5,  perforated  disks,  Watertown  ;  6,  8,  9,  pot- 
tery disks,  Watertown;  7,  serpentine  crescent,  Watertown;  10,  n,  12,  plain 
pottery  disks,  Watertown.  12  is  tempered  with  pulverized  shell. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


393 


localities,  as  about  Oneida  lake.  Some  discoidal  beads  are  Iroquoian, 
and  many  have  been  found  in  Jefferson  county.  (See  Stone  beads, 
biconcave  disks.) 


Fig.  53     Notebook   sketch   of   limestone   disk    found   at   outlet 
of  Honeoye  lake  by  H.  C.  Follett 

Engraved  articles.  Some  articles  of  stone,  bone,  antler  and  shell 
are  engraved  \vith  various  designs,  some  of  them  no  doubt  being 
hieroglyphic  or  symbolic.  Articles  incised  in  decorative  designs 
are  by  far  the  more  common,  those  containing  symbolic  figures  being 
relatively  rare.  Pottery  is  occasionally  engraved,  especially  frag- 
ments. One  specimen  from  the  Shinnecock  Hills  site  had  an 
engraved  representation  of  a  thunder  bird.  Slate  articles,  par- 
ticularly gorgets,  occasionally  have  engraved  designs,  but  all  such 
objects  must  be  carefully  inspected  to  see  whether  or  not  the  engrav- 
ing is  aboriginal.  The  lines  should  show  a  weathering  similar  to 
that  of  the  surface  of  the  stone.  Sharp  flints  were  capable  of  making 
fine  incisions  but  care  should  be  taken  to  see  that  such  lines  were 
not  made  with  the  tip  of  a  steel  knife  blade.  The  engraved  gorget 
shown  in  plate  122  is  from  the  vicinity  of  Afton  lake  and  shows 


Plate    122 


Certain  incised  and  decorated  polished  stone  objects,  x^.  Birdstone  from 
Cold  Spring,  Oneonta.  Implement  shaped  like  a  stamp  with  triangle  engraved 
on  lower  side,  Onondaga  co.  Broken  pipe  with  inscriptions,  Jefferson  co. 
Stone  disk,  concave,  from  Oneonta.  Engraved  gorget  from  West  Davenport. 
W.  E.  Yager  collection. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


395 


typical  decorative  scratching.  The  pipe  shows  a  rarer  form  of 
engraving  and  the  figures  may  be  symbolic  as  well  as  decorative. 
\Yith  the  advent  of  European  tools  many  aboriginal  articles  were 
carved  and  engraved.  This  is  particularly  true  of  shell  ornaments, 
many  of  which  were  cut  and  carved  with  metal  implements.  So  far 
as  engraving  and  "  picture-waiting  "  is  concerned,  the  native  peoples 
of  this  region  seemed  to  prefer  wood  and  other  more  easily  Worked 
material. 


Fig.  54     Engraved  pipe  bowl  found  by  W.  T.  Fenton  at  Connewango.     xj 

European  contact.  The  coming  of  white  men  from  Europe  to 
the  New  York  area  shortly  after  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth 
century  wrought  a  considerable  change  in  the  culture  of  the  Indians. 
Hitherto  they  had  utilized  the  simple  materials  found  about  them  to 
satisfy  their  simpler  needs.  They  labored  long  with  flint  tools  to 
carve  their  utensils  and  weapons ;  their  game  was  killed  with  club, 
spear  or  arrow.  They  had  no  easy  means  to  accomplish  anything 
that  required  change  of  form;  life  was  a  hardship  best  endured  by 
him  who  complained  least  and  was  best  aware  of  his  resources. 
At  the  same  time  the  more  vital  needs  were  jealously  guarded  both 
by  rational  means  and  by  use  of  charms  and  ceremonies. 

The  coming  of  the  European  caused  a  cultural  upheaval  among 
the  American  natives,  and  they  saw  themselves  poorly  equipped  in 
many  material  things,  to  compete  with  the  pale  visitor.  The  white 
man  valued  speed  and  had  sought  the  means  to  attain  it.  He 
rode  horseback  and  outdistanced  his  swiftest  human  pursuer  who 
had  none;  he  had  guns  and  powder  —  a  terrifying  means  of  killing 
his  foe,  and  even  animals. 

But  what  was  of  more  immediate  value  was  his  steel  axe  and 
knife.  With  these  trees  could  be  felled  and  he  could  hew,  cut 
and  carve.  The  finest  flint  tool  was  a  clumsy,  inefficient  com- 


396  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

petitor  of  a  steel  implement.  The  white  man  also  brought 
brass  kettles,  steel  scissors,  awls  of  iron,  sheet  metal  and  wire. 
He  brought  a  new  fabric  that  he  called  cloth,  and  he  had 
blankets,  coats  and  trousers  made  of  it.  All  these  things  and  many 
shining  trinkets,  as  chains,  beads,  thimbles  and  mirrors,  the  white 
man  was  eager  to  trade  for  such  simple  natural  things  as  beaver 
pelts.  The  red  man  was  eager  to  get  these  wonderful,  convenient 
articles.  To  obtain  them  the  red  man  became  more  and  more  a 
hunter  and  trapper.  Gradually  he  gave  up  his  stone  tools,  his  skin 
mantle,  his  clay  kettles  and  his  bone  awls.  The  white  man's  things 
were  better.  Thus  the  red  man  became  a  trader  always  giving  great 
quantities  of  raw  material  for  a  small  amount  of  manufactured 
goods.  Soon  the  red  man  was  a  dire  dependent  using  material  he 
did  not  produce  and  in  whose  making  he  had  no  part.  He  draped 
the  white  man's  shirt  over  his  shoulders  and  hung  its  lower  flaps 
over  his  leggins,  but  he  was  not  a  white  man ;  he  shot  a  white  man's 
gun  and  cut  his  food  with  a  white  man's  knife  and  cooked  it  in  a 
white  man's  kettle ;  yet  he  was  only  a  barbarian  who  did  not  make 
what  he  used  so  constantly.  In  this  manner  the  Indian's  material 
culture  faded  away  and  the  white  man's  supplanted  it.  The  entire 
process  can  be  traced  on  the  village  sites  of  the  New  York  Indians. 

If  we  were  to  moralize  from  this  we  should  write  an  essay  on 
methods  of  civilization  and  point  out  that  to  truly  civilize  a  people 
immediate  commercial  motives  must  not  dominate  the  purposes  of 
contact  with  undeveloped  races.  If  we  wish  to  impart  our  civiliza- 
tion to  them,  the  effective  methods  would  be  to  show  the  native  the 
greater  efficiency  of  our  tools  and  goods  and  then  teach  him  how  to 
make  them. 

Excavations.  For  methods,  read  "  The  Ripley  Erie  Site/'1  The 
amateur  archeologist  should  not  open  graves  without  completely 
exposing  the  skeleton  and  leaving  all  relics  in  place  until  a  detailed 
record  and  photographs  can  be  made.  The  position  of  objects  with 
relation  to  the  skeleton  is  important.  Refuse  pits  and  ash  heaps 
should  be  charted  and  a  record  made  of  all  objects  from  each  pit. 
Maps  should  be  made  showing  the  location  of  each  pit  or  grave,  and 
all  other  features  of  importance. 

Faces,  human.  Effigies  of  the  human  face  in  stone  have  been 
found  in  various  localities,  particularly  along  the  Delaware  and  the 
Susquehanna  and  their  tributaries.  These  vary  from  specimens  that 
merely  suggest  a  face  by  three  depressions,  to  carvings  that  are 


1  N.  Y.  State  Mus.  Bui.   117. 


T1IK    ARCH  !•:<  »1.<><;I(  AL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


397 


fairly  good  representations.  In  size  these  face  stones  vary  from 
discoid  pebbles  with  a  diameter  of  3  inches  to  carved  blocks  of 
stone  8  or  10  inches  in  length.  The  frequency  of  stone  faces  in 
the  southern  tier  of  counties  may  be  accounted  for  by  remembering 
that  the  Delaware  Indians  who  occupied  this  region  used  stone 
faces,  called  mising,  in  some  of  their  ceremonies.  Effigies  of  human 
faces  were  carved  on  the  posts  of  their  council  houses. 


Fig.  55     Stone  face   from   Chemung  county 

The  Iroquois  made  some  small  maskettes  in  stone,  particularly 
catlinite,  but  their  largest  and  best  carved  effigies  were  their  wooden 
masks,  which  were  used  in  various  ceremonies,  both  public  and 
secret.  Catlinite  maskettes  have  been  found  in  certain  Onondaga 
and  Seneca  sites.  Metallic  eye  rings  of  wooden  faces  are  sometimes 
found.  They  are  flat  disks  of  brass  or  copper  with  the  centers  cut 
out. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Bone  faces  were  carved  by  the  Iroquois,  particularly  by  the  Seneca. 
These  faces  were  sometimes  made  from  some  animal's  patella  or 
from  other  bone  or  carved  like  maskettes  from  antler.  There  have 
been  several  bone  and  antler  faces  found  in  graves  in  Ontario  and 
Livingston  counties.  All  are  small,  none  being  more  than  2  inches 
in  length.  Bone  faces  among  the  Iroquois  belong  to  the  early 
colonial  and  midcolonial  periods. 

Human  faces  modeled  in  clay  and  baked  are  found  on  both  the 
pipes  and  pots  of  the  Iroquois  tribes  in  New  York.  The  modeling  of 
faces  on  pipes  is  particularly  interesting  and  in  many  cases  is 
exceedingly  well  done,  revealing  the  work  of  skilful  hands  and 
eyes.  Faces  are  particularly  fine  on  certain  prehistoric  clay  pipes. 
Faces  on  Iroquois  pipes  are  found  in  some  of  the  earliest  as  well 
as  in  some  of  the  most  recent  sites  of  Iroquoian  occupation  in  New 
York.  (See  Pipes  and  also  Stone  faces  in  the  description  of  the 
Algonkian  occupation.)  (See  also  plate  n.) 

Firestones.  A  name  applied  to  pebbles  or  cobbles  that  have  been 
heated  in  fires  and  used  for  immersion  in  bark  or  skin  receptacles 
containing  water  and  food.  By  the  continuous  process  of  putting 
in  hot  stones  and  taking  out  the  stones  when  cooled,  food  was 
cooked  without  placing  the  containing  vessel  directly  over  the 
source  of  the  heat.  Some  firestones  were  used  in  sweat  lodges. 
They  were  heated  and  drawn  inside  the  small  dome-shaped  struc- 
ture, when  water  was  poured  upon  them,  the  steam  arose  and 
soon  the  sweat  lodge  was  filled  with  hot  steam.  Cooking  stones  are 
commonly  found  on  village  sites ;  some  are  cracked  and  granulated. 
Firestones  used  in  making  the  steam  are  commonly  found  along 
streams  and  lakes.  Many  times  a  flood  that  denudes  the  shore  for 
a  few  inches  will  reveal  them  clustered  together  in  their  original 
position. 

Fishhooks,  bone.  Bone  and  antler  fishhooks  are  among  the  rarer 
of  aboriginal  artifacts.  They  are  of  various  forms  and  sizes,  but  all 
have  the  hook  shape.  Some  being  barbed  and  others  plain.  Fish- 
hooks occur  both  in  prehistoric  Algonkian  and  Iroquoian  sites,  but 
these  older  specimens  are  seldom  barbed.  Some  hooks  have  a  smooth 
stem,  others  are  knobbed  to  afford  a  better  grasp  for  the  line.  Fish- 
hooks have  been  found  on  Algonkian  sites  on  Long  Island,  as  at  Sag 
Harbor,  and  on  Oneida  lake,  especially  near  Brewerton.  On  Iro- 
quoian sites  they  have  been  found  in  considerable  numbers,  especially 
in  the  Pompey  forts,  the  Atwell  fort  (see  page  590),  the  Shelby 


THE    AkCllKOLOGU  AI.     HISTORY    OF    X  K\Y     YORK  39Q 

fort,  the  Buffain  site,  Buffalo,  the  Richmond  Mills  site  and  in  vari- 
ous Jefferson  county  sites,  especially  near  Watertown. 

Barbed  hooks  in  some  places  appear  just  before  the  era  of  the 
white  man,  as  at  the  Atvvell  site,  Onondaga  county,  near  the  Madison 
county  line. 

Hooks  are  found  in  the  above-mentioned  sites  in  all  stages  of 
manufacture.  It  appears  that  the  Indians  in  making  them  first 
cut  off  a  section  of  flat  bone  or  a  long  segment  of  a  cylindrical  bone, 
and  drilled  a  hole  the  width  of  the  inner  part  of  the  hook  at  each 
end.  Then  by  careful  incision  they  worked  away  the  bone  between 
the  holes,  making  a  long  link  rounded  at  either  end  and  straight  on 
each  side.  Then  up  from  the  curve  of  each  end  the  bone  was  sev- 
ered, making  two  hooks  which  were  afterward  sharpened. 

A  complete  series  was  found  by  Alvin  H.  Dewey  at  the  Richmond 
Mills.  Some  fishhooks  have  heavy  bottoms  perhaps  for  the  double 
purpose  of  strengthening  the  hook  and  for  attracting  fish.  Many  of 
this  type  claimed  from  the  Pompey  sites  are  spurious. 

Consult  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  State  Mus.  Bui.  50,  Horn  and  Bone 
Implements ;  Rau,  Smithsonian  Contrib.  25,  Prehistoric  Fishing. 

Flaking  tool.  A  flaking  tool  is  a  fragment  of  bone  or  antler  from 
i  to  6  inches  in  length  used  for  pressing  against  the  edge  of  a  piece 
of  broken  flint  for  the  purpose  of  still  further  reducing  it  to  a  desired 
shape.  Flakers  show  the  marks  on  one  or  both  ends,  of  their  con- 
tact with  flint  blades.  Long  flakers  might  be  used  without  handles 
but  if  specimens  used  by  Indian  tribes  in  historic  times  are  any 
guide,  all  were  securely  fastened  to  bone  or  wooden  handles  to 
afford  a  stronger  grip  and  greater  pressure. 

Flint.  A  variety  of  translucent  chalcedony  that  occurs  in  the  form 
of  nodules  in  chalk  or  limestone.  In  color  it  is  dark  gray,  brown 
and  black,  varying  according  to  locality  and  the  coloring  matter  that 
it  contains.  In  substance  it  is  composed  of  silica  and  the  siliceous 
residue  of  fossil  sponges  and  radiolarians.  True  flint  is  very  rare  in 
Xorth  America  and  occurs  mainly  in  Arkansas  and  Texas.  Flint  is 
found  in  abundance  in  the  chalk  and  limestone  regions  of  England, 
France,  Belgium  and  in  other  places  along  the  northwest  European 
coast.  Flint,  so  called,  was  used  by  the  aborigines  of  both  hemi- 
spheres for  making  chipped  implements. 

Fossils.  Fossils  are  frequently  found  on  Indian  sites  and  in  such 
places  as  to  indicate  that  they  were  collected  by  the  aborigines.  Some 
are  worked  as  ornaments,  as  stamps  or  as  pipes.  The  Iroquois  in 


400 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


particular  were  fond  of  fossils  as  ornaments  and  sometimes  placed 
them  in  graves.  Some  modern  Seneca  collect  them  by  the  basketful 
to  put  in  graves,  as  among  the  Seneca  of  Newtown,  Cattaraugus 
reservation.  Mr  G.  L.  Tucker  has  in  the  Buffalo  Consistory  Museum 
a  fine  specimen  of  a  large  Spirifer  drilled  out  as  a  pipe.  He  found 
it  on  the  Iroquois  fort  at  Belmont,  Allegany  county.  A  seal  pendant 


Fig.  56  Objects  made  from  fossils,  i  is  apparently  a  stamp  and  comes 
from  Broome  county ;  2  is  a  pipe  made  from  a  fossil  Spirifer  and  was  found 
by  G.  L.  Tucker  at  Belmont.  xi 

containing  a  fossil  crinoid  stem  in  the  Willard  Yager  collection  at 
Oneonta  came  from  Port  Dickinson.  Segments  of  crinoid  stems  are 
sometimes  found  used  as  beads. 

Frauds.  Every  student  of  archeology  will  sooner  or  later  come 
across  fraudulent  specimens.  They  may  either  be  in  private  col- 
lections or  offered  for  sale  by  a  pretended  finder.  Stone  articles  as 
gorgets  and  pipes  seem  to  be  favorites  with  counterfeiters.  A  few 
dealers  have  made  articles  of  bone.  An  experienced  eye  will  soon 
detect  faked  specimens.  The  faker  generally  forgets  one  or  more 
essential  points,  or  makes  his  fabrication  with  some  inconsistent 
feature.  Nearly  all  the  various  means  used  to  age  bone  or  stone 
artificially  may  be  detected  and  the  marks  of  steel  tools  may  be  seen 
with  a  magnifying  glass.  Dyes  and  stains  will  wash  off  when  the 
specimen  is  put  in  boiling  water.  Every  suspected  specimen  should 
be  washed  in  pure  hot  water  as  a  preliminary  test. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  maker  of  a  fraud  of  this  kind  com- 
mits a  greater  moral  crime  than  the  counterfeiter  of  money;  for 
the  latter  simply  imitates  a  substance  that  affects  knowledge  only 
slightly,  while  the  maker  of  a  fraudulent  archeological  specimen  sets 


THE    AKrnKOLOr.K'AL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  40! 

the  seeker  of  truth  far  astray  and  may,  if  he  is  successful,  delay  or 
prevent  the  correct  alignment  of  facts  that  lead  to  the  solution  of 
some  important  problem.  There  should  be  severe  penalties  for 
f orgery  of  this  kind ;  indeed,  some  states  make  it  a  criminal  offense. 

Honest  collectors  should  seek  out  the  sources  of  frauds  and  report 
them  to  a  responsible  museum  or  archeological  association.  Every- 
thing should  be  done  to  learn  where  the  frauds  were  sold,  who  has 
them,  and  pains  taken  to  inform  the  owners. 

Gorgets.  Gorgets  are  generally  thin  tablets  of  stone  well  formed 
and  polished,  and  pierced  by  one  or  more  perforations.  This  gives 
to  them  the  descriptive  term,  "  pierced  tablets." 

The  area  in  which  gorgets  are  found  in  the  United  States  and 
Canada  nearly  coincides  with  that  of  the  banner  stone.  In  New 
York  gorgets  have  been  found  in  nearly  every  part  of  the  State 
showing  any  considerable  signs  of  Algonkian  or  mound-builder 
occupation.  Xone  is  found  on  Iroquoian  sites.  Some  have  been 
found  in  graves  of  the  polished  slate  culture,  but  most  have  been 
picked  up  upon  the  surface.  Some  have  been  found  in  fragments 
and  others  complete,  in  refuse  heaps. 

Gorgets  are  generally  made  of  some  variety  of  compact  orna- 
mental slate,  but  there  are  many  specimens  made  of  monochrome 
slate,  of  shale,  sandstone,  and  even  shell.  The  form  of  gorgets  varies 
considerably  and  indeed  there  are  several  distinct  types,  ranging 
from  specimens  that  seem  to  be  pendants  having  one  hole,  to  tablet 
forms  having  three  or  more.  The  outline  varies  from  natural  ovid 
pebbles  through  rectangular  shuttle-shaped,  spatulate,  incurved  sides 
to  segments  of  arcs  and  outcurved  sides.  The  State  Museum  has 
many  interesting  specimens  from  nearly  all  parts  of  the  State.  (See 
plate  123.) 

Several  uses  have  been  suggested  for  the  pierced  tablets  or 
gorgets  and  indeed  it  is  quite  likely  that  these  tablets,  varying  in 
outline  and  position  of  perforation,  did  have  varied  uses  according" 
to  type.  Supplementing  the  theories  already  on  record  we  wish  to 
record  one  which  had  its  origin  in  our  investigations  among  the 
Canadian  Delaware  in  1910.  Inquiry  led  to  the  statement  that  the 
Delaware  at  an  early  historic  period  had  used  gorgets  as  hair  orna- 
ments employing  them  as  roach  spreaders,  the  married  women  using 
them  as  fasteners  for  a  single  braid  of  hair  which  was  looped  up. 
Lewis  H.  Morgan  in  1850  collected  a  gorgetlike  implement  made  of 
wood  covered  with  buckskin.  This  article  he  found  among  the  Ca- 
nadian Indians  of  the  Six  Nations'  reservation.  The  label  states  that 


Plate    123 


Tablet  gorgets  of  various  types 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW   YORK  403 

it  is  a  hair  ornament.  A  photograph  of  an  Indian  girl  with  this 
object  placed  on  her  looped  braid  indicates  the  manner  of  its  use. 
We  have  no  certain  knowledge  that  an  article  of  this  kind  was  used 
upon  the  natural  or  artificial  crests  of  hair  effected  by  some  Indians, 
but  its  use  for  this  purpose  in  view  of  our  information  is  entitled  to 
some  credence.  Our  belief,  however,  is  that  not  all  gorgets  were 
used  for  this  purpose. 

Amateur  archeologists  are  fond  of  speculating  upon  the  so-called 
"  problematical  "  objects  and  by  their  very  speculations  imagine  uses 
for  things  that  are  far  from  the  true  purposes.  Gorgets  are  one  of 
the  favorite  subjects  for  speculation.  A  sensible  view  is  to  consider 
them  simply  ornamental  fastenings,  as  a  large  button  might  be.  Some 
might  thus  have  been  used  as  roach  spreaders,  similar  to  those  used 
by  the  Shoshoni,  who  had  them  of  bone,  or  they  may  have  been  used 
on  dance  bustles,  pouches,  on  a  shirt  or  shield.  In  their  varied  forms 
undoubtedly  they  had  several  uses. 

Gouges.  Gouges  are  adzlike  blades  having  a  curved  cutting  edge 
at  the  terminus  of  a  scoop  or  trough.  This  permits  a  method  of  use 
not  possible  with  a  celt  or  adz.  Gouges  in  general  are  shaped  like 
adzes  and  have  one  side  (that  on  wrhich  the  scoop  or  trough  is 
placed)  flat,  the  other  side  being  rounded  or  beveled  up  into  a  back. 
Like  all  such  cutting  blades,  sizes  and  forms  differ  according  to  the 
material  and  purpose  intended.  The  trough  has  several  variations 
and  subvariations.  Its  form  may  be  approximated  in  the  following: 

1  Short  scoop,  (a)  shallow,  (b)  medium,  (c)  deep 

2  Long  scoop,  (a)  shallow,  (b)  medium,  (c)  deep 

3  Trough  scoop  A   (a)   shallow,  (b)  medium,  (c)  deep 

B    (d)    broad    and   tapering   toward    butt,   with 

depths  (a),  (b),  (c),  as  above 
C  (e)  narrow  and  tapering  towards  butt 

4  Flat  scoops,  either  as  in  I,  2,  or  3 

The  backs  of  gouges  may  be  (i)  flat,  (2)  beveled,  (3)  rounded, 
(4)  humped,  (5)  knobbed,  (6)  grooved. 

Gouges  vary  from  specimens  2  inches  in  length  to  those  of  a  foot 
or  more.  The  degree  of  finish  and  the  polish  differ  as  do  celts  and 
adzes.  Some  specimens  are  highly  polished  and  show  little  or  no 
evidence  of  wear ;  others  show  the  picking  process  and  are  polished 
only  in  the  scoop  or  trough. 

Gouges  are  not  widely  distributed  and  good  specimens  may  be 
considered  rare.  Few  occur  in  the  south,  though  there  are  southern 

26 


Plate    124 


Certain  types  of  New  York  gouges.  x>2.  i,  Lysander ;  2,  polished  slate 
gouge,  Clay;  3,  knobbed  back  gouge  of  tough  stone,  Glens  Falls;  4,  small 
gouge  with  two  grooves  on  back;  5,  scoop  mouth  gouge,  Ticonderoga;  6, 
combination  adz  and  gouge,  from  Schoharie. 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NK\V    YORK  405 

forms  made  of  hard  shell.  Specimens  are  uncommon  west  of  the 
Alleghenies,  but  relatively  frequent  in  New  England,  Quebec, 
Ontario,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania. 

Gouges  may  have  been  hafted  as  adzes  and  used  as  working  tools 
for  hollowing  out  wooden  utensils  (by  aid  of  the  charring  process), 
as  mortars,  bowls,  masks  and  like  objects.  Some  may  have  been  used 
in  the  hand  only,  and  without  handles.  Some  early  writers  suggest 
their  use  as  sap-spikes  or  spouts,  but  unless  they  had  some  ceremon- 
ial value,  we  can  not  see  why  a  wooden  tube  would  not  have  better 
served  the  purpose. 

Gouges  are  found  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  State,  particularly 
where  Algonkian  evidences  are  to  be  found.  In  Oswego  county  one 
was  found  in  a  grave  with  a  pendant  gorget.  On  other  sites  they 
have  been  found  associated  with  grooved  axes,  adzes,  beveled  celts, 
plummets,  slate  knives  and  steatite  pottery.  None  is  found  on 
Iroquoian  sites.  (See  Celts,  Adzes). 

Consult  Handbook  30,  B.  A.  Eth. ;  Fowke  in  i3th  Annual  Rep't 
B.  A.  Eth. ;  Moorehead,  Prehistoric  Impl. ;  Fowke,  Arch.  Hist.  Ohio ; 
Willoughby  in  Prehistoric  Burial  Places  in  Maine ;  Peabody  Museum 
Papers,  Cambridge,  v.  i,  no.  6;  Beauchamp  in  N.  Y.  State  Mus. 
Bui.  1 8. 

Grinding  stones.  Stones  used  for  grinding  other  stones  are  fre- 
quently present  on  sites  of  aboriginal  occupation,  but  very  few  col- 
lectors have  taken  the  trouble  to  collect  and  to  study  them.  There 
are  several  types  of  grinding  stones,  each  suitable  for  some  specific 
purpose.  Some  flat  slabs  of  sandstone  have  depressed  surfaces,  or 
long  shallow  grooves  that  appear  to  have  been  used  with  sand  and 
water  for  polishing  celts  or  other  similar  implements.  A  number  of 
grinding  stones  of  this  kind  have  been  found  on  certain  Iroquois 
sites.  It  is  quite  probable  that  numerous  gritty  stones  were  used  in 
polishing  the  large  number  of  implements  made  and  used,  but  most 
of  these  abrasive  stones  probably  show  few  signs  of  work  that 
would  distinguish  them  from  those  only  weathered  or  water  worn. 
Another  type  of  grinding  stone  has  a  flat  surface  incised  by  fl;nt 
cuts.  These  seem  to  have  been  used  for  grinding  bone  implements, 
as  bone  awls.  A  third  type  is  found  in  certain  long,  flat  pebbles 
having  curved  outlines.  Many  such  stones  are  sometimes  found 
together  on  sites  or  in  graves.  They  are  gritty  and  some  show 
signs  of  having  been  worn  down  on  one  end. 

The  importance  of  good  grinding  stones  and  other  abrasives  was 
fully  known  to  and  appreciated  by  the  aborigines.  To  them  abrad- 


406  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

ing  stones  and  abrasive  sands  were  most  important  to  their  indus- 
tries. Without  them  many  articles  of  bone  and  wood,  not  to  mention 
implements  and  ornaments  of  stone,  would  have  been  the  more 
difficult  to  make  and  polish. 

Grooved  axes.  The  grooved  axe  is  a  widely  distributed  North 
American  implement  having  a  great  variety  of  forms.  It  is  fairly 
rare  in  New  York  State.  The  average  form  is  a  thick  wedge  having 
a  groove  encircling  it  at  a  point  about  two-thirds  the  length  from  the 
sharpened  edge.  The  butt  end  is  usually  thick,  wide  and  heavy,  and 
the  bitt  in  the  greater  number  of  forms,  the  narrowest  part  of  the 
implement.  Certain  other  forms  have  a  wide  blade.  The  groove  in 
most  New'  York  forms  is  at  right  angles  to  the  long  axis,  but  a  few 
forms  occur  where  the  groove  slants  at  a  more  acute  angle.  The 
material  out  of  which  grooved  axes  are  made  is  almost  without 
exception  some  hard  tough  rock,  as  granite,  syenite,  quartzite,  green 
stone,  tough  limestone  or  trap.  Some  specimens  are  of  hard  shale 
or  sandstone.  There  is  a  considerable  range  in  size  and  weight,  some 
specimens  in  New  York  weighing  nearly  10  pounds  while  others  are 
as  light  as  4  ounces.  The  average  weight  of  specimens  ranges  from 
i  to  7  pounds.  The  groove  in  most  specimens  completely  encircles 
the  axe  but  in  others  one  narrow  side  is  without  it  and  has  a  flat- 
tened place  instead.  This  was  the  point  upon  which  the  handle 
rested.  Certain  forms  have  a  simple  groove  which  is  merely  a 
depressed  channel  surrounding  or  partly  surrounding  the  axe ;  other 
specimens  have  heavy  ridges  bounding  the  groove. 

The  outline  of  axe  forms  varies  considerably,  as  shown  in  plate 
125.  Finely  finished  specimens  are  found  in  all  these  forms. 

Most  grooved  axes  have  only  a  rough  finish  and  still  show  the 
marks  of  the  battering  hammer  that  pounded  them  to  shape.  A  few 
specimens  have  a  polish  but  even  the  most  highly  polished  have  the 
groove  left  in  a  roughened  state  to  afford  a  better  hold  of  the  handle 
binding. 

See  also  Notched  axes,  Celts,  Gouges,  Adzes,  and  Grooved  axes 
under  the  Algonkian  occupation,  pages  60-62. 

Grooved  club  heads.  These  implements  are  among  the  rarer 
forms  of  tools  and  weapons.  They  vary  from  natural  pebbles  that 
have  been  grooved  to  beautifully  formed  and  polished  ovate  stones 
with  carefully  ground  grooves.  Some  specimens  appear  to  have 
been  reworked  from  grooved  axes.  Some  show  no  abrasions,  as  if 
they  had  been  ceremcnial  clubs,  while  others  by  their  battered  ends 


Plate    125 


Types  of   New  York  grooved  axes.     xl/2.     I,   Irving,   Chautauqua   co. ;  2, 
Versailles,    Cattaraugus   co. ;    3,    Mount    Morris ;   4,   Ticonderoga. 


4O8  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

have  plainly  been  hammerheads  or  mauls.  Plate  126  shows  a  few 
selected  types  from  the  State  Museum  collection. 

Hammerstones.  Worked  stones,  designated  hammerstones,  are 
found  throughout  New  York  State  on  sites  of  former  Indian  occupa- 
tion. They  are  similar  in  size  and  generally  in  shape  to  such  stones 
from  the  surrounding  area,  as  in  Canada,  New  England  and  Penn- 
sylvania. The  battered  edges  of  many  of  these  worked  stones  sug- 
gest their  use-name,  hammerstones.  Many,  however,  though  having 
opposed  cavities  or  pits,  for  "  grasping  between  the  thumb  and  fore- 
finger "  have  edges  showing  only  the  unaltered  natural  rind. 

Hammerstones  are  usually  made  from  natural  pebbles  of  a  size 
convenient  to  be  held  in  the  hand.  They  vary  in  weight  from  2 
ounces  in  certain  small  specimens  to  3  or  4  pounds  in  the  largest. 
The  stones  chosen  are  in  most  cases  natural  discoid  pebbles  of  gran- 
ite, quartz,  compact  limestone  or  other  hard  and  tough  rock. 

Hammerstones  may  be  divided  into  several  types : 

1  Naturally  discoidal  pebbles,  having 

a  battered  edges 

b  centrally  placed  pits  on  either  side,  but  not  battered  edges 

c  opposed  pits  and  battered  edges 

2  Natural  cobbles  or  pebbles  of  thick  and  irregular  shape  having 
battered  edges  and  opposite  pits.    These  have  two  sides  more  or  less 
flattened. 

3  Discoidal  hammers   carefully   worked  to  shape  having  evenly 
battered  rims,  smooth  surfaces  and  neatly  made  pits. 

a  In  one  form  one  surface  seems  to  have  been  a  muller.  This 
form  grades  into  the  'muller,  biconcave  disk  and  smooth  discoid. 

4  Polygonal  hammers  of  irregular  shape  having  many  faces.  These 
are  usually  of  the  hardest  varieties  of  rock  as  quartz,  chert,  granite, 
limestone,  diabase  etc.     In  most  instances  they  are  smaller  in  diam- 
eter than  the  discoidal  pitted  forms  and  of  a  shape  that  roughly 
fits  the  hollow  of  the  palms.    These  chunky  hammers  are  frequently 
so  battered  that  they  become  either  (a)  worn  down  into  small  irregu- 
lar  masses,   or    (b)    by   careful   handling,   purposely    worked   into 
spheroids,  which  become  the  fifth  form. 

5  Ball-shaped  hammers  apparently  purposely  shaped  so  for  other 
purposes  than  battering  stones.    It  is  possible  that  some  of  the  finer 
forms  were  used  as  club  heads  held  in  tight  rawhide  envelops  or  that 
others  may  have  been  balls  used  in  games,  or  that  they  were  used  as 
special  hammers  for  cracking  marrow  bones. 


Plate    126 


Grooved  maul  or  club  heads  from  N.  Y.  localities.  xl/2.  I,  wide  groove, 
from  Livonia,  Livingston  co. ;  2,  battered  face,  Seneca  river ;  3,  rough 
grooved  pebble  of  granite,  Horse  Heads ;  4,  grooved  axe  battered  down  as  a 
hammer,  Delaware  co. ;  5,  highly  polished  grooved  ovate  club  head,  Bergen, 
Genesee  co. ;  6,  grooved  pebble,  Chemung  co. 


4IO  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

6  Grooved  hammers,  in  the  form  of  elongated  stones  nicely  worked 
with  grooves  for  hafting.    This  form  is  rare  in  New  York  State  and 
specimens  are  usually  small.     They  resemble  thick  grooved  axes  but 
of  course  have  no  edge.     Both  butt  and  face  show  use,  but  princi- 
pally the  face. 

7  Celt  or  adz  forms  made  either  from  celts  or  adzs  that  had  the 
cutting  edges  accidentally  broken,  or  purposely  battered  by  use  as 
hammer  faces.     Most  celt  forms  found  in  this  State  seem  to  have 
been  made  after  the  edge  had  been  dulled  or  broken,  but  oddly 
enough  beveled  adzes  used  as  hammers  are  particularly  numerous. 
Some  were  used  to  such  an  extent  that  only  enough  remained  to 
hold  to  the  handle  binding. 

8  Pestle  hammers  in  the  form  of  long  heads  purposely  shaped 
from  hard  stone  or  made  from  long  pebbles  of  more  or  less  cylin- 
drical   or    elliptical    cross    section,    are    sometimes    found.      The 
roughened  and  scarred  ends  of  these  hammers  indicate  their  usage 
for  pounding  or  breaking  stone,  and  not  grain  or  other  soft  sub- 
stances.   In  length  the  pestle  hammer  is  not  more  than  6  inches  and 
may  be  as  short  as  3.     Some  of  them  appear  to  have  been  hafted. 

Hammerstones  are  found  in  quantities  on  all  Iroquoian  sites  and 
only  in  a  slightly  lesser  degree  upon  those  of  Algonkian  origin. 
Hundreds,  for  example,  were  picked  up  on  the  Richmond  Mills  pre- 
historic Iroquoian  site.  Mr  Dewey  enumerated  265  actually  known 
to  have  been  found  there.  Mr  Luther  picked  up  300  on  the 
prehistoric  Algonkian  site  near  Naples,  Ontario  county.  Wherever 
hammerstones  are  found  mullers  will  be  found  and  also  shallow 
metates  and  anvil  stones.  Pitted  hammerstones  are  the  most  abun- 
dant. These  may  have  from  two  to  four  pits  on  each  opposite  side. 
Pits  are  sometimes  picked  in  with  sharp  flints,  bruised  in  by  concus- 
sion, or  more  rarely  drilled  in  neatly.  Drilled  forms  occur  in  the 
Chenango  valley  and  the  ball  form  most  commonly  in  the  Genesee 
valley  and  the  upper  Hudson. 

Hammerstones  seem  to  have  been  used  for  pounding  stone,  for 
cracking,  nuts  and  marrowbones,  and  indeed  for  any  purpose  that 
they  would  serve.  Those  that  show  no  bruises  may  have  been 
housewives'  utensils  used  for  cracking  bones,  rubbing  hides,  or 
perhaps  for  firestones  used  in  heating  water  or  soup.  Hammerstones 
that  plainly  show  their  use  against  stone  were  undoubtedly  employed 
for  reducing  other  implements,  as  celts,  to  form.  By  continuous 
impact  upon  another  stone  the  surface  flakes  off  where  struck  and 
the  implement  in  process  gradually  takes  form. 


Plate    127 


'- 


Types  of.  New  York  hammerstones.  xj^.  i,  compact  limestone,  Richmond 
Mill;  2,  quartzite,  Richmond  Mills;  3,  Ashland,  Chemung  co. ;  4,  drilled  pits, 
Mount  Upton;  5,  chert,  Lansingburg;  6,  limestone,  Painted  Post. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


m 

mm 


Harpoons,  bone  and  antler.  In  this  area  bone 
harpoons  are  relatively  numerous  in  early  Iroquois 
and  Algonkian  sites.  They  are  made  from  splinters 
of  bone  ranging  from  4  to  12  inches  in  length,  and 
are  found  in  five  general  types;  those  with  (i)  one 
barb  near  the  point,  (2)  double  barb  near  the  point, 
(3)  unilateral  —  several  barbs  on  one  side,  (4)  bilat- 
eral —  several  barbs  on  each  side,  ( 5 )  barbs  on  both 
ends  —  double-ended  harpoons. 

Many  harpoons  have  been  found  in  sites  along  the 
east  shore  of  Ontario,  along  the  St  Lawrence,  along 
Lake  Champlain,  about  Oneida  lake  and  in  various 
Iroquois  sites,  as  at  Richmond  Mills,  Atwells,  Garoga, 
Clifton  Springs. 

Hematite.  A  variety  of  iron  ore,  generally  dark 
red  or  black  in  appearance,  which  while  heavy  is  rela- 
tively soft.  This  material  was  used  by  the  aborigines 
for  a  number  of  purposes,  but  principally  for  its  value 
as  a  pigment  and  for  material  out  of  which  to  make 
implements.  Hematite  occurs  in  masses  in  the  region 
of  iron  mines,  and  elsewhere  it  is  found  in  nodules 
and  small  boulders.  Rubbed  on  rough  stone  a  red 
powder  is  formed.  This  was  much  used  by  the 
Indians  who  rubbed  lumps  of  hematite  into  various 
forms,  as  pyramids  and  hemispheres.  Certain  imple- 
ments were  made  of  hematite,  such  as  plummets, 
small  celts,  grooved  axes.  These  articles  are  polished 
a  lustrous  black. 

Hoes,  stone.  Chopping  or  digging  implements 
made  from  pieces  of  shaly  rock,  slate,  limestone  and 
other  tough  stones  are  frequently  found  along  the 
river  flats  of  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware  and  their 
tributaries.  The  shape  of  these  objects  and  the 
smoothness  of  their  chipped  ends  suggest  their  use 
as  hoes.  A  few  specimens  have  come  from  the 
Genesee  valley  and  from  the  upper  valley  of  the  Hud- 
son. The  illustration  (plate  8) — gives  a  good  idea 
of  the  general  outline  of  a  stone  hoe. 

In  the  Mississippi  valley  and  in  the  Ohio  region 
hoes  chipped  from  flinty  rocks  are  found.  These 
have  an  oval  outline  and  some  specimens  show 
harpoon  from  polishing  due  to  long  use.  Notched  flint  hoes, 
Brewerton.  xf  SOmetimes  called  spades,  are  rare.  Very  few 


Plate    128 


Certain  types  of  New  York  harpoons.    x3^.    i,  2,  3,  4,  6,   10  from  Oneida 
lake  sites;  5,  7,  8,  9,  from  Jefferson  co.  shore  sites. 


414 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


specimens  that  may  be  called  flint  hoes  have  ever  been    found  in 
New  York  State. 

Hut  rings.  It  is  believed  that  certain  Indians  excavated  pits  in  the 
earth  and  erected  dome-shaped  lodges  over  them  covering  the  bent 
poles  with  saplings  and  intertwined  withes.  Afterward  the  whole 
was  covered  with  thatch  earth  and  sod.  The  Eskimo  and  certain 
tribes  in  the  United  States  have  done  this  in  historic  times.  When 
the  pole  work  supporting  the  structure  rotted  away  there  was  left  a 
pit  surrounded  by  a  ring  of  earth.  Hut  rings  of  this  kind  have  been 
found  at  Perch  lake  in  northern  New  York,  and  at  Findley  lake, 
Chautauqua  county. 


Fig.  58     Rock  carving,  Colliers 

Inscriptions.  Rock  inscriptions  by  incision  and  by  painting  are 
rare  in  New  York.  Some  occur  along  the  St  Lawrence,  the  Hudson 
and  the  Mohawk.  The  famous  Indian  rock  at  Esopus  is  a  good 
example  of  a  rock  inscription,  but  it  is  recent,  as  the  gun  held  in  the 
Indian's  hand  proves.  A  rock  drawing  near  Colliers  seems  more 
aboriginal,  and  consists  of  an  owllike  figure  outlined  by  incisions  in 


THE    ARCHEOLOGH  A  L    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK  415 

the  soft  rock.  At  Cedars  on  Black  lake  are  painted  figures  and 
areas  on  the  surface  of  a  rock  that  rises  sheer  from  the  water.  The 
color  is  iron  oxide  and  has  withstood  the  Weather  and  the  ravages 
of  time  since  the  earliest  settlers  remember.  The  New  York  Indians 
seem  to  have  confined  their  inscriptions  to  more  perishable  materials 
than  the  faces  of  cliffs. 

Jasper.  A  variety  of  opaque  chalcedonic  silica.  In  color  it  varies 
from  light  yellowish  to  deep  yellow,  orange,  red  and  brown.  Some 
forms  are  greenish  and  may  be  mottled  with  red.  Indeed,  one  flake 
of  jasper  may  reveal  several  colors.  This  fact  and  its  good  chipping 
qualities  made  jasper  a  favorite  material  for  aboriginal  implements. 
Jasper  quarries  have  been  found  in  Lehigh,  Bucks  and  Berks  coun- 
ties, Pennsylvania,  where  the  material  occurs  in  pockets.  Several 
hundred  of  these  quarries  show  evidences  of  aboriginal  working. 

Maps.  For  charting  the  locations  of  archeological  localities  col- 
lectors will  find  the  topographical  sheets  issued  by  the  United  States 
Geological  Survey  particularly  valuable.  These  maps  may  be  pur- 
chased from  the  Director,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  Washington, 
D.  C.  A  request  should  be  first  made  for  a  key  map  showing  the 
various  quadrangles  in  New  York  that  have  been  mapped.  From 
this  key  map,  which  is  sent  free,  the  particular  section  of  the  map 
desired  may  be  selected. 

In  charting  sites  the  characters  used  should  be  uniform  with  those 
in  this  bulletin.  (See  the  county  maps  in  part  VI.) 

Metates.  Metates  are  slabs  of  some  sandy  shale,  limestone  or 
other  tough  rock  having  one  or  more  surfaces  slightly  hollowed  out 
as  a  grinding  surface  for  corn  or  other  substance.  Some  are  regular 
in  form  or  are  slightly  shaped  but  most  of  them  follow  the  natural 
fractures  of  the  rock,  the  only  modification  being  the  surface  depres- 
sions. Most  of  them  are  subrectangular  in  form.  An  examination 
of  a  considerable  number  of  metates  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
substance  pulverized  upon  them  was  cracked  with  the  muller  and 
then  rubbed  with  it  into  the  desired  fineness.  Some  metates  have 
grinding  faces  on  both  sides.  Sometimes  one  face  has  a  smaller  and 
deeper  hollow ;  in  other  instances  it  seems  to  have  been  an  anvil  face. 

Metates  were  probably  used  in  shallow  baskets  of  bark  or  upon 
skins  that  caught  the  pulverized  substance  as  it  fell  from  the  stone. 
In  this  manner  dry  foods  could  be  reduced  or  powdered,  paint  pig- 
ments ground,  burnt  stone  cracked  for  tempering  potters  clay  and 
various  moist  foods  and  raw  fabrics,  pulped.  New  York  State 
metates  usually  have  saucer-shaped  depressions,  in  this  characteristic 


4i6 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


being  unlike  certain  southwestern  and  Mexican  forms,  which  are 
elongated.  In  the  east  metate  grinding  thus  seems  to  have  been 
done  with  a  circular  motion;  in  the  southwest  with  a  shoving  and 
drawing  motion. 

Metates  were  used  by  the  New  York  Iroquois  until  quite  recently. 
Several  informants  have  given  us  instances  where  metates  were  care- 
fully kept  by  Indian  families  and  even  carried  on  journeys  for  pre- 
paring hominy  or  parched  meal.  In  later  years  one  turned  up  as  a 


Fig.   59     Metate  or  mealing  stone 

weight  used  in  a  pickle  jar.  Mr  M.  R.  Harrington  found  a  metate 
in  use  by  an  Oneida  family  in  Madison  county.  With  it  was  a  bark 
tray  designed  to  hold  the  meal  that  was  pulverized  and  fell  from  the 
•stone.  One  metate  and  muller  found  by  the  writer  while  working 
with  Mr  Harrington  on  Shinnecock  hills  was  covered  with  clay  and 
cracked  granite.  Evidently  the  temper  was  being  beaten  into  clay 
for  use  in  pottery  making.  Other  potter's  tools  were  also  found 
associated  with  this  specimen. 

Moonstones.  A  name  applied  by  Willard  Yager,  Esq.  to  certain 
perforated  disks  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Oneonta.  These  disks  have 
a  large  central  perforation  and  thirteen  small  holes  drilled  about  the 
edge.  The  central  hole  is  bounded  either  by  circles  or  by  crescentric 


T11K    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    Nl-:\Y    YORK  417 

lines.  Mr  Yager  reports  these  stones  from  various  localities  and  as 
having  been  found  by  reliable  persons  in  sifru.  The  drilling,  how- 
ever, is  modern  and  done  by  steel  tools,  but  this  need  not  argue 
against  their  use  and  even  manufacture  by  the  Indians  of  the  Susque- 
lianna  valley,  for  these  Indians  still  lingered  in  the  vicinity  sixty 
}ears  ago.  Figure  60  illustrates  two  of  the  Yager  specimens  from 
Oneonta  plains  and  from  Afton  lake. 


Fig.  60  Perforated  disks  or  "  moon  stones,"  from  Otsego  county.  W.  E. 
Yager  collection.  x%.  The  drilling  appears  to  be  modern. 

Mortars.  Mortars  are  usually  hollowed-out  boulders  of  various 
sizes.  Some  mortars  were  made  in  huge  boulders  and  were  not 
portable ;  others  were  hollowed  out  in  rocks  of  such  a  size  as  might 
with  some  effort  be  carried.  The  cavities  vary  from  slight  saucer- 
shaped  depressions  to  deep  hollows  with  considerable  capacity.  As 
common  as  mortars  must  have  been  among  the  aborigines  only  a  few 
are  to  be  found  in  collections.  This  may  be  due  to  the  difficulty  of 
transporting  them  to  the  cabinet  or  to  the  fact  that  they  are  really 
rare,  or  to  both  reasons.  We  have  seen  mortars  in  stone  walls,  in 
barn  foundations,  in  well  tops,  in  barnyards  and  dooryards  as  chicken 
troughs,  in  creek  beds  where  they  had  tumbled  from  village  sites 
above  and  we  have  excavated  them  from  their  original  positions  in 
lodge  sites. 

In  certain  localities  a  century  ago  it  was  a  popular  thing  to  have 
dog  and  chicken  bowls  made  from  stone  by  blacksmiths.  There  are 
a  considerable  number  of  these  in  the  Genesee  valley,  some  of  them 
being  regarded  as  "  Indian  mortars."  Most  of  them  are  easily  dis- 
tinguished by  the  signs  of  metal  chisel  strokes. 


418  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Mortars  made  in  small  cobbles  sometimes  resemble  bowls,  or  even 
cups.  Certain  forms  from  the  Hudson  valley  are  small  and  no 
heavy  pestle  could  have  been  used  in  them. 

The  people  who  used  stone  mortars  very  likely  as  frequently  used 
forms  made  of  wood.  Wooden  mortars  continue  in  use  today  among 
the  New  York  Iroquois. 

Mortuary  customs.  The  New  York  Indians  had  several  methods 
of  disposing  of  the  remains  of  the  dead.  The  simplest  disposal  wras 
to  place  the  corpse  in  a  shallow  pit  or  grave  and  to  cover  it  with 
earth.  This  is  simple  interment.  A  second  method  was  to  wrap 
the  body  in  skins  and  place  it  on  the  ground,  inside  of  a  small  bark 
house  or  skin  tent.  A  third  method  was  to  wrap  the  body  and  place 
it  in  the  branches  of  a  tree  or  on  a  scaffold.  Another  method  was 
to  cremate  it,  and  still  another  to  place  it  in  a  canoe  or  submerge  it  in 
the  water.  Secondary  disposals  were  to  remove  the  bones  of  the 
dead  from  trees,  graves,  or  grave  houses  and  place  them  in  individual 
bundles  for  reburial,  or  in  large  ossuaries  or  pits  where  numerous 
remains  were  deposited. 

Bodies  of  the  dead  were  placed  in  graves  according  to  fixed  cus- 
toms. Most  of  the  earlier  interments  were  in  the  flexed  position ; 
that  is,  the  corpse  was  doubled  up  on  one  side,  the  knees  being  drawn 
toward  the  chin  and  the  hands  put  together  beneath  the  cheek.  This 
position  is  a  universal  one  employed  by  most  primitive  peoples.  A 
few  burials  were  made  with  the  corpse  placed  in  a  sitting  position, 
the  skull  being  uppermost  and  near  the  top  of  the  ground.  Such 
burials  are  rare  in  New  York.  Many  persons  mistake  the  flexed 
posture  for  the  sitting  posture.  Stone  grave  burials  are  usually 
straight,  the  body  being  extended  and  on  the  back.  Some  midcolon- 
ial  or  late  colonial  burials  are  also  straight.  Early  burials  have  few 
artifacts  with  them,  the  exceptions  being  mound  and  stone  grave 
interments.  The  early  Iroquois  buried  little  of  stone  or  bone  with 
their  dead  but  after  the  opening  of  the  European  period  lavished 
their  material  possessions  upon  them  that  the  spirits  of  the  objects 
might  go  with  the  departed. 

Many  graves  have  pits  above  them,  indicating  watch  fires.  The 
Iroquois  in  some  instances  kept  the  watch  fire  burning  for  ten  days. 
Both  the  Algonkian  and  the  Iroquois  believed  in  ghosts  and  in  the 
influence  of  departed  spirits.  The  spirits  of  evil  persons  were 
thought  to  become  even  more  terrible  after  death.  Some  spirits,  it 
was  thought,  entered  the  bodies  of  birds  or  animals.  (See 
Ossuaries.) 


Plate    129 


Extended  burial,   Silverheels   site 


42O 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Mullers.  Mullers  were  used  in  connection  with  mealing  stones  or 
metates,  as  their  name  implies.  Usually  they  consist  of  discoidal 
stones  of  a  size  that  might  be  conveniently  held  in  the  hand  for 
rubbing  on  the  mortar.  Some  mullers  are  nicely  shaped  and  have 
smoothly  polished  surfaces.  Others  seem  to  have  been  combination 
hammers  and  mullers.  Hammerstones,  mullers  and  game  disks 
grade  into  one  another  in  such  easy  stages  that  it  is  sometimes  diffi- 
cult definitely  to  give  a  use  name  to  a  specimen.  Plate  130  shows 
certain  types  of  stone  balls  and  mullers,  all  from  New  York. 

Mutilation.  Certain  articles  seem  to  show  deliberate  mutilation. 
Among  the  conspicuous  examples  are  owl  pipes  of  stone.  Very  few 
pipes  having  the  owl  effigy  still  have  the  head  intact.  Plate  48  shows 
two  with  a'  decapitation  and  figure  61  illustrating  this  paragraph 
shows  one  from  the  Susquehanna  valley  that 
is  headless.  There  are  too  many  such  pipes 
scattered  through  New  York  collections  to 
admit  of  a  uniform  answer  of  pure  accident. 
The  preponderance  points  out  a  deliberateness 
in  the  mutilation.  On  Algonkian  sites  near 
Iroquoian  sites  there  will  be  observed  numer- 
ous broken  gorgets.  In  the  Genesee  valley 
many  hundred  broken  gorgets  have  been 
found,  the  fragments  of  which  appear  to  have 
been  the  result  of  deliberate  smashing.  It  is 
quite  possible  that  there  were  certain  beliefs 
that  governed  the  breaking  of  articles, 
especially  effigies  and  the  special  insignia  of 
enemy  tribes. 

We  may  pardon  the  uninstructed  minds  of 
the  aborigines  for  breaking  the  relics  of  their 
enemies  but  what  shall  we  say  to  the  man  in 
civilization,  •  who  finding  a  fine  spear  point, 
deliberately  mutilates  it  by  passing  a  blade  of 
steel  over  it  to  see  it  strike  sparks  or  who 
breaks  a  specimen  to  "  see  what  it  is  made 
of,"  or  who  carves  his  name  and  date  on  a 
fine  slate  ornament?  We  can  smile  as  we 
forgive  the  housewife  who  paints  a  spray  of 
forget-me-nots  upon  a  beautiful  spear,  or  who  gilds  a  gorget,  but 
science  can  not  forgive  the  person  who  cuts  or  otherwise  mutilates  a 
.specimen. 


Fig.  61  Owl  effigy 
pipe  of  striped  slate 
from  Black  creek, 
Genesee  county.  Yager 
collection.  The  miss- 
ing head  is  common 
to  a  large  proportion 
of  Iroquoian  owl 
pipes.  x%. 


Plate    130 


Certain   types  of   balls,   hammers,  mullers,    and   smoothers,   xy2. 
i,  Pompey, —  spheroidal;  2,  ball  with  opposed  pits,  Glens  Falls;  3,  biconcave 
hammer,  Erie  co. ;  4,  heavy  hammer  or  muller,  Elbridge ;  5,  quartzite  hammer, 
\\  est  Rush  ;  6,  polished  smoothing  sione  or  game  stone,  Brasie  Corners,  St 
La\vrence  co. 


422  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Needles,  bone.  Bone  needles  found  in  this  region  are  thin,  flat, 
slightly  curved  segments  of  bone  3  to  8  inches  long,  and  one-eighth 
to  one-fourth  of  an  inch  wide,  with  one,  two  or  three  holes  centrally 
placed.  They  are  not  needles  in  the  sense  that  the  modern  steel 
needle  is,  but  rather  shuttles  or  weaving  needles,  either  for  making 
coarse  fabric  or  sewing  the  warp  over  rushes  or  husk.  Bone  needles 
of  the  sort  we  have  mentioned  are  frequent  in  Iroquois  sites,  as  at 
Cayadutta,  Ripley,  Richmond  Mills,  LeRoy,  Sheldon  Pompey,  St 
Lawrence,  Watertown,  Atwell's  and  Christopher.  The  same  forms 
have  been  found  in  Algonkian  sites,  as  at  Sag  Harbor  and  Brewerton 
island.  Identical  forms  were  used  by  Ohio  mound-building  Indians. 

New  York  State  Archeological  Association.  An  organization 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  study  of  the  archeology  of 
the  New  York  area.  The  founders  were  E.  Gordon  Lee,  Alvin  H. 
Dewey  and  A.  C.  Parker.  Organization  plans  were  completed  in 
1915  and  early  in  1916  a  chapter  named  the  Lewis  H.  Morgan  Chap- 
ter was  instituted  in  Rochester,  with  Mr  Dewey  as  president  and  Mr 
Lee  as  secretary.  In  April  1918  Leatherstocking  Chapter  was 
instituted  at  Cooperstown.  Chapters  conform  to  a  general  code  of 
laws  and  set  of  objects,  but  in  all  their  affairs  are  self-governing. 
The  general  headquarters  of  the  organization  are  in  the  Archeol- 
ogist's  office,  State  Museum,  where  records  of  the  members  are 
kept. 

The  stated  objects  of  the  association  are  as  follows:  (i)  to  pro- 
mote the  study  of  New  York  State  archeology,  ethnology  and  abor- 
iginal history,  and  to  record  the  results  of  such  study  for  the  benefit 
of  science;  (2)  to  preserve  and  protect  the  ancient  mounds  and 
localities  connected  with  the  Indians  who  formerly  inhabited  this 
State,  and  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  these  monuments,  so  far  as 
possible;  (3)  to  encourage  the  formation  of  scientific  collections  of 
aboriginal  artifacts  and  to  cooperate  wfth  the  various  museums 
within  the  State  in  the  diffusion  of  archeological  knowledge;  (4)  to 
establish  a  uniform  system  of  records  and  standard  catalog  of  New 
York  State  archeology,  to  establish  a  register  of  collections  and 
collectors,  students  and  sources  of  information;  (5)  to  prevent  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  fraudulent  specimens  and  to  prevent  the 
spread  of  erroneous  statements  concerning  matters  of  archeological 
interest. 

Ossuary.  The  term  ossuary  is  applied  to  large  deposits  of  human 
remains,  especially  those  found  in  pits.  In  most  cases  the  bones  in 
ossuaries  are  neatly  arranged,  with  the  skulls  arranged  in  a  ring,  the 
larger  bones,  as  femora  and  humeri,  piled  in  bundles,  and  the  smaller 


THE    AKCIIKOI.OCICAL     HISTORY    OK     \  K\V     YORK  423 

bones  grouped  in  separate  deposits.  Frequently  there  is  no  external 
evidence  of  the  presence  of  an  ossuary;  plowing  deeply,  trench- 
ing, excavations  for  foundations,  or  deliberate  archeological 
research  being  the  only  means  by  which  they  may  be  found. 
Fewr  have  mounds  over  them.  There  are  good  historic  accounts  of 
the  making  of  ossuaries.  At  certain  periods  of  time  the  graveyards 
and  other  places  for  the  disposition  of  the  dead,  were  opened  and 
the  bones  gathered  to  be  placed  in  one  spot.  In  this  way,  as  the 
Indians  expressed  it,  "  the  bones  of  those  who  knew  each  other  in 
life  will  mingle  in  common  dust." 

Ossuaries  have  been  found  in  the  counties  of  Jefferson,  Livingston, 
Monroe,  Ontario,  Onondaga,  Genesee,  Erie,  Cattaraugus,  Chautau- 
qua  and  Niagara.  In  New  York  most  of  them  seem  to  be  Iroquoian, 
but  some  in  Chautauqua  county  seem  to  belong  to  certain  branches 
of  Algonkian  or  mound-building  tribes. 

There  is  little  of  importance  in  ossuaries  for  archeologists.  Few 
contain  any  relics.  The  bones  may  be  of  use  to  a  student  of  anatomy 
or  osteology.  In  opening  an  ossuary  the  earth  should  be  removed 
and  a  trench  dug  entirely  around  the  deposit  before  any  bones  are 
removed.  A  very  careful  drawing  or  a  photograph  from  several 
angles  should  then  be  made.  If  possible  expert  archeologists  should 
be  invited  to  be  present ;  where  this  is  not  possible  the  work  of 
digging  should  be  carefully  done  and  some  of  the  skulls  and  larger 
bones  sent  to  some  standard  museum,  preferably  the  State  Museum, 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History  or  the  National  Museum. 

It  is  needless  to  advise  the  experienced  collector  that  the  bones 
should  never  be  dug  into  with  spades  and  scattered  in  a  broken 
condition  over  the  surface.  This  is  neither  scientific  nor  decent. 

Patina.  The  term  patina  is  applied  to  the  weathered  surface  and 
the  corrosion  on  the  surface  of  archeological  articles.  Patination  is 
due  to  the  disintegration  of  the  surface  of  the  stone  through  contact 
with  moisture, 'acid  soils,  gases,  air,  and  other  chemical  and  physical 
agencies.  Articles  of  shell  frequently  have  a  brown  patina,  copper 
a  light  bluish  to  dark  greenish  patina,  and  various  stones  have  soft 
chalky  surfaces  due  to  exposure  and  the  action  of  acids  or  of 
leaclrng. 

All  specimens  covered  bv  patina  should  be  carefully  preserved. 
The  patina  should  not  be  disturbed  and  every  effort  should  be  made 
to  keep  it. 

Pendants.  This  term  is  applied  for  want  of  a  better  one.  The 
pendant  stone  is  shaped  much  like  certain  gorget  forms  but  is  much 
thicker  and  heavier.  Some  resemble  celts,  and  indeed  mav  have 


424  XH\Y     YORK    STATK     .\il~SHr.M 

been  mounted  as  ornamental  hatchets.  One  type  has  a  small  per- 
foration drilled  ,in  at  one  upper  corner.  This  type  is  always  thick 
and  rather  too  bulbous  to  be  called  a  tablet.  Other  types  have  the 
hole  either  near  the  top  or  in  a  central  position  and  part  way  down. 
The  position  varies  from  2  millimeters  from  the  edge  to  a  point  half 
way  down.  Plate  131  illustrates  some  of  these  pendant  stones  which, 
after  all,  may  have  been  merely  ornamental  weights.  All  the 
specimens  in  plate  131  are  in  the  Yager  collection. 

Pestles.  Pestles  are  stones  used  for  crushing  or  pounding  sub- 
stances in  mortars.  A  true  pestle  is  an  elongated  hammerhead.  It  is 
a  shaft  or  handle  with  a  pounding  or  pulverizing  face  and  used  in 
conjunction  with  a  wood  or  stone  mortar.  Pestles  are  of  two  prin- 
cipal types :  ( I )  long  cylindrical  shafts  with  grinding  face  at  one 
end;  (2)  shorter  shafts  or  handles  with  expanded  grinding  faces 
(sometimes  called  "bell  pestles"). 

Cylindrical  pestles  are  worked  out  by  a  chipping,  pecking  and 
abrading  process.  Some  are  more  than  2  feet  in  length,  others  not 
more  than  8  inches.  Some  are  well  rounded  and  polished  and  others 
only  roughly  chipped  to  form.  Diameters  vary  from  il/2  inches  to  3  or 
even  4  inches.  One  class  of  cylindrical  pestle  has  the  upper  end 
carved  in  the  shape  of  some  conventionalized  animal  head.  These 
have  been  found  in  the  Seneca  River  region,  the  Hudson  valley  near 
Albany  and  near  Glens  Falls. 

Cylindrical  pestles  are  found  almost  entirely  on  Algonkian  sites 
of  all  periods.  A  few  very  early  Iroquoian  sites  in  the  State  have 
cylindrical  pestles  but  they  do  not  appear  in  later  sites.  To  the  con- 
trary, pestles  are  found  on  the  most  recent  of  Algonkian  sites  and 
frequently  old  colonial  families  still  have  in  their  possession  pestles 
that  were  found  in  the  cabins  of  Algonkian  Indians  on  their  estates, 
or  given  them  with  the  stone  or  wooden  mortar.  Mr  M.  R.  Har- 
rington has  collected  several  such  specimens. 

Bell  pestles  are  comparatively  rare  and  most  specimens  have  come 
from  the  Genesee  valley  above  Mount  Morris.  A  considerable  num- 
ber were  found  by  Mr  F.  C.  Crofoot  at  Sohyea.  Bell  pestles  are 
generally  found  on  old  sites  that  may  or  may  not  be  Algonkian.  They 
seem  to  belong  in  some  cases  to  the  mound-builder  culture. 

Pigments.  The  Indians  of  New  York  without  doubt  had  many 
kinds  of  pa:nts  and  pigments.  We  can  not  attempt  to  describe  the 
vegetable  dyes  and  stains  from  the  viewpoint  of  archeology,  for 
none  has  survived  burial  and  the  reductions  of  time.  The  ethnolo'g- 
ist  will  describe  many  that  have  survived  and  some  that  are  still  in 
use  by  the  New  York  Indians.  Of  mineral  pigments  we  can  speak 
more  certainly,  as  these  belong  to  the  realm  of  the  archeologist 


Plate    131 


Heavy  pendants  of  polished  stone,     x^. 

i,   Great  Bend,   Susquehanna  river;   2,   Mount   Upton;    3,   Oneonta   creek 
4,  Old  Fort,   Sidney. 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


427 


Among  the  minerals  that  have  been  found  in  graves  and  in  refuse 
heaps  and  which  by  their  condition  show  use  as  sources  of  color  pig- 
ments, may  be  mentioned  the  following:  sedimentary  iron  oxide, 
limonite  of  iron,  hematite,  red  and  yellow  ocher,  graphite,  cannel 
coal,  copper,  charcoal,  burned  bone,  clays. 

Paints  were  much  used  by  the  aborigines  and  were  frequently 
articles  of  intertribal  commerce.  After  the  coming  of  Europeans 
much  brighter  colors  were  obtained  and  commanded  good  prices. 

Pipes,  smoking.  Pipes  have  in  general  been  described  in  another 
portion  of  this  work  (see  pages  73-113).  Pipes  found  in  New  York 
are  of  stone,  pottery,  fossils,  bone  and  w^ood,  and  combinations  of 
these  materials.  Stemmed  pipes  may  be  divided  into  the  following 
classes:  tubular,  bent  tubes,  bowls  at  a  slight  angle,  flat-stemmed 
bent  tubes,  monitor  or  platform,  effigy  etc.  Bowls  may  be  vase- 
shaped,  effigies,  ovoid  etc. 


Fig.  62  Onondaga  stone  pipe  with  a  skin-wrapped  handle,  suggesting 
the  manner  of  fastening  the  stems  on  heavy  bowled  pipes  of  the  vase 
type.  The  stitching  may  have  suggested  the  dash  decorations  found  on 
certain  clay  pipes,  xj^ 

The  most  highly  developed  art  of  pipe-making  was  in  the  Ohio 
mound  and  Iroquoian  areas.  The  mound-building  peoples  carved 
fine  effigies  in  stone:  the  Iroqrois  modeled  similar  effigies  in  clay. 
\Yhen  the  Iroquois  made  stone  pipes  most  of  them  were  bowls 
without  stems.  Iroquoian  stemmed  forms  seem  to  copy  their  clay 
pipes.  On  the  other  hand,  certain  decorations  on  the  stems  of  clay 
pipes  seem  to  resemble  the  stitching  on  the  skin  covering  of  the 
wood  stem  used  on  stone  bowls  (see  figure  62).  The  manner  of 
holding  the  ovoid  or  vase-shaped  bowl,  which  generally  had  a  large 


428  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

conical  opening,  seems  to  have  been  to  fit  the  socket  to  the  hole  and 
then  secure  the  stem  to  the  bowl  by  covering  it  with  green  rawhide 
which  went  around  the  bowl  and  again  to  the  stem.  The  rawhide 
was  stitched  upon  the  stem,  these  stitches  being  more  or  less  orna- 
mental in  some  cases.  Where  the  pipe  bowl  was  thin  the  rawhide 
was  in  danger  of  being  baked  or  burnt.  It  is  quite  probable,  there- 
fore, that  there  was  a  wooden  projection  at  the  back  of  the  bowl 
holding  the  rawhide  away  from  the  bowl.  With  a  flat  stem  this 
would  produce  the  prototype  of  the  monolithic  monitor  pipe,  or  at 
least  a  substitute  for  it.  The  Iroquois  used  pipes  thus  secured,  in  all 
probability.  The  specimen  shown  in  the  figure  (figure  62)  shows  a 
large,  heavy  bowl  needing  no  posterior  projection.  It  is  an  Onon- 
daga  pipe  and  a  very  old  one. 


Fig.  63.  Conical  tube  of  birch  bark  stitched  and  bent  upward.  This  may 
be  the  prototype  of  the  Algonkian  elbow  pipe. 

The  tubular  pipe  may  have  been  derived  from  prototypes  of  hol- 
low cane.  In  northern  climes  wood  was  used.  More  durable  tubes 
were  made  of  stone  and  clay.  Some  tubes  may  have  been  derived 
from  cones  or  tubes  of  thin  bark  (see  figure  63).  The  tobacco  may 
have  been  thrust  in  the  larger  end,  which  was  bent,  and  the  stem  may 
have  been  flattened.  Such  a  prototype  seems  to  have  given  rise  to 
the  flat-stemmed  stone  pipe  having  its  bowl  at  a  slight  angle  from  the 
bowl.  It  also  seems  to  have  been  the  pattern  of  certain  Algonkian 
pipes  where  the  bowl  shows  a  distinct  angular  bend  instead  of  a 
curve. 

Phalanges.  On  nearly  all  sites  yielding  bone  articles  numerous 
phalanx  or  toe  bones  of  various  large  animals,  as  the  deer  and  elk, 
will  be  found.  Many  are  in  their  natural  state  but  others  are  worked 
in  many  different  ways.  The  following  are  the  principal  forms : 

i  Hollowed  out  and  perforated  at  the  smaller  end  for  suspension 
(sometimes  worked  into  cones) 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XE\V    YORK  429 

2  Perforated  at  the  smaller  end  and  in  several  other  parts  for 
use  in  the  "cup  and  awl"  game    (a  use  not  yet  obsolete  among 
Indians) 

3  Flattened  on  the  surface  naturally  flattest,  being  frequently  rub- 
bed very  smooth 

4  Ground  off  on  each  side  leaving  only  the  sides  to  form  a  sort  of 
open-work  wedge 

5  Hollowed  and  perforated  like  pipe  bowls 

6  Slit  like  whistles,  still  an  incision  being  cut  the  length  of  the 
bone 

Form  i  is  still  used  by  some  Indians  and  as  late  as  1908  M.  R. 
Harrington  collected  two  strings  containing  fifty  or  one  hundred 
specimens  used  as  necklaces  by  the  Canadian  Cayuga.  Flattened 
phalanges  seem  to  have  been  wedges  in  some  instances  and  show 
marks  of  binding  thongs.  Some  look  very  much  like  the  sliding 
orifice  regulator  used  on  Iroquois  flutes,  and  these  also  frequently 
show  the  marks  of  the  thongs  that  passed  over  them  (see  plate  40). 

Polished  slate  culture.  Three  striking  polished  slate  articles 
with  their  associated  forms  found  in  New  York  and  contiguous  ter- 
ritory indicate  a  definite  cultural  horizon,  distinct  from  all  others  on 
the  continent.  These  articles  are  the  banner  stone,  the  bird  stone 
and  the  gorget.  Associated  artifacts  are  the  barstone  and  the  boat 
stone. 

The  material  out  of  which  these  objects  are  formed  is  usually 
borne  -form  of  slate,  such  as  banded  olivaceous  slate ;  more  rarely  the 
material  is  steatite,  marble,  limestone,  sandstone,  quartzite,  syenite 
and  granite.  Finished  specimens  are  usually  highly  polished  and 
indicate  that  they  have  been  regarded  as  valuable  articles.  As  no 
white  explorer  has  left  a  record  of  having  seen  any  of  these  pol- 
ished slates  in  actual  use,  they  have  been  termed  "  problematical 
forms  "  or  "  ceremonials."  What  they  are  we  may  only  conjecture, 
but  our  attempts  to  guess  must  be  within  the  bound  of  probability, 
guided  by  a  more  or  less  detailed  knowledge  of  ethnology  as  well  as 
of  prehistoric  archeology .  Just  wrhen  or  how  these  articles  originated 
we  can  not  say  but  recent  discoveries  seem  to  indicate  a  greater  age 
than  at  first  supposed.  If  wre  are  uncertain  as  to  the  time  of  origin 
we  need  not  be  so  uncertain  as  to  the  time  when  they  passed  out 
of  use,  for  that  time  seems  to  have  been  just  after  or  co-incident  with 
the  entrance  of  Iroquoian  tribes  in  this  general  area. 

It  is  most  important  to  observe  that  two  divisions  of  the  Indians 
used  polished  slates,  one  that  indefinite  branch  that  may  have 
embraced  branches  of  several  stocks,  known  as  the  mound  builders, 


43O  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

and  the  eastern  Algonkian.  This  coincidence  is  significant  and  points 
out  an  interrelation  of  cultural  factors.  One  might  conclude  that 
the  Algonkian  people  were  an  offshoot  of  the  mound  builders,  for 
Algonkins  not  only  used  polished  slates,  but  used  grooved  axes, 
corded  pottery  and  occasionally  monitor  pipes.  At  the  same  time 
there  is  a  marked  difference  between  a  pure  Algonkian  site  and  a 
pure  mound-builder  site,  and  there  was  likewise  a  corresponding 
difference  between  the  habits  of  the  two  peoples.  The  known  Algon- 
kins were  less  sedentary  and  culturally  poorer. 

It  may  be  suggested  that  this  close  similarity  of  artifacts,  despite  a 
difference  of  degree  of  culture  in  other  things,  may  even  yet  indicate 
that  some  unknown  Algonkian  tribe  or  tribes  were  mound  builders, 
and  that  from  a  cultural  center  these  hypothetical  Algonkins  radiated 
a  cultural  influence  upon  their  less  developed  kinsmen.  To  this  sug- 
gestion we  may  reply  that,  granting  that  some  Ohio  Algonkian  tribe 
did  build  mounds  and  had  the  mound  culture,  there  is  yet  good 
evidence  that  divisions  of  other  stocks  were  also  mound  builders  and 
users  of  the  polished  slates.  It  may  be  that  certain  Iroquoian  tribes 
and  certain  branches  of  the  Muskhogean  people  were  also  mound 
builders,  which,  then,  would  make  the  polished  slates  the  mark  of  a 
cultural  status  and  not  a  distinguishing  tribal  evidence. 

Pottery.  This  term  is  used  to  include  all  articles  made  of  baked 
clay  or  terra  cotta.  In  a  narrower  sense  the  term  is  used  to  describe 
jars,  pots  or  vessels  of  this  material.  Some  have  called  soapstone 
"  pottery,"  but  in  this  work  such  a  term  is  not  applied. 

In  the  production  of  pottery,  the  New  York  Indians  dug  the  clay 
from  natural  sources,  carried  it  to  their  workshops  or  places  of 
manufacture  and  then  proceeded  to  prepare  it  for  molding.  From 
facts  supplied  by  ethnologists,  supplemented  by  archeological  evi- 
dence, the  clay  seems  to  have  been  pounded,  mauled  and  kneaded  on 
stone  slabs.  The  tempering  material  was  then  mixed  into  the  mass. 
Tempering  material  consisted  of  coarse  sharp  sand,  pulverized  mica 
schist,  burnt  granite,  cracked  shells,  and  other  similar  substances. 
Cracked  chert  has  been  found  in  pottery.  When  these  substances 
had  been  thoroughly  intermixed  the  clay  was  rolled  into  ropes  and 
coiled  into  the  shape  desired.  The  clay  was  kept  moist  and  the  ropes 
were  united  by  paddling  the  outside  and  scraping  the  inside  with  a 
stone  spatula.  Some  pots  were  built  up  at  the  bottom  within  a 
gourd  bowl.  Others  seem  to  have  been  hung  in  grass  basket-bags  or 
nets  during  the  drying  process,  and  show  the  impressions  of  the 
cords,  as  for  example  the  pot  in  plate  107.  Many  of  the  smaller 
Iroquois  pots  of  the  later  period  seem  to  have  been  molded  over 
gourds  or  calabashes  and  baked  with  the  dried  calabash  inside,  this 


Plate    133 


Polished  stone  articles  from  central  New  York.    Otis  M.  Bigelow  collection 
in  State   Museum,     x*. 


432  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

burning  in  the  process.  The  later  Iroquoian  pots  seldom  show  any 
cord  markings.  Most  of  the  Algonkin  pots  are  covered  with  cord 
lines  or  an  ornamentation  made  in  imitation  of  cordlike  impressions 
stamped  in  with  a  cord  wrapped  or  a  notched  paddle  (see  plate  13). 

The  various  types  of  pottery  are  described  under  the  subjects  of 
Algonkian  and  Iroquoian  occupation  (which  see).  Mound-builder 
pottery  in  New  York  is  much  like  the  Algonkian  forms  but  the  bowls 
are  not  so  tall  and  the  mouths  and  necks  appear  more  nearly  Iro- 
quoian than  Algonkian  in  some  instances. 

The  most  highly  developed  pottery  in  New  York  is  that  of  the 
Iroquois.  Iroquois  pottery  pipes  are  by  far  the  best  of  any  from 
any  section  of  North  America,  revealing  in  general  a  more  skilled 
craftsmanship. 

Potters'  tools.  Tools  found  in  such  places  as  to  indicate  their  use 
as  potters'  tools  are  shown  in  plate  134.  They  include  bone  smooth- 
ers and  gravers,  bone  stamps,  stone  smoothers  and  shell  scrapers. 
Other  tools  were  metates,  anvils,  mullers,  hammerstones  (perhaps 
the  kind  that  show  no  battering),  and  slickmg  stones.  Tools  that 
have  perished  are  cord-wrapped  paddles,  checkered  wooden  paddles 
and  other  implements  of  wood,  cords,  twigs  etc. 

Consult  Holmes,  Pottery  of  the  Eastern  United  States,  Report  of 
the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  No.  20;  Beauchamp,  Earthenware  of  the 
New  York  Indians,  N.  Y.  State  Museum  Bui.  22 ;  Wren,  North 
Appalachian  Indian  Pottery,  Wyoming  Historical  Society,  1914; 
Harrington,  Last  of  the  Iroquoian  Porters,  N.  Y.  State  Museum 
Director's  Report. 

The  red  paint  culture.  The  term  red  paint  culture  is  one  applied 
to  evidences  of  a  certain  type  of  prehistoric  occupation  different  from 
others.  The  name  has  been  used  as  a  descriptive  term  because  of  the 
deposits  of  red  iron  oxide  or  red  ocher  found  in  the  graves  of  this 
culture. 

Excavations  of  certain  ancient  burial  places  in  Maine  by  Wil- 
loughby,  Moorehead  and  others,  have  afforded  the  data  by  which 
this  type  of  culture  is  d:fferentiated.  The  artifacts  associated  are 
plummets  (so-called),  native  copper  beads,  gouges,  adzes,  celts, 
(some)  slate  arrow  points,  a  few  chipped  stone  arrows  (notched), 
and  stone  knives.  Other  characteristics  are  certain  flat  and  spatulate 
pebbles,  nodules  of  iron  pyrites,  and  quantities  of  red  ocher.  To 
quote  Willoughby,  "  The  use  of  this  pigment  seems  to  have  been 
universal  among  the  Indians  whose  remains  are  found  in  these  ceme- 
teries. It  varies  in  color  from  pink  to  deep  red.  In  some  graves 
only  a  small  quantity  had  been  deposited  which  the  percolating  water 
had  mixed  with  the  surrounding  sand  and  gravel.  In  other  graves  a 


Plate    134 


Potters'  tools  and  stamps.  With  the  cord  wrapped  stick  at  the  bottom 
(a  reconstruction)  the  cord  impressions  found  on  certain  Algonkian  pottery 
can  be  exactly  imitated. 


434  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

quart  or  more  of   pure  dark   red   ocher  was   found   with   various 
implements  lying  upon  it  or  buried  within  it." 

Not  many  "  red  paint "  localities  have  been  examined  in  New 
England  outside  of  Maine,  but  there  are  probably  other  sites  extend- 
ing westward  to  the  shores  of  Lake  Champlain,  where  plummets 
and  gouges  of  this  culture  have  been  found. 

In  New  York  no  graves  have  as  yet  been  described.  The  imple- 
ments associated  with  this  cultural  horizon  occur  all  along  the  Seneca 
river,  near  Oneida  lake,  along  the  Oswego  river,  follow  the  coast,  of 
Lake  Ontario  north  to  the  St  Lawrence,  and  along  the  St  Lawrence 
until  it  passes  out  of  the  State.  Still  farther  eastward  the  occur- 
rences are  along  the  west  shores  of  Lake  Champlain  and  about  the 
headwaters  of  the  Hudson.  In  all  these  localities  plummets  occur, 
but  not  so  abundantly  as  about  Oneida  lake.  Grooved  axes  and 
polished  slates,  as  gorgets,  do  not  occur  on  "  red  paint "  sites,  except 
intrusively. 

Just  who  the  red  paint  people  were  it  is  not  possible  to  state 
definitely.  They  do  not  appear  to  be  Algonkian  or  even  Eskimoan. 
In  the  Maine  localities  they  are  regarded  as  the  most  ancient  of  all 
aboriginal  occupants,  antedating  the  coming  of  the  Algonkian  tribes. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  the  culture  is  that  of  the  Boethuck. 

We  have  just  enough  of  the  red  paint  culture  in  New  York  to 
suggest  its  further  study.  More  than  likely  many  specimens  of  its 
artifacts  have  erroneously  been  associated  with  those  of  Algonkian 
or  so-called  Eskimoan  origin. 

Runtees.     Runtees  are  discoidal  ornaments  of   sea  shell  having 

two  parallel  holes  drilled  from 
one  edge  through  the  object  dia- 
meterically  to  the  other  edge. 
They  are  sometimes  found  with 
plain  surfaces  but  generally  have 
an  incised  or  picked-in  ornamen- 
tation of  some  kind.  The  orna- 
mentation may  consist  of  a  cross, 
a  star,  circles  or  other  figures. 
The  name,  runtee,  is  first  men- 
tioned by  Beverly  in  his  History 

of  Virginia,  but  it  is  probably  de- 
Fig.  64  Shell  runtee  from  an  -,  r  ,*  -^  '  *  j. 
~  .  rived  from  the  French  arrondi. 
Ontario  county,  Seneca  grave 

Runtees  are  rather  rare  in    New 

York  and  occur  almost  entirely  in  the  Iroquois  sites  of  the  late  seven- 
teenth and  early  eighteenth  centuries.  Among  the  Algonkian  tribes 
it  is  said  that  they  were  highly  valued. 


Plate    135 


Certain  types  of  shell  effigies  from  New  York  localities,     x- 
28 


43^  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Shell  pendants.  The  midcolonial  Iroquois  used  shell  pendants 
of  various  forms  in  great  numbers.  Grave  discoveries  indicate  that 
these  were  used  mostly  on  strings  of  shell  wampum.  Usually  they 
were  shaped  in  the  effigy  of  some  bird,  fish  or  animal.  A  few  take 
the  human  form,  especially  the  face,  and  some  resemble  the  beaks  or 
claws  of  birds  and  animals.  A  few  have  the  form  of  serpents.  The 
drilling  of  most  specimens  indicates  that  they  were  made  after  the 
coming  of  the  whites,  by  the  aid  of  steel  tools.  It  is  even  possible 
that  commercial  manufacturers  of  wampum  made  some  runtees  and 
shell  pendants  for  there  is  a  remarkable  similarity  and  almost 
mechanical  likeness  of  certain  patterns. 

Shell  pendants  of  the  kind  described  have  been  found  in  the 
colonial  Onondaga  county  sites  in  large  numbers,  not  only  in  graves 
but  in  refuse  dumps.  Among  the  Seneca  they  were  used  in  all  the 
midcolonial  and  late  colonial  villages,  and  numerous  specimens  have 
been  found  on  such  sites.  Large  numbers  have  also  been  found  on 
Cayuga  sites.  Good  specimens,  however,  are  rather  uncommon, 
since  exfoliation  gradually  has  destroyed  many  that  otherwise  would 
have  remained.  The  Heye  expedition  found  shell  pendants  of 
unusual  form  and  in  a  fine  state  of  preservation  in  a  Minsi  cemetery 
in  New  Jersey.  For  types  found  in  New  York  see  plate  135. 

Sinew  stones.  The  so-called  sinew  stone  is  a  pebble  or  fragment 
of  sandstone  having  its  edges  so  seamed  and  worn  as  to  resemble  a 
flat  piece  of  shoemaker's  wax.  Specimens  appear  to  have  been  pur- 
posely shaped  by  having  the  incisions  sawed  in  by  flint  knives.  The 
subsequent  smoothing  seems  to  have  been  done  by  the  rubbing  of 
sinews  as  in  smoothing  a  bowstring  or  in  sizing  sinew  thread.  Sinew 
stones  are  usually  of  sandstone,  though  certain  harder  stones  some- 
times were  used.  Most  sinew  stones  are  broken  when  found  and 
complete  specimens  may  be  considered  among  the  rarer  of  aboriginal 
tools.  There  are  instances  where  a  broken  celt  or  even  a  perfect 
specimen  has  been  incised  as  to  resemble  a  sinew  stone.  The  New 
York  State  Museum  possesses  more  than  a  dozen  fine  specimens  of 
this  type  of  abrading  implement. 

It  may  be  seriously  quest:oned  whether  or  not  sinew  stones  were 
used  as  their  names  suggest  in  all  cases.  An  examination  of  certain 
types  of  broad-based  projectile  points  shows  that  the  bases  are  rub- 
bed smooth,  all  the  sharp  edges  being  ground  down.  By  taking  a 
broad-based  point  and  sawing  the  base  into  a  sandstone  pebble, 
grooves  in  the  sandstone  similar  to  those  of  a  s:new  stone  can  be 
made,  and  the  arrow  point  base  becomes  smoothed  as  in  actual 
ancient  specimens. 


Plate    136 


Certain  types  of  "  sinew   stones "   from   N.  Y.   Localities,     xl^. 
i,  Monroe  co. ;  2,  Chenango  valley;  3,  Catskill ;  4,  Schoharie  co. ;  5,  Chen- 
an.uo  valley;  6,  Seneca  river;  /,  Seneca  river. 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Skeletal  remains.  When  Indian  graves  are  found,  especially 
those  that  appear  to  be  precolonial,  care  should  be  taken  to  preserve 
the  bones  from  wanton  or  careless  destruction.  An  experienced 
investigator  will  carefully  expose  the  skeleton  in  its  entirety  and  will 
not  pull  out  each  bone  as  it  comes  to  view,  and  thus  dismember  it  and 
break  the  brittle  bones.  With  the  skeleton  scientifically  exposed  the 
entire  grave  may  be  studied  and  the  relative  position  @f  the  accom- 
panying objects  noted.  In  this  way  nothing  will  be  lost  in  the  back 
dirt.  When  the  general  situation  has  been  noted  and  recorded  and 
drawings  or  photographs  taken,  the  bones  should  be  carefully  removed 
and  wrapped  in  some  absorbent  material.  Great  care  should  be 
taken  to  preserve  the  skull  and  to  prevent  the  dropping  out  of  the 
teeth.  Skeletal  remains  are  always  of  interest  to  the  larger  scientific 
museums,  and  should  not  be  sent  to  historical  societies.  If  there  is 
scanty  facility  for  taking  all  the  bones,  the  skull  should  be  taken 
together  with  any  of  the  larger  bones  that  exhibit  any  interesting 
features,  as  fractures,  diseases-  or  morphological  characteristics.  The 
investigator  should  look  for  evidences  of  platycnemia,  platymeria 
and  the  perforated  olecranon,  illustrated  in  plates  137-142.  If  an 
investigation  of  the  grave  and  the  removal  of  its  cultural  contents 
alone  is  possible,  common  decency  directs  the  respectful  redeposit  of 
the  bones  and  their  reburial.  Only  those  of  defective  sensibilities 
will  smash  and  scatter  the  bones  as  they  root  after  relics.  Such 
persons  indeed  are  grave  robbers  of  a  very  cowardly  sort  and  have 
no  understanding  of  either  the  purposes  or  the  ethics  of  science. 

Spearheads,  flint.  Spearheads  are  points  designed  to  be  placed 
on  the  end  of  shafts  or  handles  and  are  used  for  piercing  the  bodies 
of  human  or  beast  enemies  or  game.  A  chipped  stone  or  flint  spear- 
head was  tied  to  its  shaft  and  probably  also  secured  by  a  slot  into 
which  it  fitted. 

Stone  spearheads  are  of  varied  shapes  and  sizes.  Many  so-called 
arrowheads  in  reality  are  spearheads  or  knife  blades.  While  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  judge  the  difference  between  a  large  arrow  point 
and  a  small  spearhead,  a  good  general  rule  is  to  study  the  specimen 
as  to  its  adaptability  to  the  several  probable  purposes  to  which  it 
could  be  applied.  A  heavy  head  takes  the  power  of  flight  from  an 
arrow.  Arrow  points  are  therefore  relatively  small,  as  all  specimens 
found  in  shafts  will  show.  Heavy,  thick-stemmed  points  would  not 
fit  into  shafts  of  arrows.  Thick,  broad  stems  therefore  must  have 
been  employed  for  other  purposes.  If  they  would  fit  into  a  larger 
shaft,  say  an  inch  in  diameter,  the  point  may  be  a  spear  po:nt  or  pos- 
sibly the  spike  of  a  war  club.  Some  specimens,  however,  are  plainly 
spears  of  some  sort.  It  must  be  remembered  that  there  were  several 


Plate    137 


Two  views  of  skull  4503,  from  grave  6,  McCullough  site.    Breadth  index,  71.6. 


Plate    138 


Two  views  of  skull  4548  from  ossuary.     Index,  77.7.     Gerry  site. 


Plate    139 


Platycnemic    tibiae    from    the    McCullough    site.     The    fourth 
tibia  ha?  an  index  of  54.     From  pre-contacit  site,  Gerry,  N.  Y. 


Plate    140 


Platymeric  femora.    The  third  trochanter  is  especially  noticeable  in  the  third 
and  fourth  specimens.     From  McCullough  site,  Gerry. 


rt 
S 


Plate    142 


Humeri   from  the  McCullough  site,  Gerry,   Chautauqua  county, 
perforated  olecranon  cavity  in  all  but  the  first   specimen. 


Note  the 


TI1K    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XK\V    YORK  445 

kinds  of  spears,  one  for  game,  one  for  fish  and  one  for  ceremonials. 
These  varied  also  in  their  notching,  size  and  shape. 

Some  of  the  finest  work  of  the  stone  flaking  art  is  found  in  spear- 
heads. Some  reveal  the  hand  of  a  master  craftsman  in  their  delicate 
chipping,  symmetry  and  beautiful  notching.  The  kind  of  material 
used  regulated  to  a  large  extent  the  size  and  form  of  a  point.  Thus 
expert  workers  would  obtain  material  from  traders  or  go  on  expedi- 
tions to  the  best  quarries  for  it. 

Specimens.  All  archeological  specimens  must  receive  proper  care. 
They  should  be  handled  gently  to  prevent  their  breaking  and  the 
more  delicate  objects  should  be  wrapped  in  soft  paper  or  cotton. 
Bone,  shell  and  clay  articles  should  be  allowed  to  dry  before  handling 
to  any  extent.  As  each  object  is  found  a  label  should  be  prepared 
and  an  entry  made  in  a  notebook  kept  as  a  field  record.  Reference 
should  be  made  to  the  site  and  the  exact  spot  where  found.  Topo- 
graphic maps  for  this  purpose  may  be  secured  from  the  Director  of 
the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  Washington,  D.  C.  All  speci- 
mens should  be  neatly  numbered  and  a  corresponding  index  card 
(see  figures  65  and  66)  or  catalog  entry  prepared.  Specimens  pro- 
truding from  river  banks  or  from  gravel  beds,  where  they  are  deeper 
than  4  or  5  feet,  must  be  photographed  in  situ:  that  is,  before 
removal  from  their  original  position. 

To  the  amateur  collector  let  it  be  said  that  each  specimen  is  a  part 
of  the  record  of  some  human  activity.  It  is  important  that  these 
records  and  evidences  be  carefully  kept.  Each  specimen  is  a  letter  or 
a  word  from  the  book  of  man's  prehistory  and  our  duty  is  to  gather 
all  these  lost  words  and  missing  letters  and  place  them  where  those 
best  able  to  translate  and  piece  together  such  things  will  be  able  to 
have  access  to  them.  Specimens  from  each  site  exanrned  should 
thus  be  kept  together  in  order  that  the  objects  of  one  particular  place 
may  be  properly  correlated.  To  place  all  arrowheads  or  potsherds 
or  other  special  objects  together  regardless  of  the  sites  from  which 
they  came,  fails  to  tell  the  story  that  archeology  would  unfold.  To 
collect  in  this  manner  would  be  like  trying  to  restore  a  book  that  had 
been  torn  apart  and  scattered,  by  collecting  all  the  letter  a's  or  letter 
£'s  in  boxes  apart  from  each  other.  Nothing  could  be  determined 
by  such  a  method.  The  collector,  to  group  the  elements  of  h:s  story 
as  he  digs  it  from  the  earth,  must  put  his  notched  arrowpoint,  prop- 
erly numbered  and  recorded,  with  the  potsherds,  hammerstones, 
axes,  and  other  implements  from  the  identical  site.  In  this  way  he 
will  be  able  to  determine  the  material  culture  of  the  site.  This 
information  with  its  illustrative  material  then  affords  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  a  page  of  prehistory.  It  is  the  constructive,  scientific  method. 


446 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


No. 


00 

§> 


F 

18 
19 
20 


FIELD  RECORD 

Object   3    rude    flints 

site   High   Banks,    Erie    Co. 

Lodge   pit,  tr  6   at  48   ft  on  W.    side 

Dimensions     12x16          Depth    21     in. 
Remarks    Lodge     heap    4 

Found    by   E.R.B. 
Packed   by    A.C.P. 
Box    6 


Burial  no.        1           Site     WeStfleld 

June 
6 

Depth    31            Dimensions    48x30 

1910 

Face  toward    E              Head  top    N  . 

Skeleton  on    left      side 

Position   flexed 

Condition  disintegrated 

Soil  Gravel 

objects   One'  biconcave   disk   of   stone, 
small 

Record  and  date 

Field   notes 

1910 

Fig.  65     Specimen    field    cards    used    for    recording    archeological    data 


THE   ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


447 


In  seeking  to  make  a  scientific  collection  of  archeological  speci- 
mens, every  article  showing  the  work  of  human  hands  or  of  agen- 
cies subject  to  human  control  must  be  regarded  as  a  specimen.  Thus 
fire-broken  stones,  broken  pottery,  flint  chips,  animal  bones  cracked 
for  the  marrow,  charred  corn  and  beans,  and  other  apparent  refuse 
must  be  regarded  as  of  some  importance.  If  all  are  not  actually 
gathered  for  the  collection,  the  precise  quantity  noted  must  be 
placed  on  the  record  of  the  site  as  kept  by  the  collector.  A  back- 
ground is  thus  provided  for  the  more  attractive  specimens. 


Mus.  no. 

MUSEUM 
34027 


Number 
Sept . 
1918 


Col.  no. 


Tk   1 


ed 
18, 


ARCHEOLOGY 

object  Pipe  of  baked  clay 

2  faces,  one  on  front;  one  on  back. 

Locality  Belmont.   Lot  20  Amity  s.  of 
Philip  Cr.  Fortification 

Collector   GEORGE    L.     TUCKER 

Record  and  dates    Museum    aCQ.UiS  1 1  ions     1918. 

Donation.  Other  specimens  in  Museum 
of  Buffalo  Consistory,  A.A.S.R. 

Remarks  Illustrated:  Arch.  Hist.  N.Y. 
Displayed:  Case  Q. 

Type.  Early  Iroquoian 


Fig.  66     Specimen  museum  catalog  card  used  for  recording  data  of  specimens 

It  should  be  religiously  remembered  that  the  first  duty  of  a  col- 
lector is  to  mark  his  discoveries  in  such  a  way  that  both  he  and 
others  may  be  able  to  know  from  whence  they  came.  Place,  whether 
grave,  mound,  refuse  heap  or  surface,  should  be  mentioned.  These 
facts  are  far  more  important  than  the  name  of  the  finder  and  the 
date.  The  distinguishing  mark  on  the  specimen  should  be  small  but 
legible  and  be  on  the  most  inconspicuous  part  of  the  object.  If  the 
specimen  is  exhibited  a  separate  label  may  be  prepared,  but  this 
should  be  entirely  aside  from  the  catalog  card  or  entry  record.  A 
collection  carefully  cataloged  may  become  of  considerable  import- 
ance, but  a  collection  simply  gathered  because  the  objects  are  "  Indian 


44$  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

relics,"  is  a  monument  to  a  crime  against  knowledge  and  truth.  We 
can  not  emphasize  this  fact  too  strongly,  for  the  relics  left  behind  by 
primitive  man  and  his  descendants  of  the  earlier  ages  are  all  too  few. 
important  clues  and  a  complete  chain  of  evidence  may  be  forever 
obliterated  by  the  careless  and  ignorant  collector.  Collectors  have 
no  moral  right  to  destroy  the  records  that  ancient  man  took  cen- 
turies to  write  into  the  soil,  through  his  enduring  artifacts.  They  do 
have  a  heavy  moral  obligation  to  preserve  every  circumstance 
concerning  their  finds. 

The  amateur  collector  should  early  get  in  touch  with  recognized 
museums  and  scientific  societies  and  subscribe  to  the  various  arche- 
ological  periodicals.  Such  museums  as  the  New  York  State  Museum 
at  Albany  will  always  welcome  correspondence  from  collectors  and 
will  freely  give  advice.  Nearly  all  museums  issue  bulletins  and  guide 
books  of  value  to  collectors.  Archeological  associations,  such  as  the 
New  York  State  Archeological  Association,  with  headquarters  in  the 
State  Museum,  the  Ohio  State  Archeological  Society,  the  Wisconsin 
Archeological  Association,  and  others,  issue  interesting  publications. 
General  works  such  as  Handbook  30  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology, 
Washington ;  Moorehead's  "  Stone  Age " ;  Wissler's  "American 
Indians  " ;  and  Fowke's  "Archeological  History  of  Ohio,"  will  be 
found  of  considerable  value  to  students. 

The  moral  of  this  "  word  with  amateur  collectors  "  is  that  no  one 
should  be  a  mere  collector  of  aboriginal  artifacts.  The  collector 
must  likewise  be  a  student  who  carefully  records  the  information 
that  chance  or  diligence  unfolds.  By  means  of  a  little  care  and  study 
the  whole  subject  will  appear  in  a  dififerent  and  higher  light ;  the 
collector  while  satisfying  his  instinct  of  acquisitiveness  will  at  the 
same  time  become  a  contributor  to  the  science  of  archeology,  and 
thus  a  real  benefactor. 

Spoons,  bone  and  antler.  Bone  and  antler  spoons  have  been 
found  in  Iroquois  sites,  especially  in  graves.  The  bowls  are  capa- 
cious but  seem  small  compared  with  the  Iroquois  wooden  spoons. 
There  were  three  or  more  bone  spoons  found  on  the  Dann  site  near 
Honeoye  Falls.  One  had  the  figure  of  a  swimming  beaver  in  relief 
on  the  back  of  the  handle. 

Antler  spoons  have  been  found  on  the  Marsh,  Gandagaree  site 
near  Victor,  at  Boughton  hill  and  at  St  Lawrence.  One  came  from 
an  early  Algonkian  site  near  Brewerton  (Beauchamp,  Horn  and 
Bone,  315-16).  Spoons  of  this  kind  may  be  considered  rare. 

State  Museum.  The  New  York  State  Museum  is  the  outgrowth 
of  the  Natural  History  Survey  originally  authorized  by  the  State 
Legislature  in  1836.  The  Museum  has  two  functions:  first,  that  of 


THE    ARCH  KOLnC.lCAI.     HISTORY    OK     N  K\V    YORK  449 

the  collection  and  display  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  State  and 
second,  the  prosecution  of  scientific  research  along  the  several  lines 
of  natural  history,  so  far  as  these  subjects  pertain  to  the  area  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  State.  These  embrace  geology,  paleontology, 
mineralogy,  entomology,  zoology,  botany,  archeology  and  ethnology. 

The  present  housing  of  the  Museum  is  in  the  State  Education 
Building  in  Albany.  Here  are  the  offices  of  the  Museum  staff,  and 
here  in  the  longest  and  largest  exhibition  halls  in  America  are  dis- 
played the  various  collections  of  objects  illustrating  the  geology,  the 
animal,  insect,  plant  and  the  aboriginal  phenomena  of  the  State. 
The  Museum  is  a  free  institution  devoted  entirely  to  public  instruc- 
tion. It  belongs  to  the  people  of  the  State  and  constitutes  a  unique 
index  to  the  natural  products  of  the  Empire  State. 

Many  thousands  of  citizens  and  indeed  travelers  from  all  over 
the  world  have  visited  the  exhibits.  As  many  as  six  or  seven  thou- 
sand have  visited  the  halls  on  a  Sunday,  the  yearly  total  of  visitors 
being  from  200,000  to  300,000. 

The  popularity  of  the  institution  is  attested  by  the  numerous 
gifts  it  has  received  from  public-spirited  citizens.  Among  the 
notable  gifts  since  1912  have  been  the  Indian  habitat  groups,  the 
Dewey  Iroquois  Collection,  the  Fuertes  bird  paintings,  the  Clark 
Reservation,  the  Cryptozoon  Ledge,  the  Stark's  Knob  volcano,  the 
Squaw  Island  in  Canandaigua  lake,  the  Arnold  bird-eggs,  and  the 
Peck  memorial  collection  of  mushroom  models.  There  have  been 
many  smaller  gifts,  including  individual  specimens  in  all  the  various 
departments. 

The  section  of  archeology  has  undertaken  a  survey  of  the  arche- 
ological  localities  of  the  State  and  has  conducted  many  excavat:ons 
of  various  important  sites.  The  collections  occupy  both  mezzanine 
halls  running  the  entire  length  of  the  building.  The  west  hall  is 
devoted  to  the  ethnology  of  the  Indians  still  living  within  the  State. 
Here  are  exhibits  of  the  costumes  and  clothing  of  the  Iroquois  and 
Algonkin,  cases  containing  specimens  of  their  domestic  utensils, 
weapons,  Dairies,  textiles,  silver  work,  bead  work  and  ceremonial 
articles.  Here  also  are  the  official  wampum  belts  of  the  Iroquois 
league.  In  the  Myron  H.  Clark  Hall  of  Iroquois  Ethnology  are  six 
habitat  groups  consisting  of  actual  life  casts  of  Iroquois  and  other 
Indians.  Each  group  represents  some  activities  connected  with  the 
culture  of  the  aborigines.  They  are  viewed  through  large  glass 
windows  and  the  impression  is  that  of  looking  directly  out  of  a  large 
window  and  at  a  natural  scene.  These  groups  represent :  hunting, 


45°  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

warfare,  council,  ceremony,  industry  and  agriculture  and  quickly 
give  an  impression  of  New  York  Indian  life  not  possible  to  obtain  in 
any  other  way.  At  the  east  end  of  this  hall  is  a  bark  cabin  fully 
furnished  and  of  the  type  once  occupied  by  the  Indians  of  our 
State. 

In  the  east  mezzanine  hall  is  the  collection  of  archeological  speci- 
mens. There  are  more  than  12,000  articles  displayed,  including 
about  40  pottery  vessels,  680  pipes,  250  polished  slate  objects,  and  all 
the  varied  forms  of  stone,  bone,  shell  and  copper  articles  that  char- 
acterize the  ancient  material  culture  of  the  New  York  natives.  The 
collections  are  arranged  in  several  ways,  as  follows :  ( i )  by  localities 
to  show  the  various  parts  of  the  State  from  west  to  north  and  south 
to  east;  (2)  by  types  of  implements  in  a  classified  order;  (3)  by  cul- 
tures, as  Iroquoian  and  Algonkian ;  (4)  by  methods  of  manufacture 
in  which  the  processes  of  making  aboriginal  articles  are  illustrated ; 
(5)  by  uses,  in  which  the  use  of  articles  is  explained. 

The  study  collection  consists  of  about  100,000  specimens,  stored  in 
drawers  and  cataloged.  Most  of  the  archeological  material  has  been 
acquired  since  1911,  the  old  collections  having  been  destroyed  in  the 
Capitol  fire  in  March  of  that  year.  By  gift  and  purchase  the  arche- 
ological section  has  added  largely  to  its  own  field  collections.  Among 
the  notable  collections  now  on  exhibition  are  the  following:  the 
Museum  field  accessions,  the  Raymond  Dann,  the  Fred  H.  Crofoot, 
the  Joseph  Mattern,  the  Alvah  Reed,  the  C.  A.  Holmes,  the  R.  Van 
Valkenburg,  the  Vanderveer-Auringer,  the  Otis  M.  Bigelow,  the 
L.  D.  Shoemaker,  the  Ward  E.  Bryan,  the  D.  W.  Thompson,  the  C. 
Pv  Oatman,  the  R.  S.  Loveland,  the  R.  W.  Amidon  and  the  Alvin  H. 
Dewey. 

Each  specimen  is  so  cataloged  as  to  give  credit  to  its  collector,  but 
in  a  scientific  museum  such  as  this,  specimens  are  placed  in  exhibits 
to  which  they  logically  belong,  regardless  of  the  collection  of  which 
they  once  formed  a  part.  The  object  is  to  make  an  intelligent  display 
of  naturally  related  material  and  not  to  mass  together  unrelated  curio- 
sities. All  the  pages  of  each  book  of  nature  though  found  scattered 
over  the  surface  of  the  land  must  be  brought  together,  sorted  and 
placed  in  order,  that  the  story  may  be  correctly  read.  Each  speci- 
men is  a  letter,  a  page  or  a  chapter,  important  to  our  problem,  and 
each  is  therefore  placed  where  it  belongs. 

Several  notable  men  of  science  have  served  the  archeological  sec- 
tion of  the  Museum  in  various  capacities,  among  them  Henry  R. 
Schoolcraft,  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  Frank  H.  Gushing  and  William  M. 
Beauchamp. 


THE    ARCHEOLOCK  AI.     HISTORY    ( )  F    X  KW    YORK  45! 

The  archeological  and  the  ethnological  exhibitions  of  the  State 
Museum  have  attracted  many  students  of  science,  the  methods  of 
display  and  the  arrangement  of  the  specimens  have  been  pronounced 
as  scientifically  correct  as  it  is  possible  to  make  them. 

The  State  Museum  holds  out  a  permanent  invitation  to  all  the 
people  of  the  State  to  cooperate  with  it  in  making  its  exhibits  a 
complete  course  of  instruction  in  the  natural  sciences  with  which  it 
deals. 

The  Museum  maintains  a  staff  of  men,  as  well  as  special  experts 
employed  from  t;me  to  time.  The  Director  of  the  Museum  is  also 
the  State  Geologist  and  the  State  Paleontologist,  having  assistants  in 
each  of  these  branches.  Other  members  of  the  staff  are  the  miner- 
alogist, the  botanist,  the  entomologist,  the  zoologist,  the  taxidermist, 
and  the  archeologist. 

Stone  age.  The  term  "  stone  age  "  is  applied  to  the  long  period 
in  the  history  of  human  culture  during  which  the  most  durable  tools 
made  by  mankind  were  of  stone.  With  tools  for  pounding,  bruising, 
pulverizing,  scratching,  sawing,  cutting  and  scraping,  man  was  able 
to  reduce  softer  material  and  even  rocks  to  desired  forms.  Thus 
man  made  hammers,  mullers,  flint  knives  and  scrapers  of  stone. 
\Yith  his  stone  hammer  he  knocked  out  a  spear  head ;  with  an  edged 
flint,  sawed  away  on  a  sapling  and  made  a  spear  shaft. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  during  the  so-called  stone  age  there 
were  no  other  articles  beside  those  of  stone,  for  in  fact  early  mankind 
used  bone  and  antler  tools  and  ornaments,  used  articles  made  of 
shell  and  wood,  and  probably  dressed  in  the  skins  of  various  animals. 
To  the  race-mind,  physically  endowed  as  it  was  with  hands,  the 
simple  use  of  one  instrument  with  which  to  pound  and  one  with 
which  to  cut,  be  the  processes  ever  so  laborious,  proved  a  wonderful 
stimulant  to  further  progress. 

The  earliest  evidence  of  man's  use  of  stone  tools  dates  back  into 
a  period  thought  to  be  nearly  a  million  years  ago.  The  rude  flints 
found  in  the  strata  lying  between  the  tertiary  and  the  quaternary, 
are  called  eoliths  (dawn  stones)  in  allusion  to  the  dawn  of  material 
culture.  With  the  further  development  of  man's  manual  ability, 
after  thousands  of  years  came  an  advanced  type  of  flint  implements, 
known  as  paleoliths  (old  stone).  As  progress  continued  chipped 
stone  implements  improved  until  polished  chopping  blades  or  hatchet 
heads  were  made.  In  Europe  this  period  is  called  the  neolithic 
(new  stone).  The  neolithic  period  in  Europe  is  divided  into  several 
sections  each  characterized  by  the  types  of  blades  found,  SQ  far  as, 


452  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

the  New  York  area  is  concerned,  we  can  not  use  the  same  terms 
employed  by  European  archeologists,  for  no  evidence  has  yet  been 
discovered  to  prove  the  presence  of  paleolithic  man.  Our  "  stone 
age  "  is,  however,  comparable  with  the  European  "  neolithic  "  with- 
out being  susceptible  to  the  same  subdivisions. 

It  must  always  be  kept  in  m'nd  that  what  we  know  of  the  stone 
age  culture  of  any  people  is  only  a  knowledge  of  certain  durable 
stone  artifacts,  the  use  of  whxh  may  or  may  not  be  obvious.  Stone 
implements  may  have  been  and  probably  wrere  the  least  in  number 
of  all  objects  possessed  by  ancient  man.  We  know  nothing  of  his 
clothing,  articles  of  wood  and  of  thongs.  On  rare  occasions  we  do 
find  some  article  of  worked  bone,  but  as  a  general  thing  all  things 
less  durable  than  stone  heive  rotted  away.  We  must  therefore  use 
caution  in  attributing  extreme  poverty  of  possessions  to  the  ancient 
race  whose  stone  implements  we  find ;  when  we  look  at  his  hatchet 
head  and  his  spear  point  we  must  vision  all  that  these  things  imply. 
The  hatchet  had  a  handle,  the  spear  a  shaft.  These  were  of  wood 
and  the  thongs  of  the  deer  or  shreds  of  tough  bark  bound  the  heads 
to  the  handles.  Our  stone  age  men  had  skin  robes,  footgear,  head 
dresses,  pouches,  utensils  of  bark,  objects  hewn  out  of  wood,  and 
they  had  dwellings  where  they  lived  with  their  women  and  children. 

While  the  advanced  races  of  Peru,  Central  America  and  Mexico 
made  articles  of  molten  and  cast  silver,  gold  and  copper,  the 
numerous  tribes  to  the  south  and  to  the  north,  at  the  time  of  the 
Columbian  discovery,  were  living  in  the  stone  age.  The  aborigines  of 
the  New  York  area  were  all  stone  age  people.  Cartier,  Verrazano, 
Hudson  and  Champlain  all  saw  the  American  stone  age  man. 

Civilized  man  of  today  still  depends  upon  stone  for  many  useful 
and  ornamental  purposes,  but  has  abandoned  it  as  a  material  for 
cutting  and  pounding*  in  industrial  purposes.  For  mulling  and  for 
abr'asives,  stone  is  still  used  in  ways  not  entirely  different  from  those 
employed  before  the  ."  age  of  metals." 

Trade  articles,  European.  With  the  coming  of  Europeans  to 
America  "there  was  a  great  change  in  the  material  culture  of  the 
New  York  Indians,  and  in  the  culture  of  the  American  aborigines 
in  general.'  Among  the  evidences  of  European  contact  and  trade 
may  be  mentioned  glass  beads  of  many  sorts ;  brass  articles,  as  kettles, 
bracelets,  beads  and  other  ornaments ;  iron  articles,  as  knives, 
hatchets,  tools,  scissors,  chisels,  chains,  tomahawks,  spikes,  guns, 
swords  etc. ;  lead  articles,  as  bullets,  seals,  effigies  etc. ;  glassware,  as 
bottles,  sheet  glass,  ornaments  etc.;  earthenware,  as  glazed  pottery, 
white  clay  pipes,  dishes  etc. ;  stone  articles,  as  European  flint,  chalk 


THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK 


453 


etc. ;  certain  articles  of  gold,  silver,  pewter,  zinc,  tin.  Articles  of 
fabric  of  European  origin  are  sometimes  found  in  graves,  preserved 
by  contact  with  copper  or  copper  salts. 

Articles  made  by  Europeans,  while  interesting  in  a  general  way, 
have  little  value  in  assisting  our  understanding  of  aboriginal  culture. 
For  this  reason  we  have  not  described  the  numerous  articles  and 
materials  of  European  origin  found  on  historic  Indian  sites.  They 
have  little  bearing  on  archeology  save  to  mark  the  presence  of  the 
white  man  and  to  point  out  the  beginning  of  the  decay  of  native 
material  culture. 

Consult  Beauchamp,  Metallic  Ornaments,  Metallic  Implements  of 
the  New  York  Indians,  Bulletins  of  the  N-.  Y.  State  Museum; 
Parker,  Origin  of  Iroquois  Silversmithing,  American  Antho- 
pologist,  Vol.  XII,  No.  3. 

Tubes,  stone.  There  are  several  types  of  stone  tubes  found  in 
New  York.  One  type  is  a  short  flattened  tube  with  rather  thick 
walls  and  drilled  with  a  uniform  hole  throughout.  Some  specimens 


Fig.  67     Slate  tube   from   Randolph,   Cattaraugus   county 

look  much  like  a  bicycle  handle  grip  with  one  end  smaller  than  the 
other.  A  second  type  is  cigar-shaped  and  longer  than  the  former. 
These  have  flaring  mouths,  reamed  out,  leaving  thin  lips.  The  hole 
at  the  smaller  end  is  much  smaller  than  any  other  part  of  the  tube, 
suggesting  that  this  type  was  a  smoking  pipe.  The  third  form  is  a 
nearly  uniform  tube  with  a  reamed  out  orifice  at  one  end  and  an  out- 
ward flaring  flat  end  pierced  with  a  small  hole  at  the  other. 

The  cylindrical  cavity  is  large  and  the  walls  of  the  tube  thin,  so 
thin,  in  fact,  that  many  have  collapsed  in  places  due  to  weathering 
and  the  natural  rotting  of  the  stone.  A  few  of  this  type  were  made 
of  a  stone  that  would  take  a  high  polish,  but  most  of  them  are  of 
dull  lime  or  sandstone.  Tubes  are  comparatively  rare  in  New  York. 
They  have  been  found  on  the  surface  and  in  graves,  particularly, 
stone  box  graves.  Their  range  in  this  State  is  coextensive  with  the 
bird  stone  and  gorget. 


454  NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 

Like  all  other  polished  stone  "  problematical  "  we  may  only  con- 
jecture what  tubes  were  used  for.  It  has  been  suggested  that  they 
were  used  for  smoking  pipes,  drinking  tubes,  sucking  tubes  for  draw- 
ing blood  from  incisions,  shaman's  paraphernalia,  whistles,  medicine 
cases,  and  for  several  other  purposes.  On  the  Pacific  coast  cigar- 
shaped  stone  tubes  are  used  for  smoking  pipes ;  tubes  of  bone  and 
horn  were  used  in  historic  times  for  sucking  blood  or  in  shamanistic 
practices.  These  stone  tubes  have  been  found  in  graves  filled  with 
red  or  black  pigment,  and  others  have  had  internal  clay  plugs  so 
placed  that  by  blowing  at  one  end  a  loud  whistle  was  emitted.  Tubes 
may  have  had  various  uses  according  to  type.  When  we  try  to  guess 
the  uses  of  the  Indian's  creations  and  to  fix  one  specified  purpose 
upon  one  of  them  we  must  remember  the  humble  hairpin  of  today 
and  then  challenge  archeologists  of  the  eons  to  come  to  determine 
even  a  dozen  of  its  manifold  purposes,  and  we  may  likewise  prepare 
our  ghosts  to  rise  and  confound  him  if  he  dares  to  say  that  only  one 
use,  as  that  of  removing  coins  from  a  crack,  or  that  of  picking  a 
lock,  was  the  sole  and  only  correct  one. 

Use  name.  A  name  applied  to  an  object  in  conformity  with  some 
known  or  assumed  use  of  the  object.  There  are  three  general  types 
of  names  applied  to  archeological  materials  :  ( I )  a  descriptive  name  ; 
(2)  a  use  name;  (3)  an  applied  name.  Thus,  a  stone  hatchet  head 
may  be  called  (i)  a  petaloid  artifact  of  polished  stone  having  one 
cutting  edge  at  the  wider,  thinner  end;  (2)  a  chopping  blade;  (3) 
a  celt.  As  a  rule  descriptive  terms  are  longest,  use  names  shorter 
and  applied  names  shortest.  Use  names,  however,  ought  not  to  be 
employed  when  the  use  is  not  evident.  A  wrongly  applied  name 
becomes  a  source  of  constant  confusion.  To  call  a  hatchet  head 
a  "  skinning  stone  "  is  to  employ  a  use  name  that  may  be  utterly 
erroneous  and  confusing.  Though  the  term  celt  may  be  less  intel- 
ligible it  is  preferable  to  "  skinning  stone  "  because  it  conveys  no 
erroneous  impression  as  to  the  use  of  the  article,  but  on  the  other 
hand  may  suggest  a  cutting  blade  of  some  kind. 

Use  names,  such  as  ceremonial  stone,  surgical  stone,  and  the  like 
should  be  avoided,  unless  the  person  employing  the  terms  can  justify 
them  by  an  appeal  to  facts. 

Wampum.  The  various  sorts  of  shell  beads  used  by  the  eastern 
Indians  were  generally  termed  wampum.  Properly  speaking,  how- 
ever, wampum  beads  are  the  small  cylindrical  beads  made  from  both 
the  shell  of  the  Venus  mercenaria,  or  common  round  clam, 
and  from  Pyrula  carica  and  P.  Canaliculata(  formerly 


THE    AIU'HKOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    XE\V    YORK  455 

called  Busycon).  From  the  purple  spot  in  the  clam  shell  flat  pieces 
were  broken  and  ground  into  long  octagons.  Drilling  was  then  com- 
menced and  afterward  the  tube  ground  into  a  cylinder  which  was  cut 
into  segments  that  were  finished  as  beads.  Great  care  and  skill  was 
exercised  to  make  purple  wampum  and  its  value  was  from  two  to 
ten  times  that  of  white  wampum.  The  columellae  of  the  Pyrula  fur- 
nished a  natural  tube  for  beads.  It  was  perforated  and  ground  down, 
then  cut  into  beads,  and  finally  the  beads  were  made  uniform  and 
given  a  polish.  Frequently  individual  beads  were  drilled  from  the 
small  cylinders  cut  from  the  shell.  White  beads  being  easier  to  make 
were  valued  at  only  one  half  that  of  the  purple.  In  aboriginal  times 
before  the  coming  of  Europeans  wrampum  was  much  scarcer  than 
after  the  dawn  of  the  colonial  period.  As  the  middle  period 
approached  (i68£),  wampum  manufacture  by  both  whites  and 
Indians  had  reached  its  maximum.  There  were  bushels  of  it  in  use 
both  for  the  manufacture  of  ceremonial  belts  and  for  coin.  Wam- 
pum in  strings  was  used  as  currency  both  by  the  whites  and  the 
Indians,  and  as  late  as  1712  was  receivable  for  goods  and  for  ferry 
fare  between  [Manhattan  island  and  Brooklyn. 

With  the  aid  of  simple  machinery  from  five  to  nearly  a  dozen 
strings  of  wampum,  each  a  span  in  length,  could  be  produced  by  a 
workman  in  one  day.  Each  white  span  had  a  value  of  about  12^ 
cents.  Discoidal  wampum  consisted  of  several  sizes  of  discoid  beads, 
each  size  conforming  to  a  certain  standard,  and  drilled  in  the  center. 
Many  small  discoid  beads,  some  quite  perfect  circles,  have  been 
found  in  graves  that  appear  in  every  way  to  be  prehistoric.  Dis- 
coidal wampum  varied  from  sizes  having  a  diameter  of  one-fourth 
to  three- fourths  of  an  inch.  Cylindrical  wampum  varies  frofm  less 
than  one-eighth  to  more  than  three-sixteenths  of  an  inch  in 
diameter. 

The  name  wampum  comes  from  the  New  England  Algonkin 
wampumpeak.  Both  parts  of  this  word  wrere  used,  wampum  and 
peag  or  peak.  The  entire  original  wrord  means  "  a  string  of  (white) 
shell  beads."  Other  terms  were  used,  as,  for  example,  "  sewant." 
Some  traders  imitated  shell  wampum  by  making  or  obtaining 
counterfeits  of  porcelain.  Bad  wampum  caused  considerable  trouble 
in  the  New  Amsterdam  money  markets  and  rigid  laws  were  passed 
governing  the  use,  condition  and  value  of  the  beads.  Much  has  been 
written  on  the  subject  of  wampum.  Consult  Beauchamp,  Bulletin 
41,  New  York  State  Museum;  Bulletin  30,  Bur.  Am.  Eth.,  Vol.  2, 
Hewitt,  page  909 ;  Wroodward,  Wampum :  Weeden,  Johns  Hopkins 


456 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Univ.    Stud.,   s.   viii-ix,   1884;   Holmes,  2d   Rep't,   Bur.    Am.   Eth- 
nology; etc. 

Wood.  Articles  made  of  wood  were  far  more  common  among 
the  Indians  than  were  articles  of  more  durable  substances.  This  is 
so  far  true  that  the  stone,  bone  and  clay  articles  found  on  sites  con- 
stitute only  a  small  fraction  of  the  material  objects  made  and  used 
by  the  natives.  Houses  were  of  wood  and  bark,  dishes  were  of 
wood,  and  there  were  spoons,  clubs,  baskets,  bowls,  mortars,  cups, 

rattles,  masks,  arrow  and  spear  shafts, 
game  sticks,  boxes,  and  numerous 
other  things  of  wood.  Bark  likewise 
supplied  a  useful  material  for  ropes, 
string,  nets,  fabrics,  dishes,  barrels, 
houses  and  numerous  other  purposes. 
A  traveler  in  an  Indian  village  jn 
colonial  New  York  might  never  have 
noticed  a  stone  implement.  These 
facts  point  out  that  the  rinding  of 
even  a  single  stone  object  on  a  site 
may  indicate  a  degree  of  occupation  of 
greater  intensity  than  at  first  thought. 
Everything  else  save  the  stone  imple- 
ment has  crumbled  away. 

In  some  graves  and  in  the  bot- 
toms of  swamps  and  lakes  articles  of 
wood  have  sometimes  been  found.  Colonial  Seneca  and  Onondaga 
graves  where  there  have  been  articles  of  brass  to  act  as  a  preservative 
frequently  have  yielded  spoons,  bowls,  small  images,  and  parts  of 
arrow  shafts,  all  of  wood.  Figure  68  shows  the  top  of  a  comb  of 
wood  found  in  an  Ontario  county  Seneca  grave. 

Workshops.  Places  where  aboriginal  implements,  such  as  flint 
points,  were  made  are  called  workshops.  These  may  be  located  near 
village  sites,  on  camp  sites  along  trails  or  near  sources  of  supply. 
Evidences  of  workshops  are  places  covered  with  large  numbers  of 
flint  chips  or  partly  blocked  out  stones.  In  workshop  sites  or  nearby 
many  implements  in  process  of  completion  may  be  found.  Caches 
of  blank  forms  have  occasionally  been  unearthed  in  the  vicinity  of 
these  places  of  industry. 

(For  Part  2  see  N.  Y.  State  Museum  Bulletin  237-38.) 


Fig.  68  Top  of  wooden 
comb,  from  a  grave  in 
Ontario  county 


INDEX 


Abbott,  Charles  C,  mentioned,  8 

Abenaki  tribe,  158 

Abnormalities  in  skeletons,  222 

Aborigines,  American  (see  also  In- 
dians) study  of,  13;  distribution  of, 
18;  derived  from  early  Asiatics, 
23;  range  of  stocks,  25-27 

Abrading  implement  (see  sinew  stone, 
grinding  stone),  436 

Absence  of  types,  132 

Acorn  pit  (pi.  39),  127;  mentioned, 
224,  226 

Adirondack,  156,  158 

Adz,  general  notes  on,  349;  picture 
(pi.  109),  350;  Algonkian,  62 

Agriculture,  of  mound  culture,  86; 
of  Iroquois,  132,  134 

Algonkian-Iroquoian,  type  of  pipe, 
245 

Algonkian  occupation,  40,  41 ;  arti- 
facts found  in  sites  of,  44;  of  New 
York,  46;  characteristic  sites,  48- 
50;  not  uniform,  52;  pottery  of, 
70-73;  near  Plattsburg,  79;  pot- 
tery of,  137;  of  Jefferson  county, 
316;  site  on  Owasco  outlet,  340; 
pottery  from,  342;  coastal  pottery, 
345;  shell  heaps  of,  348;  polished 
slate  in,  430 

Algonkian  stock,  area  of,  25 ;  range 
of,  41 ;  map  showing  New  York 
area,  47 

Amateur  archeologist,  403 ;  advice  to, 
445 

America,  not  inhabited  in  earliest 
times,  19-20;  peopling  of,  24 

American   and  Asiatic,   compared,   23 

American  Anthropologist,  cited,  foot- 
note, 98,  377 

American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, work  reliable,  42 ;  expedition 
of,  344 

American  race,  characteristics  of,  23 ; 
not  Asiatics,  23;  language,  23; 
stocks  of,  25-27 


Amidon,  Dr  R.  W.,  collection,  77,  78, 
450 

Ancient  man,  story  of  important,  13; 
in  Europe,  18-19;  375 

Ancient  semicircular  earth  work  in 
Chautauqua  county,  described,  307 
(see  also  Sheridan  site) 

Animal  bones,  in  pits,  168;  at  Rich- 
mond Mills,  192;  split  for  marrow, 
201 ;  Silverheels  site.  225 ;  Le  Roy, 
312;  Jefferson  county,  332;  Ma- 
tinicock,  344;  370 

Animal  life,  source  of  food  supply, 
21,  22 

Animal   teeth,    192 

Animals,  game,  of  New  York,  32 

Animals,  influence  of  upon  civiliza- 
tion, 34 

Ankylosis,  222,  271 

Anthropology,   14 

Antler,  general  notes  on,  351 ;  Algon- 
kian uses  of,  76;  image,  117;  198; 
objects  of,  200;  spear,  214;  combs 
(fig.  26),  109;  (fig.  27),  200;  at 
Ripley  (pi.  99),  303;  worked,  346; 
implements,  348 

Antler   arrowhead,   296,   335 

Anvil,  general  notes  on,  351 ;  108; 
from  Richmond  Mills,  192;  Ripley, 
278 

Archeological  History  of  Ohio,  cited, 
448 

Archeological  research,  13;  functions 
of,  14,  18;  in  New  York,  35 

Archeology,  5 ;  in  New  York,  7 ; 
students  of,  8;  value  of,  9;  interest 
in,  10;  scope  of,  14;  schools  of, 
16;  discoveries  of,  19;  New  York 
field  of,  34;  of  New  York,  35; 
problems  of  in  New  York,  37; 
may  become  a  statistical  science, 
42 ;  Algonkian,  46 ;  Eskimoan,  79 ; 
Mound  Builder  culture,  85;  Iro- 
quoian,  106 ;  red  paint,  227 


[457] 


458 


NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Archeology  Hall  (in  State  Museum), 
frontispiece,  pi.  i 

Argillite,  general  notes  on,  352; 
arrowpoints,  347 

Arrow  shaft  rubber,  108;  from  Rip- 
ley,  280;  general  notes  on,  354 

Arrowheads,  general  article  on,  352, 
375;  Algonkian,  52;  picture  (pi.  5), 
53;  Iroquoian,  106;  of  bone,  117; 
picture  (pi.  40),  130;  Richmond 
Mills,  194;  335,  348,  438 

Arrowmaker,  217;  methods  of,  378- 
382;  chipping  process  of  (pi.  117), 
379 

Artifacts,  relative  frequency,  42;  lists 
of,  43 ;  classes  of,  43 ;  of  Algonkian 
culture,  50;  Eskimoan,  79;  Mound, 
84;  Iroquoian,  44 

Ash  beds,  224 

Ash  pits,  328,  334,  342 

Asiatic   origin   of   American   race,  21 

Athapascan  stock,  24 

Athens   site,  92 

Atlantis,    theory   of,   20 

Auburn  and  Syracuse  Electric  rail- 
road, 340 

Auringer,  Dr  O.  C.,  79 

Awls,  bone  (see  also  bone  awls), 
general  notes  on,  354;  from  Rich- 
mond Mills  (pi.  65),  191;  197,  292, 
301,  312,  336,  345 

Axe,   iron,   214 

Axe,  stone,  general  notes  on,  356 

Aztecs,   25 

Ball,  general  notes  on  balls  of  stone; 

picture    (pi.   130),  421 
Bannerstones,  general  notes  on,  356; 

Algonkian,   69;   pictures    (pi.    in), 

357;  (pi.  112),  359 
Bar   amulet,    general   notes   on,    364; 

picture,  364 

Bar  celt,   general  notes  on,  364;   280 
Bark   houses  of    New   York   Indians, 

33 
Barnard,  P.  P.,  186 ;  list  compiled  by, 

203 

Barbed  hooks,  399 
Barton,   Dr   Benjamin   S.,   mentioned, 

83 


Baskets,  prototypes  of  pot  forms,  137 
Baxter,  M.  L.,  mentioned,  n 
Beads,    bone,   general   notes    on,   365; 
from    various    sites,    197,    292,    335, 

337 

Beads,  stone,  227 
Beads,  various  native,  337 
Bean,   202 
Bear    teeth,     115;     knives     (pi.    36), 

123;    chisels,   293,   336 
Beauchamp,    William    M.,    cited,    8, 

200,    212,    236,    241,    273,    399,    405,' 

450 

Beaver  teeth,    (pi.  36)    123 
Bell  pestles,  424 
Belmont,    site,    400 
Benedict,   Dr   A.   L.,    excavations   of, 


Bering  strait,  route  of  migration,  21 

Bigelow,  Otis  M.,  collection  of,  94, 
357,  450 

Big  Sandy  creek,  321 

Bird  pipes   (see  owl  pipes),  144,  145 

Bird  stone,  notes  on,  366 ;  heads 
(pi.  114),  369 

Blades  of  bone,  notes  on,  368 

Bluesky,    William,    field   helper,   238 

Boatstone,  notes  on,  368 

Bone,  uses  of,  general  notes,  370 ; 
implements  of,  76;  Iroquoian  im- 
plements, 115;  picture  (pi.  33), 
116;  arrowheads  (pi.  40),  129; 
from  Richmond  Mills  (pi.  66), 
193;  Ripley,  292;  picture  (pi.  96), 
298;  (pi.  97),  299;  (pi.  98),  301; 
awls  at  Le  Roy,  312;  arrowheads, 
335;  beads,  337;  Owasco  (pi.  108), 
343;  implements,  345';  tubes,  346; 
implements,  348;  blade,  368;  and 
antler  (pi.  118),  383 

Bone    and    antler    articles    (pi.    118), 

383 

Bone   arrowheads,   335 
Bone  awls   (see  awls),  354;   191,   197, 

292,    312,    335,   345 
Bone  burial,  327 
Bone  tubes,  346 
Books  on  archeology,  448 
Boreal  man,  22 
Boughton  Hill,  combs   from,  382 


1XDKX    TO    THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK      459 


Boundaries,  between  stocks,  27 
Boyle,  Dr  David,  mentioned,   134 
Bracelet,  of  brass,  217;   iron,  217 
Brass,  arrows,  217;  sheet,  235;   arti- 
cles (pi.  102),  306;  acts  as  preserv- 
ative, 456 

Brewerton   site,   94 
Bryan,  Ward  E.,  collection  of,  450 
Bryant,  William  L.,   n 
Buckman,    Dr,    site    on    property    of, 

317 

Buffalo  Consistory  Museum,  pipe  in, 
400 

Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Sciences, 
methods,  42;  excavations  of,  187 

Bureau  of   Ethnology,   mentioned,   85 

Burials,  types  of,  214;  customs  of, 
264;  houses,  122 

Burial  site,  in  Chautauqua  county, 
170;  record  of  excavations  at 
Gerry,  174 

Burmaster,  Everett  R.,  1 1 ;  excava- 
tions by,  89,  90,  92;  field  assistant, 
246,  footnote 

Burning  Spring  site,  location  of,  162 ; 
fort  on,  162;  view  of  (pi.  56),  163; 
fort  described,  164;  pit  in  (pi.  57), 
165;  excavations  in,  166;  pits,  166; 
implements  found  in,  167 ;  outline 
map  of,  168;  map  of  field  work  in, 
169;  inhabitants,  205;  mentioned, 
240 

Burrs  Mills  site,  is  Iroquoian,  320 

Busycon,   columella,  348 

Cache,  notes  on,  371 ;  of  corn,   122 ; 

of  acorns,  127 
Caddo,   155 
Caddoan   stock,   range,   25 ;    language, 

104 

Calamus  root,  charred,  338 
Cannibalism,  312 
Captives,  of  the  Iroquois,  159 
Carbonized  substances,  at  Ripley,  302 
Carr,  Prof.  Lucien,  84 
Carvings    on    wood,     124     (see    also 

effigies) 
Catalog  cards,  specimen,  general  notes 

on,  446,  447 
Catawba,  96 


Catlinite,  beads,  218;  227,  236;   mas- 

kett,  397 

Cat  nation   (see  Erie) 
Cattaraugus  reservation,  207 
Cattaraugus  creek,  mound  on,  89;  208 
Caves,   of    France   and   Belgium,    18; 

animals  of,  19;  paintings  and  carv- 
ings in,  19 
Cayuga,  customs,   148;  migrations  of, 

158 
Celt   (stone  hatchet  head),  notes  on, 

372;  Algonkian,  60;  Iroquoian,  107; 

Ripley,    279    (pi.    88);    types,    282; 

Sheridan,    308;    336;     picture     (pi. 

H5),  373,  385 

Chalcedony,  notes  on,  375 

Champlain,  275 

Charred  material,  corn,  223;  grass, 
223;  squash,  nuts,  husks,  223;  226 

Chautauqua  hills,  246 

Chautauqua  lake,  247 

Cheney,  T.  Apoleon,  7,  84,  87 

Cherokee,   155 

Cherokee  pipes,  96;  pipes,  146 

Chert,  notes  on,  375  • 

Chipped  stone  implements,  methods 
of  manufacture,  375;  of  Algonkian, 
52;  various,  56;  from  Silverheels 
site,  226;  Long  Island,  347 

Choctaw,  155 

Chopper,  notes  on,  382 ;  Algonkian,  58 

Circular  designs,  not  on  Iroquois 
pottery,  139;  picture  (fig.  17),  139 

Civilization,  origin,  10 ;  cultural  stages 
similar,  13;  germ  of,  15;  incen- 
tives, 34 

Clambake,  native,  345 

Clark,  Myron  H.,  Hall  of  Iroquois 
Ethnology,  449 

Clarke,  John  M.,   10 

Clay  coils,  338 

Clay  pipes,  Algonkian,  73;  picture 
(pi.  140),  74,  (pi.  15),  75,  (pi.  31), 
112;  description  of  Iroquoian,  113; 
picture  (pi.  32),  114;  (fig.  18), 
139 ;  certain  forms  of,  141 ;  effigy 
of  Iroquois,  146;  picture  (fig.  24), 
148;  (pi.  50),  149;  (pl.  5i),  150; 
(pi.  52),  152;  (pl.  53),  153;  (pl. 
54),  154;  from  Richmond  Mills 


460 


NEW    YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


(pi.  67),  196;  described,  197;  show   | 
experimentation,    206;    typical    ring   j 
bowled,    234;    serpent    form,    235; 
picture  of   in  grave    (pi.   75),  221; 
(pi.  83),  257,    (pi.  95),  297;  effigy 
from     Le     Roy,      312;      Jefferson 
county,  337 ;   Owasco  lake,  342 

Clear  creek  (Erie  county),  238 

Climate,  of  New  York,  31 

Cloth,   Iroquois,    124 

Coastal  culture,  Algonkian,  49;  sites 
of,  76;  Long  Island  sites,  344 

Cock,   Matilda,   site  on   farm  of,   344 

Coil  process,  in  pottery,   139 

Cole,  Egbert,  site  on  farm  of,  330 

Collector,  7 ;  amateur,  41 ;  methods 
of,  42;  care  of  implements  by, 
372;  advice  to,  448 

Colligan,  John,  site  on  farm  of,  318 

Colonists,  of  New  York,  33 ;  re- 
sources of,  34 

Combs,  antler,  general  notes  on,  382 ; 
Iroquoian,  115,  117;  picture  of 
later  types,  (pi.  35),  121;  (pi.  37), 
125;  from  Richmond  Mills,  200; 
relative  frequency,  384;  of  wood, 
456 

Conestoga    (Andeste),    106,    156,    158 

Consanguinity,   Iroquois,   130 

Contact,  results  of,  396 

Converse,  Harriet  M.,  8 

Copper  implements,  general  notes  on, 
387;  among  Algonkian  tribes,  76; 
not  used  by  Iroquois,  132 ;  picture 
(pi.  119),  389;  beads,  217,  218; 
boatstone,  from  Ohio,  370 

Corn,  cultivation  of,  86;  charred,  214, 
223 ;  preparation  of,  224 ;  in  Silver- 
heels  site,  225 ;  cache  pits,  320 ; 
charred,  338 

Cornplanter,  Edward,  a  Seneca  In- 
dian, mentioned,  102 

Cosmogony,  Iroquoian,   130 

Cow,  influence  on  civilization,  34 

Cradle  of  race,  not  in  America,  20; 
in  Asia,  23 

Creuxius,  map  shows   Erie  tribe,  272 

Crofoot,  Fred  H.,  424,  450 

Culture,  general  notes  on,  388;  an- 
cient, 13;  origin  of,  14;  changes, 


22,  27 ;  problems,  37 ;  intensity,  42 ; 
artifacts  of,  50;  Eskimoan,  81 ; 
Mound,  94;  Iroquois,  96,  102; 
mutations,  100 

Cups,   of   stone,   388 

Cupstones,  390 

Gushing,  Frank  H.,  mentioned,  7 ;  on 
pottery,  137;  theory  of,  289;  de- 
scription by,  313,  450 

Cusick,   David,  cited,   102 

Cylinder,  antler,  230 

Cylindrical  pestles    (see  pestles),  424 

Dann,  Raymond,  collection  of,  450 

Dann  site  at  Honeoye  Falls,  pipes 
from,  picture  (pi.  31),  112;  (pi. 
32),  114;  combs  (pi.  35),  121; 
(pi.  37),  125 

Davis,  Dr  E.  H.,  cited,  84 

Decoration,  of  pottery,  70 ;  picture 
(pi.  120),  71;  by  Iroquois,  132;  on 
Iroquoian  pottery,  134;  motifs  of 
(pi.  46),  140;  (pi.  47),  142;  of 
pipes,  148;  in  Jefferson  county,  337 

Dekanawida,  Iroquois  culture  hero, 
102 

Delaware,   156,  342 

Dewey,  Alvin  H.,  mentioned,  1 1 ;  list 
compiled  by,  43 ;  collection  of,  184, 
187;  description  by,  189,  422;  col- 
lection of,  450 

Dewey,   Melvil,  mentioned,  8 

Dewey,  Rev.  C.,  cited,  311 

Discoidal  implements,  notes  on,  390 ; 
of  Algonkian  culture,  58;  from 
Richmond  Mills,  206;  perforated, 
general  notes  on,  390 

Djigonsaseh,  "  the  mother  of  na- 
tions," 104 

Doctor,  Jacob,  site  on  farm  of,  90 

Dog  skeleton,  burial,  346 

Doll,  bone,  228 

Dorn,  David  R.,  mentioned,  n 

Dosoris  Pond  site,  346 

Double  walled  fort,  excavated  by 
Harrington,  238;  sketch  map  of 
(pl-  77).  2395  location  of,  240; 
earthwork,  241;  picture  (pi.  78), 
243;  diagram  of  wall,  244;  men- 
tioned, 307 


INDEX    TO    THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK      461 


Dreams,  influence  of,   146 

Drills,  picture  of  (pi.  16),  55;  Al- 
gonkian,  56;  Iroquoian,  107 

Durfee  farm  site,  317;  described, 
330;  map  (pi.  106),  331;  imple- 
ments, 335 

Earthworks,  of  western  New  York, 
83;  of  Ohio,  83;  of  Iroquois,  119; 
location  of,  132 ;  double  wall,  241 ; 
Ripley,  258 ;  Sheridan,  307 ;  Le  Roy, 
311;  Shelby,  313;  Jefferson  county, 
320 

Eastman,  John,   farm  of,  330 

Economics,   of   aboriginal    life,   387 

Edson,  Obed,  mentioned,  1 1 ;  inves- 
tigations of,  172 

Effigies,  on  pestles,  60;  of  shell,  108; 
on  pipes  (pi.  31),  112;  of  bone, 
117;  on  combs,  121;  on  pipes,  141, 
143,  146;  picture  (pi.  50),  149;  (pi. 
51),  150;  on  pipes  (pi.  52),  152; 
(pl-  53),  J53;  from  Richmond 
Mills,  195;  on  pipe  (pl.  90),  283- 
284,  from  Le  Roy,  312;  on  pestles, 
424;  on  pipes,  427 

Elk  teeth,  on  necklace  (pl.  23),  95; 
mentioned,  228,  292 

Engraved  articles,  general  notes  on, 
393;  picture  (pl.  122),  394 

Eolith,  18,  451 

Erie,  pottery  (pl.  29),  109;  tribe, 
156,  158;  occupants  of  Double 
Wall,  245 ;  occupied  western  New 
York,  247;  occupied  Ripley  site, 
271 ;  early  names,  272 ;  relation  to 
other  Iroquois,  272;  destruction  of, 
274 ;  legend  of,  273 ;  not  extermin- 
ated, 276;  were  hunters,  286;  pot- 
tery described,  287-296;  bone  im- 
plements (pl.  96),  298;  (pl.  97), 
299;  Sheridan  site  may  be,  310 

Errors,  common,  general  notes  on, 
384 

Eskimoan  occupation,  early,  40;  arti- 
facts of,  44;  culture,  79;  area  of, 
81 ;  of  Jefferson  county,  316 

Estimating,  method  of,  43 


j  Europe,  archeology  of,  13,  16,  18,  19; 
caves  in,  18,  19;  early  home  of 
man,  19;  stone  age  of,  451 

European,  objects  in  mounds,  84-85; 
but  not  in  New  York,  94;  coming 
of,  160;  influence  of  the,  160;  con- 
tact at  Ripley,  272;  similarities, 
356;  influence  on  combs,  382;  civil- 
ization, effect  on  native  culture, 
386;  coming  of  the,  395;  artifacts, 
396,  453;  general  notes  on  contact, 
395 

Excavations  (see  various  sites),  gen- 
eral notes  on  method,  396 

Faces,  human  (see  also  effigies), 
general  notes  on,  396;  Algonkian, 
66;  picture  (pl.  n),  67;  on  pipes 
(pl.  50),  149,  (pl.  50),  150;  at 
Richmond  Mills,  195;  picture  (pl. 
67),  196 

False  Face  society,  235 

Fenton,  W.  T.,  reports  the  Ripley 
site,  248;  pipe,  395 

Field  records  (see  various  sites), 
methods,  254  , 

Finger  prints  on  copper,  300 

Fire,  worshipped  by  early  man,   15 

Firestones,  notes  on,  398 

Fishhooks,  bone,  general  notes  on, 
398;  (pl.  33),  116;  picture,  119; 
Richmond  Mills,  197 

Five  Nations  (see  also  Iroquois), 
triumph  of,  159 

Flaking  tool,  notes  on,  399 

Flexed  burial  (see  various  sites),  418 

Flint,  general  notes  on,  399;  imple- 
ments, early  use  of,  15,  17,  18;  Al- 
gonkian, 53,  56 ;  Iroquoian,  106-7 ; 
Burning  Springs,  167;  implements, 
286;  knife,  336 

Flint  Ridge,  great  quarries  at,  378 

Follett,  Harrison  C,  mentioned,  n; 
excavations  by,  49,  187;  account 
by,  190;  list  of,  203;  notes  by,  310 

Food  supply,  influence  on  migrations, 
21 ;  early,  22 ;  stores,  29 ;  abundance 
in  Xew  York,  31 ;  animal,  32 ;  of 
Iroquois,  132,  134;  at  Richmond 


462 


NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Mills,    202;    traces    of    at    Silver- 
heels,    223,    225 ;    Jefferson    county, 
338;  Coastal  Algonkian,  345 
Fort  Ancient,  mentioned,  120 
Fortifications,    Algonkian,    76;    most 
in   New   York  are   Iroquoian,    120; 
at   Gerry,    172 
Fossils,    used    by    Indians,    notes    on, 

399,  400 

Fowl,   domestic,   34 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  mentioned,  83 
Frauds,  general  notes  on,  400 

Garden  of  Eden,  21 

Garoga,  site  (pi.  41),   137 

Gas,  natural,  at  Burning  Springs, 
162;  at  Richmond  Mills,  186 

Geographic  conditions,  influence  on 
migrations,  21,  22,  23;  in  New 
York,  as  influencing  settlement,  30 

Gerry  site   (McCullough  farm),  170; 

9  work  on,  172;  map  of  (pi.  61), 
J73;  graves  in,  174;  picture  of 
graves  (pi.  62),  175;  occupation  of, 
180;  age  of,  181 

Gohl,  Edward  H.,  excavations  by,  49; 
work  at  Owasco  outlet,  340 

Gordon,  George  B.,  on  the  banner- 
stone,  363 

Gorget,  picture,  one  holed,  69;  tablet, 
(pi.  22),  93;  (pi.  123),  296;  gen- 
eral notes  on,  401-2 

Gouges,  general  notes  on,  403;  pic- 
ture (pi.  124),  404;  Algonkian, 
62;  picture  (fig.  20),  63 

Gould,  J.  D.,  site  on  farm  of,  307 

Grave  fire,  218 

Graves  (see  also  human  remains, 
skeletons),  Algonkian,  49;  mound 
builders,  92;  Iroquoian,  124;  pic- 
ture (pi.  38),  126;  (pi.  62),  175; 
description,  176-179;  on  Silver-  i 
heels  site,  picture  (pi.  72),  213; 
types  of,  214;  pictures,  215,  216, 
219,  221;  some  not  marked,  220; 
method  of  excavating,  254;  pic- 
tures (pi.  83),  257;  (pi.  84),  259; 
summary  of  Ripley,  260-263 ;  pic- 
ture (pi.  85),  265;  in  ash  pits,  266; 
picture  (pi.  86),  267;  depth  of,  268; 


arrangement  of,  268;  on  Heath  site, 

322;  described,  325 
Great   lakes,   influence  on   settlement, 

30 

Grinding  stones,  405 
Grooved  axe,  general  notes  on,  406; 

Algonkian,  63;  picture  (fig.  53),  63; 

(pi.  125),  407;  described,  345 
Grooved  club  head,  general  notes  on, 

406;    Algonkian,    63;    picture     (pi. 

126),   409 

Grooved   hammers,   410 
Grooved   weights,   Algonkian,   64 
Groups    (tribal),    condition    of    early, 

22 ;  first  in  New  York,  40 

Hair  ornament,  401 

Hammerstones,  general  notes  on, 
408;  Algonkian,  58;  Iroquoian,  107; 
picture,  108;  Richmond  Mills,  192, 
194;  at  Ripley,  278;  Jefferson 
county,  336;  use  of,  410;  picture 
of  (pi.  127),  411 

Handles  on  pots,   in 

Handsome  Lake,  a  Seneca  prophet, 
102 

Harpoon,  201 ;   general  notes  on,  412 

Harpoon,  bone,  119,  120;  from  Jef- 
ferson county,  335;  picture  (fig. 
57),  412;  types  and  localities,  412; 
picture  (pi.  128),  413 

Harrington,  M.  Raymond,  mentioned, 
8;  excavations  by,  49;  article  by, 
207-37;  on  site  explored,  237;  ex- 
cavation at  Ripley,  248 ;  on  the 
Sheridan  site,  307;  on  Jefferson 
county  sites,  315;  work  of,  344; 
on  antler,  351 ;  metate  found  by, 
416;  pestle  found  by,  424 

Harris,  Rev.  T.  M.,  mentioned,  83 

Heath,  Homer  J.,  site  on  farm  of, 
317;  grave  on  (pi.  104),  319;  site 
examined,  321 ;  occupation  of,  322  ; 
graves  (pi.  105),  323;  map  of,  324; 
implements  from,  335 ;  disk  beads 
from,  338;  credit  due,  339 

Hematite,  Eskimoan  uses  of,  81 ;  in 
mound  culture,  86;  uses  of  by  In- 
dians in  general,  412 

Hennepin,  map  locates  Erie  tribe,  272 


INDEX    TO    THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK      463 


Hoes,  Algonkian,  56;  picture   (pi.  8), 

58;  general  notes  on,  412 
Holmes,  C.  A.,  collection  of,  450 
Holmes,    William    H.,    cited,    8,    84, 

377 

Horse,  influence  of,  34 
Hough,   Franklin  B.,  cited,   7,  84 
Houghton,   mentioned,   8,    187 
Houses  of  Iroquois,  130,   132 
Howland,   Henry  R.,   mentioned,    n 
Hudson  valley,   shows  Algonkian  oc- 
cupation, 50,  58 

Human  faces,  modeled  in  clay,  398 
Human  remains   (see  also  skeletons), 
not  old  in  America,  19;   Iroquoian, 

122 

Humeri,   picture    (pi.    141),  443;    (pi. 

142),  444 

Hunting  laws,  of   Iroquois,  27 
Huron    archeology,    100;    migrations, 

156 

Huron-Erie,    pottery   area,    134 
Huron-Iroquois,    pottery,    no;    area, 

120;  pipes,  148;  original  stock,  155; 

Erie  may  be  parent  tribe,  273 
Hut  rings,   general  notes  on,  414 

Identification,    methods    of,    50 
Images,   bone,    117 
Inca  bone,   271 

Inclosures     (see    earthworks),    120 
Index  card,  sample,  446,  447 
Indian       (see      various      tribes      and 
stocks),    distribution    of    the,    28; 
characteristics  of  the,  29;  of  New 
York,  33;  population,  39;  errors  re- 
garding,  384 
Indian   dirt,   344 
Indian  habitat  groups,  440-50 
Indiana,  Iroquoian  pottery  in,   156 
Information,    sources*  of,    35 
Inscriptions,  general  notes   on,  414 
Inventions,    early,    15;    made    before 
man's    dispersal,    16;    identical,    17; 
made   progress  possible,    18 
Iron  axe,  from  Silverheels  site,  214; 

in   grave    (pi.    73),  216 
Iron     implements,     217,     218;     knife, 
227,   228,   234 


Iron  oxide,  66 

Iroquoian  occupation,  in  New  York, 
08;  map  of  area,  99;  artifacts,  44; 
area  of,  100;  early  sites,  122;  char- 
acteristics of,  128;  map  (pi.  44), 
136 

Iroquoian  stock,  range  of,  26;  tribes 
composing,  26 ;  origin  of,  96 ;  map 
of  New  York  area  (pi.  44),  136; 
early  sites  of,  247 

Iroquois,  predecessors  of,  35 ;  energy 
of,  41;  predecessors  of,  46,  94; 
migrations  of,  96;  established,  98; 
centers  occupied  by,  100 ;  cultural 
changes,  102 ;  traditions  of,  104 ; 
pottery  of,  no;  types  of  pottery, 
113;  early  sites  of,  122;  247;  con- 
quest, 122 ;  agricultural,  128 ;  not 
mound  builders,  128;  houses,  128; 
culture  contrasted,  130;  did  not 
erect  mounds,  132;  agricultural, 
132 ;  dwellings,  134 ;  like  southern 
Indians,  134;  pipes,  113-115,  141, 
147,  148,  149,  150,  152,  153,  154; 
integration  of,  159;  of  today,  160; 
ability  of,  161 ;  origin,  161 ;  occupa- 
tion of  Jefferson  county,  316;  pot- 
tery of  Jefferson  county,  317;  pre- 
historic culture,  339 

Irving,    site   explored   near,   207 

Ivory  implements  (pi.  16),  77;  dirk, 
79;  dagger  (pi.  22),  93 

Jackson    schoolhouse,    site   near,    238 

Jasper  implements,  372 ;  general  notes 
on,  415 

Jaw  scraper,  293,  :m 

Jefferson  county  sites,  described  by 
Harrington,  315 ;  evidence  of  an- 
cient culture  in,  316;  archeology 
of,  316 

Jefferson,   Thomas,   mentioned,  83 

Jesuit  relations,  cited,  footnote,  245, 
272,  273 

Jinglers,    of   brass,   231 

Keer,    Casper,   mentioned,    187 
Kilmer,   P.   W.,   mentioned,   339 
Kennedy,  John,   farm  of,  208 


464 


NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Kiowan    stock,    range    of,    251 
Knives,  types  of   (pi.  4),  51;  Algon- 
kian,  54 

Labor,  application   of,   34 

La  Hontan,  map  locates  Erie  tribe. 
272 

Laidlaw  brothers,    137 

Laidlaw,  Col.  George  E.,  mentioned, 
8;  144,  pipes  described  by,  195 

Lake  Erie,  shore,  246;  early  occupa- 
tion, 247;  encroachment  of,  252 

Language,  American,  not  Asiatic,  23 ; 
stock  languages,  25,  27;  compared, 
104 

Larkin,  Dr  Frederick,  mentioned,  84, 
90 

Laurentian  Iroquois,  106;  form  com- 
pact, 158 

Leatherstocking   chapter,   422 

Lee,  E.  Gordon,  mentioned,  n,  422 

Legends,  of  Iroquois,  130 

Le  Roy  earthwork,  310-13 

List  of   sites,   incomplete,    10 

List  of  artifacts,  43 ;  Richmond  Mills, 
202,  203;  Silverheels,  226 

Longhouse,  the,  159 

Loveland,  R.  D.,  collection,  317,  338, 
339,  355,  450 

McCullough,  Martin,  farm  of,  172; 
picture  of  pit  on,  171 ;  map  of  site, 
173 

McGuire,  Joseph  D.,  cited,  282 

McLean,  J.  P.,  cited,  83 

Madison,   Bishop,  mentioned,  83 

Madisonville,  Ohio,  site  and  artifacts, 
96;  fishhooks  from,  119 

Man,  progress  of,  14;  an  artisan,  15; 
ancestors  of,  17;  made  by  use  of 
tools,  18 ;  distribution  of  through- 
out America,  18;  migrations  of, 
21-22;  age  of,.  39;  early  evidences 
of,  451 

Maps,  topographic,  use  of,  451 

Marine  shells,  217 

Masketts,  of  shell,  108;  of  stone,  397 

Massawomekes,   of   Smith,   274 

Mastodon  bones,  246 


Material  culture,  origin,  13,  14;  area 
of  Algonkian,  47,  49;  Eskimoan, 
79;  mound  builder,  94;  Iroquoian, 
106;  of  Iroquois  contrasted,  130; 
of  Iroquois,  160 ;  early  evidences, 

45i 

Matinicock  point,  344 

Mattern,  Joseph,  collection  of,  450 

Maxwell,  Thomas,  mentioned,  8 

Maynard,   Julius,   mentioned,   317 

Metal  casting,  in  Mexico  and  South 
America,  452 

Metallic  articles  (see  brass,  iron, 
copper)  of  European  origin,  452 

Metapodial  scraper,  from  Richmond 
Mills,  96,  115,  199;  from  coastal 
site,  346 

Metate  (mealing  stone),  general 
notes  on,  415;  Algonkian,  60;  Iro- 
quoian, 416 

Method  of  excavating,  252,  256 

Mica,  of  mound  culture,  85;  not  used 
by  Iroquois,  132 

Micmac  pipes,  68 

Micmac  tribe,  158 

Midcolonial  site  in  Erie  county  (Sil- 
verheels site),  207-37 

Migrations,  routes  of  early,  21,  22; 
not  deliberate,  23 ;  natural  course 
of,  24;  to  South  America,  40;  to 
east  coast,  40;  of  mound-building 
Indians,  94;  of  Iroquois,  96;  old 
theory  of  Iroquois,  106 ;  of  Iro- 
quois, 155,  161 

Mills,  George  Rodman,  mentioned, 
187;  work  of,  190 

Mills,  William  C,  mentioned,  8,  84, 
137;  description  by,  199;  work  of, 
370 

Mohawk-Onondaga,  106;  pottery  of, 
J34;  pipes  of,  148 

Mohawk,  pottery,   137,   158;   customs, 

245 

Monitor  pipe,  90  (pi.  21),  91;  not 
usual  in  Iroquoian  area,  132 ;  pic- 
ture of  (fig.  19),  141;  in  ossuary, 
3i6 

Moonstone,  general  notes  on,  416 
Moore,  Dr  Clarence  B.,  work  of,  84, 
370 


INDEX    TO    THE    ARCHEOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF    NEW    YORK      465 


Moorehead,  \\  arren  K.,  8,  84,  284, 
405 ;  "  Stone  Age,"  cited,  448 

Morphological   characters,  270,   438 

Morgan,  Lewis  H.,  mentioned,  7,  8 ; 
father  of  archeological  science  in 
Xe\v  York,  9;  cited,  401,  450 

Morgan,  Lewis  H.,  Chapter,  422 

Morse,  George,  describes  earth-ring 
at  Ripley,  258 

Mortar,  stone,  general  notes  on,  417; 
Algonkian,  60;  picture  (pi.  9),  61 ; 
Long  Island,  348 

Mortuary  customs,  general  notes  on, 
418;  of  Iroquois,  122;  of  Erie,  264- 
266;  in  Jefferson  county,  327 

Mosley,  C.  F.,  work  at  Le  Roy,  312 

Mound  builder  occupation,  artifacts 
found  in  sites  of,  44;  description, 
83-98 ;  book  on,  83 ;  area  of,  86 ;  in 
New  York,  94;  disappeared,  96; 
predecessors  of  the  Iroquois,  247 

Mounds,  83,  84;  facts  about,  84,  85; 
destroyed,  87;  picture  of,  90;  on 
Squawkie  Hill,  92;  significance  of, 
94;  European  artifacts  not  in  New 
York  mounds,  94 

Mount  Morris  sites,  92 ;  mound  near, 
92 

Mulkin,  Jesse,  field  helper,  footnote, 
246 

Mullers,  general  notes  on,  420;  Al- 
gonkian, 60;  picture  (pi.  130), 
421;  from  Richmond  Mills,  194; 
from  Ripley,  278 

Museum  of  the  American  Indian 
(Heye  Foundation),  reliable  work 
of,  42 

Museums,  methods  of,  42,  448 

Muskhogean  stock,  range  of,  25; 
artifacts,  96 

Muskhogee,   155 

Mutilation,  general  notes  on,  420, 
155 

Native  copper   (see  copper),  387 
Necklace,   shell,   at   Ripley,   296;   pic- 
ture  (pi.   100),  304 
Needles,  bone,  general  notes  on,  422 ; 
Richmond   Mills,    201 ;    Ripley,   292 


Neolithic  period,  451 

Net  sinkers,  226,  278,  348 

Neutral,   tribe,    158 

Newland,  David  H.,  on  specimen,  284 

New  York  State,  field  of  study,  7, 
9 ;  geography  and  resources,  30 ; 
climate,  31;  animals  of,  32; 
thermal  conditions,  33 ;  Indian 
population,  33 ;  occupied  by  white 
men,  34;  archeology  of,  35;  not 
occupied  remotely,  39;  early  sites, 
40;  aboriginal  occupation,  46 

New  York  State  Archeological  asso- 
ciation, general  notes  on,  422; 
publications  of,  448 ;  transactions 
of  Morgan  Chapter,  footnote,  182 

New  York  State  Museum,  work  of, 
42;  general  notes  on,  449;  explora- 
tions, 162,  170;  excavations  at  Rip- 
ley,  248;  bulletin,  256;  bulletins, 
448 

Nohle,  E.  A.,  property  of,  320 

North  America,  man  in,  18;  aborigi- 
nal population  of,  39 

Nuts,  338 

• 

batman,  C.  P.,  mentioned,  317;  col- 
lection of,  458 

Occupation,  periods  of,  Algonkian, 
48 ;  Eskimoan,  79 ;  Mound,  83 ; 
Iroquoian,  98;  red  paint,  227. 

Ocher,  red,  217 

Ohio,  comparisons,  92,  94;  pottery, 
113 ;  influence  on  Richmond  Mills, 
205 

Ohio  State  Archeological  Society,  448 

Ojibwa,   custom,   365 

Oneida,  158 

Oneida  lake,  sites  on,  40 

Onondaga- Oneida,  area,  382 

Onondaga,  pottery  (pi.  47),  142; 
migrations,  158;  early  sites  in 
Jefferson  county,  339 

Opinions,   archeological,    16 

Orientation  of  skeletons,  268;  table, 
269 

Origin  of  man,  problem,   13 

Ossuary,  general  notes  on,  442 ;  of 
Iroquois,  124;  picture  (pi.  62),  175; 


466 


NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


described,    179;   on   Silverheels   site, 
222;    contents    of,    316;    on    Heath 
site,  327;  uses  and  location,  423 
Ovens,  328 

Overton,  Floyd,  site  on  farm  of,  321 
Owl  pipes,  143,  144;  picture  (pi.  145), 

Silverheels,  227 
Oyster  Bay,  sites  on,  344 
Oysters,   used   by   Indians,   346 

Pacific  coast,  a  cradle  land,  24 

Pagans,    160 

Paint   (see  pigment),  227 

Paleolithic  age,  451 ;  implements  of, 
39 

Palisades,  241 

Panther  pipes,  143 

Parker,  Arthur  C,  with  expedition, 
207 ;  mentioned,  422 

Pathological  conditions  of  skeletons, 
271 

Patina,  general  notes,  423 

Patterson,  David,  site  on  farm  of, 
238 

Peabody  Museum  of  Archeology  and 
Ethnology,  reliable  work  of,  42; 
expedition  of,  207;  work  at  Rip- 
ley,  248;  explorations  of  Jefferson 
county,  315 

Peace,  conditions  promoting,  27 

Pearl  beads,  86,  92 

Pelts,  uses  of,  32 

Pendants,  notes  on,  423;  Richmond 
Mills,  195;  picture  (pi.  131),  425 

Perch  Lake  mounds,  316 

Perforated  teeth,  292 

Perforators  (see  drills)  picture  (pi. 
6),  55;  Algonkian,  56 

Pestles,  general  notes  on,  424;  Al- 
gonkian, 60;  picture  (pi.  132),  426; 
from  Burning  Spring,  167;  Rich- 
mond Mills,  194 

Phalanges  (phalanx  or  toe  bones), 
general  notes  on,  428;  used  by  Iro- 
quois  (pi.  40),  129;  mentioned,  292, 
371 

Pick,   stone,  from  Ripley,  278 

Pierson,    Adrian,    n 

Pig,  influence  on  civilization,  34 


Pigeons,  passenger,  numbers  in  New 
York,  32 

Pigment,  general  notes  on,  424;  pur- 
ple, 217;  mentioned,  66,  217,  302, 
345 

Pipes,  smoking  (see  also,  clay  pipes, 
stone  pipes,  etc.),  general  notes  on, 
427;  Algonkian,  68;  picture,  68,  74, 
75;  description,  73,  76;  of  Iroquois, 
141,  146;  range  of  types  (pi.  52), 
152;  (pi.  53),  153,  154;  Richmond 
Mills,  196,  197,  206;  Silverheels, 
234;  picture,  234,  235;  Double  Wall, 
245;  types  from  Ripley,  282;  pic- 
ture (pi.  90),  283;  of  Erie,  290;  of 
Sheridan  site,  308;  of  Le  Roy,  312; 
of  Owasco,  342;  forms  of,  427; 
tubular  forms,  428 

Pitcher   pot,   at   Ripley,    287 

Pitching  tool,  296 

Pits,    166,    190,   242,   308,   328,   345 

Pitted  stones,  107 

Platform  pipes  (see  monitor),  96; 
prototypes  of,  143 

Platymeria,  picture   (pi.   140),  442 

Platycnemism,   picture    (p.    139),   441 

Plummets,  Algonkian,  64;  picture  (pi. 
10),  6^ 

Point  Peter,  site,  240 

Poland  Center  site,  87;  map  of  (pi. 
20),  88 

Polished  slate  culture,  -general  notes 
on,  429;  thins  out,  50;  locality,  90; 
not  Huron  or  Neutral,  96 

Polished  stone,  Algonkian,  68;  of  Iro- 
quois, 107;  Ripley,  278,  280;  pic- 
ture (pi.  133),  431 

Portage  road,  Chautauqua,  247 

Portages  in  New  York,  30;  forti- 
fied, 31 

Position  of  skeletons  (see  Orienta- 
tion), 268 

Postholing  process,  242 

Pots  (see  also  pottery),  Algonkian, 
70-73;  pictures,  70,  72;  Iroquoian, 
from  Theresa  (pi.  27),  103;  from 
Sacandaga  (pi.  28),  105;  patterns, 
135 ;  capacity,  137 ;  from  Silver- 
heels,  231-34;  picture,  231,  232, 


INDEX    TO    THE    ARCH EOLOGICAL    HISTORY    OF     NEW    YORK       467 


233;  with  burials,  233;  position  of, 
266;  at  Ripley,  287-96;  Erie  types, 
287;  forms,  288;  picture  (pi.  92), 
291;  (pl.  93),  294;  (Pi-  94).  295; 
Owasco  lake  (pl.  107),  351;  de- 
scribed, 342;  method  of  making, 
430 

Potsherds   (see  pottery),  195,  312 
Potters  tools,  227,  278;  general  notes 

on,  432;  picture  (pl.  134),  433 
Pottery,  general  notes  on,  430;  Al- 
gonkian,  70;  picture,  70,  72;  Iro- 
quoian  (pl.  29),  109;  Iroquoian, 
no;  compared  (pl.  42),  133;  areas 
in  Iroquoian  culture,  134 ;  decora- ' 
tion  of,  134;  of  Erie  (pf.  43),  135; 
type  forms,  137,  139;  Burning 
Spring,  167 ;  Richmond  Mills,  195 ; 
Silverheels,  231-34;  Double  Wall, 
244 ;  Ripley,  287-96 ;  range  of 
forms  (pl.  91),  288;  pipes  of  (pl. 

95),  297 

Pottery  clay,  289 

Pottery  marker,  348 

Pre-Erie   occupation,   286 

Price,  James,  346 

Primitive  man,  13,  15;  in  Europe, 
18,  19 

Primitive  mind,  universally  similar, 
16 

Primitive  peoples,  similar,  13 ;  of 
Europe,  18,  19 

Problematical  objects,  69 

Problems,  influence  of  climate,  14;  of 
man  in  America,  20 

Proto-human  race,  did  not  develop  in 
America,  20 

Proto-Seneca,  used  pestles,  224 

Provincial   Museum,   Ontario,    195 

Pueblo  peoples,  27 

Putnam,  E.  D.,  n 

Putnam,  Frederic  W.,  mentioned,  8, 
84;  description  by,  199;  directs  ex- 
pedition, 207;  article  published  by 
permission  of,  315 

Quarries,  in  Arkansas,  377;  in  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  377;  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, 378 


Quart/.,  used  as  material,  352 ;  blades 
in  process,  353;  implements  (pl. 
116),  376 

Raccoon  bones,  228,  292 

Red  race  (see  Indians),  similarity  of 
branches,  40 

Red  paint  culture,  general  notes  on, 
432 ;  in  New  York,  42 

Reed,  Alvah,  mentioned,  182,  186; 
finds  pipe,  195 ;  mentioned,  450 

Reed  fort   (see  Richmond  Mills) 

Reed,  George,  mentioned,  182;  gives 
information,  190 

Refuse  pit  (see  also  descriptions  of 
various  sites),  picture  of  (pl.  57), 
165;  at  Gerry,  172;  in  Silverheels 
site,  223 ;  Double-  Wall,  242,  245 ; 
heaps  described,  332,  334 

Relations,  Jesuit,  cited,  245,  272,  273 

Relative  terms,  42 

Reynolds,  H.  L.,  cited,  307 

Rheumatic  exostosis,  217 

Rib,  serrated,  289 

Richmond,  A.  G.,  mentioned,  8 

Richmond  Mills  site ;  artifacts  from, 
43,  96,  115;  detailed  account,  182- 
207;  view  of,  183;  map  of,  185; 
appearance  of,  187;  implements 
from,  188;  list,  203;  classes  of 
implements  from,  204;  age  of,  205; 
conclusions  regarding,  206-7 ;  beads 
from,  366;  combs,  382 

Ripley  site,  detailed  description  of, 
246 ;  geology  of,  246 ;  early  occu- 
pation of  surrounding  region,  247; 
location  of,  248 ;  picture  of  west 
side  (pl.  79),  249;  village  section, 
250;  brook  on  (pl.  80),  251;  dia- 
gram of  trenches  (pl.  81),  253; 
map  of  graves  (pl.  82),  255;  sum- 
mary of  graves,  260-63 ;  depth  of 
graves,  268;  identity  of  inhabitants, 
271 ;  contact  with  Europeans,  272 ; 
date  of  occupation,  276 ;  implements 
from,  276 ;  stone  articles  from, 
277;  polished  stone  from,  280; 
pipes  from,  282 ;  flints  from,  285 ; 
pottery  from,  287 ;  clay  pipes  from, 


468 


NEW  YORK   STATE    MUSEUM 


289-292 ;    bone    articles    from,    292 ; 

antler    articles,    293;    shell    articles, 

296;   copper    (brass)    articles   from, 

300,   306 ;    iron   articles    from,   300 ; 

pigments  from,  302 
River  systems,  bearing  on  routes,   31 
Rocky  mountain  region,  25 
Routes  of  travel,  migrations,  21,  22; 

in  America,  24 
Rubbed  slates,  79;  picture  of  (pi.  18), 

80 
Runtee,    general   notes   on,   434;    Iro- 

quoian,  108 

Rush  mat,  charred,  224 
Rutland  hills,  sites  in,  318 

Sacrifice  of  objects,  189 

Sagard,  notes  on  Erie,  272 

Salts  of  copper,  preservative,  231 

Sandusky,  Ohio,  247 

Saponi,  96 

Schoolcraft,  Henry  R.,  mentioned,  7, 
84,  450 

Schrabisch,  W.  Max,  n 

Scrapers,  54,  336,  286 

Sea  foods,  32 

Semilunar  knives,  Eskimoan,  79;  pic- 
ture (pi.  18),  80 

Seneca,  106 ;  migrations,  186 ;  cus- 
toms, 189;  occupied  Reed  fort,  205; 
site  in  Erie  county,  207 ;  pass  over 
Erie  trail,  247 ;  position  in  League, 

273 
Seneca-Erie,    pot    forms,    139;    pipes, 

148 

Settlers,  white   (see  colonists),  33,  34 
Sheep,  influence  of  on  civilization,  34 
Shelby  earthworks,  313,  314 
Shell  articles,  beads  (pi.  23),  95;  ob- 
jects   from    'New    York     (pi.    26), 
101 ;  ornaments,   108;  necklace   (pi. 
100),  304;   articles    (pi.    101),   305; 
described,    348;    cups,    390;    picture 
of    (pl.   135),  435 
Shell  heap,  345,  347 
Shell   pendant,   general  notes  on,  436 
Sheridan    site,    Gould    farm   on,    307; 
map    (pl.    103),   309;   may  be  Erie, 
310 
Shoemaker,  L.  D.,  collection  of,  450 


Shoshonean  stock,  25 

Silver,  Dilworth  M.,  237 

Silverheels,  Rev.  Henry,  208;  found 
bones,  212 

Silverheels  site,  207-37;  picture  (pl. 
69),  209;  map  of  (pl.  70),  210; 
trenches  on  (pl.  71),  211;  graves 
in,  212;  how  examined,  212;  graves 
(pl.  72),  213;  ossuary  near,  222; 
food  supply  of,  225 ;  artifacts  from, 
226-37;  pottery  from,  231-34;  iden- 
tity of  inhabitants,  237 ;  age  of, 
237 ;  mentioned,  237 

Sinew  stone,  general  notes  on,  436; 
Algonkian,  64;  picture  of  (pl.  136), 
437 

Sinkers,  Algonkian,  58;  Iroquoian,  107 

Siouan,  25 

Sioux,  155 

Sites,  some  puzzling,  42 ;  Algonkian, 
76;  central  New  York,  79;  Eski- 
moan, 79-81 ;  mound,  87-94 ;  early 
Iroquoian,  96 

Skeletal  remains  (see  human  re- 
mains), general  notes  on,  438;  Al- 
gonkian, 49;  in  Gerry  site,  174-79; 
in  Silverheels,  214-16;  picture  (pl. 
73),  216;  (pl.  74),  219;  in  Ripley, 
260-63 !  customs  relating  to,  264 ; 
at  Le  Roy,  311 

Skinner,  Alanson  Buck,  mentioned,  8; 
excavations  by,  49;  cited,  64; 
assists  Harrington,  237 

Skinning  stones,  a  false  name  (see 
celts) 

Skull,  ornament  of,   115 

Skulls,  picture  (pl.  137),  439;  (pl. 
138),  440;  skull  types,  270 

Slate  beads,  227 

Smithsonian  Institution,   172 

Soapstone,  see  steatite,  66 

Southern  influence,  on   Iroquois,   134 

Spear,  general  notes  on,  438;  Algon- 
kian, 52;  picture  (pl.  7),  57;  of 
chalcedony,  286 

Specimens,  general  notes  on,  445; 
important,  7;  weathering,  40;  iden- 
tification of,  41 ;  Algonkian,  50-79 ; 
Burning  Spring,  167;  Richmond 
Mills,  192 


INDKX     TO    THE    ARC'  1 1  I  •:< )!.( )( M(  A  I.     HISTORY    OF     NEW     YORK       469 


Spim-,  deformity,  222 

Spools,  Algonkian,  (>(> ;  picture  (p!. 
10),  65 

Spoon,  hone,  notes  on,  448 

Spoon,  wood,  124;  from  grave,  128 

Springs,  caches  in,  371 

Squash,  202 

Squawkie  hill,  mound  on,  92 

Squier,  E.  G.,  description  by,  310; 
mentioned,  7,  84 ;  quoted,  320 

State  Cabinet,  87 

Steatite,  vessel  of.  66;  pitture,  66; 
pottery  of,  79 

Steel  tools,  395 

Stem  holes,  of  pipes,   15 

Stiles,  President  Ezra,  83 

Stockades,   of    Iroquois,    120 

Stocks,  native  American,  range  of, 
24 ;  Eskimoan,  24 ;  Athapascan,  24 ; 
Siouan,  25 ;  Algonkian,  25 ;  Sho- 
shonean,  25 ;  Caddoan,  25 ;  Kioswan, 
25 ;  Muskhogean,  25 ;  Natchesan, 
25 ;  Tonican,  25 ;  Attacapan,  25 ; 
Chittemachan,  25 ;  Iroquoian,  25 ; 
Uchean,  26;  Eskimoan,  26;  range 
of  Algonkian,  41 ;  contact  with 
Iroquois,  155 

Stone  age,  notes  on,  451 ;  not  the 
same  in  America  as  in  Europe,  451 

Stone  graves,  90,  92,  124 

Stone  pipes,  Micmac,  68;  monitor 
forms,  90;  picture  (pi.  21),  91; 
platform,  96;  not  usual  with  Iro- 
quois, 132;  monitor,  141;  picture 
(fig.  19),  141;  monitor,  143;  bird 
and  animal  forms,  144  ;  picture  (pi. 
48),  145;  forms  (pi.  49),  147;  Rich- 
mond Mills  bowls,  195;  picture  (pi. 
67),  196;  types  from  Ripley,  282; 
picture  (pi.  90),  283;  shapes  at 
Ripley,  284;  in  grave  (pi.  85),  265; 
Jefferson  county,  337;  engraved, 

395 
Stone  tools,  Algonkian,  58;  Iroquoian, 

107;    Burning   Spring,    167;    Gerry, 

180;   Ripley,  276;  picture    (pi.  87), 

277 
Sullivan  expedition,  footnote,  225 


Talcott,  D.,   farm  of,  320 

Teeth,   animal,   artifacts  of    (pi.  36), 

123,  200;  bear,  336 
Tempering  material,  287,  430 
Textiles,    raw    material    for,    32;    in 

mound,    86;    Iroquoian,    124;    mat, 

224 

Thompson,  D.  F.,  collection,  64,  450 
Thunderbird,  393 
Tobacco,    226,    235 ;    charred   in    pipe, 

266 

Tomahawk,  236 
Tonawanda  creek,  site  on,  190 
Tools,  first,  15,  17,  18 
Tortoise,  carapace,  117;   (fig.  13),  117 
Trade  articles,  notes  on,  452 ;  beads, 

217,  218,  235 
Trails,   overland,   31 ;   made  by  game 

animals,  32 
Travel,  early,  31 
Tree  burials,  122,  220 
Trowel,   antler,  296 
Tubes,   stone,  general  notes  on,  453; 

picture  (pi.  21),  91;  (pi.  24),  97 
Tucker,    George    L.,    mentioned,    1 1 ; 

visits  mound  site,  89;  spoon  found 

by,  128;  cited,  400 
Turtle  bones,  225 
Tuscarora,    106 
Tutelo,  96 

Unio  shells,  338 

Use  name,  notes  on,  454 

Van  Deloo,  Jacob,  acknowledgments 
to,  10 

'Van  Valkenburgh,  Ralph,  mentioned, 
450 

Village  sites,  of  Algonkian  tribes, 
76;  in  central  New  York,  79;  Iro- 
quoian, 128 

Vine  Valley,  site,  92 

Vase  shaped  bowls,  picture  (pi.  49), 
147;  from  Richmond  Mills,  195; 
from  Ripley,  282;  described  by 
McGuire,  282 ;  Ripley  forms,  284 

Wallum  Olum,  104 

Walnut  creek,  site  near,  307 

Wampum,  218 


470 


NEW   YORK    STATE    MUSEUM 


Wenroe,  158 

Whistle,  bone  (pi.  33),  116,  119 
White,  John  F.,  mounds  on  estate,  92 
White  man,  coming  of  to  New  York, 

33 ;    found   New  York  suitable   for 

settlement,  34;  goods  of,  160 
Whitlock,    Herbert    P.,    analysis    by, 

3po 

Wigwam,  387 
Willoughby,    Charles    C.,    mentioned, 

8 

Wilson,  Peter,   104 
Wilson,    Thomas,    book   by,    354 
Wisconsin    Archeological    association, 

448 


Wissler,  Clark,  book,  "  The  American 

Indian,"  mentioned,  448 
Witch  charm,  effigy,   117;   mentioned, 

228 

Women,    work    done   by,    387 
Wood,  general  notes  on,  456 
Wooden   handle,  226 
Woodworth,  collector,  317 
Wren,  Christopher,  mentioned,  8 

Yager,  Willard  E,  11;  collection, 
144;  specimens  from,  394;  stamp 
found  by,  400;  collection,  416 

Young,  William  and  Mary,  248